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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned
+Hugo Grotius, by Jean Lévesque de Burigny
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned Hugo Grotius
+       Containing a Copious and Circumstantial History of the Several Important and Honourable Negotiations in Which He Was Employed; together with a Critical Account of His Works
+
+
+Author: Jean Lévesque de Burigny
+
+Release Date: April 12, 2005  [eBook #15606]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF THE TRULY EMINENT AND
+LEARNED HUGO GROTIUS***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Frank van Drogen, Lisa Reigel, and the Project
+Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LIFE
+
+Of the truly EMINENT and LEARNED
+
+HUGO GROTIUS,
+
+CONTAINING
+
+A Copious and Circumstantial History of the several
+
+Important and Honourable Negotiations
+
+In which he was employed;
+
+TOGETHER WITH
+
+A Critical Account of his WORKS.
+
+Written originally in French,
+
+By M. DE BURIGNY.
+
+LONDON
+
+Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand; J. WHISTON and
+B. WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head; and L. DAVIS, at
+Lord Bacon's Head, both in Fleet-street.
+
+M DCC LIV.
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+AUTHOR'S
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+_It were to be wished that such a celebrated Genius as_ Grotius _had
+found an Historian equal to his fame: for in this high rank we can by no
+means place those who have contented themselves with giving a
+superficial account of his Life, and a catalogue of his Works. M._
+Lehman, _to whom we owe_ Grotius's Ghost revenged, _is much fuller than
+any that went before him; yet he is far from having taken in all that
+deserves to be known of that illustrious writer, the two most
+interesting Distinctions of whose Life have been entirely neglected by
+all who have spoken of him; I mean his Negotiations, and his sentiments
+in matters of Religion._
+
+Gaspar Brandt _and_ Adrian Cattenburg _have indeed published a long Life
+of_ Grotius; _but the_ Dutch _language, in which they wrote, is so
+little known, that their book cannot be of general use; with a view to
+which we have made choice of a more universal language, to communicate
+farther light concerning this excellent man, whom every one speaks of,
+tho' few with any certainty._
+
+_His being one of the most learned Authors that ever wrote, was not our
+sole motive for compiling his Life: for if we consider him only in that
+light, and with regard to the excellent treatises with which he has
+enriched the Republic of Letters, perhaps others may be found to compare
+with him. But his Life was so diversified, and filled with so many
+revolutions, that what regards literature is not the most curious part
+of it; greatly differing, in this respect, from the generality of men of
+letters, whole Lives are only the histories of their works. Besides_,
+Grotius's _prudence on all occasions, his modesty in prosperity, his
+patience in adversity, his steadiness in his duty, his love of virtue,
+his eagerness in the search of truth, and the ardent desire which he
+constantly maintained for uniting Christians in one Faith, distinguish
+him so advantageously from most other Scholars, that his Life may be
+proposed as a model to all who make profession of literature._
+
+_It is divided into six Books. The first presents us with the brightest
+genius ever recorded, of a Youth, in the history of the republic of
+letters. The second contains all that is worth being known of the
+disputes between the_ Gomarists _and_ Arminians; _the part_ Grotius
+_took in them; his disgrace, and the manner of his escape out of prison.
+The third relates his transactions at_ Paris, _and his retreat to_
+Hamburg, _where he continued till the great Chancellor_ Oxensteirn _sent
+for him, to employ him in the important and honourable post of
+Ambassador from_ Sweden _to the Court of_ France. _The fourth and fifth
+Books give a detail of his Negotiations; which have never yet been
+published. We have been accustomed to consider_ Grotius _only as a
+Scholar; his embassy is known but by report: we shall see, however, that
+he was employed in affairs of the greatest importance; that he succeeded
+in several; that he gave excellent counsels to the ministry; and that he
+always conducted himself with zeal, firmness, and integrity._
+
+_The sixth and last Book gives an account of such of his Works as we had
+not occasion to mention before; and examines particularly his
+theological sentiments, and his project for a coalition of Christians,
+and bringing them to unite in one creed._
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_Advertisement by the Editor._
+
+The Abbé RAYNAL[1], a judicious French writer, gives the following
+character of this work.
+
+"M. de BURIGNY hath executed his Plan with abundance of erudition, and
+an astonishing depth of enquiry. He has introduced nothing but facts
+well supported, or theological discussions delivered with the greatest
+conciseness and accuracy. Such readers as aim at amusement only, will
+think the author too minute in some places; those who are desirous of
+information will think otherwise. The most valuable part of this work
+is, in our opinion, the just and concise idea which it gives of
+_Grotius's_ several Writings."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mercure François, an. 1752.
+
+
+
+
+APPROBATION.
+
+By Order of my Lord CHANCELLOR, I have read the _Life of
+GROTIUS_. This History, which gives us a pleasing Idea of the
+Extent of the Human Mind, farther informs us, that _GROTIUS_ died
+without reaping any Advantage to himself from his great Talents. For the
+rest, I think it deserves to be made public on account of its relation
+to Literature, and to the general History of _Europe_.
+
+DE MARSILLY
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+TABLE
+
+OF
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+
+       I. Grotius's Origin: The Marriage of Cornelius Cornets with
+          Ermengarda de Groot
+
+      II. He has a Son named Hugo de Groot
+
+     III. Life of Cornelius de Groot
+
+      IV. Life of John de Groot
+
+       V. Birth of Grotius
+
+      VI. Great hopes conceived of him when a boy
+
+     VII. State of affairs in the United Provinces
+
+    VIII. Embassy from the States to Henry IV. of France; Grotius
+          accompanies the Ambassadors; is very graciously received by
+          the king
+
+      IX. His mortification at not having seen M. de Thou; he writes
+          to him; and keeps up an intimate correspondence with him till
+          his death
+
+       X. Grotius gives an edition of Martianus Capella
+
+      XI. Publishes the Limneu[Greek: retichê]
+
+     XII. Publishes the Phoenomena of Aratus
+
+    XIII. Cultivates the study of poetry
+
+     XIV. The States nominate him their historiographer
+
+      XV. Henry IV. of France intends to make him his librarian
+
+     XVI. Commences Advocate; dislikes this employment
+
+    XVII. Is nominated Advocate General
+
+   XVIII. Marries
+
+     XIX. His treatise of the Freedom of the ocean is published
+
+      XX. Prints his book De antiquitate Reipublicæ Batavicæ
+
+     XXI. Is made pensionary of Rotterdam
+
+    XXII. Voyage to England: dispute concerning the Fishery
+
+   XXIII. Grotius's intimacy with Casaubon
+
+    XXIV. A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to
+          Grotius's opinion
+
+     XXV. Sends Du Maurier a method of study
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+       I. Dispute between Arminius and Gomarus
+
+      II. Remonstrance of the Arminians
+
+     III. The troubles increase
+
+      IV. The edict of the States
+
+       V. The States grant the Magistrates of the Towns permission to
+          levy soldiers; which highly displeases the prince of Orange
+
+      VI. Grotius is deputed by the States to Amsterdam; falls ill
+          through chagrin
+
+     VII. The project of reunion proves fruitless
+
+    VIII. Prince Maurice disbands the new levies
+
+      IX. Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz taken into custody
+
+       X. The synod of Dort
+
+      XI. Barnevelt's trial
+
+     XII. The fruitless solicitations of the French court in favour of
+          the Prisoners: Barnevelt's execution
+
+    XIII. Trial and condemnation of Grotius
+
+     XIV. Grotius is carried to the fortress of Louvestein, his
+          occupations
+
+      XV. Grotius escapes out of prison
+
+     XVI. His writings on occasion of the disputes in Holland
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+       I. Grotius arrives at Paris, where he is well received
+
+      II. State of the French ministry: Du Vair's letter to Grotius: the
+          court grants him a pension
+
+     III. Grotius's occupations at Paris
+
+      IV. Grotius publishes his Apology: it is condemned in Holland: the
+          French king takes him again into his protection
+
+       V. He still maintains great connections in Holland; corresponds
+          with Prince Henry Frederic of Nassau
+
+      VI. He publishes his Stobeus, and the Extracts from the Greek
+          Tragedies and Comedies
+
+     VII. Goes to Balagni; is seized with the dysentery; publishes the
+          Phoenissæ of Euripides
+
+    VIII. The death of Prince Maurice; Frederic is made Stadtholder;
+          Grotius writes to him
+
+      IX. Publishes his treatise, De jure Belli & Pacis
+
+       X. Has thoughts of leaving France
+
+      XI. Returns to Holland
+
+     XII. Is obliged to leave Holland
+
+    XIII. Goes to Hamburg
+
+
+BOOK IV.
+
+       I. The High Chancellor Oxensteirn invites Grotius to him: the
+          high esteem in which the latter held the King of Sweden
+
+      II. Grotius is appointed Ambassador from Sweden to the court of
+          France
+
+     III. Situation of the Swedes affairs
+
+      IV. Grotius sets out for France, makes his entry into Paris, and
+          has an audience of the King
+
+       V. Discussions between France and Sweden
+
+      VI. Arrival of the High Chancellor in France: a new treaty
+
+     VII. Disputes between Grotius and the ministers of Charenton
+
+    VIII. Grotius's several journeys to court, and his negotiations with
+          the French ministry: abstains from visiting cardinal Richelieu
+
+      IX. Uneasiness given Grotius
+
+       X. Dispute for precedency with the Venetian Ambassador
+
+      XI. Is of opinion that the Swedes ought not to send
+          plenipotentiaries to Cologn
+
+     XII. Disputes with the Venetian Ambassador
+
+    XIII. Quarrel between the English and Swedes for precedency
+
+
+BOOK V.
+
+       I. Different audiences which Grotius has of the French King
+
+      II. Conversation between the prince of Condé and Grotius
+
+     III. Grotius's negotiations in relation to the truce which was
+          proposed: misconduct of Schmalz
+
+      IV. Grotius is in great danger of his life
+
+       V. Divers audiences of the king and queen
+
+      VI. The death of the duke of Weimar
+
+     VII. The elector Palatine is arrested in France; Grotius obtains
+          his liberty
+
+    VIII. Grotius obtains the exchange of marshal Horn for John de
+          Vert
+
+      IX. Renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden
+
+       X. Deaths of cardinal Richelieu and the French king; the regency
+          of Anne of Austria
+
+      XI. Cerisante is sent to France; Grotius demands to be
+          recalled
+
+     XII. He sets out for Stockholm, and applies to the queen to obtain
+          his dismission
+
+    XIII. Grotius's death
+
+
+BOOK VI.
+
+       I. Grotius's embassy does not interrupt his literary labours
+
+      II. He again applies to the cultivation of poetry
+
+     III. His notes on Tacitus
+
+      IV. ---- notes on Statius
+
+       V. ---- notes on Lucan
+
+      VI. ---- Anthologia
+
+     VII. Antiquities of the Goths
+
+    VIII. Annals and history of the Low Countries
+
+      IX. Treatise of the truth of the christian religion
+
+       X. Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum
+
+      XI. Commentaries on the Bible
+
+     XII. Treatises on Antichrist, and other theological pieces
+
+    XIII. Of the origin of the people of America
+
+     XIV. Other printed pieces or Manuscripts of Grotius
+
+      XV. Grotius's letters
+
+     XVI. Grotius's sentiments in religion very distant at first from
+          those of the Roman Catholics
+
+    XVII. His attachment to antiquity
+
+   XVIII. Leans towards the Roman Catholics
+
+     XIX. Is a partisan of the Hierarchy
+
+      XX. His sentiments concerning the Eucharist
+
+     XXI. His sentiments concerning the seven Sacraments
+
+    XXII. Grotius's sentiments concerning several other points
+          controverted between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
+
+   XXIII. His project for reuniting all Christians
+
+    XXIV. Is accused of Socinianism
+
+     XXV. Opinions concerning Grotius
+
+    XXVI. An account of his family
+
+END of the TABLE of CONTENTS.
+
+
+
+
+BOOKS printed for A. MILLAR in the Strand; Messieurs WHISTON and
+WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head, and L. DAVIS, at Lord Bacon's Head, both in
+Fleet-street.
+
+QUARTO, Just Published, Printed on a fine Paper, illustrated with
+Maps and Copper-plates, Price One Pound ten Shillings bound, The Second
+Edition, Revised and Corrected, of
+
+1. An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea: With
+the Author's Journal of Travels from England through Russia into Persia;
+and back through Russia, Germany, and Holland. To which are added, The
+Revolutions of Persia during the present Century; with the particular
+History of the great Usurper Nadir Kouli. By JONAS HANWAY,
+Merchant.
+
+2. Tables of ancient Coins, Weights and Measures, explained, and
+exemplified in several Dissertations. By JOHN ARBUTHNOT, M.D. Fellow of
+the Royal Society, and of the College of Physicians. The second Edition.
+To which is added, An Appendix, containing Observations on Dr.
+Arbuthnot's Dissertations on Coins, Weights, and Measures, by BENJAMIN
+LANGWITH, D.D. Price 18 s. bound.
+
+OCTAVO.
+
+3. The Life of the Most Reverend Dr. John Tillotson, Lord Archbishop of
+Canterbury, compiled chiefly from his Original Papers and Letters. By
+THOMAS BIRCH, D.D. The second Edition, enlarged. Price 5 s.
+
+4. Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Mr. WILLIAM WHISTON, M.A.
+containing also Memoirs of several of his Friends. Written by HIMSELF.
+The three Parts compleat, in Two Volumes. Price 9 s.
+
+5. The Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle, Esq; with an Account of his
+great Improvements in Natural Philosophy. By THOMAS BIRCH, D.D. Price 5
+s.
+
+6. The Life of Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England. By Mr. MALLET.
+Price 3 s. 6 d.
+
+7. Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, 3 Vol. Price 15 s. 6 d. By JOHN
+JORTIN, M.A. Rector of St. Dunstan's in the East.
+
+N.B. The second and third Volumes may be had separate.
+
+8. Discourses concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion. By JOHN
+JORTIN, M.A. The Third Edition, Price 3 s. 6 d.
+
+9. Mr. Whiston's Sacred History of the World, from the Creation to the
+compleat Establishment of Christianity under the Emperor Constantine the
+Great, Anno Dom. 317. Together with the Prophane History connected.
+Wherein also the Completion of the Prophecies in the Old Testament are
+shewn, and many difficult Passages of Scripture cleared up. Being an
+Improvement of Dean Prideaux, Dr. Shuckford, and Mr. Eachard's
+Histories. In Six large volumes Octavo. Price One Guinea bound.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+
+I. The learned and illustrious Writer whose Life we undertake to give,
+derived the name of Grotius from his great-grandmother, married to
+Cornelius Cornets. This was a Gentleman of Franche-Compté, who travelled
+into the Low-Countries about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and
+coming to Delft, got acquainted with a Burgomaster who had an only
+daughter: He took a liking to her, asked, and obtained her in marriage.
+
+The name of this magistrate was Diederic de Groot, or Diederic the
+Great; his family was of the first distinction in the country; and had
+produced several persons of great merit[2]. It is said the name of
+Great was given to one of Diederic's ancestors, above four hundred years
+ago, for a signal service done his country; and it has been observed[3]
+that all who bore the name of De Groot distinguished themselves by their
+zeal for the public.
+
+Diederic de Groot had several important employments, in which he
+acquitted himself with great honour. The name of his only daughter was
+Ermengarda de Groot: Her father, on giving his consent to her marriage,
+insisted that the children should bear the name of De Groot; and
+Cornelius Cornets agreed to it in the marriage contract. There were
+several branches of the Cornets: one settled in Provence, as we are
+informed by[4] Grotius.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] Acad. Leid. ed. 1614.
+
+[3] Vita Grotii ap. Batesium, p. 420.
+
+[4] Ep. 264. ad Peyresc. p. 91.
+
+
+II. Cornelius Cornets had by his marriage with Ermengarda de Groot a son
+named Hugo de Groot, distinguished by his knowledge of the Greek and
+Latin, and his skill in the Hebrew. He died in 1567, fifth time
+Burgomaster of Delft. He married Elselinga Heemskerke, of one of the
+ancientest noble families in Holland, and by her had two sons,
+Cornelius, and John de Groot.
+
+
+III. Cornelius de Groot, eldest son of Hugh, was born at Delft on the
+25th of July, 1544. He studied with much success at the University of
+Louvain, at that time very famous. The Greek and Hebrew he knew
+perfectly, and was well acquainted with the Mathematics. The Platonic
+Philosophy pleased him extremely, and he retained a liking to it all his
+life: he had read all the books of the sect, had commented their works,
+and knew them almost by heart.
+
+The Law wholly took him up afterwards: he went to study it at the
+faculty of law at Orleans, the most celebrated for that science, and
+took the degree of Licentiate. Returning home he followed the Bar; some
+time after, he was nominated Counsellor and Echevin: William prince of
+Orange made him Master of Requests.
+
+The University of Leyden being founded in 1575, Cornelius de Groot
+resigned his post in the magistracy, to follow his ruling inclination of
+being useful to youth; and did not think it beneath him to accept of a
+Professor's place in the new University: he first taught Philosophy, and
+was afterwards made Law-professor; an employment that pleased him so
+much, he preferred it to a seat in the Grand Council at the Hague, which
+was several times offered him, but which he constantly refused. His
+reputation was so great, the Grand Council often consulted with him on
+affairs of importance. Six times he was honoured with the dignity of
+Rector, a place of great honour and authority: the members of the
+University, and all who are enrolled in the Rector's book, depend on his
+jurisdiction; before him their causes, civil and criminal, are brought,
+and from his sentence there is no appeal: a revisal of it is all that
+can be demanded. Cornelius de Groot died without issue in the year 1610,
+on the same day of the month of July on which he was born. He left
+several Law Tracts which have never been printed.
+
+
+IV. John de Groot, brother to Cornelius and second son of Hugh, studied
+under the famous Justus Lipsius, who esteemed him much: in some letters
+of that learned man to John de Groot he speaks of him with great
+commendation. There is one, written in 1582, in which Lipsius tells him,
+"You have loved the Muses, they have loved you, they will love you, and
+I too with them will love you." We have still preserved by his son[5] a
+translation in verse, made by him in his youth of some Greek verses of
+Palladas. He also wrote a Paraphrase on the Epistle of St. John; which
+Hugo Grotius mentions in one of his Letters[6].
+
+Four times he was Burgomaster of Delft, and Curator of the University of
+Leyden: this last was a place of great consequence at that time. There
+are only three Curators in the University of Leyden; one is taken from
+the body of the nobility, and nominated by them; the two others are
+chosen by the States of the Province from among the cities of Holland,
+or the Courts of Justice.
+
+The Curators with the Burgomasters of Leyden have the direction of
+whatever regards the welfare and advantage of the University; they chuse
+the Professors, and have the care of the finances and revenues for
+payment of their salaries.
+
+John de Groot filled the place of Curator with great dignity and honour.
+Daniel Heinsius wrote some verses in his praise, in which he styles him
+the Apollo and Protector of the Muses.
+
+This dignity did not hinder him from taking the degree of Doctor of
+Laws. In the remaining part of his life he attached himself to the Count
+of Hohenloo, who made him his Counsellor.
+
+In 1582 he married Alida Averschie, of one of the first families in the
+Country; by whom he had three sons and a daughter. He died in the month
+of May 1640. In the same year his wife lost her eyesight; she lived till
+the beginning of the year 1643[7].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[5] Stobæus, Tit. 98. p. 413.
+
+[6] Ep. xxii. p. 751.
+
+[7] Ep. 499. p. 898. Grotii Ep. 638. p. 948.
+
+
+V. Of the marriage of John de Groot with Alida Averschie was born the
+celebrated Hugo de Groot, better known by the name of Grotius: he was
+the first fruit of their coming together. Almost all who have mentioned
+his birth[8] fix it on the tenth of April 1583. The President Bouhier
+pretends they place it a year too late; and that he was born on the
+tenth of April 1582. To prevent the authority of such a learned man,
+which has already seduced several writers, from misleading others, we
+shall shew that by departing from the general opinion he has fallen into
+an error. Grotius writes to Vossius on Easter Sunday 1615[9], that on
+that day he reckoned thirty-two years: He dates another letter[10] to
+Vossius the twenty-fifth of March 1617; Easter-eve, "which, he observes,
+begins my thirty-fifth year." April 11, 1643, he says he had completed
+sixty years[11]. On Easter-day 1644 he reckons sixty-one years[12]. He
+acquaints us in his Poems[13], that he was fifteen when he went first to
+France: he went there in 1598; and speaking of Easter 1614 he informs
+us[14] he was then one-and-thirty. From all these different calculations
+it is manifest that Grotius was born in 1583.
+
+It must be owned, however, that the proof on which the President Bouhier
+builds his opinion, would be decisive, if there were no error in the
+text of a[15] letter written by Grotius to his brother, April 14, 1640,
+in which he says, "I have completed my fifty-eighth year:" but the other
+passages of Grotius just cited demonstrate that the editors of this
+letter, instead of _incepi_, I have begun, read _implevi_, I have
+completed: which Grotius could not have written without contradicting
+himself.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[8] Athenæ Batavæ, p. 205. Life of Grotius prefixed to his works. Le
+Clerc, Hist. de Hollande, l. 12. t. 2. See the critical Remarks on
+Bayle's Dict. ed. 1734.
+
+[9] Ep. 55. p. 18.
+
+[10] Ep. 95. p. 41.
+
+[11] Ep. 648. p. 952.
+
+[12] Ep. 697. p. 965.
+
+[13] Page 213.
+
+[14] Poemata, p. 217.
+
+[15] Ep. 491. p. 896.
+
+
+VI. It was therefore on the tenth of April in the year 1583, that
+Grotius was born, at Delft. It was Easter-Sunday that year: and he
+always observed the anniversary of that feast as his birth-day[16].
+
+He came into the world with the most happy dispositions. Nature bestowed
+on him a profound genius, a solid judgment, and a wonderful memory.
+Several authors report[17] that being employed to review some regiments
+he retained the name of every soldier. He was but eight years old, when,
+in 1591, he wrote some elegiac verses, very pretty for that age:
+afterwards he thought them not good enough to publish. M. le Clerc
+informs us, that he had seen a copy of them in the possession of a very
+able man, who purposed to write the life of Grotius.
+
+Nothing contributed more to his amazing progress, than the excellent
+education he received. He was so happy, as to find in his own father a
+pious and able governor, who formed his mind and his morals. He did not
+confine himself to making his son a man of learning, he purposed making
+him a good man. The young Grotius, like Horace, has celebrated his
+gratefulness for so good a father in some verses still extant. He often
+declared in the course of his life,[18] that he could never sufficiently
+acknowledge his obligation to his father and mother for the principles
+of piety they instilled into him. We learn from his letters[19], that
+his preceptor was one Lusson, whom he calls an excellent man; and seems
+to have been greatly affected with his death: which is all we know of
+him.
+
+He was scarce past his childhood[20] when he was sent to the Hague; and
+boarded with Mr. Utengobard, a celebrated clergyman among the Arminians,
+with whom he kept up the most tender friendship till his death, in
+return for the care he had taken of his education. Before he was twelve,
+he was sent to the famous university of Leyden to perfect himself: and
+continued there three years with the learned Francis Junius, who was so
+kind to superintend his behaviour. Joseph Scaliger, the ornament of the
+university of Leyden, who enjoyed the most brilliant reputation among
+the learned, and whom his worshippers regarded as the Dictator of the
+republic of Letters, was so struck with the prodigious capacity of young
+Grotius, that he condescended to direct his studies. In 1597 he
+maintained public theses in Mathematics, Philosophy, and Law with the
+highest applause. Hence we may judge with what ardour he applied to
+study. He tells us himself that he spent a part of the night in it.[21]
+The device which he adopted[22] shews that he had reflected on the
+swiftness of time, and the necessity of employing it well.
+
+The reputation of this learned youth spread every-where; and learned men
+spoke of him in their works as a prodigy. So early as the year 1597
+Isaac Pontanus calls him a young man of the greatest hopes; Meursius, in
+1599, declared he had never seen his equal. James Gilot, in a letter
+written from Paris to Meursius in 1601, affirmed the capacity of young
+Grotius bordered on prodigy; the famous Poet Barlæus said the childhood
+of Grotius astonished all the old men. Daniel Heinsius maintained that
+Grotius was a man from the instant of his birth, and never had
+discovered any signs of childhood. He was scarce eleven when John Dowza
+bestowed the highest encomiums on him in some verses that might deserve
+to be copied entire: he can scarce believe that the great Erasmus
+promised so much as the young Grotius: and foretels that he will soon
+excel all his cotemporaries, and be fit to be compared with the most
+esteemed of the Antients.
+
+At this early age, Grotius ventured to form plans, which required very
+great learning; and he executed them to such perfection, that the
+Republic of Letters was struck with astonishment. But as he did not
+publish these works till after his return from France, we shall defer
+giving an account of them till we have first spoken of his journey
+thither, and displayed the situation of affairs in Holland, in whose
+government Grotius had soon a share.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[16] Ep. 490. p. 895.
+
+[17] Borremansius. Crenius Anim. Hist. t. 1. p. 20. Du Maurier.
+
+[18] Ep. 490, p. 895.
+
+[19] Ep. 500. p. 884.
+
+[20] Apol. c. 20.
+
+[21] In natalem patris, p. 199.
+
+[22] _Hora ruit._
+
+
+VII. He came into the world precisely at that time when the affairs of
+the United Provinces were in the greatest disorder. It was the year[23]
+that the duke of Anjou wanted to surprize Antwerp; and that the
+greatest lords, in despair of being able to resist the formidable power
+of the king of Spain, were seeking to obtain a pardon. To add to their
+distress, William prince of Orange, the greatest support of the infant
+Republic, was murdered the year following, 1584, at Delft. His talents,
+his experience, and his reputation were the principal resource of the
+Malcontents. The confusion, in which he left affairs, grieved him so
+much, that his last words were, _Lord, have pity on this poor people_.
+Every thing was prepared, when he died, for proclaiming him Count of
+Holland. The provinces of Zealand and Utrecht did not oppose it: only
+the cities of Amsterdam and Goude made some difficulty: however, the
+thing was so far advanced, that the States of Holland sent a deputation
+to those two cities, to acquaint them, if they refused any longer to
+give their consent, the States would nevertheless consummate the affair.
+The deputation had been gone a month, when the prince was assassinated
+on the tenth of July.
+
+The States in this kind of anarchy requested Henry III. of France to
+receive them for his subjects; but the embarrassments the League gave
+him hindered his accepting their offer. On his refusal they had recourse
+to Queen Elizabeth, who concluded a treaty with them, by which she
+engaged to furnish five thousand foot, and a thousand horse, under an
+English general, and to pay these troops during the war on condition of
+being reimbursed when it was over: and it was stipulated that for
+security of the payment some towns, particularly Flushing in Zealand,
+and the Brille in Holland, should be put into her hands, to be restored
+to the States when the money was repaid. The Queen of England at the
+same time published a manifesto, setting forth, that the alliance
+between the Kings of England and the Sovereigns of the Low Countries was
+not so much between their persons as between their respective States:
+from whence she concluded that, without violating her alliance with the
+King of Spain, she might assist the people of the Low Countries
+oppressed by the Spaniards.
+
+The Earl of Leicester was appointed to command the succours sent by the
+Queen to Holland. The States, to express their gratitude to England,
+declared him Governor and Captain-General of the United Provinces. No
+sooner did he see himself invested with this great power, than he began
+under-hand to form projects destructive of the liberty of the country he
+came to defend: it has been said, he designed to make himself Sovereign
+of the Provinces of which he was only Governor. He soon became odious to
+every one; and after a campaign, in which he performed no considerable
+exploit, returned to England to take measures for facilitating the
+execution of his ambitious designs.
+
+The States, who had no longer any confidence in him, gave, in 1587, the
+command of their own army to Count Maurice of Nassau, son of the Prince
+of Orange. He was then only eighteen: but he quickly justified by many
+signal successes the hopes they had conceived of him. The Earl of
+Leicester, returning to Holland, resolved to employ force to accomplish
+his design of making himself Sovereign: he wanted to get possession of
+several places at once; but his scheme for surprizing Leyden being
+seasonably discovered, all correspondence between the States and him was
+entirely broken off. The Queen recalled him, and sent in his room Lord
+Willoughby, who was to command only the English. The States thereupon
+appointed Count Maurice of Nassau Captain-General: the Grand Pensionary
+Barnevelt, who had distinguished himself by his firmness in opposing
+Leicester, contributed greatly to this nomination.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[23] Ann. Grotii L. 4. p. 81.
+
+
+VIII. The United Provinces had bravely defended their liberty for
+several years: it was a subject of astonishment to all Europe, that such
+a small State should be able to resist the formidable power of King
+Philip II. Henry IV. having triumphed over the League, had nothing more
+at heart than the restoring peace and order to his kingdom that had been
+exhausted by a long series of misfortunes, and found it impossible to
+bring about this without making peace with Spain. He communicated his
+intentions to the Dutch[24] above a year before there was any talk of
+negotiating: for though he had not been their adviser to take up arms,
+he wished they might make their peace at the same time he did: but the
+States would have no peace on the conditions on which Spain pretended to
+grant it: the French king's resolution, of consequence, put them in a
+great consternation, because they foresaw the whole force of Philip II.
+was coming to fall on them. They took a resolution to send to Henry, in
+1598, Count Justin of Nassau and the Grand Pensionary Barnevelt, to
+intreat him to continue the war, and not make a separate peace.
+
+The Dutch Ambassadors, in conjunction with Lord Cecil, Ambassador from
+England, omitted nothing to determine the King to conclude a new treaty
+of perpetual alliance with Holland and England against Spain. The King
+prayed them to consider, that the state of his affairs required him to
+make peace; but, for the rest, it would not hinder him, in case the
+Queen of England and the States did not chuse to be comprehended in the
+treaty, from doing them service; that the peace itself would enable him
+to assist them with money, without leaving Spain any room to complain,
+as he could pretend that he only repaid what money they had lent him in
+his greatest wants.
+
+The congress of Vervins, already begun, was still continued. Henry
+sincerely desired a general peace: and accordingly ordered Mess. de
+Bellievre and de Silleri, his plenipotentiaries, to obtain from the
+Archduke Albert a truce of four months between Spain and Holland; hoping
+that means of reconciliation might be found in that interval. The
+Archduke at first refused it: and this denial had well nigh broke off
+the congress: he consented at last to a truce of two months: but the
+Dutch would not accept it, finding the term too short. The only
+advantage which the States drew from this embassy was a promise from the
+King to assist them, in four years, with two millions nine hundred
+thousand florins; as Barnevelt informs us.
+
+Grotius, who had a strong inclination to see France, seized the
+opportunity of the Dutch ambassadors journey: he accompanied the Grand
+Pensionary, for whom he had the highest esteem, and justly regarded as
+one of the principal supports of the infant Republic.
+
+The learned Youth was advantageously known in France before. M. de
+Buzanval, who had been ambassador in Holland, introduced him to the
+King, by whom he was graciously received: that great prince presented
+him with his picture and a gold chain. Grotius was so transported with
+this present, that he caused a print of himself, adorned with the chain
+given him by Henry, to be engraved. He gives the history of this Embassy
+in the seventh book of his _Annals_: but is so modest not to mention
+himself. He reflects, however, with pleasure, in some part of his[25]
+Poems, on the honour he had of speaking to such a great King. "I had the
+honour to kiss the hand of that Hero, who owes his kingdom only to his
+valour."
+
+Grotius took advantage of this journey to get himself created Doctor of
+Laws.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[24] Mem. de Bellievre & de Silleri, T. 2. p. 348.
+
+[25] In Pasch. 1612.
+
+
+IX. After having been near a year in France, he returned to Holland. He
+had the greatest pleasure in his journey: one thing only was wanting to
+his satisfaction, a sight of the celebrated M. de Thou, the person among
+all the French whom he most esteemed. He had fought to get acquainted
+with that great man; but did not succeed. As soon as he returned to
+Delft, he wrote him[26] that he had been a year in France; had the
+pleasure of seeing a fine kingdom, a great king, very valuable noblemen,
+but had the mortification of not seeing him; that he would endeavour to
+repair this misfortune by his letters; and that he took the liberty to
+present him with a book he had just dedicated to the Prince of Condé.
+
+This Letter was extremely well received by the President; and from that
+time to the death of M. de Thou, notwithstanding the disproportion of
+their age and fame, a most intimate correspondence subsisted between
+them.
+
+Grotius sent him, July 4, 1600,[27] the _Epithalamium_ he had written on
+the Marriage of King Henry IV. with Mary of Medicis. Mention was made in
+it of the Massacre on St. Bartholomew's day: this was an invidious
+subject; but the author, after consulting Scaliger, thought he could not
+dispense with recalling the remembrance of that horrid scene. He was in
+doubt whether he ought to publish this piece: he asked the President de
+Thou's advice; and till he had his answer, shewed the verses to none.
+Whether it was that M. de Thou advised him to suppress them, or that he
+took this step of himself[28] because there were several facts in the
+_Epithalamium_ not strictly true, it is not to be found in the
+collection of his _Poems_. He intended to dedicate some Work to the
+President, as a public testimony of his profound esteem for that
+excellent Magistrate, whom he regarded as the greatest Man of his
+age[29].
+
+M. de Thou soon perceived the great merit of young Grotius; and had the
+highest affection for him[30]. They corresponded by Letter whilst the
+President lived: Grotius sent him memoirs[31] for his _History_, and
+hints relating to the lives and deaths of illustrious men in the United
+Provinces.
+
+It was a thing infinitely pleasing, and at the same time extremely
+honorable to a youth between seventeen and eighteen, to be most
+intimately connected with one of the greatest men of his time, already
+advanced in years, who filled a post of much eminence, and whom all
+Europe beheld with admiration. The friendship and esteem of such a
+personage is the highest encomium.
+
+M. de Thou gave Grotius, towards the end of his life, sincere proofs of
+the concern he took in his quiet and welfare. That great Historian, who
+had experienced the fiery zeal of some Divines, beheld with pain his
+friend engaging in controversies which would render him odious to a
+powerful party. As if he had foreseen what was soon to happen, he
+advised him to drop these dangerous disputes. Grotius wrote him in
+answer, that he had entered into them only through necessity, to serve
+his Country and the Church; that he thought himself obliged to obey
+those who wished he would write on those matters; that, for the rest, he
+would avoid, for the future, all disputes which were not absolutely
+necessary. This Letter is the last we have of the valuable
+correspondence between those illustrious men: the President de Thou died
+soon after. Grotius wrote his _Elogium_ in verse, addressed to Francis
+Augustus de Thou his son, and in this Poem, which was composed at the
+time he escaped from Antwerp to go to Paris, he appears to regret much
+that he had not the felicity to see his illustrious Father. It is looked
+on as one of the best Grotius ever wrote.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[26] Ep. 1. p. 1. April 1, 1599.
+
+[27] Ep. 2. p. 1.
+
+[28] Ep. 3. p. 1.
+
+[29] Poemata, p. 262. Ep. 24. p. 7.
+
+[30] Ep. 1581. p. 711. Ep. 325. p. 115.
+
+[31] Ep. 3. p. 1. Ep 4. p. 1.
+
+
+X. Grotius, who had resolved to follow the Bar, pleaded his first cause
+at Delft in the year 1599, at his return from France. The study of law
+and poetry employed one part of his time; he spent the other in
+publishing the works he had prepared for the press. The first he gave to
+the public was _Martianus Capella_. This is one of those obscure
+authors, who are commonly not read till we have nothing else to learn:
+the title of his work is, _Of the marriage of Mercury and Philology, in
+two books; to which are annexed seven other books on the liberal arts_.
+The author was an African, and his style, like that of most authors of
+his nation, obscure and barbarous; which makes it not easy to be
+understood. Before this there was no good edition of his works. John
+Grotius had put into his son's hands a manuscript of Capella: Hugo
+shewed it to Scaliger; and this learned man, whose counsels were
+commands to the young Grotius, engaged him to study that author, and
+publish a new edition of him.
+
+Though Grotius was then but fourteen, the difficulty of the undertaking
+did not discourage him: he read all the works that had relation to the
+matters Capella treated of; and at length acquitted himself of the task
+enjoined him by Scaliger with such abilities and success, as, to use Mr.
+Baillet's words, astonished the whole world.
+
+The work appeared in 1599. It would have been published before, but for
+his journey to France, and some delays occasioned by the bookseller.
+Grotius also informs us, that he would have printed it sooner, had he
+been less taken up with the study of the law.
+
+To judge of Grotius' labour it will be sufficient to read what he says
+in the preface. "We have collated _Capella_ with the several authors who
+have treated the same subjects: in the two first books with those who
+have written of the sentiments of the ancient Philosophers, Apuleius,
+Albricus, and others too tedious to name, on Grammar we have compared
+him with Grammarians: what he has said on Rhetoric, with Cicero and
+Aquila; on Logic, with Porphyry, Aristotle, Cassiodorus, Apuleius; on
+Geography, with Strabo, Mela, Solinus, Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on
+Arithmetic, with Euclid; on Astronomy, with Hygin, and the rest who have
+treated that subject; on Music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius, Boëthius."
+
+Rightly to understand _Capella_ requires an acquaintance with all the
+Sciences. The principal use of his book is to shew how far the knowledge
+of the Ancients extended. Grotius, when in France, had often the honour
+of paying his court to the young Prince of Condé, at that time
+presumptive heir of the crown: he was so well pleased with his genius,
+and learning, which was above his years, that he dedicated his _Capella_
+to him. The dedication is dated December 29, 1598.
+
+Men of the greatest learning publickly expressed their surprise to see a
+child of fifteen produce a work that would have done honour to the most
+celebrated Man of Letters. Scaliger made a very high encomium on the
+young author in some fine verses which are much to Grotius' honour. The
+President de Thou was very well pleased with _Capella_. [32]Casaubon
+declared that whatever high idea he might have of Grotius' labour, the
+success exceeded his hopes. [33]Vossius, in fine, after assuring Grotius
+that he had very happily restored _Capella_, compares the editor to
+Erasmus; and affirms that the whole world could not produce a man of
+greater learning than Grotius[34].
+
+The more we consider this work, the greater difficulty we have to
+believe it to have been executed by a boy. We would sometimes be
+inclined to think the great Scaliger had a hand in it; but this is only
+a conjecture: that Grotius was assisted by his father is very certain;
+he tells us so himself.
+
+Some perhaps will be glad to know how Grotius managed with the
+booksellers: for even little details that relate to famous men yield a
+pleasure. He never took money for the copy, though, he tells us, some
+people of good fortune were not so delicate: but he asked a hundred
+books on large paper handsomely bound, to make presents to his friends;
+it being unjust, he said, that while he served the public and enriched
+the booksellers, he should injure his own fortune.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[32] Ep. Gr. 3. p. 1.
+
+[33] Ep. Caus. 1030.
+
+[34] De Hist. Lat. lib. 3
+
+
+XI. The same year, 1599, Grotius published another work which discovered
+as much knowledge of the abstract sciences in particular, as the edition
+of _Martianus Capella_ did of his learning in general.
+
+Stevin, Mathematician to Prince Maurice of Nassau, had by his orders
+composed a small treatise for the instruction of pilots in finding a
+ship's place at sea. He formed a table of the variations of the needle,
+according to the observations of Plancius, a famous geographer, and
+added directions how to use it.
+
+Grotius translated into Latin this work, which he could not have
+understood without knowing the Mathematics, and particularly Mechanics;
+Statics, and the art of working a ship, and of finding her place at sea,
+being branches of that science.
+
+This translation he dedicated to the Republic of Venice by a letter
+dated April 1, 1599; in which he says, that having been in France about
+a year before, with the Ambassadors of the States, he there saw Signior
+Contarini, Ambassador of Venice; that a comparison happening to be made
+in conversation between the Republics of Holland and Venice, he
+immediately resolved to dedicate to the Venetians the first work he
+published that might be agreeable, or worthy to be presented to them;
+that an opportunity now offer'd of fulfilling this resolution, and that
+he dedicated to them the translation of Stevin's work because Prince
+Maurice had recommended it to the colleges of the Admiralty to be
+studied by all officers of the Navy; and as the Republic of Venice
+attentively cultivated Navigation, this book might be as useful to her
+as to Holland.
+
+
+XII. The year following, that is to say, 1600, Grotius published the
+Treatise which Aratus, of Sola in Cilicia, composed in Greek on
+Astronomy, two hundred and some odd years before the birth of Christ.
+It is known by the name or the _Phænomena of Aratus_. The title fully
+shews what Grotius gives in this book. It contains the Phænomena of
+Aratus in Greek with Cicero's Latin interpretation, the places where
+Cicero's Translation is wanting being supplied; a Translation of the
+same Phænomena, ascribed to Germanicus; the fragment of Aratus's
+Prognostics, and the forms of the constellations as found in a
+Manuscript; with Remarks upon the whole, the Paraphrase of Festus
+Avienus, and marginal notes.
+
+This work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West Friesland: the
+author in the dedication promises them others more considerable. The
+book is a prodigy of science and erudition: it discovers a great
+knowledge of Physics, and especially of Astronomy. The Latin verses made
+by Grotius to supply those of Cicero that were lost, are not inferior to
+the lines of that great man, in the opinion of the Abbé d'Olivet, an
+excellent judge, who likewise thinks the supplement a very good
+commentary on Aratus's work. The corrections made by Grotius in the
+Greek are most judicious; and his notes shew he had read several of the
+Rabbi's, and had some tincture of the Arabic.
+
+Scaliger[35], M. de Thou, and Lipsius, speak of this edition with the
+highest praise. Lipsius, in thanking Grotius for his Aratus, says that
+notwithstanding his childhood he looks on him as his friend: he
+congratulates him, that, tho' so very young, he had by force of genius
+and labour accomplished what few could do in the flower of their
+age[36].
+
+Casaubon[37] tells us, every one was surprised at such an extraordinary
+production. Bonaventura Vulcanus, who took occasion from Grotius's
+publishing this book, to write his elogium in verse, says in the
+conclusion, that Apollo had opened to him his sanctuary, and that he was
+himself an Apollo.
+
+Grotius's modesty would not permit him to leave us ignorant that he had
+been assisted by his Father in this work. It may be proper to observe,
+that a library in Germany contains a copy of Grotius's edition of the
+Phænomena of Aratus, collated with an ancient manuscript by the learned
+Nicholas Heinsius, who has added some Notes[38].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[35] Ep. Scal. 375. Ep. Gr. 2.
+
+[36] Ep. Lips. ad Belgas, Cent. 3. p. 83.
+
+[37] Ep. 130.
+
+[38] Fab. Bib. Gr. lib. 3. c. 18.
+
+
+XIII. These grave and profound studies did not hinder Grotius from
+cultivating Poetry. He had made some verses in his childhood which were
+thought very pretty: he continued this manner of writing in the midst of
+his greatest occupations, and with such success, that he was looked on
+as one of the best Poets in Europe.
+
+The Prosopopoeia[39] in which he makes the city of Ostend speak, after
+being three years besieged by the Spaniards, is reckoned one of the best
+pieces of verse since the Augustan age. Public fame gave it at first to
+Scaliger because he was considered as the greatest poet of that time.
+The celebrated Peyresc[40] hinted it to that learned man, who made
+answer, he was too old not to be the aversion of the Virgins of Helicon;
+and that the verses were not written by him, but by Grotius, a most
+accomplished youth. Notwithstanding this declaration, Mathieu, in the
+_Life of Henry IV._ ascribes them to Scaliger. They were thought so
+excellent, several men of learning set about translating them into
+French, particularly Du Vair, afterwards Keeper of the Seals; Rapin,
+grand Provost of the Constabulary, and Stephen Pasquier. Malherbe
+himself, the Oracle of the French Parnassus, did not think it beneath
+him to put this Epigram into French verse: and Casaubon translated it
+into Greek.
+
+Grotius did not confine himself to writing small pieces of verse: he
+rose to tragedy. We have three written by him. The first was called
+_Adamus exsul_. He sent it to Lipsius, who liked it[41]; and it was
+printed at Leyden in 1601. The author was afterwards dissatisfied with
+it, and would not suffer it to appear in the collection of his Poems
+published by his brother[42]. _Christus patiens_ was his second tragedy.
+It was printed at Leyden in 1608, and much approved. Casaubon greatly
+admires its poetic fire[43]. Sandes translated it into English verse;
+and dedicated it to Charles I. It was very favourably received in
+England; and in Germany it was proposed as the model of perfect Tragedy.
+
+The subject of his third Tragedy was the story of Joseph; and its title
+_Sophomphaneas_, which, in the language of Egypt, signifies the Saviour
+of the world. Vossius assures Meursius it is the most perfect thing in
+its kind the age has produced[44]: Vondel, a celebrated poet of Holland,
+translated it into Dutch: and Grotius expressed a high sense of Vondel's
+friendship, in condescending to translate his works, when he could write
+much better of his own[45].
+
+The most learned critics, many of whom were good versifiers, agreed that
+Grotius excelled in Poetry. Scaliger acknowledged his epigrams were
+admirable[46]. Casaubon being informed that Grotius had written some
+verses on the death of Theodore Beza, says, "he heard with infinite
+pleasure that so great a man had his elegy written by so great a
+poet[47]." Baudius calls him the darling friend of the Muses, and
+acquaints us that Scaliger thought some of his small poems equal to the
+best of the ancients[48]. Gerard Vossius speaks of him as the greatest
+poet of his age, and the prince of poetry. In fine, M. Baillet, who had
+examined the many opinions given of Grotius, assures us, that all who
+read his poems approved of them; that those of fine taste, and who could
+judge of epigrams, found many of his admirable, some discovering the
+subtilty of his genius, and the fertility of his imagination; others,
+the happy turn which he could give to his thoughts and expressions.
+
+Even his enemies did not presume to deny him the praise of an excellent
+Poet; and Salmasius, in a letter written with design to lessen Grotius's
+reputation, and dictated by jealousy, injustice, and spleen, allows
+however he was a great Poet. "But," he adds, "every one in this country
+prefers Barlæus; and many, even Heinsius." Balzac, who in other things
+did justice to Grotius, wished he had employed his poetic talents only
+on proper subjects. "I never saw," says he, "the Swedish Ambassador, but
+I have long esteemed his genius: and if he had not put the _Institutes_
+into verse, and published some other pieces of the same nature, I should
+esteem him still more." But it is proper to observe that these were the
+amusements of his childhood, and never intended to be made public.
+Grotius had a meaner idea of his poetical talents, than even the rivals
+of his glory. "As to merit in poetry (he writes to the President de
+Thou) I yield it to every one."
+
+It was William Grotius who published the collection of his brother's
+poems. Some of them, and these not the best, had been printed before in
+Germany very incorrect: which induced William to look over his brother's
+papers, extract the poems, and publish them with those already printed.
+This Collection is dedicated to Vandermile, son-in-law of the Grand
+Pensionary Barnevelt, Deputy to the States General, Curator of the
+university of Leyden, and the great friend of Hugo Grotius. The
+dedication is dated September 1, 1616. A Letter of Grotius, written the
+14th of December in the preceding year, informs us he was very averse to
+his brother's project. He foresaw that he would one day be reproached
+with this edition; which accordingly happened, particularly when,
+endeavouring to reconcile the two Religions, he incurred the hatred of
+Rivet and some other ministers, who seeking to destroy his reputation,
+declaimed against his epithalamiums, and found fault with his
+introducing the false divinities in the manner of the ancient poets, and
+his speaking of war rather as a zealous citizen, than a pacific
+Christian. These reproaches touched him: and in the latter part of his
+life he wished only his sacred poems had been preserved[49]. But,
+notwithstanding the peevishness of those Divines, Grotius's Poems had a
+great run, were printed in England, and several times reprinted in
+Holland.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[39]
+
+     Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis,
+     Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruinæ
+     Nunc quoque fata timent, alieno in littore resto.
+     Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem.
+     Sævit hiems pelago, morbisque furentibus æstas;
+     Et nimium est quod fecit Iber crudelior armis.
+     In nos orta lues: nullum est sine funere funus;
+     Nec perimit mors una semel. Fortuna, quid hæres?
+     Qua mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes?
+     Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto
+     Quæritur, et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est.
+
+[40] Gassendi's Life of Pyresc, lib. 2. p. 79.
+
+[41] Ep. 99. Feb. 3, 1602.
+
+[42] Ep. 87. ad Vossium, p. 34.
+
+[43] Casaub. Ep. 597. p. 313.
+
+[44] Ep. 313. p. 317.
+
+[45] Ep. 527. p. 204.
+
+[46] Scaligerana p. 178. ed. 1695.
+
+[47] Ep. 1089.
+
+[48] Ep. Baudii, 100. Cent. 3. Scal. Poemata, p. 359.
+
+[49] Discus. Apolog. Rivetiani, p. 740. Ep. 504, p. 885. Ep. 558. p.
+924. Ep. 664. p. 956. Ep. 736. p. 974.
+
+
+XIV. The United Provinces still bravely maintained their liberty against
+the efforts of Spain, who since the peace of Vervins had collected her
+whole force against them. The glory they acquired by this illustrious
+defence determined them to make choice of an Historian who might
+transmit with dignity to after-ages the signal exploits of this
+memorable war. Several learned men made great interest for the place;
+among others Baudius, the famous Professor of Eloquence in the
+university of Leyden: but the States thought young Grotius (who had
+taken no step to obtain it) deserved the preference: and what is still
+more singular, Baudius himself did not find fault with their choice,
+because he looked upon Grotius to be already a very great man.
+
+
+
+XV. His high reputation was on the point of procuring him, about the
+same time, a very honourable settlement in France. King Henry IV.
+sensible that he ought to have a man of the greatest merit at the head
+of his Library, had, at the recommendation of M. de Villeroi, while
+Gosselin his librarian was yet living, fixed upon Casaubon, who at that
+time had the greatest name for literature. This affair was carried on
+mysteriously: The King desired to see Casaubon in private: he told him,
+that he intended to make him his librarian; and that Gosselin could not
+live above a year; adding, with the frank and noble air which so well
+became that great Prince: "You shall see my fine books, and tell me what
+they contain; for I don't understand them myself."
+
+Gosselin lived three years after this conversation, till 1603. The
+Jesuits being informed Casaubon was to be set over the King's Library,
+represented to his majesty the inconveniences of confiding a treasure of
+that nature to the most obstinate of all heretics. This made some
+impression on the king: nevertheless he was afraid of a clamour were it
+known that he refused an employment promised to a Protestant on account
+of his religion. He consulted with some persons; and they advised him to
+send to Holland for Grotius, whom he knew, and appoint him his
+librarian; which would make the Public ascribe the change to some
+private discontent, and not to religion. Casaubon, apprised of what was
+doing, remained perfectly quiet: but the President de Thou, thinking the
+King's honour concerned in keeping his word, warmly solicited in his
+favour, and, after the affair had been suspended some weeks, Casaubon
+was at length nominated. Grotius had had no part in this whole
+proceeding: accordingly Casaubon was so far from being offended with
+him, that, writing to Daniel Heinsius, December 29, 1603, he assures him
+if the place could have made Grotius's fortune, he wished he had got
+it, because he loved him, and admired his prodigious genius.
+
+
+XVI. Grotius was at that time principally employed as an Advocate. He
+tells us that to make himself master of the forms of law, he carefully
+studied the practical part, transcribing precedents of Petitions,
+Prosecutions, and Defences. He pleaded his first cause when he was but
+seventeen, with universal applause, which he maintained whilst he
+continued at the Bar. We learn the method he followed in his pleadings
+from a letter to his son Peter advising him to imitate it. "That you may
+not, says he, be embarrassed by the little order observed by those
+against whom you speak, mind one thing, of which I have found the
+advantage. Distribute all that can be said on both sides under certain
+heads, which imprint strongly in your memory; and whatever your
+adversary says, refer it to your own division, and not to his[50]."
+Grotius's great attention was to avoid prolixity and confusion in his
+pleadings[51].
+
+The employment of an advocate, though he acquired infinite honour by it,
+did not however please him. The reasons of his dislike we have in a
+letter to Daniel Heinsius, dated July 21, 1603. "Besides that law-suits
+are improper for a peaceable man, what doth he derive from them? They
+procure him hatred from those against whom he pleads, small
+acknowledgments from his clients, and not much honour with the Public.
+Add to this, that the time spent in things so little agreeable, might be
+employed in acquiring others much more useful. I should have been a
+better philosopher, more master of the Greek, better acquainted with the
+manners of the Ancients, with the Poets, and Philologists, if I had
+practiced less as an Advocate."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[50] Ep. 1134. p. 512.
+
+[51] Ibid.
+
+
+XVII. His brilliant success at the Bar, which he treats as ungrateful,
+procured him, however, a very considerable promotion. The place of
+Advocate-general of the Fisc for Holland and Zealand becoming vacant, it
+was unanimously conferred on Grotius. This is an employment of great
+distinction and authority, the person invested with it being charged
+with the preservation of the public peace and the prosecution of
+offenders. It was in 1607 he took possession of this important office,
+which he filled with so much reputation, the States augmented his
+salary, and promised him a seat in the Court of Holland.
+
+
+XVIII. John Grotius, on his son's being made Advocate-general, began to
+think of a wife for him; and fixed upon Mary Reigersberg, of one of the
+first families in Zealand, whose father had been Burgomaster of Veer:
+the marriage was solemnised in July, 1608. The greatest encomium of the
+new-married lady is, that she was worthy such a husband as Grotius. The
+most perfect harmony subsisted between them, and Grotius held her in the
+highest esteem[52]. This alliance gave occasion to a number of poems.
+John Grotius wrote his son's Epithalamium; Daniel Heinsius composed a
+Poem on that subject, which, in the opinion of Grotius, was the best of
+the kind that ever had been written. Grotius himself celebrated his
+nuptials in some Latin verses, approved of by Scaliger, and translated
+them into Dutch: he also wrote some in French on that occasion.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[52] Ep. 423. p. 876.
+
+
+XIX. At the time of his marriage he was employed in a work of great
+importance, which was not published till the year following. This was
+his _Freedom of the Ocean, or the Right of the Dutch to trade to the
+Indies_; dedicated to all the free nations of Christendom, and divided
+into thirteen Chapters. The author shews in the first, that by the law
+of Nations navigation is free to all the world: In the second, that the
+Portuguese never possessed the sovereignty of the countries in the
+East-Indies with which the Dutch carry on a trade: In the third, that
+the donation of Pope Alexander VI. gave the Portuguese no right to the
+Indies: In the fourth, that the Portuguese had not acquired by the law
+of arms the sovereignty of the States to which the Dutch trade: He shews
+in the fifth, that the ocean is immense and common to all; that it is
+absurd to imagine that those who first navigate a sea ought to be judged
+to have taken possession of it; that a vessel which cuts the waves of a
+sea, gives no more right to that sea, than she leaves marks of her way
+in it; that, besides, the Portuguese are not the first who sailed in the
+Indian sea, since there are facts which demonstrate it was neither
+unknown to the Ancients, to the Spaniards, nor to the Carthaginians, nor
+even to the Romans. The sixth chapter proves, that the right of
+navigation in that sea cannot belong exclusively to the Portuguese by
+virtue of Alexander VI's donation, because donation cannot take place in
+things which enter not into trade; and that, besides, the Pope is not
+master of the sea. In the seventh chapter it is shewn, that the Eastern
+sea, or the right of navigation in it, cannot belong to the Portuguese
+by prescription, since prescription being only by the civil law it
+cannot operate against the law of nature, by virtue of which, navigation
+in that sea is free to all the world; that, moreover, prescription doth
+not take place in things that cannot be alienated, such as the sea, the
+use of the sea, and things common to all men: add to this, that the
+opposition of other nations, and their navigation in that sea would have
+hindered the prescription. It is proved in the eighth, that by the law
+of nations the commerce between nations is free, and cannot be
+prohibited without injustice. In the ninth it is shewn that the trade to
+the Indies doth not belong to the Portuguese, exclusive of other
+kingdoms, because they first took possession of it, since the title of
+first occupant takes place only in that which is corporeal. The tenth
+proves, that the Pope could not grant the Portuguese an exclusive trade
+to the Indies: the eleventh, that this trade does not belong to them by
+prescription: the twelfth, that nothing is more unjust than the claim to
+an exclusive trade set up by the Portuguese. The author concludes his
+work with the thirteenth chapter, exhorting the Dutch to continue their
+trade to the Indies in time of war, of truce, or of peace.
+
+This work was printed without Grotius's knowledge, and published without
+his consent. He appears not to have been quite satisfied with it: "My
+intention (says he in a letter to Camerarius, May 20th, 1637) was good;
+but the work favours too much of my want of years." They wrote against
+him in Spain: "I know (he writes his brother, April 1, 1640) that a
+treatise was written some time ago, at Salamanca, against mine _Of the
+Freedom of the Ocean_, but it was suppressed by the King of Spain."
+Another appeared, in 1625, at Valladolid, entitled, _De justo imperio
+Lusitanorum Asiatico_, by one Francis Seraphin de Freiras. _The Freedom
+of the Ocean_ was refuted in England by the famous Selden in his work
+entitled _Mare clausum, seu de dominio maris_. Grotius thought the
+Spanish author's book not ill done, and deserving of an answer[53]; and
+was pleased with the politeness shewn him by Selden[54]. But at the time
+these Answers appeared Grotius was so dissatisfied with the Dutch, he
+did not think himself obliged to employ his time for people void of
+gratitude. "Let them seek among my Judges (said he by way of irony on
+their ignorance) for one to answer the Spaniard[55]." As to Selden's
+book, Grotius seemed not to mind it; he looked on himself as no longer
+concerned in the controversy. "I wholly forget what I have been, says
+he, when I see those to whom I have done so great services, remember me
+only to hurt me." These sentiments of an indifference bordering on
+hatred he did not entertain till after the Dutch had done every thing to
+make him uneasy, as we shall see in the sequel.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[53] Ep. 144. p. 796.
+
+[54] Ep. 364. p. 858.
+
+[55] Ep. 144. p. 796.
+
+
+XX. The year after the publication of the treatise _Of the Freedom of
+the Ocean_, Grotius printed his work _De antiquitate reipublicæ Batavæ_,
+divided into seven chapters. In the first the author shews what is an
+aristocratical government: In the second he gives the history of the
+ancient Batavi, whose government, he says, was aristocratical, under the
+command of a head, who was sometimes styled King. He explains, in the
+third, the state of the Republic of the Batavi in the time of the Roman
+empire; and building on a passage of Tacitus he pretends they were
+allies, and not subjects of the Romans. In the fourth he enquires into
+the government of the Batavi after the fall of the Roman empire; from
+which æra till the establishment of the Counts of Holland we know very
+little of that nation. The author treats, in the fifth chapter, of the
+government of Holland in the time of the Counts. The first elected to
+that dignity was named Diederic, of Friesland, and was Count of the
+whole nation: He was not a vassal of the Empire, and, as Philip of
+Leyden observes, he was Emperor in his County. He was not so absolute as
+a Monarch, and though the Dutch in chusing their Counts generally
+followed the order of primogeniture, they never set up a Prince without
+first requiring of him an oath, to conform to the laws: so that he
+reigned rather by the consent of the people, than by right of
+succession. The power of the Counts was limited by law; and the taxes
+were always imposed by the States. In the sixth chapter the author shews
+that Philip II. King of Spain, endeavouring to change their form of
+government, occasioned the grand war which procured Holland her liberty.
+Grotius explains, in his seventh and last chapter, the form of
+government established in Holland after the Dutch threw off the Spanish
+yoke. The work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West-Friesland,
+March 16, 1610.
+
+The States were extremely pleased with it: they returned their thanks to
+the author, and made him a present[56]. He afterwards added notes,
+serving for proofs of the several facts: these were carried away with
+his other papers at the time of his arrest; but the Elzevirs, intending
+to publish a new edition of it, acquainted Grotius, who was at pains to
+get the notes returned; and they are now printed at the end of the
+Elzevir edition. His love to his country led him to advance several
+things in this work, which he afterwards owned to be mistakes[57]; in
+particular, that the Batavi had always been free, and not subject to the
+ancient Franks[58].
+
+While this book was in the press, Grotius, and his father, who commonly
+assisted him in his writings, translated it into Dutch[59].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[56] Apolog. C. 1.
+
+[57] Ep. 635. p. 947.
+
+[58] Grotii manes, Conringius, Pope, p. 947.
+
+[59] Ep. 662. p. 834.
+
+
+XXI. Elias Oldenbarnevelt, Pensionary of Rotterdam, and brother to the
+Grand Pensionary of Holland, dying in 1613, the city of Rotterdam
+offered that important place to Grotius, whose name was so famous,
+foreigners sought to draw him to them by offers of honours and lucrative
+posts, which love to his Country made him constantly reject. It was some
+time before he yielded to the desires of Rotterdam. By the ferment of
+mens minds he foresaw that very great commotions would speedily shake
+the Republic; this made him insist with the gentlemen of Rotterdam that
+he should never be turned out of his place of Pensionary: and on their
+promising accordingly, he accepted the employment, which gave him a seat
+in the assembly of the States of Holland, and afterwards in that of the
+States General.
+
+Hitherto Grotius had had very little connection with the Grand
+Pensionary; but from this time contracted an intimate friendship with
+him, which gave him the greater pleasure as he was most desirous of the
+counsels of a man of so much experience, who had been himself nine years
+Pensionary of Rotterdam, and above thirty years Grand Pensionary of
+Holland (in which employment he had done his Country most essential
+services) and who was famous not only in Holland, but in foreign
+countries, for his many embassies, and acknowledged prudence and
+abilities.
+
+The great intimacy between them gave rise to a report, that the Grand
+Pensionary, who was sensible of Grotius's great merit, and who loved
+him, designed to have him made Grand Pensionary. We have this particular
+from Grotius himself[60], who assures us he never desired that high
+office, the rather as his health would not then permit him to discharge
+the many functions belonging to it. For by the Grand Pensionary the
+States see, hear, and act; and though he has no deliberative voice, and
+is the lowest in rank, his influence is the greatest. He manages
+Prosecutions, receives Dispatches, and answers them, and is as it were
+Attorney-General of the States: before he be called to be
+Grand-Pensionary, he is nominated Advocate of the States.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[60] Apol. C. 19.
+
+
+XXII. There was at that time a high dispute between the English and
+Dutch concerning the right of fishing in the northern seas. Two vessels
+had sailed from Amsterdam to Greenland to kill walrus, a sea-animal,
+larger than an ox, with the muzzle of a lion, the skin covered with
+hair, four feet, and two large teeth in the upper jaw, flat, hard, and
+so white that in colour and value they equal those of the elephant: some
+even give them the preference, because, besides their exceeding
+whiteness, they are not subject to grow yellow. These two vessels having
+caught twenty-two walrus, were met by some English vessels bound to
+Russia, who hail'd them, and demanded whether they had pasports from the
+King of Great Britain to fish at Greenland? The Dutchmen answered, that
+the Sea was free, and they had pasports from Count Maurice their
+Stadtholder. "That is not enough, said the English[61]: and to let you
+know that that sea belongs to the King our master, if you will not give
+us instantly the walrus you have taken, with your boats, nets, and
+instruments for killing them, we'll send you to the bottom." The two
+Dutch vessels, unable to resist, were obliged to obey. Returning to
+Holland, they made their complaint; and the affair being laid before the
+States, it was resolved that Grotius, who had written on the subject and
+was more master of it than any one, should be sent to England to demand
+justice: But, says the _Mercure François_, he found the old proverb
+true: The strongest are masters of the sea, and such never care to make
+restitution: so that he could obtain no satisfaction.
+
+This denial of justice from the English determined the Dutch not to go
+to Greenland for the future without a force sufficient to revenge
+themselves on the English, or to have nothing to fear from them.
+
+The dispute growing serious, to prevent any acts of hostility, and to
+know on what grounds they went, a conference was held in 1615 between
+the Commissaries of England and Holland, in which the debate turned
+chiefly on the whale-fishery. Grotius, who was one of the Commissaries
+from the Province of Holland, gives the history of this conference in a
+Letter to Du Maurier, dated at Rotterdam, June 5, 1615. The Dutch
+Commissaries put the English to silence, by demonstrating, that neither
+the land nor the sea of Greenland belonged to them, and that they had no
+right to hinder the Dutch to navigate and catch whales in that sea, of
+which none could claim the property. That the land did not belong to
+them, because till the year 1596 no mortal had set foot on it; that the
+Dutch discovered it the year before, and gave it the name it still
+retains, as may be seen in all the modern geographers, on the globes,
+and carts. The English wanted to reply that Hugh Willoughby discovered
+it in 1553: but the Dutch shewed even by the Journal of his voyage, that
+setting out from Finland he landed on the Island which bears his name,
+at a great distance from Greenland; that he died of hunger and cold,
+with all his companions, on the coast of Lapland, where the Laplanders
+found him, next summer, and from whence his Journals were sent to
+England. The English, not knowing what to answer, said, it was a high
+indignity to their master, to dispute a right of which he had hitherto
+been in peaceable possession; and that their instructions imported, they
+should break off the conference unless the Dutch would acknowledge
+England's claim to Greenland. What was still more diverting (continued
+Grotius) they added, that they had not then their titles, but would shew
+them to Caron, the Dutch Agent in England, and, they flattered
+themselves, on seeing them, he would yield the point. They like better
+(adds he in the conclusion) to deal with him, than dispute with us,
+because they will take his silence, as they have done already, for
+submission.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[61] Mercure François, an. 1613.
+
+
+XXIII. If Grotius had ground to be dissatisfied with the
+disingenuousness and injustice of the English Ministry in his
+negotiation concerning the Fishery, he had at least reason to be pleased
+with the politeness of King James, who, Casaubon informs us, gave
+Grotius a most gracious reception, and was charmed with his
+conversation. But the greatest pleasure he received by this voyage was
+the intimate friendship he contracted with Casaubon. They knew one
+another before by character, and highly esteemed each other. They were
+made to be intimate friends: in both the most profound erudition was
+joined with the most perfect probity. They had still another sympathy to
+knit faster the band of this union: both ardently wished to see all
+Christians united in one faith and desired nothing more, than to be
+employed in that great work. They have left behind them testimonies of
+the satisfaction they found in each other's acquaintance. "For my part,
+says Grotius in a letter to John Frederic Gronovius[62], I reckon it one
+of the greatest felicities of my whole life to have been loved by a man
+as illustrious for his piety, his probity, and his candor, as for his
+extensive learning. It was by his counsels or those of persons he
+approved that I conducted myself in the most difficult times."
+
+"I respect no less, says he in another letter, his frankness and his
+probity, than his uncommon erudition. His letters sufficiently prove
+what great friendship he had for me."
+
+We find in fact that they contain evidences of the highest esteem for
+Grotius. To Daniel Heinsius he writes, April 13, 1613, "I am very well;
+and cannot say enough of my felicity in enjoying the friendship of such
+a great man as Grotius. O that incomparable man! I knew him before: but
+fully to comprehend the excellency of his divine genius, one must see
+him, and hear him converse. His countenance speaks probity, and his
+discourse discovers the deepest learning and the most sincere piety.
+Think not that I only am his admirer; all learned and good men entertain
+the same sentiments for him, particularly the King."
+
+Casaubon writes to the President de Thou, April 20, 1613, to acquaint
+him what pleasure he had received by seeing Grotius. "I must let you
+know, says he, that I have seen here Hugo Grotius. He is a man of
+admirable probity and learning[63]."
+
+They had long conversations together on religion. Casaubon ardently
+desired a reunion of the Protestants with the Roman Catholics[64]: and
+would have set about it, had he staid longer in France, as he informed
+Descordes, who repeated it to Grotius. He greatly respected the opinions
+of the ancient church[65], and was persuaded its sentiments were more
+sound than those of the Ministers of Charenton. Grotius and he had
+imparted their thoughts to each other before the voyage to England: for
+Casaubon congratulates him, January 8, 1612, on his desiring nothing but
+peace and a coalition; and communicated Grotius' sentiments to King
+James; who approved of them. This shews that Grotius thought it was
+wrong to depart from the discipline and forms of the ancient church:
+Casaubon was of the same mind; and his Letter to M. de Thou is a
+demonstrative proof that these two excellent men did not differ in
+matters of Religion. "I esteem him highly, says he[66], on account of
+his other great qualities; for he judges of the modern subjects of
+religious controversy like a learned and good man; and in his veneration
+for antiquity agrees with the wisest."
+
+The last Letter which we have from Casaubon to Grotius comprehends all
+these sentiments in few words[67]: "I heartily pray God to preserve you
+ever: and as long as I live, I shall hold you in the highest esteem, so
+much am I taken with your piety, your probity, and your admirable
+learning."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[62] Ep. 1168. p. 530.
+
+[63] Ep. 883 p. 531.
+
+[64] Ep. Grotii 610.
+
+[65] Ep. Grotii 613.
+
+[66] Ep. 531.
+
+[67] Ep. 890.
+
+
+XXIV. After his return from England, Grotius happened to be one day at
+the Assembly of the States of Holland and West-Friesland when an affair
+of consequence was under consideration. The States had granted
+commissions to several Privateers, some of which made depredations on
+the friends of the Republic, and, afterwards quitting the country,
+scowered the seas, refusing to return though summoned. Some people of
+Pomerania who had been ill used by these Corsairs, applied to the States
+for redress. The Question therefore was, Whether the States were
+answerable for the act of those privateers, either as having employed
+bad men in their service, or neglected to require security from them on
+giving them commissions. Grotius' advice being asked, his opinion was,
+that the States were only bound to punish the offenders, or deliver them
+up, if taken; and, for the rest, to make satisfaction to the sufferers
+out of the effects of the pirates. We learn from himself on what he
+grounded his opinion[68]. The States, said he, were not the cause of
+those unjust practices, nor had any part in them: so far from it they
+have prohibited, by express ordonnances, the injuring of our friends.
+They were not obliged to ask security from the privateers, since,
+without granting formal commissions, they might permit all their
+subjects to plunder the enemy, as was formerly practised; and the
+permission they granted to those privateers was not the cause of the
+damage they did to our allies, since any private person may, without
+such permission, fit out vessels, and sail on a cruize. Besides, it was
+impossible to foresee that these privateers would turn out wicked; and
+there is no taking such precautions as to employ only honest men. When a
+prince's troops, whether by sea or land, contrary to his order, injure
+his friends, he is not responsable for it; as appears from what has been
+acknowledged by France and England. To make one answerable for the acts
+of those who are in his service, even when no fault of his gave any
+occasion to them, would be to decide the question not by the law of
+nations, but by the civil law; and even the rule is not general in the
+civil law.
+
+The States were determined by this opinion.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[68] De jure belli et pacis, lib. 2. c. 17. § 20.
+
+
+XXV. The multitude of affairs with which Grotius was oppressed, and the
+continual journeys he was obliged to make, left him no time for
+cultivating Polite Literature. In the midst of his occupations Du
+Maurier, the French Ambassador in Holland, and his particular friend,
+having resolved to begin a course of study, applied to Grotius for
+directions. We shall here give an extract from his answer[69], because
+it may be of use to grown persons desirous of acquiring literary
+accomplishments.
+
+He shortened his method as much as he could out of regard to Du
+Maurier's age, dignity, and affairs. He advises him to begin with Logic,
+not that of Aristotle, which is too long, and contains many things of no
+great use: an abridgment was sufficient, such as Du Moulin's, the most
+esteemed at that time. "But your assistant, says he, must read the best
+that has been written on the subject, and communicate to you what is
+most remarkable: much may be learnt in an hour or two spent in this
+manner." The same method he would have observed in the other sciences,
+and even with regard to books; that is to say, the person under whom Du
+Maurier studies must read the best writers on every subject; and extract
+what is most essential, to be repeated to him. After Logic he directs
+him to the study of Physics, which he would not have carried too far;
+and recommends some plain and short abridgement: he could think of none
+at that time but _Jacchæus_. He is of opinion, that as in Logic the
+rules of syllogism are chiefly to be attended to, so in Physics the
+enquiry into the nature and functions of the soul is of most importance.
+After Physics he advises him to proceed to Metaphysics, of which he
+might get some notion from Timplerus' book, which is neither long nor
+obscure. The study of Moral Philosophy is to be begun with Aristotle,
+whose books to Nicomachus are the best. "Your reader, says he, must give
+you in a small compass what the ablest interpreters have said. It is
+also necessary to be acquainted with the sentiments of the different
+sects of Philosophers; for without that knowledge you will be much at a
+loss in reading the Ancients, and profit little by them." To unbend
+after this serious study, some other short and agreeable books that have
+a relation to it may be read: such as _Ecclesiasticus_, the _Wisdom of
+Solomon_, _Theognis_, _Phocilides_, the _Golden Verses ascribed to
+Pythagoras_, _Epictetus's Enchiridion_, _Hierocles_, and the
+_Commentaries of Arrian_; not omitting the _Characters of Theophrastus_.
+What the Poets have written on Morality may also be perused; with some
+select Tragedies of Euripides, _Terence's Comedies_, and _Horace's
+Epistles_. Young people and grown persons admire different things in
+these writings: the beauty of the style pleases the first: the others
+learn by them to know men. To these works may be added _Cicero's
+Offices_, a piece not enough esteemed, purely because it is in the hands
+of every one; some of _Seneca's Epistles_, the Tragedies that go under
+his name; and the best of Plutarch's smaller pieces. After having gone
+through _Aristotle's Politics_, the excellent extract by Polybius of
+Republics is to be read; with the _Harangues of Mecænas and Agrippa to
+Augustus_, in Dion; and _Sallust's Letter to Cæsar_. _Plutarch's Lives
+of Pericles_, _Cato_, _the Gracchi_, _Demosthenes_, _and Cicero_, must
+not be omitted: much may be learned too from _Cicero's Letters to
+Atticus_, if they were translated by one well acquainted with the Roman
+History of that period.
+
+After this would be the proper time for reading _Aristotle's Rhetoric_:
+for, as is well remark'd by that great man, who possessed all the arts
+and sciences in an eminent degree, from Morals and Politics must the
+arguments be drawn that are to convince mens understandings; that is to
+say, it is impossible to be truly eloquent without extensive knowledge.
+The better to perceive the use of the precepts it would be proper to
+read with attention some Orations of Demosthenes and Cicero,
+particularly those which relate to public Affairs, such as the
+_Philippics_, the _Olinthiacs_, the Oration _pro lege Manilia_, that
+against the _Agrarian Law_, and some others. The next thing, to be
+applied to is _Jus publicum_, that is to say, the knowledge of the
+different forms of government, the Conventions between Nations, and, in
+fine, whatever regards Peace and War. The treatises of Plato and Cicero
+_On Laws_ shew in what manner the principles of this law are to be
+deduced from morality. It will not be unprofitable to read likewise, or
+at least to run over the second book of _St. Thomas Aquinas_, especially
+what he says of Justice and Laws: The _Pandecta_, particularly the first
+and last book, the first and the three last books of _Justinian's
+Codex_, point out the use to be made of those principles. The Lawyers
+who have best handled the questions relating to the Law of Nations and
+_Jus publicum_, are Vasquès, Hotoman, and Gentilis. After the
+acquisition of these several branches of knowledge, the study of History
+will be extremely useful, by the application which may be made of the
+examples to the precepts. History is to be begun with an abridgement of
+universal history; such as _Justin_, _Florus_, and the abridgement of
+_Livy_. But in reading History a man ought to please his own taste: for
+they all contain many useful things: and we retain best those we read
+with pleasure. In general, we ought not to begin with the most ancient,
+but with such as, being nearer our own times, have greater relation with
+what we know already: we may afterwards go back to what is more distant.
+It is proper to observe, that there is more advantage to be reaped from
+reading the Greek historians who have written the history of Rome, than
+the Latin, who have treated the same subject; because Foreigners give
+more attention to the public manners and customs, than the Natives.
+
+M. du Maurier received this Letter with the highest satisfaction; he
+permitted several copies to be taken of it, and it was printed by the
+Elzevirs in 1637, in a collection of several Methods of Study, under the
+title of _De omni genere studiorum recte instituendo_.
+
+Grotius acquaints us[70] that it was published with out his consent.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[69] Ep. 54. p. 17.
+
+[70] Ep. 740. p. 976.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+
+Grotius has hitherto appeared to us chiefly as a Man of Learning: we are
+now going to consider him entering into the affairs of the Republic,
+wholly employed in restoring the peace of his country, and receiving for
+the reward of his pacific intentions an imprisonment, which would in all
+probability have been perpetual, had not the ingenious friendship of his
+wife with great address procured his liberty. But as the occasion of
+these events was the warm dispute kindled in the United Provinces
+concerning Grace and Predestination, we must resume things a little
+higher.
+
+
+I. In the year 1608, while the truce between the Spaniards and the
+United Provinces was negotiating, Arminius, an eminent Professor in the
+University of Leyden, departing from the rigid sentiments of Calvin,
+publickly taught, that God, foreseeing Adam's sin, had resolved to send
+his only Son into the world to redeem mankind; that he had ordained
+Grace to all to whom the Law should be preached, by which they might
+believe if they would, and persevere; that this grace offered to all
+men was of such a nature, that not only it might be resisted, but men
+actually did often resist it; and that God had only chosen or reprobated
+those, who, he foresaw, would embrace or reject the grace offered them.
+
+Gomar, another Professor in the University of Leyden, warmly opposed
+this doctrine; maintaining, that by an eternal and irreversible decree
+God had predestinated some to everlasting life, and others to eternal
+damnation, without regard to their actions; that the grace given to the
+Elect was so powerful, they could not resist it; and that Jesus Christ
+did not die for the Reprobate.
+
+The doctrine of Arminius was directly opposite to that of Calvin:
+accordingly it met with great opposition; and he was accused before the
+Synod of Rotterdam, in which Gomar's party prevailed.
+
+Arminius, who knew that the Magistrates were as warm for him, as the
+Clergy and Professors were against him, presented a petition to the
+States of Holland and West-Friesland, praying that the Grand Council
+might take cognisance of this dispute. His adversaries maintained that a
+theological contest ought to be judged by a church judicature:
+Arminius's petition, however, was granted, and Gomar obliged to appear
+with him before the Magistrates, who promised to have the affair
+speedily discussed in a Synod; and forbad, in the mean time, the
+advancing any thing contrary to the Holy Scriptures, the Confessions of
+faith, and Catechism. The Grand Council reported to the States, that the
+whole dispute was about some obscure questions concerning Grace and
+Predestination.
+
+Barnevelt happening to say he thanked God that the fundamental points of
+Religion were not in question, Gomar, who was present, obtaining leave
+to speak, said, among other things, he would be very sorry to appear
+before God with Arminius's sentiments.
+
+The dispute still continuing with much bitterness, in 1611 the States of
+Holland ordered the principal Ministers of the two parties to appear
+before them: Twelve accordingly attended, six Arminians and six
+Gomarists, and disputed in presence of the States on Predestination, the
+Death of Christ, the necessity and nature of Grace and Perseverance. The
+States heard them, but would determine nothing, only recommended to them
+to live in peace. But the consequence of this conference was like that
+of all other disputes, especially in matters of religion, mens minds
+were the more inflamed and provoked.
+
+Arminius died on the 19th of October, 1609, some time before this
+conference; and Grotius made his elogium in verse. He had hitherto
+applied little to these matters, and even, writing to Rutgersius,
+December 24, 1609, he ingenuously owns, he did not understand a great
+part of them, because they were foreign to his profession. He had no
+inclination to offend Gomar in commending Arminius: he speaks with great
+moderation of their disputes, and doth not even affirm that the
+sentiments of Arminius were the only true ones: but entering afterwards
+into a more strict examination of those points, he was convinced that
+the idea we ought to have of God's goodness and justice, and even the
+earliest tradition of the church, favoured Arminius's system, and
+contradicted that of Gomar: and in these sentiments he persevered till
+his death.
+
+
+II. The partisans of Arminius, desirous to efface the bad impressions
+which Gomar's discourses and those of his adherents had made on the
+minds of the public, met privately, and drew up a Remonstrance, dated
+January 14, 1610, which they addressed to the States of Holland, setting
+forth, that they did not believe, like their adversaries.
+
+1. "That God, by an eternal and irreversible decree, had predestinated
+men, whom he did not consider as created, and still less as culpable,
+some to everlasting life, and others to everlasting death, without
+regard to their good or evil actions, from his mere good pleasure, for
+the praise of his Mercy, or his Justice, or, as others say, to manifest
+his saving grace, his wisdom, and his absolute power: And that God has
+also, by an eternal and immutable decree, preordained the proper methods
+of executing his will, by which those who are predestinated to salvation
+are saved in a necessary and inevitable manner, so that it is impossible
+they should perish; and such as are predestinated to eternal death (who
+are the greater part of mankind) are necessarily and inevitably damned,
+so that they cannot be saved.
+
+2. "That God, according to others, willing from all eternity to make a
+decree for electing some men and rejecting others, considered the human
+race not only as created, but also as fallen and corrupted in Adam and
+Eve our first parents, and thereby deserving of the curse; and that he
+resolved to deliver by his grace some men from this fall and damnation,
+for the manifestation of his mercy, and to leave others, both young and
+old, and even the children of those who are in the Covenant, and died in
+their infancy, by his just judgment, under the curse, for the
+manifestation of his justice; and this without any regard to the
+repentance or the faith of the first, or the impenitence and unbelief of
+the others. They pretend that for the execution of this decree God makes
+use of means by which the Elect are necessarily and inevitably saved,
+and the Reprobate necessarily and inevitably damned.
+
+3. "That accordingly Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, did not die
+for all men, but for those alone who were chosen in the first or second
+manner, as he was only appointed Mediator for the salvation of the
+Elect, and of no others.
+
+4. "That in consequence of this the Spirit of God and of Christ works so
+efficaciously in the Elect, that they cannot resist it; but must be
+converted, believe, and be necessarily saved: That this irresistible
+grace and strength is given to the Elect alone, and not to the
+Reprobate, to whom God not only refuses this irresistible grace, but
+even denies them necessary and sufficient grace for their conversion and
+salvation, though they be called and solicited to accept it, without
+compulsion, externally, by the revealed will of God; but the inward
+strength necessary to conversion and faith is nevertheless denied them,
+by the secret will of God.
+
+5. "That those who receive true and justifying faith by this
+irresistible power, cannot totally or finally lose it, even when they
+fall into gross sins; but are guided and supported by this irresistible
+strength, so that they cannot totally or finally fall away, or perish."
+
+The Arminians afterwards added their own sentiments on these matters,
+comprehended in five articles. They declare their belief,
+
+1. "That God, by an eternal and immutable decree, in Jesus Christ his
+son, before the world was created, resolved to save in Jesus Christ, on
+account of Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ, those from among
+mankind fallen in sin, who by the grace of the Holy Spirit believe in
+his same son Jesus, and through the same grace continue in the faith and
+obedience to the end; and on the contrary, to leave under sin, and
+wrath, and to condemn the obstinate and unbelieving, as having no part
+in Christ; according to what is said _St. John_ iii. 36.
+
+2. "That accordingly Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, died for
+all and every man; and by his death on the cross has merited for all
+reconciliation with God, and remission of sin; in such manner,
+nevertheless, that no one can partake of them but Believers, according
+to the words of Jesus, _St. John_ iii. 16. 1 _St. John_ ii. 2.
+
+3. "That Man hath not saving faith of himself, and by the strength of
+his own free will; since while in a state of sin and apostacy he cannot
+of himself think, desire, or do that which is truly good, which is what
+is chiefly meant by saving faith; but it is necessary that God in Jesus
+Christ, and by the Holy Spirit, regenerate and renew him in his
+understanding and affections, or in his will and all his powers; that he
+may know the true good, meditate of it, desire, and do it. _St. John_
+xv. 5. That to this grace of God is owing the beginning, the
+progression, and accomplishment of all good; in such manner that even
+the Regenerate, without this antecedent, of preventing, exciting,
+concomitant, and co-operating grace, cannot think that which is good,
+desire, or practise it, nor resist any temptation to evil; so that all
+the good works or actions he can conceive, spring from the grace of God:
+that as to what regards the manner of operation of this grace, it is not
+irresistible, since it is said of several, they resisted the Holy
+Spirit. See _Acts_ vii, and other places.
+
+5. "That those who by a lively faith are engrafted into Christ, and
+consequently made partakers of his quickening spirit, are furnished with
+sufficient strength to be able to combat and even overcome Satan, sin,
+the world, and their own lusts; and all this, as is carefully to be
+observed, by the assistance of the grace of the Holy Spirit; and that
+Jesus Christ succours them by his Spirit in all temptations, reaches to
+them his hand (provided they be willing to engage, ask his assistance,
+and are not wanting to themselves) supports and strengthens them so,
+that they cannot be led away by any wile or violence of Satan, or
+snatched out of Christ's hands, as he says himself, _St. John_ x. _My
+sheep shall no man pluck out of my hands._ For the rest, if it be asked
+whether these may not, through negligence, let go the confidence which
+they had from the beginning, Heb. iii. 6, cleave again to the present
+world, depart from the holy doctrine which was delivered, make shipwreck
+of a good conscience? (2 Pet. i. 10. Jude iii. 1. Tim. i. 19. Heb. xii.
+15.) This must be previously examined, with more care, by the
+Scriptures, to be able to teach it with full assurance to others."
+
+Such is the Arminians Confession of Faith, to which they gave the name
+of Remonstrance, and thence were styled Remonstrants. It was drawn up by
+Utengobard, Minister at the Hague, and signed by forty-six Ministers. It
+was probably made in concert with Grotius, the intimate friend of
+Utengobard, and at that time wholly employed in the subjects which were
+disputed by the Arminians and Gomarists.
+
+To resume in few words the doctrine of the Arminians, we shall say with
+Bossuet[71], their principles were, That there is no absolute election,
+nor gratuitous preference, by which God prepares for certain chosen
+persons, and for them alone, the infallible means of bringing them to
+glory; but that God offers to all men, and especially to those to whom
+the gospel is preached, sufficient means to convert themselves; which
+some make use of; and others not, without employing any other for the
+Elect, than for the Reprobate: so that election is always conditional,
+and a man may come short of it by failing in the condition: from whence
+they conclude, first, that justifying grace may be lost totally, that
+is, without any degree of it being left; and lost finally, that is,
+without its ever being recovered: secondly, that there can be no
+assurance of salvation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[71] Hist. des Variations, Lib. xiv. 12. 30.
+
+
+III. This remonstrance not satisfying the Gomarists, they opposed to it
+a contra-remonstrance, which gained them the name of
+Contra-Remonstrants. As these disputes gave the States a good deal of
+uneasiness, they enjoined the Divines to deliver their thoughts of the
+most proper means to put an end to them. The Remonstrants proposed a
+Toleration; the Contra-Remonstrants, a national Synod, in which they
+were sure of a majority. Both these opinions were laid before the
+States, who declared for a toleration: this was the cause gained to the
+Arminians; but the Gomarists were favoured by the People, and grew very
+factious. The Grand-Pensionary, imagining that by making themselves
+masters of the election of the ministers, the States would insensibly
+appease these troubles, proposed the revival of an obsolete regulation,
+made in the year 1591, by which the magistrates and consistory were each
+to nominate four persons, who should chuse a Minister, to be afterwards
+presented to the body of Magistrates, who might receive or reject him.
+
+This motion was agreed to by the States, to the great mortification of
+the Contra-Remonstrants: they complained that the States had exceeded
+their power. Hence arose a grand contest who ought to be Judge in
+ecclesiastical matters. The Arminians said it belonged to the Civil
+Magistrate to decide them: the Gomarists maintained that the clergy
+alone had that power. They separated themselves from the communion of
+the Remonstrants[72], took possession of the churches by force, stirred
+up seditions, wrote libels, and deposed the Arminian Ministers. In other
+churches the Contra-Remonstrants were driven out as madmen and rioters.
+These violences gave rise to schisms, some joining the old Ministers,
+and others the new.
+
+It was at this time of confusion Grotius was nominated Pensionary of
+Rotterdam, and ordered to go over into England. It is imagined[73] he
+had secret instructions to get the King and the principal divines of
+the kingdom to favour the Arminians, and approve of the States conduct.
+He had several conferences with his Majesty on that subject. At his
+return to Holland he found the divisions increased. Barnevelt and he had
+the direction of the States proceedings in this matter; and he was
+appointed to draw up an edict which might restore tranquility. It was
+approved by the States, and is as follows.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[72] Grot. Apolog. Cap. 9.
+
+[73] Le Vassor, L. 4. p. 477.
+
+
+IV. "Whereas great dissentions and disputes have arisen in the Churches
+of this Country, on occasion of different explanations of some passages
+of Holy Writ, which speak of Predestination and what relates to it; and
+these contentions having been carried on with so much heat, that some
+Divines have been accused of teaching directly, or at least indirectly,
+that God has created some men to damn them; that he has laid certain men
+under a necessity of sinning; that he invites some men to salvation to
+whom he has resolved to deny it; other Divines are also charged with
+believing that mens natural strength or works may operate their
+salvation. Now these doctrines tending to the dishonour of God and the
+Christian reformation, and being contrary to our sentiments, it has
+appeared to us highly necessary, from a regard to the honour and glory
+of God, and for the peace and harmony of the state, to condemn them. For
+these causes, after having weighed the matter, and long examined it with
+much conscience and circumspection, employing the authority which
+belongs to us as rightful Sovereign, and agreeable to the example of the
+Kings, Princes, and Cities which have embraced the Reformation, we have
+ordained, and by these presents ordain, that in the interpretation of
+the passages of Scripture above-mentioned every one give diligent heed
+to the admonition of St. Paul, who teaches that no one should desire to
+know more than he ought; but to think soberly, according as God has
+dealt to every man the measure of faith; and agreeable to what the Holy
+Scriptures every-where set forth, that salvation is of God alone, but
+our destruction is of ourselves. Wherefore in the explanation of the
+Scripture, as often as occasion shall offer, the Pastors shall declare
+to the people, and instil into the minds of all under their care, that
+men are not indebted for the beginning, the progress, and the completion
+of their salvation, and even of faith, to their natural strength, or
+works, but to the sole grace of God in Jesus Christ our Saviour; that we
+have not merited it; that God has created no man to damn him; that God
+has not laid us under a necessity of sinning, and that he invites no man
+to be saved, to whom he has resolved to deny salvation. And, though in
+the universities, in conversation, and in those places where the
+Scriptures are expounded, passages may be treated of which relate to
+predestination and what depends on it, and it may come to pass, as hath
+happened formerly, and in our own times, to learned and good men, that
+persons may give into these extremes and absurdities which we disapprove
+and have forbidden; our will is, that they be not proposed publicly from
+the pulpit to the people. But as to those who in relation to such
+passages only believe and teach that God hath from all eternity chosen
+to salvation, from the mere motion of his will, through Jesus Christ our
+Saviour and Redeemer, those who by grace which they have not merited,
+and by the operation of the Holy Spirit, believe in Jesus Christ our
+Lord, and by free grace given them persevere in the faith to the end, we
+will that they be not molested on that account, nor pressed to embrace
+other sentiments, or teach other doctrine; for we judge these truths
+sufficient for salvation; and proper for the instruction of Christians.
+We moreover ordain, that all Pastors, in expounding the other articles
+of the Christian faith, make use of explanations agreeable to the word
+of God, to what is commonly received in the reformed churches, and what
+has been taught in those of this country, which we have maintained and
+protected, and now maintain and protect; that they exercise Christian
+charity; and that they avoid greater divisions: for in this manner, we
+judge, they ought to act for the good of the State and the Church, and
+the restoration of her tranquility."
+
+This Edict was too favourable to the Arminians not to give great offence
+to the Contra-Remonstrants. They complained that it misrepresented their
+sentiments[74] in order to render them odious, and that not only it
+wanted the approbation of the Cities, but had not even been sent to
+them: from whence they concluded that no regard was to be paid to it.
+
+The States were very desirous that the King of Great Britain and the
+English Bishops should be satisfied with the manner in which they had
+explained themselves in the Edict: they were the more anxious as they
+had reason to believe James unfavourable to the Arminians[75]. However
+the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of England
+allowed the doctrine of the Edict to be orthodox, and equally distant
+from Manicheism and Pelagianism: the only thing which gave the King some
+pain, was, to see the Civil Magistrate assume a right of making decrees
+in matters of religion[76].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[74] Vossius, Ep. 3. p. 5. Pres. Vir. Epist. p. 388.
+
+[75] Ep. Casaub. 933. Grot. Apolog. C. 6. Ep. Gr. 28, 29.
+
+[76] Ep. Caus. 863.
+
+
+V. This Edict served but to increase the troubles, by driving the
+Gomarists, against whom it was levelled, into despair. The riots which
+had already happened, and which they hourly apprehended, made the Grand
+Pensionary Barnevelt propose to the States of Holland, that the
+magistrates of the Cities of the Province should be impowered to raise
+troops for the suppression of the rioters, and the security of their
+towns. Dort, Amsterdam, and three others of the most favourable to the
+Gomarists, protested against this step, which they regarded as a kind of
+declaration of war against the Contra-Remonstrants. Barnevelt's motion
+was, nevertheless, agreed to, and on the fourth of August, 1617, the
+States issued a placard accordingly.
+
+This fatal decree occasioned the death of the Grand Pensionary and the
+ruin of Grotius, by incensing Prince Maurice of Nassau against them, who
+looked upon the resolution of the States, taken without his consent, as
+derogatory to his dignity of Governor and Captain General.
+
+He had entertained a mortal enmity for several years against the Grand
+Pensionary[77], who concluded the truce in 1609 without his concurrence.
+Hitherto he had stifled his revenge for want of a proper opportunity of
+executing it; but it blazed openly on occasion of this decree of the
+States, which he considered as Barnevelt's act. He accused him of
+labouring to diminish his authority: found fault with the Edict: that
+was made to engage the two parties to live in peace; declared publicly
+for the Gomarists, assisted at divine service only in their churches,
+and forbad the soldiers to obey the States when they would employ them
+to appease the riots. Some towns, however, levied men in consequence of
+the States decree, whether they suspected their garrisons, or thought
+there was no other way to suppress the enterprises of the rioters. The
+Contra-Remonstrants seeing themselves powerfully protected by Prince
+Maurice, separated from the communion of the Arminians in 1617.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[77] Grot. Hist. l. 17.
+
+
+VI. Amsterdam, almost as powerful singly as all Holland, favoured the
+Gomarists, and disapproved of the Toleration which the States wanted to
+introduce. These resolved therefore to send a Deputation to that city,
+in order to bring them over to their sentiments. The Deputies were
+Grotius, Adrian Mathenes, Hugo Musius, and Gerard Deich. April 21, 1616,
+they received their instructions to go to Amsterdam; on the morrow they
+left the Hague, and arriving the same day at Amsterdam, sent to desire
+the oldest Burgomaster to assemble the Town Council: they were told, the
+Council would meet the 23d at three in the afternoon. They employed this
+interval in removing a calumny spread by the Contra-Remonstrants, that
+they were sent to change the religion. One of the City-Secretaries
+waited on them to conduct them to the Council Chamber, and being come
+there, Grotius, as spokesman, said, "That Sovereigns had a right to
+watch over the proceedings of the Church; that the States had no
+intention but to protect the reformed religion; that they ardently
+desired the city of Amsterdam would agree with them in all that might
+relate to the government of the Church and mutual toleration; that the
+revival of the regulation of 1591, which gives the Magistrates a right
+to chuse the Ministers, after being examined and found well affected to
+the reformed religion, was of great service, by preventing the troubles
+which followed the elections; of which there were several recent
+instances: that mutual toleration was necessary when the difference in
+opinion regarded only points not fundamental; that it had always been
+practised by the reformed churches from the time of Calvin's
+reformation; that it was more necessary in the doctrine of
+Predestination, as this was a matter of great difficulty; that the first
+reformers, though of different sentiments, tolerated one another; that
+Bullinger and Melancton were tolerated by Beza and Calvin; that James I.
+King of Great Britain, had advanced in his writings, that the two
+opposite opinions concerning Predestination might be maintained without
+danger of damnation; that Gomar himself declared Arminius had not erred
+in fundamental points; that after the conference in 1611, the Ministers
+of the two parties promised to the States of Holland to live in peace;
+that the points controverted were not necessary to salvation, that they
+were very difficult, that they never had been determined, either in the
+ancient, or the reformed church; that the decisions of the councils held
+in the church on occasion of Pelagianism enjoined only a belief, that
+men are corrupted and have need of grace, and that the beginning of
+grace is from God; that even the church of Rome permitted the Doctors of
+different parties to dispute on these points; that it was not necessary
+to call a synod to examine them, because the authority of a Sovereign is
+sufficient in matters where only the preventing of schism for things
+unnecessary to salvation, is in question; that the Sovereign has a right
+to suppress disorders that arise in the church; that the business was
+not a change of religion, but the hindrance of schism; that the King of
+Great Britain and the Canton of Bern had justified the use of this right
+by examples; that if the utility of a synod to inform the Sovereign what
+he ought to do on such occasions should be maintained, it were easy to
+answer, that it is not necessary to assemble a synod to know that men
+must tolerate one another when their opinions differ concerning points
+not necessary to salvation; that this was a truth acknowledged by
+Calvin, Beza, Whittaker, Junius, Casaubon, Du Moulin, in fine by the
+most famous Ministers, whose authority is at least equivalent to that of
+a synod; that as the question was not about a point of heresy, there was
+reason to apprehend the division would be increased by calling a synod,
+so great was the ferment of mens minds; that, besides, the moderate
+party in such synod would not be the most numerous; that perhaps the
+Ecclesiastics would seek to diminish the sovereign authority; that they
+might make decisions which could not be enforced without throwing the
+Republic into the greatest confusion; that therefore, previous to the
+convocation of a synod, mens minds ought to be prepared by gentle
+methods; that the decree made in 1614 by the States of Holland, to which
+the city of Amsterdam made some difficulty of submitting, was neither
+partial, nor injurious to the reformed churches; that it was resolved
+on after mature reflexion, and was in itself agreeable to sound
+doctrine; that the reasonable men among the Contra-Remonstrants had
+nothing to apprehend, since the deposition of some Ministers was
+entirely owing to their attempts to introduce schism; that the
+Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, not differing in essential points,
+ought to tolerate one another, and agree on what they should preach;
+that if a Toleration were not admitted, they must depose such as would
+not submit to the decision that might be given, or introduce two
+churches, either of which steps would trouble the State, whereas a
+Toleration would restore tranquility and union, and favour the
+assembling of an impartial synod that might labour with success to
+restore peace to the church."
+
+The Senate, after hearing this Speech, made answer, that they would take
+it into consideration: and on the twenty-fifth of April the Burgomasters
+visited the Deputies, and told them, they would send to the States of
+Holland to acquaint them with their sentiments. Grotius, who perceived
+his discourse had not gained the Senate, replied, that if the Senate
+would mention their difficulties, the Deputies of the States would
+endeavour to resolve them. The Burgomasters answered, that the Senate
+did not intend to grant them a new audience; adding, that as there was
+reason to apprehend some alteration in religion, it was their opinion,
+that in the present circumstances a synod ought to be assembled; and
+that the city of Amsterdam could not receive the Edict of 1614, without
+endangering the Church, and risking the ruin of her trade. The Deputies
+wanted to answer, but were refused to be heard. Grotius drew up in
+writing an account of all that passed in this deputation, and presented
+it to the States at his return[78]. He flattered himself for a while
+with the hopes of some good effect from his deputation[79]: and the
+disappointment chagrined him so much, that he was seized with a violent
+fever, which had well nigh carried him off. It appeared plainly by the
+blood taken from him that melancholy was the occasion of his disorder.
+He was removed to Delft[80], where he found himself better. As he was
+forbid to do anything which required application, he wrote to Vossius
+that he was very desirous to see him for a few days, or at least a few
+hours; that it would be the means of restoring his health, since
+conversation with true friends is the best remedy against melancholy. He
+employed the time of his recovery in examining himself on the part he
+had acted in the present disputes; and the more he reflected on it, the
+less reason he found for blushing or repentance. He foresaw the danger
+he incurred; but his resolution was taken, not to change his conduct,
+and to refer the event to Providence.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[78] Grotius delivered his speech in Dutch. It was translated into Latin
+by Theodorus Schrivelius, and printed in the third tome of his
+theological works.
+
+[79] Ep. 77.
+
+[80] Ep. 83.
+
+
+VII. The States of Holland, wholly employed in seeking ways to compound
+matters, had come to a resolution on the twenty-first of February, 1617,
+that certain wise and learned men should be chosen to draw up a Rule or
+Formula, to which the Ministers of the two parties should be obliged to
+conform; that nothing should be advanced in it contrary to the doctrine
+of the reformed Churches; that it should be shewn to Prince Maurice,
+and, after having his opinion, presented to the States, that they might
+examine what was most for God's honour, the people's safety, and the
+Nation's tranquillity.
+
+In consequence of this resolution Grotius prepared a writing to be
+presented to Prince Maurice, importing, That the States were desirous
+the ministers should teach a doctrine agreeable to that of the Reformed
+Churches, and that those who departed from it should be proceeded
+against in the way of Church Censure, or even by the Civil Magistrate;
+that the five Articles of the Remonstrants doctrine should be examined
+in a Synod of Holland, and the decision carried to a Synod of all the
+Provinces; that previous to its meeting, the Sovereignty of each
+Province in things sacred should be settled; that no definition should
+be fixed without an unanimous content; that if they could not agree they
+should endeavour to convene a General Council of the Reformed Churches;
+that in the mean time a severe Edict be published against rioters and
+the authors of defamatory libels; that the ministers be charged not to
+treat one another abusively; that after the holding of the Council they
+should examine what was proper to be added to the Union of Utrecht
+concerning the authority of the Provinces in matters of Religion.
+
+This project did not please the Prince: he wanted a national Synod, of
+which the States of Holland were afraid, because they foresaw the
+Contra-Remonstrants would have more power in it than the Arminians, who
+would consequently be condemned by it; and that instead of forwarding
+the peace, it would increase the confusion and disorder.
+
+The States-General, entirely devoted to Prince Maurice, determined, in
+spite of the States of Holland, to convoke a national Synod in Holland
+itself, at Dort. The Provinces of Holland, Utrecht, and Overyssel
+protested against this resolution: Barnevelt was so thunderstruck by it,
+that he wanted to resign his place of Grand Pensionary: But Holland, who
+needed more than ever the counsels of such an experienced Minister,
+sending a Deputation to beseech him not to abandon the Republic in times
+of so much difficulty[81], he thought it his duty to yield to the
+intreaties of his masters, and resumed the functions of his office.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[81] Grotii manes, p. 78.
+
+
+VIII. Prince Maurice of Nassau, however, who saw with the utmost
+displeasure several Cities, agreeable to the permission granted them by
+the particular States, levy a new Militia without his consent, engaged
+the States-General to write to the Provinces and Magistrates of those
+Cities, enjoining them to disband the new levies, which were styled the
+Attendant Soldiers: but the particular States, who looked on themselves
+as sovereigns, and the Cities, who thought themselves obliged to obey
+only the orders of the States of their Province, paid no attention to
+the Letters of the States General[82]. The Prince considering this
+conduct as a Rebellion, concerted with the States-General that he should
+march in person with the troops under his command, to get these soldiers
+who were levied irregularly, disbanded; that he should depose the
+Arminian magistrates, and turn out the Ministers of their party.
+
+The Prince accordingly set out, accompanied by the Deputies of the
+States-General, in the year 1618. Beginning with the Province of
+Gueldres, he removed from the Senate of Nimeguen all who were known or
+suspected to favour Arminianism; and turned out the Ministers, obliging
+them instantly to leave the town. At Overyssel he met with no
+opposition. In Arnheim there was a numerous garrison of Attendant
+Soldiers; but the Prince having intelligence in the place, got into it
+by night: and the soldiers seeing themselves betrayed, laid down their
+arms. Some Senators were deposed, and the Secretary of the Council
+banished the City.
+
+The States of Holland, knowing that the Prince was to treat Utrecht in
+the same manner, sent thither Grotius, and Hoogerbetz, Pensionary of
+Leyden. Their instructions bore, first that they should consider and
+resolve on some method of opposing the commission given by the
+States-General to Prince Maurice: secondly, that they should consult in
+what manner the union between the particular States of the Provinces
+might be strengthened, for their mutual aid and assistance.
+
+The Magistrates of Utrecht, in consequence of the advices given them,
+doubled the guards at the gates, and armed all the militia they could
+assemble. Grotius and Hoogerbetz promised that the States of Holland
+would not abandon them on this occasion when their sovereignty was at
+stake: they also brought Letters from the States to the principal
+officers of the ordinary garrison, tending to persuade them that it was
+their duty to obey the States of Utrecht, who paid them, and to resist
+the Stadtholder.
+
+Every thing seemed ready for enabling the city to make a vigorous
+resistance: the Burghers had taken up arms, and the Attendant Soldiers
+were posted in the principal quarters of the town. These dispositions
+did not divert the Prince from his design of seizing it. The old
+garrison, from a jealousy of the new, declared for him; this occasioned
+a mutiny: some of the Burghers left the interest of the city, which
+being unprovided of good officers, the Prince and the Deputies of the
+States found means to enter, and reduce it. The Prince being now master
+of the town, disbanded the Attendant Soldiers, made Ledenberg, Secretary
+of the States, and some Senators, prisoners, and turned out of their
+places those who had distinguished themselves by their resistance,
+putting in their room such as he could depend on. The States-General at
+the same time published an Ordonnance at the Hague for disbanding the
+new levies. Grotius, who was returned to Rotterdam, finding resistance
+would only occasion new troubles, advised the city even before receiving
+the Ordonnance of the States-General, to dismiss the Attendant Soldiers.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[82] La Neuvill's Hist. of Holland. B. iii. c. 5.
+
+
+IX. The Prince of Orange's revenge was not yet satisfied: that was the
+name Maurice went by after the death of his brother Philip William,
+which happened at Brussels February 21, 1618. The destruction of the
+Grand Pensionary he had resolved on. In an extraordinary assembly of
+eight persons, who called themselves the States-General, he got an
+Ordonnance passed, without any previous information, as Grotius
+complained afterwards; importing, that Barnevelt, Grotius, and
+Hoogerbetz should be taken into custody.
+
+Accordingly on the 29th[83] of August, 1618, as Barnevelt was in the
+court of the Castle of the Hague[84] returning home from the Assembly of
+the States of Holland, one of the Prince of Orange's guards, attended
+with some soldiers, commanded him, in the name of the States-General, to
+follow him: He was carried to a room in the Castle, and there confined.
+The Prince had sent to acquaint Grotius and Hoogerbetz that he wanted to
+speak with them: they immediately came, and were arrested.
+
+The same day was published the following Placard: "Messieurs the
+States-General desire to acquaint all persons, that to avert the great
+peril which threatened the United Provinces, and restore and establish
+in the said Provinces harmony, peace, and tranquillity, they have caused
+to be imprisoned John de Barnevelt, Advocate-General of Holland and West
+Friesland, Romulus Hoogerbetz, and Hugo Grotius, it having been
+discovered and made manifest that they were the first authors of the
+insurrection at Utrecht, and of an attempt which would have been not
+only highly prejudicial to the country and Province, but to several
+other Cities. For these causes they have ordered, that the said three
+persons be arrested and confined in the Castle of the Hague, till they
+give an account of the administration of their offices." This Placard
+was without any signature.
+
+A report was at the same time spread by the prisoners enemies, that
+Barnevelt and Grotius received money from the Spaniards to deliver up to
+them the United Provinces; that they took money in 1609 to conclude the
+truce; that they fomented the disputes in order to disunite the
+Provinces; and that they had engaged to introduce into Holland the
+public exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion.
+
+It is said that Barnevelt had notice of the resolution taken to
+apprehend him; that he talked of it to his friends; and told them he was
+so secure in his innocence, he did not fear to take even his enemies for
+judges, if any should dare to attack his conduct. It was represented to
+him, that there were seasons of fanaticism and fury, in which innocence
+was sacrificed to the violence of powerful enemies: but the testimony of
+a good conscience hindered his attending to these remonstrances.
+
+A few days after Grotius' arrest, his wife presented a petition, praying
+that she might have leave to stay with her husband till the end of the
+process. This grace was refused: she was not even permitted to see him;
+and having asked to speak to him in presence of his guards, they were so
+hard-hearted, as to deny even this slight favour.
+
+Some days after these imprisonments, the Prince of Orange and the
+Deputies of the States-General made a tour through the towns of Holland.
+They had the power in their hands, and the Arminians were in the
+greatest consternation. The Prince met with no opposition to his
+designs: he deposed such magistrates as were relations or friends of the
+three illustrious prisoners, putting in their place others that were
+wholly devoted to him; and obliged some towns to receive a garrison,
+particularly Rotterdam. The Arminians had hitherto been the more
+powerful party there[85], and had excluded the Contra-Remonstrants from
+preaching in the great Church: but the Prince took that church from
+them, and gave it, with all the rest, to the Gomarists, leaving only two
+to the Arminians. He placed a garrison of an hundred men in the town and
+turned out and banished the Ministers who had distinguished themselves
+by their zeal for Arminianism, such as Vorstius, Utengobard, and
+Episcopius. Ledenberg, Secretary of Utrecht, hearing of these violences,
+was so terrified, that he made away with himself in prison.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[83] Du Maurier says the three prisoners were arrested the 22d of
+August; others assure us it was the 24th. La Neuville, Le Clerc. But it
+is evident from what Grotius says himself, Ep. 104, that it was the
+29th.
+
+[84] Le Clerc.
+
+[85] Mercure François, an. 1617.
+
+
+X. The warmest opposers of a National Synod being disabled from giving
+any further obstruction, the States-General proceeded to the holding of
+it. The States of Holland, who in May, 1618, had renewed their protest
+against the convocation of a National Synod, frightened by the violences
+exercised against the three illustrious prisoners, at last gave their
+consent; and it met at Dort.
+
+It was opened on the fifteenth of November, 1618, in the name of the
+States-General, who assisted at it by their Deputies; and was composed
+of about seventy Contra-Remonstrants, with only fourteen Arminians. John
+Bogerman, Minister of Leewarden in Friesland, was chosen President, and
+had with him four assessors; all five declared enemies of the Arminians.
+On the tenth of December the Remonstrants brought in a long Writing,
+containing their reasons for not acknowledging the Synod, as being an
+illegal assembly where the parties made themselves Judges, contrary to
+the laws of equity and the Canons of the Church. They further shewed,
+that most of those who composed the pretended synod were guilty of the
+schism complained of; that it was publickly notorious they were their
+declared enemies, and consequently incompetent judges. They afterwards
+proposed twelve conditions, without which they could not acknowledge the
+authority of the Synod, nor submit to any of its decisions. This paper
+put the Synod into a very ill humour. Next day the Arminians giving in
+a protest, it was censured, and a decree of the Deputies of the
+States-General ordered that the Synod should proceed, without regarding
+the protest.
+
+The Arminians wanted to leave Dort; but an order from the States-General
+obliged them to stay. Their five articles were condemned; and Episcopius
+and the other Arminian ministers deposed, and declared guilty of
+corrupting religion, breaking the unity of the Church, and occasioning
+great scandal. The Synod's sentence was approved by the States-General
+on the second of July, 1619. The same day the Arminian Ministers who had
+been detained at Dort, were banished, or imprisoned: they were deprived
+of their employments, and the effects of several were confiscated. They
+continued to assert the irregularity of this Council; and the Bishop of
+Meaux observes, that they employed the same arguments which the
+Protestants use against the Roman-Catholics concerning the Council of
+Trent.
+
+
+XI. The Prisoners were not brought to their trial till after the rising
+of the Synod of Dort. Their confinement had caused great murmuring in
+the Province of Holland: for not only all honest men were persuaded of
+their innocence; but it was also evident that the sovereignty of the
+province of Holland had been openly violated. On the 29th of August,
+1618, under the first surprise that an event of this nature must
+occasion, when it was mentioned in the Assembly of the States-General,
+the Deputies of the Province of Holland expressed great concern; they
+complained the rights of Holland had been invaded; adding, that they
+would ask their constituents what was to be done in such a melancholy
+and singular occurrence. The City of Rotterdam and some others made loud
+complaints: They acknowledged that if the three Prisoners were guilty of
+treason, or of unlawful correspondence with the Spaniards, they ought to
+be prosecuted; but maintained that they could not be legally tried but
+by the States of Holland, who alone were their Sovereigns. The Prince of
+Orange and the States-General found no way of putting a stop to the
+opposition of such Magistrates as were zealous for their Country, or
+friends to the Prisoners, but by deposing them. Nothing now remained to
+obstruct the Prince of Orange in his projects of revenge: The States of
+Holland, not being in a situation to hinder these violences, unwillingly
+left the management of this affair to the States-General: but were so
+much persuaded of the injustice done them, and the invasion made on
+their Sovereignty, that in the end of January 1619[86], notwithstanding
+the change of Deputies, they passed a Decree, importing that what had
+been done in the imprisonment of the Grand Pensionary, and the
+Pensionaries of Rotterdam and Leyden, should not be made a precedent for
+the future.
+
+The States-General, desirous of making an end of this affair, on the
+nineteenth of November, 1618, nominated twenty-six Commissioners, chosen
+from among the Nobility and Magistrates of the Seven Provinces, who were
+ordered to repair to the Hague to try the Prisoners. The Decree
+appointing these Judges mentioned that the Accused were taken into
+custody to secure the tranquillity of the Republic, to hinder the ruin
+of Religion and the destruction of the Union, and prevent disturbance
+and bloodshed: they were represented as ambitious men, who sought by
+secret practices to embroil the State: And to give some appearance of
+satisfaction to Holland, it was said in the Decree, that the
+States-General had issued it without prejudice to the rights of the
+Provinces. Care was taken to chuse for Judges the declared enemies of
+the Prisoners. Barnevelt objected to them; representing that he could
+not be tried by the States-General: but no regard was paid to his
+exceptions. Thus he was obliged to answer before incompetent judges,
+who were notoriously known to have sworn his ruin. He entered a protest,
+that his answering before them should not be construed an approbation of
+their infringement of the jurisdiction of Holland.
+
+In fine, after many iniquitous steps, which will be more particularly
+mentioned in Grotius' trial, Barnevelt was condemned to be beheaded. The
+principal grounds[87] of his condemnation were, That he had disturbed
+religion; that he had advanced that each Province in its own
+jurisdiction might decide in matters of religion, without the other
+Provinces having a right to take cognizance of it; that he diverted the
+King of France from sending the Reformed ministers of his Kingdom to the
+Synod of Dort; preferred the interests of the particular States of
+Holland and West Friesland to those of the States-General; made use of
+the name of the States of Holland and West Friesland for holding
+conventicles and unlawful assemblies; occasioned the insurrection at
+Utrecht; authorised the levying of the Attendant Soldiers; slandered
+Prince Maurice, accusing him of aspiring to the sovereignty of the
+United Provinces; and that he received large sums from foreign Princes,
+which he concealed from the State.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[86] Grotius, Apology, c. 15.
+
+[87] La Neuville, lib. 3. c. 16.
+
+
+XII. Lewis XIII. who had an affection for the United Provinces, with
+which he was connected by their common interest, beheld the domestic
+troubles of Holland with concern. The Prisoners, especially Barnevelt,
+whose merit was well known at the Court of France, were held by him in
+particular esteem. When he heard of their arrest he nominated Thumeri de
+Boissise his Ambassador extraordinary to Holland, ordering him to repair
+thither, immediately, and join Du Maurier the Ambassador in ordinary, in
+soliciting the States-General in favour of the Accused, and labouring to
+restore the public tranquillity.
+
+December 12, 1618, they presented to the States-General a Writing from
+the King, asking that the prisoners might have justice done them; that
+their judges might be persons impartial and dispassionate; that the
+States would rather chuse mild, than rigorous measures: "And, said the
+Ministers, his Majesty will take for a high offence the little regard
+you pay to his counsels, his prayers, and his friendship, which for the
+future will be as much cooled as it was heretofore warm in your
+interest."
+
+The States made answer on the nineteenth of December following, that
+they would act with all the lenity and clemency which justice and the
+safety of the State would permit; and that they hoped the King would
+leave it to their prudence.
+
+The French Ambassadors continued their solicitations[88]; but the answer
+made them March 23, 1619, must have left them no hope: it represented
+the Prisoners as turbulent men, suspected of very heinous crimes, and
+almost convicted of conspiring against the Republic, and projecting and
+attempting to destroy the Union and the State. This answer was certainly
+concerted with Prince Maurice, who was highly offended that the King of
+France should interest himself so much to save men whom he looked on as
+his declared enemies. Boissise quitted Holland, leaving Du Maurier alone
+to act in favour of the Accused. On Monday morning, May 13, 1619, the
+Ambassador was informed, that sentence had been passed the Day before,
+and that Barnevelt was to be executed that day. He went immediately to
+the Assembly of the States to get the execution suspended, but was
+refused audience: he wrote to the States, conjuring them by the regard
+they ought to have for the King his master, not to spill the blood of a
+Minister who had served them so faithfully; and, if they would not
+pardon him, to confine him to one of his country houses, his friends
+being bound for him; or banish him the country for ever. This Letter had
+no effect: their resolution was taken to destroy him. When the Grand
+Pensionary was informed of his sentence, he seemed less moved at it,
+than for the fate of Grotius and Hoogerbetz: he asked if they also were
+to die? adding, It would be great pity: they are still able to do great
+service to the Republic. The scaffold for his execution was erected in
+the court of the Castle at the Hague, facing the Prince of Orange's
+apartments. He made a short speech to the people, which is preserved in
+the _Mercure François_: "Burghers, said he, I have been always your
+faithful countryman: believe not that I die for treason; but for
+maintaining the Rights and Liberties of my Country." After this Speech
+the executioner struck off his head at one blow. It is affirmed that the
+Prince of Orange, to feast himself with the cruel pleasure of seeing his
+enemy perish, beheld the execution with a glass. The people looked on it
+with other eyes: for many came to gather the sand wet with his blood, to
+keep it carefully in phials: and the croud of those who had the same
+curiosity continued next day, notwithstanding all they could do to
+hinder them.
+
+Thus fell that great Minister, who did the United Provinces as much
+service in the cabinet, as the Princes of Orange did in the field. It is
+highly probable that the melancholy end of this illustrious and
+unfortunate man, to whom the Dutch are partly indebted for their
+liberty, was owing to his steadiness in opposing the design of making
+Prince Maurice Dictator. But this is a question discussed by several
+writers[89], and foreign to our subject.
+
+The French ministry discovered no resentment at the little attention
+paid by the States General to Lewis's solicitations. There is reason to
+think Barnevelt would have met with less cruel treatment, or at least
+that France would not have passed it over so easily, had Cardinal
+Richelieu, who was soon after Prime Minister, been then in place: for a
+book[90] ascribed to him censures the conduct of Messieurs de Luines,
+who were in power at that time, with regard to this affair.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[88] Apology, c. 15.
+
+[89] See Du Maurier, Le Vassor, La Neuville, Le Clerc.
+
+[90] Hist. de la mere & du fils, t. 2. p. 380.
+
+
+XIII. Grotius's trial did not come on till five days after Barnevelt's
+execution. September 3, 1618, the fourth day after he was arrested, the
+Burgomasters of Rotterdam presented a petition to the Prince of
+Orange[91], setting forth, that they had heard with great grief that
+Grotius, Counsellor and Pensionary of Rotterdam, being at the Hague at
+the assembly of the States, was arrested by order of the States General;
+and representing to his Excellency that it was a breach of privilege, by
+which no Deputy could be arrested during the sitting of the States; and
+as they stood in need of Grotius's assistance and counsels, praying that
+he, as Governor of Holland and West-Friesland, would prevail with the
+States General to set him at liberty, and put him in the same situation
+he was in before his imprisonment, promising to guard him at Rotterdam
+or elsewhere, that he might be forthcoming to answer any charge brought
+against him by the States General. The Prince gave only for answer, that
+the affair concerned the States General. Their petition having had no
+effect, on the 10th of September, 1618, the city of Rotterdam sent a
+deputation to the States of Holland, praying that Grotius and the other
+persons accused might be tried according to the custom of the country.
+But the States themselves were under oppression.
+
+Grotius's wife petitioned[92] for leave to continue with her husband
+whilst his cause was depending; but this favour was denied her. On his
+falling ill, she again pressed to be allowed to visit him, they had the
+cruelty to hinder her: she offered not to speak to him but in presence
+of his guards; this was also refused. Thus all the time of his
+confinement at the Hague, no one was permitted to see him, even when he
+lay dangerously ill.
+
+We may judge to what length his enemies carried their blindness and
+fury, by the following passage related by Selden[93]. When Grotius was
+arrested, some who bore him ill-will, prevailed with Carleton,
+Ambassador from Great Britain at the Hague, to make a complaint against
+his book _Of the Freedom of the Ocean_: the Ambassador was not ashamed
+to maintain that the States ought to make an example of him, to prevent
+others from defending an opinion that might occasion a misunderstanding
+between the two nations. Carleton and his advisers were the dupes of
+this contemptible step: the States General paid no regard to his
+complaint. The proposal was shameful in itself. Could they think that it
+would be made a crime in Grotius to have written a book, dictated by his
+love to his country, and deserving a recompence from the States to whom
+it had been of great use in the dispute with England concerning the
+right of navigation?
+
+At the first examination which Grotius underwent, he answered[94] that
+he was of the Province of Holland, Minister of a city of Holland; that
+he had been arrested on the territories of Holland; that he acknowledged
+no judges but that province, and was ready to justify all he had done.
+He maintained that the States General had no jurisdiction over him, and
+consequently could not nominate his Judges. He alledged also the
+privilege of the citizens of Rotterdam and demanded permission to set
+forth his reasons before the States of Holland and the States General;
+and that the validity of his objections might be determined by Judges of
+Holland. All these things were denied him. They insisted that he should
+plead: he protested against this violence; but this did not hinder them
+from proceeding against him, in contempt of all forms. He had been
+allowed the use of pen and ink[95], but, after his first examination,
+they were taken away.
+
+The rigour and injustice, with which he and the other prisoners were
+treated, are scarce conceivable. He tells us, that when they knew they
+were bad, they chose that time to examine them; that they did not give
+them liberty to defend themselves; that they threatened, and teazed them
+to give immediate answers; and that they would not read over to them
+their examinations. Grotius having asked leave to write his defence,
+they allowed him for that purpose only five hours, and one sheet of
+paper. He was always persuaded, that if he would own he had
+transgressed, and ask pardon, they would set him at liberty: but as he
+had nothing to reproach himself with, he would never take any step that
+might infer consciousness of guilt. His wife, his father, brother, and
+friends approved of this resolution[96].
+
+On the 18th of May, 1619, the Commissioners pronounced sentence against
+him, which we shall give at length.
+
+"Whereas[97] Hugo Grotius, who was Pensionary of the Magistrates of
+Rotterdam, and at present a prisoner before the Commissaries appointed
+by the States General to try him, has acknowledged without being put to
+the torture.
+
+That he ventured to endeavour to overturn religion, to oppress and
+afflict the Church of God, and for that end advanced heinous things
+pernicious to the Republic, particularly, that each Province has singly
+a right to decree in matters of religion, and that the others ought not
+to take cognizance of the disputes which arise on this subject in a
+particular province; that against order, and the custom of the reformed
+churches, he endeavoured to get opinions received which are contrary to
+the doctrine of those churches, without being sufficiently examined;
+that he opposed the convocation of a National Synod in the name of the
+States General, though it was judged by the King of Great Britain,
+Prince Maurice, the majority of the nation, and the principal persons of
+the province of Holland, a necessary and certain remedy for the
+disorders which had crept into religion; that he advanced the convening
+a synod would be prejudicial to the right of sovereignty belonging to
+the province of Holland, unless the whole or the greater part of the
+province would consent to it.
+
+That he held private meetings with the Deputies of some towns, with
+design to procure a majority in the assembly of the States of Holland.
+
+That without the orders of the States of Holland, Utrecht, and
+Overyssel, he ventured to make an act in the name of those provinces, in
+the house of John Barnevelt, protesting against what the Deputies of the
+other provinces might do, and declaring they would be the cause of the
+disorders that the Synod might produce; which act he read in the
+assembly of the States of Holland without being required, and carried it
+to the assembly of the States-General.
+
+That he made eight Deputies of the cities send back the letter of the
+States-General for the convocation of the Synod.
+
+That he wrote to the King of France in the name of the States of
+Holland, informing him that the name of the States-General was falsly
+made use of in the Letters for convoking the Synod, and desiring his
+Majesty not to suffer his subjects to attend the Synod, and to protect
+Holland against the other provinces.
+
+That, by the counsel of Barnevelt, he bestirred himself to get Ministers
+to come to the Synod who were of the new opinion.
+
+That he embroiled the Republic in order to get every thing passed
+according to his fancy and caprice.
+
+That he assisted in so far changing the form of government, that those
+who complained of oppression were not admitted to be heard, and the
+Magistrates of cities disobeyed the orders they received.
+
+That by the advice of John Barnevelt he held private meetings with the
+Deputies of some towns, whose deliberations were carried to the States
+of Holland, to serve for the model of their resolutions.
+
+That he was concerned in the odious decree of the 4th of August, 1617,
+permitting the cities of Holland to raise new troops for their defence,
+and to require of them an oath of fidelity to those cities.
+
+That he gave it as his opinion, the city of Rotterdam should raise those
+soldiers.
+
+That he also advised the city of Delft to raise them; that he wanted to
+lay the expence of these new levies on the Generality.
+
+That he asserted these new soldiers were not obliged to obey the
+States-General, if their orders were contrary to those of the cities.
+
+That he sent back the French auxiliaries in order to employ the money
+assigned for their subsistance in paying the new soldiers.
+
+That he pretended these soldiers ought to serve even against the
+States-General and against Prince Maurice.
+
+That he wanted to prevail with the cities to make a new union.
+
+That he held conferences with a foreign Ambassador.
+
+That he was concerned in the deputation sent to the Brille to oppose
+Prince Maurice.
+
+That, on the 14th of May, 1618, he made an act with eight Deputies of
+cities, by virtue of which they were permitted to oppose what the
+States-General might do for accelerating the holding of the Synod; which
+act they wanted to get approved by the States of Utrecht; that he
+endeavoured to divert the Deputies of Utrecht from disbanding their new
+troops agreeable to the intention of the States of that province, by
+promising them assistance.
+
+That he accused the States-General, as well as Prince Maurice, of evil
+designs.
+
+That he maintained, they ought to be resisted, and the revenue and
+forces of the State employed against them.
+
+That he said the disbanding the new soldiers would increase the boldness
+of the Disaffected, and the disorders in the State; that the ordinary
+troops were not sufficient; that the members of the province of Holland
+would abundantly succour such as did not obey the States-General; that
+he suffered himself to be deputed to Utrecht to offer his assistance to
+the States and the City; that this deputation was ordered only by a few
+Nobles, three Deputies of Cities, and some Deputies to the States of
+Holland, who had no instructions on that subject from their
+Constituents.
+
+That his acknowledged design, and that of those deputed to Utrecht, was
+to engage the States to require the ordinary soldiers to obey the States
+of Utrecht, in prejudice of the obedience due to the States-General.
+
+That he carried Letters of Barnevelt, which had not been read in the
+assembly of the States of Holland, declaring, that the soldiers ought to
+obey the States, and oppose whatever might be done against them.
+
+That he had combined with Ledemberg in the measures to be taken for
+preventing the new soldiers from being disbanded by the States of
+Utrecht.
+
+That he spoke against the States-General and against Prince Maurice in
+the assembly of the States of Utrecht; that he assisted the States of
+Utrecht in preparing their answer to Prince Maurice and the States
+General, by which they refused to acknowledge these Deputies as sent by
+the States-General, though they were in fact; that he held a conference
+with the Bailly of the city of Utrecht on the measures to be taken for
+resisting Prince Maurice if he should come to Utrecht to disband the
+new soldiers; and that he endeavoured to prevail with the States of
+Utrecht to have recourse to open force on this occasion.
+
+That he wanted to make the ordinary garrison oppose the Deputies of the
+States-General when their orders were contrary to those of the States of
+Utrecht; threatening to stop their pay if they did otherwise.
+
+That he advised the Bailly of Utrecht to obey only the Deputies of
+Holland or the States of Utrecht.
+
+That he conferred with the said Bailly on the means of hindering Prince
+Maurice from introducing soldiers into Utrecht; which might have
+occasioned much bloodshed in the city, and put the Prince and the
+Republic in the greatest danger; and which gave rise to dissentions and
+new treaties, contrary to the union of the provinces: whence the public
+order in Church and State was disturbed, the finances of the State
+exhausted, divisions arose between the States-General and the Provinces,
+and the union was on the point of being broke.
+
+For these causes the Judges appointed to try this affair, administring
+justice in the name of the States-General, condemn the said Hugo Grotius
+to perpetual imprisonment; and to be carried to the place appointed by
+the States-General, there to be guarded with all precaution, and
+confined the rest of his days; and declare his estate confiscated.
+Hague, May 18, 1619."
+
+Grotius, who enters into an examination of this sentence, charges it
+with many falsities: he maintains[98] that it makes him say several
+things which he constantly denied: and that he never acknowledged
+himself guilty. What is mentioned in the sentence concerning the
+deputation to Utrecht, he shews to be palpably false[99]. On the 20th of
+July, 1618, he acquaints us, certain Deputies to the States of Holland
+wanted to go home; that the assembly was summoned for the 24th; that
+some Deputies were indeed absent that day, but the Curators of the
+Republic of those Cities, agreeable to the order they had received,
+supplied their place; that the assembly was composed of the Deputies of
+Harlem, Delft, Leyden, Amsterdam, Goude, Rotterdam, Alcmaër, and the
+Nobles; that the Deputies of the other cities were summoned; that their
+absence could not stay the proceedings of the rest; that, excepting the
+Deputies of Amsterdam, all the others agreed to the deputation sent to
+Utrecht; that it was thrice approved; and that the Deputies at their
+return received the thanks of the States, who defrayed the expence of
+their journey.
+
+Grotius complains that he was not examined on the tenth part of the
+facts specified in his sentence, that his examination was not read over
+to him; in fine, that he was no ways reprehensible, since in all he did,
+he exactly followed the orders of the States of Holland, or those of the
+city of Rotterdam[100], as the States and the City allowed; and that if
+he was to be tried, it ought to be by Judges of Rotterdam, according to
+the privileges of that city. Hoogerbetz was also condemned to perpetual
+banishment. The body of Ledemberg, Secretary of the States of Utrecht,
+who, as hath been said, put an end to his life in gaol, was affixed in
+the coffin to a gibbet. Moerbergen, Counsellor of Utrecht, had only his
+country-house, for his prison, because, suffering himself to be moved by
+the tears of his wife and children, he made a kind of submission
+bordering on those which they wanted to draw from Hoogerbetz and
+Grotius.
+
+The Judges who condemned them were so ignorant of the laws, that they
+decreed penalties which are only enacted against persons convicted of
+high treason, yet omitted mentioning in the sentence that Grotius was
+guilty of that crime. They were told of this irregularity, and saw they
+were in the wrong: to remedy it, they declared, a whole year after the
+trial, without rehearing the cause, that their intention was to condemn
+Grotius and his accomplices as guilty of high-treason; which step was
+the more irregular[101], as delegated judges cannot, by law, add to
+their sentence after it is passed. This addition deprived Grotius's wife
+of the liberty of redeeming, at a moderate price, her husband's estate;
+a privilege which the law allows in all cases but those of treason. His
+estate was therefore confiscated: but by this he was no great loser. At
+that time he was very far from being rich: his father being alive, what
+properly belonged to him was only the savings of his salary and his
+wife's fortune.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[91] Hug. Grotii votum, p. 664.
+
+[92] Apol. c. 13.
+
+[93] Mare clausum l. 1. p. 198.
+
+[94] Apol. c. 15.
+
+[95] Apol. c. 13.
+
+[96] Ibid. c. 16.
+
+[97] Ibid. c. 19.
+
+[98] Dedication of his Apology.
+
+[99] Apol. c. 13. 17.
+
+[100] Hug. Grotii votum, p. 669.
+
+[101] Ep. Gr. 161.
+
+
+XIV. In consequence of the sentence passed against Grotius, the
+States-General ordered him to be carried from the Hague to the fortress
+of Louvestein near Gorcum in South Holland, at the point of the island
+formed by the Vahal and the Meuse; which was done on the 6th of June,
+1619; and twenty-four sols per day assigned for his maintenance, and as
+much for Hoogerbetz: but their wives declared they had enough to support
+their husbands, and that they chose to be without an allowance which
+they looked on as an affront. Grotius' father asked permission to see
+his son; but was denied. They consented to admit his wife into
+Louvestein, but if she came out, she was not to be suffered to go back.
+In the sequel it was granted her that she might come abroad twice a
+week.
+
+Grotius became now more sensible than ever of the advantages men derive
+from a love of the Sciences. Exile and captivity, the greatest evils
+that can befal Ministers of ordinary merit, restored to him that
+tranquillity to which he had been for some years a stranger. Study
+became his business and consolation. From the time he was a prisoner at
+the Hague[102], whilst he had the use of pen and ink, he employed
+himself in writing a Latin piece on the means of accommodating the
+present disputes. This treatise was presented to Prince Maurice; but it
+did not mollify the indignation he had conceived against the
+Remonstrants. Grotius maintained in it, as he had done often before,
+that notwithstanding difference of opinion in some points relating to
+grace and predestination, a mutual toleration ought to take place, and
+no separation be made.
+
+We have still several of his letters written from Louvestein, which
+acquaint us in what manner he spent his time. He gave Vossius an account
+of his studies. In the first of those Letters, without date, he observes
+to him that he had resumed the study of the Law, which had been long
+interrupted by his multiplicity of business; that the rest of his time
+he devoted to the study of Morality; which had led him to translate all
+the Maxims of the Poets collected by Stobæus, and the fragments of
+Menander and Philemon. He likewise purposed to extract from the Comic
+and Tragic Authors of Greece what related to Morality, and was omitted
+by Stobæus, and to translate it into free verse, like that of the Latin
+Comic writers. With regard to his translation of the fragments of the
+Greek Tragic authors, he intended that the verses of his Latin
+translation should resemble those of the original, excepting in the
+chorus's, which he would put into the verse that best suited him. He was
+in doubt whether he ought to print these additions with Stobæus, and
+asks Vossius's opinion whether he should place them at the end, or
+entirely new-mould that collection. Sundays he employed in reading
+treatises on the truth of the Christian religion, and even spent some of
+his spare hours in this study: on other days, when his ordinary labour
+was over, he meditated some work in Flemish on religion. The subject
+which he liked best at that time was Christ's love to mankind: he no
+doubt intended to confute the extravagant opinions of the Gomarists. He
+purposed also to write a Commentary on the Sermon on the mount.
+
+Time seemed to pass very fast amidst these several projects. December
+15, 1619, he writes Vossius, that the Muses, which were always his
+delight, even when immersed in business, were now his consolation, and
+appeared more amiable than ever. He wrote some short Notes on the New
+Testament: these he intended to send to Erpenius, who was projecting a
+new edition of it; but a fit of illness obliged him to lay them
+aside[103]. When he was able to resume his studies, he composed in Dutch
+verse his treatise _Of the Truth of the Christian Religion_, and sent it
+to Vossius; who thought some places of it obscure. It makes no mention
+of the Trinity or Incarnation, because, the authority and authenticity
+of the sacred Books once proved, these great points ought to be held
+demonstrated. Those who since Grotius have written against infidelity
+with greatest success, have followed his example. Sacred and profane
+authors employed him alternately. In the end of the year 1620[104] he
+promises his brother to send him his observations on Seneca's Tragedies:
+These he had written at Vossius's desire[105]. He acknowledges his
+conjectures are sometimes very bold; but is not so attached to them, but
+he will submit them to Vossius, and leaves them entirely to him. We have
+seen that Du Maurier employed his best offices for Barnevelt and
+Grotius. From the time they were arrested all correspondence between the
+Ambassador and Grotius was probably cut off till the beginning of 1621;
+for it is not till the fifteenth of January that year, he returns him
+his thanks[106]. He says it is impossible for him to express his
+obligations to the Most Christian King, to his wife Council, and to Du
+Maurier in particular, for the pains they took to assist him in his
+misfortunes; that tho' their intentions had not the effect which might
+have been hoped for, it gave him great consolation to find persons of
+such importance interest themselves in his troubles. He calls his
+conscience, as the judge he most respected, to witness, that all he
+intended was the prevention of schism; that he never had a thought of
+making any innovation in the Republic; that he only purposed the
+supporting the rights of his Sovereigns, without invading the legal
+authority of the States-General; that such as were in the secret of
+affairs knew that his whole crime was refusing to comply with the
+caprices of those who wanted to rule according to their fancies; and
+that he chose rather to lose his estate and his health, than to ask
+pardon for a fault he had never committed.
+
+Du Maurier losing his lady about this time, Grotius writes him, February
+27, 1621, a very handsome consolatory letter, in which he deduces with
+great eloquence every ground of support that Philosophy and Religion can
+suggest in that melancholly event. The only method he took to unbend and
+recreate himself, was to go from one work to another. He translated the
+_Phoenissæ_ of Euripides: wrote his _Institutions of the Laws of
+Holland_ in Dutch: and composed some short Instructions for his daughter
+Cornelia[107] in the form of a Catechism, and in Flemish verse,
+containing an hundred and eighty-five Questions and Answers: it was
+printed at the Hague in 1619. The author afterwards translated it into
+the same number of Latin verses for the use of his son: it is added in
+the later editions of his Poems. He wrote also, while under confinement,
+a Dialogue in Dutch verse between a father and a son, on the necessity
+of silence, explaining the use and abuse of Speech, and shewing the
+advantages of taciturnity. In fine, he collected, when in prison, the
+materials of his _Apology_[108].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[102] Apolog. Pref.
+
+[103] Ep. 126.
+
+[104] Ep. 23. p. 761.
+
+[105] Ep. 132.
+
+[106] Ep. 133.
+
+[107] Mem. Litt. de la Gr. Bretagne, t. xi. p. 66.
+
+[108] Ep. 144.
+
+
+XV. Grotius had been above eighteen months shut up in Louvestein, when,
+on the eleventh of January, 1621[109], Muys-van-Holi, his declared
+enemy, who had been one of his judges, informed the States-General, that
+he had advice from good hands their prisoner was seeking to make his
+escape: some persons were sent to Louvestein to examine into this
+matter; but notwithstanding all the enquiry that could be made, they
+found no reason to believe that Grotius had laid any plot to get out.
+
+His wife however was wholly employed in contriving how to set him at
+liberty. He had been permitted[110] to borrow books of his friends, and
+when he had done with them, they were carried back in a chest with his
+foul linen, which was sent to Gorcum, a town near Louvestein, to be
+washed. The first year his guards were very exact in examining the chest
+when it went from Louvestein; but being used to find in it only books
+and linen, they grew tired of searching, and did not take the trouble to
+open it. Grotius' wife observing their negligence, purposed to take
+advantage of it. She represented to her husband that it was in his power
+to get out of prison when he pleased, if he would put himself in the
+chest that carried his books. However, not to endanger his health, she
+caused holes to be bored opposite to the part where his face was to be,
+to breathe at; and made him try if he could continue shut up in that
+confined posture as long as it would require to go from Louvestein to
+Gorcum. Finding it might be done, she resolved to seize the first
+favourable opportunity.
+
+It soon offered. The Commandant of Louvestein[111] going to Heusden to
+raise recruits, Grotius' wife made a visit to his lady, and told her in
+conversation, that she was desirous of sending away a chest full of
+books, for her husband was so weak, it gave her great uneasiness to see
+him study with such application. Having thus prepared the Commandant's
+wife, she returned to her husband's apartment, and in concert with a
+valet and a maid, who were in the secret, shut him up in the chest. At
+the same time, that people might not be surprised at not seeing him, she
+spread a report of his being ill. Two soldiers carried the chest: one of
+them, finding it heavier than usual, said, There must be an Arminian in
+it: this was a kind of proverb that had lately come into use. Grotius'
+wife, who was present, answered with great coldness, There are indeed
+Arminian books in it. The chest was brought down on a ladder, with great
+difficulty. The soldier insisted on its being opened, to see what was in
+it; he even went and informed the Commandant's wife that the weight of
+the chest gave him reason to think there was something suspicious
+contained in it, and that it would be proper to have it opened. She
+would not; whether it was that she was willing to wink at the thing, or
+through negligence: she told him that Grotius' wife had assured her
+there was nothing but books in it; and that they might carry it to the
+boat. It is affirmed that a soldier's wife who was present, said there
+was more than one example of prisoners making their escape in boxes. The
+chest however was put into the boat, and Grotius' maid, who was in the
+secret, had orders to go with it to Gorcum, and put it into a house
+there. When it came to Gorcum, they wanted to put it on a sledge; but
+the maid telling the boatman there were some brittle things in it, and
+begging of him to take care how it was carried, it was put on a horse,
+and brought by two chairmen to David Dazelaer's, a friend of Grotius,
+and brother-in-law to Erpenius, having married his sister[112]. When
+every body was gone, the maid opened the chest. Grotius had felt no
+inconvenience in it, though its length was not above three feet and a
+half. He got out, dressed himself like a mason, with a rule and a
+trowel, and went by Dazelaer's back-door, through the market-place to
+the gate that leads to the river, and stept into a boat which carried
+him to Valvic in Brabant. At this place he made himself known to some
+Arminians; and hired a carriage to Antwerp, taking the necessary
+precautions not to be known by the way: it was not the Spaniards he
+feared, for there was then a truce between them and the United
+Provinces. He alighted at Antwerp at the house of Nicholas Grevincovius,
+who had been formerly a Minister at Amsterdam; and made himself known to
+no body but him. It was on the 22d of March, 1621, that Grotius thus
+recovered his liberty.
+
+In the mean time it was believed at Louvestein that he was ill; and to
+give him time to get off, his wife gave out that his illness was
+dangerous; but as soon as she learnt by the maid's return that he was in
+Brabant, and consequently in safety, she told the guards, the bird was
+flown. They informed the Commandant, by this time returned from Heusden,
+who hastened to Grotius's wife, and asked her where she had hid her
+husband? She answered he might search for him: but being much pressed
+and even threatened, she confessed that she had caused him to be carried
+to Gorcum in the book chest: and that she had done no more than kept her
+word to him, to take the first opportunity of setting her husband at
+liberty. The Commandant in a rage went immediately to Gorcum, and
+acquainting the Magistrate with his prisoner's escape, both came to
+Dazelaer's, where they found the empty chest. On his return to
+Louvestein the Commandant confined Grotius's wife more closely: but
+presenting a petition to the States-General, April 5, 1621, praying that
+she might be discharged, and Prince Maurice, to whom it was
+communicated, making no opposition, the majority were for setting her at
+liberty. Some indeed voted for detaining her a prisoner; but they were
+looked on as very barbarous, to want to punish a woman for an heroic
+action. Two days after presenting the petition, she was discharged, and
+suffered to carry away every thing that belonged to her in Louvestein.
+Grotius continued some time at Antwerp. March 30, he wrote to the
+States-General that in procuring his liberty he had employed neither
+violence nor corruption with his keepers; that he had nothing to
+reproach himself with in what he had done; that he gave those counsels
+which he thought best for appeasing the troubles that had arisen before
+he was concerned in public business; that he only obeyed the Magistrates
+of Rotterdam his masters, and the States of Holland his sovereigns; and
+that the persecution he had suffered would never diminish his love to
+his Country, for whose prosperity he heartily prayed.
+
+Grotius's escape exercised the pens of the most famous poets of that
+period. Barlæus wrote some very good verses on it[113]: and also
+celebrated his wife's magnanimity[114]. Rutgersius composed a poem on
+his imprisonment, in which he places the day of his arrest among the
+most unfortunate for the Republic[115]. Grotius himself wrote some
+verses on his happy deliverance, which were translated into Flemish by
+the famous poet John Van Vondel. He made also some lines on the chest to
+which he owed his liberty, and in the latter part of his life was at
+great pains to recover it[116].
+
+Henry Dupuis, a learned man settled at Louvain, being informed that
+Grotius was at Antwerp, sent him a very handsome letter, to signify to
+him the share he took in the general joy of all good men, and offered
+him his house, and all that a true friend could give[117]: but Grotius
+chose rather to come to France, agreeable to the advice of Du Maurier
+and the President Jeannin; the latter assuring him he might depend on
+the King's protection, the esteem of men of the greatest consideration,
+and his friendship.
+
+But previous to the account of his journey to Paris it will be proper to
+say something of the writings that appeared relating to the disputes
+which divided the church and state.
+
+Among the Ministers who opposed the Arminians Sibrand Lubert was one of
+the most zealous and in greatest reputation. This man was a Professor in
+the university of Francker: he wrote against Worstius, who was suspected
+of Socinianism; and insinuated that the States of Holland favoured that
+heresy. He also complained of their renewing the law of 1591, concerning
+the election of ministers, and their opposing the convocation of a
+National Synod. The States, incensed at his presumption, employed
+Grotius to write their Apology, which he published in 1613.
+
+In this work he undertakes to shew that the Arminians have very
+different sentiments on grace from the Pelagians; that they join with
+the Greek and many Latin Fathers in their opinion about Predestination;
+that the Reformed did not always entertain such rigid sentiments,
+particularly Melancton, inferior to none in learning or piety; that
+since the rise of the disputes Arminius and Gomar had declared in
+writing, there was no difference between them in fundamentals; that
+after the dispute of those two Divines in presence of the States, it was
+determined that the two opinions might be tolerated; that since the
+death of Arminius twelve Ministers of the two parties having been
+heard, the States recommended to them mutual toleration and charity.
+
+He afterwards proves that the Synod was not necessary; that it could be
+of little use, because mens minds were too much inflamed; that as it
+could not be assembled in the present circumstances, it belonged to the
+States to find out ways of accommodating these disputes, which did not
+regard fundamental articles; and that Socinus had no defenders in
+Holland. He afterwards treats of the power which he ascribes to the
+Sovereign in matters ecclesiastic, and his authority in convoking
+Councils. He says the Sovereign has a right to judge in Synods, either
+in person or by his commissioners, and to judge Synods themselves; in
+proof of which he advances what passed in the first Councils; and
+regards as acts of jurisdiction and examination all that has been done
+by Princes for maintaining good order and polity. He is of opinion that
+public acts, even those which regard the doctrine of the Church, ought
+to proceed only from the Prince: he relates what Princes have done, at
+the solicitation of Bishops, for the assembling of Councils, as proofs
+of the Sovereign's authority over Councils; and omits nothing in
+antiquity that favours the authority of the Civil Magistrate in matters
+ecclesiastical, and especially in what regards elections: he shews that
+too much precaution, cannot be taken against the presumption of the
+reformed Ministers, who want to intermeddle with State Affairs, bringing
+with them their caprices and passions. "Upon the whole (he says in the
+conclusion) the more I read Church history, the more evident it appears
+to me, that the evils we complain of are the same which have been
+complained of in all past ages."
+
+This account of the work is sufficient to shew that the author, with
+much erudition, was strangely misled: if the proofs he makes use of are
+susceptible of different interpretations, he has not sufficiently
+unravelled their ambiguity and intent. It was received with great
+satisfaction by the Magistrates of Holland[118]: and the States returned
+him public thanks on the 31st of October, 1613, in very honorable terms.
+Casaubon[119] and Vossius[120] speak of this book with the highest
+commendation: but the Gomarists were greatly dissatisfied with it[121].
+Bogerman wrote some notes on it, serving to confute it; which were
+suppressed. Sibrand's friends complained that the author had dipt his
+pen in gall, and not in ink: and Sibrand himself wrote an answer, to
+which Grotius replied in some short remarks, exposing the false
+citations, the errors, and abusive language of his adversary.
+
+Sibrand's work was condemned by the States: but five years after, June
+28, 1618, on the imprisonment of Grotius, the States revoked the
+condemnation. Grotius's desire to bring about an union of sentiments led
+him, in 1613, while in England, to compose a small treatise, entitled,
+_A Reconciliation of the different Opinions on Predestination and
+Grace_. This piece contains a display of the Arminian system, which he
+endeavours to place in the most favourable light[122].
+
+The Edict which Grotius prepared by desire of the States[123], ordering
+the two parties to tolerate each other, having been warmly attacked by
+the Contra-Remonstrants, Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of
+passages justifying it against their censures. He afterwards wrote a
+defence of that decree, in which he complains of the schismatical spirit
+of the Gomarists; proves that the States did all that depended on them
+to reconcile mens minds: maintains, against an anonymous writer, to whom
+he gives the name of _Lucifuga_, that it is false the Remonstrants gave
+the draught of that Edict; asserts, on the contrary, that several things
+are omitted in it, which they wished to be inserted, and which had even
+an appearance of reason and justice; and sets forth the moderation and
+equity of the Edict upon the whole. Grotius did not finish this work;
+but on occasion of the dispute concerning the power of Sovereigns in
+things sacred; he composed a very considerable treatise. He had already
+handled this subject in a tract on the Piety of the States of Holland:
+he examines it more thoroughly in this, proceeding on the same
+principles. It is certain that this book may be read with some
+profit[124], that it contains many curious things, but some others also
+that are very bold, and very false. Such as are acquainted with the just
+rights of the two powers will never grant to Grotius, that the Sovereign
+has a right to judge in councils, to alter their decisions, and to
+depose the Ministers of the Church. Most of the proofs on which he
+builds consist of ambiguous passages, which he strains to his opinion by
+forced explanations. This work discovers rather the great lawyer, than
+the exact divine; and, what is singular, the author is afraid he has not
+granted enough to the Civil Magistrate, and been too favourable to the
+claims of the Clergy. He knew, however, that it would not please the
+King of Great Britain; and the Bishops of that kingdom were of opinion
+he had given too much authority to the Secular Power in things sacred:
+It is probable the Letter sent by the States of Holland and
+West-Friesland, in 1618, to King James I. was written by Grotius: it is
+his style and sentiments. The States, who foresaw that the troubles
+would still go on increasing, begin with a short recital of the rise of
+these disputes; they afterwards desire his Majesty to examine whether in
+the present circumstances a Synod would be of use, and whether there
+was not reason to apprehend it might occasion a schism: they ask the
+King to grant them his protection, and promise to employ their authority
+in supporting truth, and driving away error.
+
+Endeavours being used to render the Remonstrants odious by accusing them
+of Socinianism; Grotius, to shew that his sentiments were very different
+from those of Socinus, attacks him in a treatise, entitled, _A Defence
+of the Catholic Faith concerning the Satisfaction of Christ, against
+Faustus Socinus_. This work was read with great applause by all who did
+not profess an open enmity to the author; and many of the reformed
+Divines allowed that the subject had never been handled with more
+learning and strength of argument. It was approved of by several learned
+men in Germany and England, particularly the famous Overal, Bishop of
+Litchfield and Coventry.
+
+We find in this treatise, as in all those of Grotius, many learned
+discussions, which prove his profound knowledge of sacred and profane
+antiquity. In treating of the expiatory sacrifices of the Pagans, he
+examines with great depth of learning the custom of sacrificing men,
+which obtained in all nations.
+
+Grotius's enemies were very active in depreciating the merit of this
+work. Herman Ravespenger, Professor at Groningen, attacked it with so
+much rudeness, that Balthasar Lydius, who, however, was not of the
+Arminian party, told him his criticism was wretched, and he was ready to
+answer it. The Gomarists, far from recovering from their prejudices,
+took occasion from the book of the Satisfaction of Christ to accuse the
+author of Semi-pelagianism. He did not think it worth while to defend
+himself against an anonymous author[125], because in his book of the
+Piety of the States of Holland he had spoken of Semi-pelagianism as a
+very grievous error. Afterwards he enquired in an express treatise,
+whether the Arminians were Pelagians, and fully cleared them of teaching
+that heresy.
+
+It was during these contests, that he collected _The sentiments of the
+Greeks and Romans on fate and man's power_. He translated all that he
+found in the Ancients on this subject; and first published it at Paris
+in 1624.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[109] Le Clerc Hist. lib. 9. p. 71.
+
+[110] Du Maurier.
+
+[111] Grotii manes, p. 208.
+
+[112] Ep. 196.
+
+[113] Præst. Vir. Epist. p. 655.
+
+[114] Grotii manes, p. 230.
+
+[115] Ibid. p. 204. He compared Grotius to Moses, Observat. Hallens. 15.
+l. 7. p. 336.
+
+[116] Ep. 720 p. 670.
+
+[117] He wrote also some lines on the chest, in which Grotius was
+confined.
+
+[118] Burman's Collection of Letters, let. 211.
+
+[119] Ep. 925.
+
+[120] Ep. 1.
+
+[121] Ep. Utengobardi. Præst. Vir. Ep. p. 383.
+
+[122] It is printed among his theological works.
+
+[123] See above, § IV.
+
+[124] L'Abbé Longlet, Catalogue des Auteurs du Droit Canenique, p. 175.
+
+[125] Ep. 19. p. 760.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+
+Grotius was at no loss what country to chuse for his asylum. As he was
+invited by the men of learning in France, and sought after by the
+virtuous Ministers whom Lewis XIII. honoured with his confidence, he
+gave the preference to Paris, where he had already many friends. Du
+Maurier, the French ambassador in Holland, sent him from the Hague to
+Antwerp several letters of recommendation to persons in France: the
+President Jeannin[126] wrote him, that he might depend on the king's
+protection, who was informed by many good men that he had been unjustly
+condemned in his own country; promising him, at the same time, the
+friendship of the men of greatest distinction in France, and assuring
+him he would do him all the service that lay in his power. Grotius,
+therefore, set out for Paris with confidence. He would not ask an
+escort[127] though he was not without apprehension of some violence from
+the Dutch; but chose rather to travel in disguise and by bye-roads.
+
+He arrived at Paris on the 13th of April, 1621, at night. The King was
+at Fontainbleau. Boissise, who had been Ambassador Extraordinary in
+Holland at the time of Barnevelt's trial, had not followed his Majesty;
+but waited for Grotius at Paris, to direct him how to act. He assured
+him that the King bore him much good-will, that he did not doubt his
+Majesty would in a little time give him effective proofs of it, and
+advised him to continue at Paris till his friends did something for him.
+Grotius visited M. de Vic, and the President Jeannin, who received him
+with the greatest marks of friendship, and repeated what Boissise had
+already said. The States-General, in the mean time, ordered their
+Ambassadors to do him every ill-office; a commission which they executed
+with the greatest zeal. They did all they could to destroy his
+reputation, but it was too well established to be shaken. The revenge he
+took was by speaking of his Country like a zealous citizen; and by
+seeking every occasion to serve her: this gained him the applause of the
+King, who could not help admiring the greatness of his proceeding.
+
+When the Dutch Ambassadors saw that the French Ministry were favourably
+disposed towards Grotius, and that in all appearance the King would
+speedily give him public marks of his esteem, they spread a report that
+he had applied to the French Ministry, to use their influence with the
+States-General for obtaining his pardon: they added, that the Ministry,
+after praising the good disposition he was in, assured him the King
+suffered him in France only because he knew these were his sentiments,
+and that the way to obtain a pension from the Court was by seeking to
+recover the favour of the States-General.
+
+Grotius, informed of these reports, publicly declared he never
+acknowledged that he had failed in any part of his conduct whilst in
+place, and that his conscience bore him witness he had done nothing
+contrary to Law. In a Letter[128] to Du Maurier he speaks of this
+slander as what gave him great uneasiness. "An atrocious lye has been
+spread, which vexes me extremely: it is reported that I being at liberty
+have asked pardon, which I absolutely refused to do, even when it would
+have saved me from ignominy, imprisonment, and the loss of my estate."
+
+There was yet another sort of people of whom Grotius had no reason to be
+very fond[129]: these were the Ministers of Charenton. They had received
+the decisions of the Synod of Dort, and held the Remonstrants in
+abhorrence: they would not therefore admit Grotius into their Communion.
+But excepting these few all the French strove who should shew him
+greatest civilities. Messieurs du Puis and Peyresc[130] made haste to
+visit him as soon as they heard of his arrival. May 14, 1621, he writes
+to Du Maurier that he had as much pleasure at Paris, as he had chagrin
+in prison; that the Great gave him on all occasions marks of their
+esteem, and the men of learning anticipated his wishes. The only thing
+that troubled his joy for his happy escape was the thought of having
+left in prison a wife to whom he had so great reason to be
+attached[131]: this grieved him so much, as he afterwards declared,
+that, had they kept her still in prison, he would have surrendered
+himself to his persecutors, rather than have been separated from her for
+ever.
+
+The famous Peyresc took occasion to say, that by Grotius's arrival at
+Paris the Dutch had made amends to France for having formerly carried
+away from it the great Scaliger: this thought gave rise to two Latin
+Epigrams[132].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[126] Præst. Vir. Epist. p 656.
+
+[127] Ep. 136.
+
+[128] Ep. 147.
+
+[129] Du Maurier, p. 409.
+
+[130] Ep 137.
+
+[131] Ep. 164.
+
+[132]
+
+     Gallia, Scaligerum dederas male sana Batavis:
+       Grotiadem reddit terra Batava tibi.
+     Ingratam expertus patriam venerandus uterque est:
+       Felix mutato erit uterque solo.
+
+Ep. Grot. 401. p. 868.
+
+     Gallia magnanimis dedit exorata Batavis
+       Dîs geniti æternum Scaligeri ingenium:
+     Fallor an humanis male dura Batavia Gallis
+       Scaligerum magno reddidit in Grotio.
+
+Buchner. Vind. Grot. p. 237.
+
+
+II. The Constable De Luynes had the management of public affairs when
+Grotius came to France; Silleri was Chancellor, and Du Vair keeper of
+the Seals. This last had a particular esteem for Grotius, and employed
+all his credit to engage the King to make him a present till he should
+assign him a pension: He writes him a Letter, assuring him that he might
+depend on his friendship, which deserves to be copied entire.
+
+"Sir, Ingenuous and generous minds, such as yours, think themselves
+obliged by small favours. I have always, that is, ever since I heard of
+you, admired your excellent disposition and uncommon learning; and have
+since lamented your misfortune in suffering for your too great love to
+the liberties of your Country, and the favour you shewed to those who
+were beginning to bring back the truth to it: I have done all that my
+situation and my master's service would permit to alleviate your
+misfortunes, and procure your deliverance. It has pleased God you should
+owe it entirely to him, and not to the interposition of earthly powers,
+that being freed from worldly cares, you might employ the many rare
+talents, with which he has intrusted you, in advancing the work most
+agreeable to him, which is the common peace of Christendom, by reuniting
+the members which are separated from their spiritual mother, by whom
+they or their fathers were conceived. And forasmuch as I see so many
+honourable men hope for it from you, I cannot but rejoice with them, and
+encourage by my applauses your happy career. I promise myself, the King,
+whose liberality for the present only supplies your necessities, will
+then reward your virtues and merit; and give them honourable employment
+in the affairs of state, in the management whereof you have acquired
+great knowledge and dexterity. I shall never be the last to promote what
+may be agreeable to you, and shall always highly value, as I now do, the
+friendship of such an extraordinary personage; offering all you can
+desire of him who is, Sir, yours most affectionately to serve you. G. Du
+Vair, Bishop of Lisieux. Camp at St. John d'Angeli, June 13, 1621."
+
+Grotius answers this obliging Letter on the 24th of June following[133].
+He owns he was always a lover of Learning; but modestly acknowledges
+that his friends, by engaging him too early in the study of the law and
+public business, retarded the progress which he might otherwise have
+made. He hopes, with God's grace, that no worldly motives shall induce
+him to act or speak against his conscience; and that if he has the
+misfortune to be deceived, God will graciously enlighten him, or pardon
+him for his good intention: and prays for the return of peace among
+Christians, without prejudice to truth. "Some thousands, says he, of
+whom I am one, most sincerely wish for such a desirable event; in the
+mean time, if I can be of any use, you may command me. Though indeed the
+more I consider myself, the more I see I have no merit but that of good
+desires; but I will shew you by my obedience, that I have at least
+inclination."
+
+Du Vair died at Tonneins, August 3, 1621, six weeks after receiving
+Grotius's Letter. This was a great loss to him: but it would have been
+advantageously repaired, had the Seals, agreeable to the wishes of the
+Public, been given to the President Jeannin, the most esteemed
+Magistrate in the kingdom for his excellent talents and virtue. He had
+the highest friendship for Grotius, who ardently wished that great man
+might receive the reward of the signal services he had done the State:
+"But, he writes to Du Maurier[134], those who know the court, dare not
+flatter themselves with so much good luck." While the seals were vacant
+the Constable De Luynes did the office of keeper: they were at length
+given, not to the President Jeannin, but to De Vic, who had on all
+occasions given Grotius proofs of his friendship. He made profession of
+an esteem for men of learning; Casaubon held him in great veneration,
+and Grotius flattered himself that he would be his friend. "His
+behaviour to Casaubon, says Grotius to Du Maurier[135], proves his love
+to learning; and before he left Paris he gave me some evident marks of
+his good-will."
+
+It had been determined in the King's Council to do something for
+Grotius; but it was long before this resolution had its effect. Du
+Maurier had written to all his friends warmly to solicit the issuing of
+the warrant for the sum granted him: it was sent at length, but there
+was no money in the treasury. The King was absent, and when he returned
+to Paris, the thing, it was said, would be done. The Prince of Condé
+openly interested himself for him. What made Grotius uneasy was, that on
+the promises made him he had hired a house. His wife came to Paris in
+October, 1621[136], and their expences so much exceeded the small
+revenue which he had still left, that he wrote to Du Maurier, December
+3, 1621, that if something were not done for him soon, he must seek a
+settlement in Germany, or hide himself in some corner of France. He asks
+a recommendation to the Chancellor De Silleri: "and as he is somewhat
+slow, it would be proper (says he) to refresh the Marquis de Puysieux's
+memory." The King returned to Paris January 30, 1622. Grotius was
+presented to him by the Chancellor and the Keeper of the seals in the
+beginning of March[137]: the Court was very numerous. His Majesty
+received him most graciously, and granted him a pension of three
+thousand livres. He was much obliged to the Prince of Condé and the
+Keeper of the Seals on this occasion. The King did not only confer marks
+of his favour on Grotius; but on his account protected all who were
+persecuted by the States; and by his Letters Patent, dated at Nantes,
+April 22, 1627, takes such as were condemned in Holland under his
+protection as if they were his own subjects; willing, that in case of
+death, their children and heirs should succeed, and that their effects
+should not be liable to be escheated.
+
+De Vic dying on the second of September, 1622, his death filled Grotius
+and the Dutch Refugees in France with the greater concern, as the seals
+were given to Caumartin, a professed enemy of the Protestants. As soon
+as Grotius thought himself settled, he looked out for a better house,
+intending to go the length of five hundred livres a year; but Tilenus
+took half of it: its situation was in the Rue de Condé, opposite to the
+Prince's hotel: He probably made choice of that quarter, to be more at
+hand to pay his court to the Prince, with whom he had been in friendship
+above twenty years, and who had on all occasions given him marks of his
+esteem and protection. Tilenus's wife was very desirous of a coach;
+Grotius thought one equipage would serve both; but he was against
+setting it up immediately, in order to avoid an expence which perhaps he
+could not support. What farther restrained him was, that though the King
+had granted him a pension with the best grace that could be, and Marshal
+Schomberg, superintendant of the Finances[138], had ordered it to be
+paid quarterly, and one payment to be advanced on demand, he could not
+however come at the money. They had forgot to put it on the Civil
+List[139], and the Commissioners of the Treasury found daily some new
+excuse for delaying the payment. He imagined[140] those who raised the
+difficulty hoped by that means to make him turn Roman Catholic. A report
+that he was not far from changing his religion had reached Holland[141].
+It gave Vossius some uneasiness, and he wrote to him, acquainting him of
+this report, and begging that he would do nothing to give it
+countenance. Grotius removed his fears, assuring him he might make
+himself easy; for he might have avoided, he says, the grievous sentence
+passed upon him, and since his sentence would not have remained so long
+in captivity, and might also hope for greater honours than his country
+could bestow, if he would change sides. It is more probable that, the
+bad state of the finances of the kingdom, or the greediness of the
+Commissioners, were the only obstructions to his payment. He had at
+length reason to be satisfied: by the solicitations of powerful friends,
+who interested themselves for him, he received his pension; and it was
+paid as grants were paid at that time, that is to say, very slowly, till
+Cardinal Richelieu, who bore him ill-will, gave private orders to
+prevent his enjoying the benefit of the King's favour: which obliged
+Grotius to leave France, as we shall see in the sequel.
+
+He sustained a heavy loss in April by the death of the President
+Jeannin. This worthy Magistrate had so much acquired the esteem of the
+Dutch by the great services he did them when the truce was concluded
+with Spain in 1619, that all good men in Holland would have his picture.
+Grotius received from him testimonies of the greatest friendship, and
+regretted him most sincerely.
+
+In a Letter to his brother William Grotius, dated April 23, 1623,
+"Whilst I am now writing this, says he, I receive the melancholy news of
+the President Jeannin's death: it is a great loss to good men, to the
+King's business, and to me in particular."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[133] Ep. 150.
+
+[134] Ep. 156.
+
+[135] Ep. 171.
+
+[136] Ep. 165.
+
+[137] Ep. 29. p. 763.
+
+[138] Ep. 175 p. 65.
+
+[139] Ep. 32. p. 764.
+
+[140] Ep. 37. p. 765.
+
+[141] Ep. 158. p. 60.
+
+
+III. The pains which he was obliged to take, and the trouble he
+underwent at the beginning of his new settlement at Paris, did not
+diminish his passion for literature. April 23, 1621, he informs Vossius
+that the irksomeness of his solitary manner of life was relieved by his
+daily conversations with men of the greatest abilities. He writes to
+Andrew Schot from Paris, July 8, 1621, that, delivered from public
+business which never leaves the mind at ease, and from that croud whose
+conversation is contagious, he spent the greatest part of his time in
+prayer, reading the Scriptures, and the ancient interpreters.
+
+He enters into a detail of his studies in a letter to Vossius, September
+29, 1621, "I persist, says he, in my respect for sacred antiquity: there
+are many people here of the same taste. My six books in Dutch will
+appear soon (this was his treatise on the Truth of the Christian
+Religion, in Dutch verse) perhaps I shall also publish the Disquisition
+On Pelagianism, with the precautions hinted to me by you and some other
+learned men. In the mean time, I am preparing an edition of Stobæus; and
+to render it more perfect I collate the Greek Manuscripts with the
+printed copies." He sometimes attended the courts of Justice to hear the
+Advocates plead, that he might judge of their talents and eloquence. To
+be applauded for eloquence at that time, says the Abbé D'Olivet, an
+Advocate was to say almost nothing of his cause; make continual
+allusions to the least-known passages of antiquity, and have the art of
+throwing a new kind of obscurity upon them, by, making his speech
+consist of a string of metaphors. This fault shocked Grotius much. He
+gives an account to his brother of the impression made upon him by the
+studied harangues which were delivered at Martinmas term 1622, by M.
+Servin and the First President: they were wholly taken from Greek and
+Latin authors. "Such, says Grotius, is the eloquence in fashion: it is
+much disliked by men of sound judgment." The celebrated Patru first
+attempted, and accomplished the reformation of this bad taste.
+
+Grotius's ardour for study did not prevent his employing a part of his
+time in reading the Scriptures and books of Theology. The Ministers of
+Charenton persisting in their refusal to receive him into their
+communion unless he would renounce his opinions, he resolved to have
+prayers read at home to his family.
+
+
+IV. Notwithstanding the inveterate enmity of the Dutch, which pursued
+him even to the French court, Grotius still preserved a sincere love to
+his Country. He wrote to his father and brother-in-law that he was
+continually soliciting all his friends in its favour; that no injuries
+should ever make him cease to love it; and that he stifled every thought
+of revenge as utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel.
+
+He did not however think this disposition ought to hinder him from
+labouring to manifest to the world the innocency of his conduct, and
+that of those who were condemned with him.
+
+He had even collected when in prison some materials for his apology: the
+President Jeannin advised him to finish it while the facts were fresh in
+his memory, and he might print it at a favourable opportunity.
+
+Grotius followed this advice, and his Apology in Dutch was finished in
+the beginning of the year 1622. If it had appeared only in that language
+it could not have been read out of Holland; but as he intended that
+wherever he was known, that is to say, throughout all Europe, every one
+might be enabled to judge of the regularity of his conduct, he
+translated it into Latin: He was also desirous of having it done into
+French, that it might be printed at the same time in the three
+languages: but he could not find a French translator. He expected that a
+work, which set in the clearest light the injustices and prevarications
+of men in place, would increase their hatred to him: but this
+consideration did not restrain him from publishing it, because he was
+persuaded the laws of God and of nature allowed every man unjustly
+accused to justify himself.
+
+His Apology was soon translated into Latin, for it was published at
+Paris in the year 1622. In the dedication to the people of Holland and
+West Friesland the Author explains his reasons for so long delaying his
+vindication. During his nine months confinement at the Hague he could do
+nothing in it; when removed to Louvestein he wanted several necessary
+pieces; since his happy escape he was much busied; besides it required
+time to range the several parts of his defence in proper order. The work
+is divided into twenty Chapters: in the first he shews that each of the
+United Provinces is sovereign and independent of the States-General,
+whose authority is confined to the defence of the Provinces: in the
+second, that each Province is possessed of the Sovereignty in matters
+ecclesiastical, and that this sovereignty resides in the particular
+States of the Province: in the third and fourth, that the different
+opinions about Predestination ought to be tolerated: in the fifth, that
+the convocation of a Synod in the situation of affairs at that time must
+have been attended with great danger; that the assembling of the Synod
+of Dort was illegal, since it was done without consent of the Province
+of Holland: in the sixth, he sets forth the measures taken by the States
+of Holland to restore tranquillity; in the seventh, the reasonableness
+of the regulation of 1591 relating to the share which the Magistrates
+ought to have in the nomination of the Ministers of the Gospel; in the
+eighth, that the approbation of the majority ought to be looked upon as
+a decision: the excesses of the Contra-Remonstrants are particularised
+in the ninth: the tenth and eleventh justify the province of Holland in
+relation to the raising a new militia, which were called Attendants.
+The informality of his arrest is displayed in the thirteenth Chapter;
+Grotius there shews that he and the others arrested at the same time had
+only executed the orders of their Superiors and Sovereigns; that those
+who arrested him had no power to do it; that the States-General had no
+authority over the subjects of the Provinces; that they were a party in
+the dispute; that the persons arrested were members of the States of
+Holland, and were arrested in the Province of Holland, where the
+States-General had no jurisdiction. The fourteenth Chapter exposes the
+want of formality in the proceedings from the time of their arrest to
+the nomination of their judges. The fifteenth Chapter points out the
+want of formality in the nomination of the judges: and proves the
+extravagancy of making it a crime in them to maintain the rights of the
+States their Sovereigns, agreeable to the express orders they received.
+The sixteenth Chapter explains the informality committed after the
+Judges were nominated. The seventeenth displays the irregularity of the
+sentence passed upon them. The eighteenth gives a detail of the wrongs
+done to them after the Sentence. The nineteenth Chapter contains several
+remarks all tending to shew the irregularity of the sentence. The Author
+concludes this work, with a Prayer, imploring the Divine Goodness to
+pardon his enemies, and protect his Country. He farther prays that the
+Prince of Orange may merit the love of the People over whom he is
+governor; and that God may give himself grace to support with patience
+the persecution he suffers, that it may be meritorious to him in the
+other world.
+
+The Apology was sent to Holland as soon as published: it incensed the
+States-General the more, as they could not give a reasonable answer to
+it. The approbation it met with throughout Europe would not suffer them
+to remain silent; this would have confirmed all the disagreeable truths
+which the necessity of a just defence obliged Grotius to advance: thus
+destitute of any good arguments, they had recourse to authority, and
+made themselves judges in their own cause. They proscribed the Apology,
+and condemned it as slanderous, and tending to asperse by falshoods the
+sovereign authority of the government of the Provinces, the person of
+the Prince of Orange, the States of the particular Provinces, and the
+towns themselves; and therefore forbad all persons to have it in their
+custody on pain of death. The _Mercure François_ mentions this in the
+following terms. "The Apology is prohibited; and all persons of what
+quality soever are forbid to have it in their possession on pain of
+death; thus making Grotius as it were a prey to any person who shall
+apprehend him."
+
+These menaces gave him uneasiness: he consulted the French Ministry, his
+friends and protectors, how to behave in this situation, and what was to
+be done to prevent the consequence which might result from the
+proscription: he had several conferences on this subject with the
+Chancellor de Silleri and the President Jeannin. The Chancellor, who was
+naturally irresolute, contented himself with blaming the rigour of the
+edict, and making general offers of service. The President Jeannin was
+of opinion he should write a letter to a friend, shewing the injustice
+of the proscription: others advised him to despise these vain threats,
+and publish a new edition of the _Apology_ in which he might put the
+Authors of the Edict to confusion: some were of opinion he ought to
+complain to the States-General themselves; but others represented there
+would be danger in having recourse to this last expedient, as he might
+seem by it to acknowledge their authority. Against writing to the
+particular States of the Provinces there was one great objection,
+namely, the certainty of drawing upon himself a new proscription,
+because the power was in the hands of his greatest enemies. Those who
+wished to see him pass the rest of his days in France thought he should
+get himself naturalized a Frenchman, because the King by that would
+necessarily become his protector: they farther represented that this
+formality would qualify him to hold a place in France.
+
+What kept him in suspense was to know whether he should put himself
+under the protection of the parliament, or ask a safe-conduct from the
+king. In the beginning of the year 1623[142] he seemed resolved to
+present a petition to the Parliament, and afterwards write to the
+States-General. He was in doubt whether to write to the Prince of
+Orange; at length he took the most proper step, which was to apply to
+the King. He presented a petition to his Majesty to be protected against
+the above-mentioned Edict, "which imported that he should be apprehended
+wherever found;" these are the terms of the _Mercure François_; "and his
+Majesty took him into his special protection, the letters for that
+purpose being issued at Paris, Feb. 26, 1623."
+
+Although the greatest part of the Roman Catholics would have found
+nothing amiss in his _Apology_, yet many of them in the Low Countries
+were scandalized that he had not spoken of religion as they would have
+spoken: and it was condemned at Antwerp as dangerous to be read[143].
+
+This work was never answered. Some years after its publication[144] a
+report being spread that a private person had written against the
+Apology without being employed by the States-General, Grotius desired
+his brother to enquire into it. It is probable this news was without
+foundation: at least we know nothing of that work. The malevolence of
+those who were then in place made no change in Grotius's affection to
+his country: in the height of the new persecution he wrote to his
+brother that he would still labour to promote the interest of Holland;
+and that if the United Provinces were desirous of entering into a
+closer union with France, he would assist them with all his credit: for
+the public interest was not to be sacrificed to the resentment of
+injuries received from a few[145].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[142] Ep. 46, p. 768.
+
+[143] Ep. 102. p. 784.
+
+[144] Dec. 20, 1630.
+
+[145] Ep. 50. p. 759, 769.
+
+
+V. Though the Prince of Orange had taken care to leave none in place but
+such as were entirely devoted to him, and consequently declared enemies
+of the Remonstrants, Grotius still preserved many faithful friends who
+ardently desired his return. He had scarce been a month at Paris when
+they wrote to him that there were some hopes of his being recalled: but
+he rightly judged that they were without foundation. He even writes to
+his brother-in-law, Reigersberg, that he looked on that rumour as an
+artifice of his enemies, who sought by it to engage him to silence,
+which they intended to take advantage of to propagate their calumnies.
+He was not duped by it, since, as we have just mentioned, it did not
+hinder him from writing his Defence, and publishing it to the world.
+Among those who preserved a friendship for him, there was one whom it
+would seem he had no reason to count upon: this was Prince Frederic
+Henry of Nassau, brother to the Prince of Orange, and who after the
+death of Maurice was himself Stadtholder. They maintained a
+correspondence by letters even at the time when the people of Holland
+were most exasperated against Grotius; and by a Letter from that Prince,
+which is still remaining, we may judge that Grotius did him good service
+at Paris; and that Frederic Henry was greatly disposed to serve him.
+This Letter deserves to be copied entire: it is dated August 4, 1622.
+
+"Sir, I thank you for the good offices you have done me with some of the
+King's Council, and beg of you to continue them both with these, and
+with others, as you shall think proper; assuring you that I shall
+acknowledge your friendship on all occasions where I can serve you;
+being bound to it by the friendship which you have ever shewn to me. I
+have asked your brother-in-law Mr. Reigersberg to write to you
+particularly about an affair in which I should be glad to have your
+opinion: you will oblige me much by sending it, as you have already done
+by the memorial you remitted to me; for which I sincerely thank you. I
+could wish to be of use in your affairs in this Country, and would
+labour in them most chearfully: but you know the constitution of things
+is such, that neither I, nor your other friends, can serve you agreeably
+to our wishes. I would fain hope that time will bring about some change,
+and that I shall see you again here esteemed and honoured as your great
+qualities deserve; which will give me no less pleasure than I received
+from your regaining your liberty. In the mean time, I wish you, while at
+a distance from your country, all the satisfaction, prosperity, and
+happiness which you can desire. This I pray God to grant, and to me an
+opportunity of shewing by my actions that I am yours most affectionately
+to serve you, Henry de Nassau."
+
+
+VI. The year after the publication of the Apology, that is to say, in
+1623, Nicholas Buon printed at Paris Grotius's improvements and
+additions to Stobæus. This author, as is well known, extracted what he
+thought most important in the ancient Greek writers, and ranged it under
+different heads comprehending the principal points of Philosophy. His
+work is the more valuable as it has preserved several fragments of the
+Ancients found no where else. Grotius when very young purposed to
+extract from this author all the maxims of the poets, to translate them
+into Latin verse, and print the original with the translation. He began
+this when a boy; he was employed in it at the time of his arrest, and
+continued it as an amusement, whilst he had the use of books, in his
+prison at the Hague. He tells us that when he was deprived of pen and
+ink he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an invective against
+tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at that time in
+Holland. On his removal to Louvestein he resumed this work, and he
+finished it at Paris. He made several happy corrections in the text of
+Stobæus, some from his own conjectures or those of his friends, others
+on the authority of manuscripts in the king's library, which were very
+politely lent him by the learned Nicholas Rigaut, librarian to his
+Majesty.
+
+Prefixed to this book are Prolegomena, in which the author shews that
+the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims agreeable to the
+truths taught in Holy Writ. He intended to dedicate this book to the
+Chancellor Silleri: he had even written the dedication; but his friends,
+to whom he shewed it, thought he expressed himself with too much warmth
+against the censurers of his _Apology_. They advised him therefore to
+suppress it; and he yielded to their opinion. It may be observed in
+reading the royal privilege that the present title of the book is
+different from what it was to have had. To these extracts from the Greek
+Poets translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of
+Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of the Poets; giving the
+Greek text with a Latin translation. Fabricius informs us, that in the
+Library of the College of Leyden there is a copy of the Geneva edition
+of Stobæus, in the year 1609, with several notes in Grotius's own hand.
+Three years after the publication of his Stobæus, Grotius printed a work
+which may be looked upon as a continuation of it; being an extract of
+the Comedies and Tragedies of the Greeks: the text is translated into
+Latin verse. In this work he inserted only such maxims as he thought
+best worth preserving. He began it, as we have observed, when a prisoner
+at Louvestein. The learned Fabricius very judiciously remarks, that it
+is to be regretted he did not mention the places of the Ancients from
+whence he took these extracts.
+
+
+VII. After having lived a year in the noise of Paris he was desirous of
+enjoying for some time the quiet of the country. The President de Meme
+offered him one of his seats, Balagni near Senlis. Grotius accepted it,
+and passed there the spring and summer of the year 1623. In this castle
+he began his great work[146] which singly would be sufficient to render
+its author's name immortal; I mean the treatise _Of the rights of war
+and peace_, of which we shall speak more fully elsewhere. He had with
+him his family and four friends; and was visited by the most
+distinguished men of learning, among others Salmasius and Rigaut. He had
+all the books he could desire: Francis de Thou the President's son, who
+succeeded to his father's library, one of the best in Europe, gave him
+the free use of it. Grotius, who knew the President de Meme to be a most
+zealous Roman Catholic, was careful to regulate his conduct in such a
+manner that the President might never repent his favouring him with the
+use of his house: he gave directions that while he was at Balagni no
+butchers meat should be brought to table on Fridays or Saturdays; he
+received none of the Dutch refugee Ministers there; no psalms nor hymns
+were sung; in fine, he would have no public nor even private exercise of
+the Protestant Religion performed; and would see only those whom he
+could not decently refuse. From Balagni he sometimes made excursions to
+St. Germain, where the court was, in order to cultivate the friendship
+of the ministry. Having learnt that the President de Meme wanted to
+reside himself at Balagni, he quitted it, and retired to Senlis in the
+beginning of August: in October he came back to Paris.
+
+His wife's affairs obliging her to make a journey to Zealand, she set
+out for that province in the summer 1624. In her absence Grotius was
+seized with a violent dysentery. October 18th, 1624, he writes to his
+brother that he had been three weeks confined to his bed, and four times
+blooded. The news of his illness threw his wife into a fever. As soon as
+it was abated she set out for Paris without waiting the return of her
+strength. The pleasure of seeing her again and the care she took of him
+wrought a wonderful change in Grotius: in fine, after two months
+dangerous illness he began to mend, and in a little time was perfectly
+recovered, so that he was never in better health than in the beginning
+of the year 1625.
+
+His illness did not hinder his studies: in this last he was employed
+about the _Phoenissæ_ of Euripides. A part of his translation of this
+Tragedy had been lost when he was a prisoner at the Hague: he did it
+over again while confined by his dysentery, and put the last hand to the
+whole. It was not published till 1630. He dedicated it to the President
+de Meme. The preface confirms that he did this work in prison; that
+after his serious studies it served him for amusement and even
+consolation, for he was of Timocles's opinion, that Tragedies might
+serve to alleviate the idea of our misfortunes by carrying our
+reflexions to the vicissitude of human affairs; and begs some indulgence
+to a work done partly in prison and partly during illness. The
+translation is in Latin verse such as the ancient tragic writers used.
+In the preface Grotius enters into an examination of Euripides's
+tragedy. He shews that the time of twenty-four hours has been exactly
+kept to; that the unity of place is observed; that the manners are good;
+that it contains many useful maxims, and is upon the whole very well
+written.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[146] Ep. 56. p. 770. Ep. 57. p. 771.
+
+
+VIII. The Prince of Orange, Maurice de Nassau, falling ill in November,
+1624, died after six months indisposition, at the age of fifty-eight, on
+the 23d of April, 1625. This event raised the hopes of Grotius's
+friends: they flattered themselves that his return to his Country would
+no longer meet with any obstacle. Prince Frederic Henry succeeded his
+brother as Stadtholder. He had not entered into the malevolent projects
+formed by Maurice against the Arminians. The Count D'Estrades has given
+us some anecdotes on this subject, which we shall relate on his
+authority. He assures us that, being one day _tête à tête_ with Prince
+Henry Frederic in his coach, he heard him say that he had much to do to
+keep well with his brother Maurice, who suspected him of secretly
+favouring Barnevelt and the Arminians. "He told me (these are the Count
+D'Estrades words) that it was true he kept a correspondence with them to
+prevent their opposing his election in case his brother should die, but
+that as it imported him to be on good terms with his brother, and to
+efface the notion he had of his connection with the Arminians, he made
+use of Vandermyle, one of his particular friends and Barnevelt's
+son-in-law, to let the cabal know that it was necessary for him to
+accommodate himself to his brother, that he might be better able to
+serve them: which Barnevelt approved of."
+
+Hoogerbetz's situation, who, as we have seen, was condemned with
+Grotius, received some alleviation by the change of the Stadtholder.
+Four months after the death of Prince Maurice he was allowed to come out
+of Louvestein, and to reside at a country-house, upon condition of not
+leaving the country on pain of forfeiting twenty thousand florins, for
+which his friends and children were bound. "It is asserted (says the
+author of the _Mercure François_) that this liberty was granted him
+without any acknowledgment of his fault, and without asking pardon." He
+did not enjoy it long, for he died three weeks after he was discharged.
+
+Grotius's father, who knew his son was esteemed and even loved by the
+new Stadtholder, advised him to write to that Prince. He obeyed his
+father: but informed him that he was determined not to do a mean thing
+to procure his return. It was from mere complaisance that he wrote to
+the Prince, for he owns to his brother he had very little hopes of
+success from his letter: he was even desirous that his correspondence
+with the Prince might be kept a secret, lest its being publicly known
+should vex his Highness. The enemies of the Remonstrants would, no
+doubt, have been greatly offended with the Stadtholder, had they
+discovered that he was favourably inclined to the Arminians: and the
+Prince's authority was not yet sufficiently established to free him from
+the necessity of keeping measures with so powerful a party. Grotius's
+conjectures were but too true: and all that he and his friends could do
+to procure his return was absolutely fruitless.
+
+IX. He was now at the height of his glory by the prodigious success of
+his admirable book _Of the rights of war and peace_, which a celebrated
+writer[147] justly styles a master-piece. He began it in 1623 at
+Balagni, and in 1625 it was published at Paris. It was the famous
+Nicholas Peyresc, the Mecænas of his age and the ornament of Provence,
+who engaged Grotius to handle this subject. He writes to that worthy
+magistrate, Jan. 11th, 1624. "I go on with my work _Of the law of
+nations_: if it may be of use to the world it is to you posterity will
+owe the obligation, since you made me undertake it, and assisted me in
+it." In the preliminary discourse he sets forth his motives for treating
+this subject. "Many strong reasons determined me to write at this time.
+I have observed in all parts of the Christian world such an unbridled
+licentiousness with regard to war as the most barbarous nations might
+blush at: they fly to arms without reason, or on frivolous pretexts; and
+when they have them once in their hands they trample on all laws human
+and divine, as if from that time they were authorised, and firmly
+resolved to stick at no crime." Thus it was from a principle of
+humanity that he composed this great work; and, as he writes to
+Crellius[148], to shew how unbecoming it was for a Christian and a
+reasonable man, to make war from caprice: which was too much practised.
+In the dedication of this book to the King the author observes, that
+Lewis XIII. like a propitious constellation, not satisfied with
+relieving the misfortunes of princes and protecting nations, had
+graciously supported him under his afflictions. He presented his book to
+the King and the principal nobility; who, he writes to his brother[149],
+received it very graciously, but made him no return. He imagined it was
+because he had handled in it several points of divinity: and the court
+would not shew any favour to heterodox works, in which such questions
+were discussed: but the favourable reception it met with from all Europe
+sufficiently made up this loss.
+
+It will not be expected that we should make an analysis or enter into an
+examination of the treatise _On the rights of war and peace_: that would
+be a subject for a large work. We shall only observe that those who
+would study the law of nations cannot read this book too often: they
+will find in it the most agreeable learning joined to the strongest
+reasoning. The whole is not equally correct: but what large work is not
+liable to the same censure? Besides, we must consider that it has the
+glory of being original in its kind[150], and the first treatise that
+reduced into a system the most excellent and useful of all sciences.
+
+It is divided into three books; to which is prefixed a preliminary
+discourse treating of the certainty of law in general, and containing a
+plan of the work.
+
+The first book enquires into the origin of the rights of war and its
+different kinds, as also the extent of the power of Sovereigns: he
+explains in the second the nature and extent of those rights, whether
+public or private, whose violation authorises the taking up arms: in
+the third he treats of all that relates to the course of the war and the
+treaties of peace which put an end to it.
+
+The celebrated translator of Grotius and Puffendorf assures us that
+Grotius took the hint of attempting a system of natural law from Lord
+Bacon's works; and certainly, he adds, none was more proper for such an
+undertaking. A clear head, an excellent judgment, profound meditation,
+universal learning, prodigious reading, continual application to study
+amidst many distractions and the duties of several considerable places,
+together with a sincere love to truth, are qualities which cannot be
+denied to that great man without wronging our own judgment and giving
+room to suspect us of black envy or gross ignorance. It is said that he
+designed at first to give his book the title, of _The law of nature and
+of nations_; but afterwards preferred that which it now bears, _Of the
+rights of war and peace_. Never book met with such universal
+approbation: Commentaries have been written upon it by many learned men,
+and it has been publicly read at Universities. Though M. Barbeyrac
+thinks Puffendorf's book much more useful, he is at the same time
+persuaded that if Grotius had not led the way, we should not yet have
+had any tolerable system of natural law: "and, he adds, if Puffendorf
+had been in Grotius's place, and Grotius in Puffendorf's, the treatise
+_Of the rights of war and peace_ would in my opinion have been much more
+defective; and that _Of the law of nature and nations_ much more
+perfect." Puffendorf himself owns that there remained few things to be
+said after Grotius.
+
+Though the Latin language was at that time more used than at present,
+the principal nations of Europe wanted to have this work in their mother
+tongue. Grotius, on examining the Dutch translation, found the
+translator often wilfully deviating from the true sense of the original.
+The Great Gustavus caused it to be translated into Swedish: a
+translation of it into English was preparing in the year 1639: Mr.
+Barbeyrac thinks it was not finished in Grotius's life-time, but there
+have been two English translations of it since his death. It was first
+translated into German in 1707 by Mr. Schutz. The Leipsick journalists
+speak of this translation as very correct. There are two in French; one
+by Mr. Courtin, which that of Barbeyrac has totally eclipsed, and most
+justly: for never did a great author meet with a translator more worthy
+of him. Mr. Barbeyrac possessed all the necessary qualifications for
+executing properly such a difficult translation as that of the treatise
+_Of the rights of war and peace_.
+
+This so excellent and highly esteemed work was however severely
+criticised by one of the most learned men of the last century.
+Salmasius, who had been Grotius's admirer, and who in the latter part of
+his life did all he could to destroy his reputation, never spoke of _The
+rights of war and peace_ but with the greatest contempt: which was the
+more shocking; as, in his dispute with the English on the right of
+Kings, he every where copies Grotius, and when he departs from him is
+sure to blunder: with which Boëclerus has justly reproached him.
+
+We cannot deny Salmasius profound learning; but he was a man swayed by
+his humour, often judged from passion and jealousy, had too high an
+opinion of himself and too much contempt for others, and in fine found
+fault with whatever was not his own thought, as the learned Gronovius
+remarks.
+
+He ventured to advance, some time after Grotius's death, that a
+professor of Helmsted had undertaken to prove that every page of
+Grotius's book contained gross blunders; and he speaks it in such a
+manner as gives room to think he was of the same opinion. This Professor
+was called John de Felde; he published his notes against Grotius in
+1653. Had the great Salmasius been still alive, I believe, says M.
+Barbeyrac, that with all his secret jealousy against the author
+censured, he would have found himself greatly disappointed in his
+expectations from John De Felde's project: never was any thing so
+wretched. One would be surprised a Mathematician could reason so ill,
+did not other much more signal examples clearly demonstrate that the
+knowledge of the Mathematics does not always produce justness of thought
+in matters foreign to that science. We find here a man who seeks only
+for censure, and knows not what he would have: he fights with his own
+shadow, and for the most part does not understand the thoughts of the
+author he attacks; and when he does understand them draws the most
+groundless consequences that ever were heard of. His gloomy and
+unhappily subtle mind cannot bear the light which Grotius presents to
+him. The embroiled ideas and distinctions of his Peripatetic philosophy
+form round him a thick cloud impenetrable by the strongest rays of
+truth. This is Barbeyrac's judgment of him. Felde met with some
+partisans of Grotius who confuted him: Theodorus Graswinckel, Advocate,
+his relation and friend, undertook his defence; and the redoubled
+efforts of the Helmsted Professor did not lessen his book in the esteem
+of the public. Not that the work is perfect; this, his admirers and
+those who were most disposed to do him justice, frankly own.
+
+His general principles touching natural law are very solid; but they are
+too intricate, and it requires deep meditation to unfold them. He does
+not sufficiently shew the chain of consequences to be deduced from them,
+and applied to particular subjects; which gave certain authors of little
+penetration, or candour, occasion to say, that after laying down his
+principles he makes no use of them, and builds his decisions on a quite
+different thing. He might have prevented these rash censures by
+enlarging somewhat more, and pointing out on each head the connection of
+the proofs he makes use of, with the general principles from whence they
+are drawn.
+
+With regard to the law of nations, which he considers as an arbitrary
+law in itself, but acquiring the force of a law by the tacit consent of
+nations, Barbeyrac observes that in the sense he understands it, and has
+endeavoured to establish its obligation, it has been shewn to be
+insufficiently grounded: yet the questions which he builds upon it make
+a great part of his work.
+
+It has been thought that his style is too concise; that he often
+expresses himself but by halves; that he supposes many things which
+require great study, passes over subjects of importance, and handles
+others which he might have omitted; such as questions relating rather to
+Divinity, than the science of Natural Law: in fine, it has been said
+that the desire of shewing his learning hurt him: and a very judicious
+Magistrate[151] justly observes, that by displaying less learning he
+would have appeared a greater Philosopher. Notwithstanding all these
+defects, it is universally acknowledged to be one of the finest works
+that ever was written.
+
+When this book appeared at Paris, Cardinal Francis Barberin, who resided
+there as Legate from his uncle Pope Urbin VIII. hearing it much spoken
+of, was curious to see it; and read it with attention. It is said he was
+shocked at first that the author, in speaking of the Popes, did not give
+them the titles which they are wont to receive from Roman Catholic
+authors; but was otherwise well pleased with the book. The reading of it
+had been permitted at Rome two years, when on the 4th of February, 1627,
+it was put into the _Index Expurgatorius_, with his _Apology_ and
+_Poems_[152].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[147] Bayle.
+
+[148] Ep. 280. p. 104.
+
+[149] Ep. 91. p. 782
+
+[150] Barbeyrac's Preface.
+
+[151] M. Daube, Essais sur les principes du Droit, Preface, p. 6.
+
+[152] Ep. 183. p. 798.
+
+
+X. In the mean time Grotius began to grow tired at Paris: his pension
+was ill paid, and his revenue insufficient to keep him decently with a
+wife and a numerous family. July 12, 1623, he writes to his brother,
+"Pensions are no longer paid here, which embarrasses me greatly. If any
+Prince, such as the King of Denmark or the Elector of Saxony, would
+employ me, and offer me a handsome salary, it would be worth my notice.
+At present nobody thinks of me, because they imagine I am employed by a
+great King. I have lost some powerful friends: those who are now in
+power wish me well; but they have too much business on their hands, and
+I don't love to importune."
+
+M. D'Aligre being made Keeper of the Seals, Grotius flattered himself
+that it would be an advantage to his affairs. "He is a good man, says
+he, and I shall be well recommended to him. I shall go to see him when
+he is less harrass'd with visits; and try whether his friendship can be
+of use to me. However (he writes to his father and brother, Jan. 21,
+1624) if any thing favourable should offer in Denmark or the Maritime
+Towns, I would consider of it." He made a visit to the new Lord Keeper,
+and received a promise of more than he hoped for: but he began to build
+no longer on compliments: he wished his friends would try to get him a
+settlement in the North; but would not have it known that he set them
+on. Some advised him to go to Spires, where there was an Imperial
+Chamber, and follow the profession of an Advocate: the writings there
+were all in Latin, the Roman law was followed, and the Augsburg
+confession the religion professed. January 26, 1624, he begs of his
+father to inform himself of the manner of living in that country, for he
+must soon come to some resolution.
+
+In the mean time hopes were given him of his pension[153]: though no
+pensions were paid, the Keeper of the Seals promised that he would take
+particular care of him; and was in fact as good as his word: one of the
+first things he did was to speak to the King in favour of Grotius[154],
+and to obtain an order for the payment of the greatest part of the
+arrears owing to him. However he still pressed his father and brother to
+seek out a settlement for him[155]. Feb. 16, 1624, he wrote to them that
+he persisted in his resolution of going to some town of the Augsburg
+confession, where he might live cheap, and wait for better times. "The
+state of the kingdom, says he, makes me uneasy; and I have no prospect
+of a certainty for myself. These negotiations must be managed with
+precaution and secrecy, lest the knowledge of them should lessen the
+consideration in which I am held. It is sufficient that those who wish
+me well know that I am not so fixed here but I can come away if any
+thing better offers." In the mean time the Keeper of the Seals and the
+Ministry heaped civilities on him[156]; they spoke of him to the King,
+and at length he received three thousand Francs, part in money, and part
+in bills.
+
+There were at that time Dutch Ambassadors in France, who carried their
+malice so far as to tell the King he could not be too much on his guard
+against Grotius, who carried on a private correspondence with the
+Spanish Ambassadors. He received information of this from one of his
+friends. The foul calumny stung him with indignation; and though he did
+not think it deserved to be confuted, he wrote of it to the Lord Keeper,
+and in a letter on this subject to Du Maurier he calls God to witness,
+that he had never seen any of the Spanish Ambassadors, and that there
+was not a man in the United Provinces who wished better to his Country.
+
+He had an offer of being Professor of Law in Denmark[157], but the
+character of the Danes made him averse to that country: besides, he
+thought the places he had already filled did not permit him to become a
+Professor in a College; as to the Salary, he was satisfied with it.
+While he was in suspense what he should do, the King nominated Cardinal
+Richelieu Prime Minister. His Eminence had a mind to be particularly
+acquainted with Grotius, and asked him to come to his house at Limours:
+he was introduced by Marshal de Fiat. We are ignorant of what passed at
+this interview: all we know is that the Cardinal, purposing to restore
+the navy and trade of the nation, talked of these matters to Grotius;
+who acquainted his brother with his visit to the Cardinal in a letter
+dated May 21, 1626.
+
+It is highly probable the Cardinal proposed to Grotius to devote himself
+entirely to him: that minister protected none but such as professed an
+absolute submission to his will in all things. He gave Grotius so great
+hopes that he thought he might write to his father, "If I would forget
+my country, and devote myself wholly to France, there is nothing which I
+might not expect."
+
+But there is room to imagine the proposals made to him by the Cardinal
+were inconsistent with his principles; and he was not a man to act
+against his conscience on any consideration. This sacrifice was the more
+praise-worthy as he really loved France: he mentioned it in confidence
+to Du Maurier. "I am extremely sorry, says he, that I can be of no use
+to France, where I have found a safe asylum: but I think it my duty to
+adhere to my former sentiments[158]."
+
+Thus the Cardinal being displeased with Grotius's reservations, his
+pension was unpaid, either for that reason or on account of the bad
+state of the finances. Grotius was greatly perplexed: "A man must have
+lived at Paris at his own expence, as I have done for eighteen months
+(he writes to his brother, July 17, 1626) to know what it costs. I
+should be extremely glad that you would inform yourself at your
+conveniency, whether there be any hopes from the Hans towns, and
+particularly Hamburg or Rostock." Sept. 19, 1626, he opens his mind to
+Du Maurier: "This is the second year since they have ceased all regard
+for me, and put in practice whatever might serve to depress a man of the
+greatest steadiness." It was precisely since Cardinal Richelieu became
+the Arbiter of France that Grotius was thus treated. The disgrace of the
+Chancellor D'Aligre deprived him of all remains of hope: the Seals were
+given to Marillac, who professed an open enmity to all that was
+Protestant. Learning was no merit with him if joined to heterodoxy. He
+gave a public proof of his zeal[159] when the parliament of Dijon
+petitioned the King that Salmasius might be permitted to exercise the
+office of Counsellor, which his father offered to resign in his favour:
+the Keeper of the Seals warmly opposed it, declaring that he would never
+consent to a Huguenot's acquisition of the office of Counsellor in any
+parliament of France. Grotius was patient for some time longer; for he
+liked Paris, and there were many persons in that city whose conversation
+gave him infinite pleasure: He told the celebrated Peyresc[160], he was
+so strongly attached to France on his account, that he would not leave
+it till his patience was worn out; and he wrote to his great friend Du
+Maurier, that he was resolved never to quit France till it deserted him,
+that all the world might be forced to own he could not have acted
+otherwise.
+
+In fine, having lost all hopes of pleasing the Ministry, he began to
+think in good earnest of retiring into some other Country. January 4,
+1630, he writes to his brother, "I am wholly taken up with the thoughts
+of settling in some part where I may live more commodiously with my
+family." The first condition that he required was liberty of
+conscience. Some advised his going to Rome, because Pope Urbin VIII. was
+a great Poet, and loved men of learning[161]. He thought the proposal
+very ridiculous, and joked on it to his brother. December 27, 1630, he
+writes to him, "It is not reasonable that I should be always in
+suspense. I shall leave this country too late, but I shall certainly
+leave it soon." What heightened his embarrassment was his uncertainty
+where to go. He writes to his brother, April 4, 1631, "I must speedily
+come to a resolution: provisions become every day dearer, and the
+payment of my Pension more uncertain: would it be proper to return to my
+Country by stealth, and with so little hopes, after doing her so great
+service? My Countrymen have not the same sentiments for me that I have
+for them."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[153] Ep 64. p. 773.
+
+[154] Ep. 65. p. 773.
+
+[155] Ibid. 67. p. 774.
+
+[156] Ibid. 68. p. 774. 69. p. 775. 7. p. 775.
+
+[157] Ibid. 79. p. 778.
+
+[158] Ep. 149. p. 84.
+
+[159] Ep. 267 p. 100.
+
+[160] Ibid. 201. p. 72.
+
+[161] Ep. 85. p. 780.
+
+
+XI. In fine, upon mature consideration, trusting to the good-will of his
+friends, and the protestations of friendship from the Prince of Orange,
+he ventured to return to Holland. He had always secretly wished to be
+restored; but, however ardent this desire might be, he was incapable of
+purchasing his restoration by any acts of meanness. They had discovered
+his inclination; and in 1623 a rumour spread that he was seeking to be
+reconciled to the States-General. He was sensible this report had
+reached Du Maurier, and therefore wrote to him on the 24th of
+September[162] that there was nothing in it; that the times were not
+favourable, and that the publication of his _Apology_ put an obstacle in
+the way of his return. Du Maurier was of the same opinion[163], and no
+body had better opportunities of knowing the disposition of mens minds
+and the situation of affairs.
+
+However in the year following Du Maurier began to entertain better
+hopes. Being come back from Holland to France, he wrote to Grotius that
+his affairs went on so well, he might flatter himself with the prospect
+of returning: but this agreed ill with other advices received by
+Grotius; and he wrote to Du Maurier, July 30, 1624, that he consulted
+his ancient friendship more than the situation of affairs; that his
+enemies were so powerful he did not see there could be any hopes for
+him; and that he was endeavouring to provide himself with patience to
+support perpetual banishment and the inconveniences annexed to that
+unhappy situation.
+
+One would imagine the death of Prince Maurice must make a speedy
+revolution in Grotius' favour: the friendship with which he was honoured
+by Prince Frederic Henry gave his friends ground to hope for it; but he
+himself was of a different opinion. July 31, 1625[164], he wrote to his
+father that his return was an affair of great consequence, which perhaps
+must not be mentioned at present. He sent his wife into Holland in the
+spring 1627[165], that she might enquire herself how matters stood. She
+found many friends[166]; but as she was convinced of her husband's
+innocence, and knew that in all Holland there was not a man capable of
+labouring so effectually for the interest of his Country, she imagined
+they ought to make the first advances, ask him to forget what was past,
+and pray him to return. This was to suppose the return of the Golden
+age; and experience ought to have informed her better. She would not
+therefore have recourse to petitions and entreaties to obtain Grotius'
+return, lest they should be taken for some acknowledgment of a fault.
+This encreased the malevolence of his enemies, and they fought to
+revenge themselves on his brother-in-law Reigersberg, to whom they
+wanted to make a crime of his corresponding with Grotius by letters; but
+their malice was ineffectual, because the calumnies to which they had
+recourse were too easily confuted. However his friends bestirred
+themselves in his favour: of which Grotius being informed, he begged of
+them to promise nothing in his name, that there might be no ground to
+imagine he solicited leave to return. "For (he writes to his brother)
+that is what my enemies want, that they may reproach me with asking
+pardon for my pretended faults." The endeavours of his friends were
+fruitless; and his brother wrote to him (February 21, 1630) that there
+was no hope of success.
+
+If they did not obtain his return they at least made him gain a cause of
+consequence. He reclaimed[167] his effects which were confiscated,
+grounding on the privilege of the Burghers of Delft; and his demand was
+granted. He says neither favour nor solicitations had any influence in
+his gaining this suit; and that he owed it to the incontestable right of
+which the town of Delft was long in possession.
+
+Though the information received from his brother of the inefficacy of
+his friends solicitations might have made him forget his country[168],
+he resolved to regulate his conduct by his wife's advice, who had been
+on the spot. On her return from Holland she told him it was necessary he
+should go thither. He immediately wrote to his brother that on his
+wife's information he resolved to go to see him and his father and
+mother; and that they would consult together what was best to be done
+for his advantage. He adds, that if after so long patience he still
+found his Country ungrateful, he had received advantageous proposals
+from more than one quarter, where he might live with ease and honour. He
+set out for Holland in the month of October, 1631.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[162] Ep. 199. p. 71.
+
+[163] Ep. 200. p. 71.
+
+[164] Ep. 98. p. 783. 99. p. 783. and 100. p. 784.
+
+[165] Ep. 148. p. 797.
+
+[166] Ep. 223. p. 77.
+
+[167] Ep. 261. p. 89.
+
+[168] Ep. 278. p. 838.
+
+
+XII. The sentence passed against him was still in force. His friends,
+afraid of his being arrested, as he had no safe-conduct, advised his
+concealing himself: this step appeared to him shameful and timid. He
+wrote to his brother on the nineteenth of November, 1631, that he would
+rather retire than conceal himself; and that by not appearing in public
+he had lessened the opinion of his innocence, and at the same time the
+courage of his friends.
+
+He came to Rotterdam[169], where he imagined he would be safest,
+because, having filled the post of Pensionary with much honour, he was
+greatly beloved in the town. He took it ill that the Magistrates did not
+make him the first visit after the signal services he had done the city;
+and hesitated whether he should go to see them: one of them sent his son
+to acquaint him that it was not perhaps prudent, after the sentence of
+condemnation passed upon him, to appear in public. Grotius made answer,
+that he had such a good opinion of the gratitude of the Burghers of
+Rotterdam, he was persuaded he had nothing to fear among them. The young
+gentleman replied, that in a populous town there might possibly be some
+one who would do him an ill turn to gain the reward. Grotius imagined
+this advice proceeded from the Magistrates jealousy, who were afraid
+that the people would discover too much attachment to him. They spread a
+report that he was not in the Remonstrants sentiments, and that the
+counsels formerly given by him had been frequently disapproved. In the
+mean time he was much embarrassed in what manner to behave, and
+consulted the most able lawyers on the subject, who refused to take any
+fee from him. He had no objection to writing to the States-General,
+provided the letter contained nothing to the disadvantage of his
+innocence. He met with more difficulties than he imagined: and wrote to
+his brother (November 28, 1631) "I am threatened with a storm; but I can
+live elsewhere, and I leave all to God's disposal."
+
+He left Rotterdam, and came in the end of the year 1631 to Amsterdam,
+where he was extremely well received[170]. He did not, however, trust
+his stay in the Low-Countries to the success of his negotiation, for he
+wrote to his father, December 10, 1631, "You may say you understand that
+I have taken my resolution to quit this cruel Country." He was not
+satisfied with the Magistrates of Rotterdam: but he spoke extremely well
+of the town of Delft[171]: however no City ventured publickly to protect
+him[172]. His great friend Gerard Vossius did every thing in his power
+to engage all who had any friendship for himself to befriend Grotius,
+and keep him in Holland. We have a letter written by him on that subject
+to Bevovicius, Magistrate of Amsterdam[173], who was in the interest of
+his friend: he represents to him what dishonour the States would bring
+on themselves by not permitting a man to live in their Country who was
+its greatest ornament, and the wonder of the age. He exhorts him to
+continue his good offices to prevent Amsterdam from disgracing herself
+by opposing that great man's return, and assures him that France,
+Germany, England, and all nations are waiting to see what Holland will
+do on this occasion. "Let us not, says he, have ground to regret the
+loss of a man whom it depends entirely on ourselves to keep."
+
+Vossius's desire to have Grotius continue in Holland was so great, that
+his friend's inflexibility gave him much uneasiness. He wanted him to
+make application to the Prince of Orange, and, after obtaining his
+consent, to write to those in power, asking permission to stay in the
+Country: but this was precisely the step to which Grotius had the
+greatest aversion.
+
+To employ himself till his fate should be determined, he resolved to
+exercise the profession of Consulting Advocate: with this view he
+desired his brother, in a letter dated February 16, 1632, to send him
+what law books he had, and which he might need for the proper discharge
+of his office.
+
+He could make no use of these books: for the States-General, thinking
+themselves affronted by his boldness in continuing in the Country
+without their leave, and by the repugnance he shewed to ask them pardon,
+on the tenth of December, 1631, issued an Ordonnance enjoining all the
+Bailiffs of the Country to seize his person, and give them notice. No
+body would execute it: which obliged the States to renew it, on the
+tenth of March in the year following, upon pain to those who would not
+obey of losing their places; and with a promise of two thousand florins
+to any one who would deliver Grotius into the hands of justice. There
+were many who interested themselves for him: besides private persons he
+was favoured by the Nobles, the Towns of Rotterdam, Delft, and
+Amsterdam. But the States-General were his Judges and his Adversaries.
+
+We do not find that the Prince of Orange, on whose friendship he had
+some reason to depend, protected him on this essential occasion. The
+intrigues of his enemies diverted him from it. They were at great pains
+to prejudice the Stadtholder against Grotius, by representing that he
+professed an inviolable attachment to the privileges of his Country;
+and, being of Barnevelt's principles, would support them with equal
+firmness; and that the Prince could never agree with him because he
+would always oppose his views. These reasons made an impression on
+Frederic, who being of the same character with all the Princes, of his
+house, wanted, says Du Maurier, to be Prince of Holland. He approved
+therefore of the proceedings of the States-General, who intended to give
+Grotius to understand by their last Ordonnances, that they condemned him
+to perpetual banishment.
+
+It will perhaps be wondered at that a wise man, such as Grotius, would
+hazard a journey to Holland without succeeding in the projects he had
+formed for obtaining permission to stay there: but on some occasions it
+is prudent to run hazards. The point is whether the appearance of
+success was such as a man of sense ought to build on. He was sensible
+this would be objected to him, and in some of his letters he endeavours
+to justify his return. He writes to Martinus Ruarus, January 19, 1632,
+that he came to Holland at the solicitations of his Friends, who
+imagined time and his services had mollified his enemies; but that
+immediately on his arrival he perceived his well-wishers would find
+great difficulty in bringing them to more moderate sentiments. He
+complains in another letter, written to Du Maurier Feb. 6, 1632[174],
+that he found a want of courage in good men, and his misfortunes
+prevented them from speaking with freedom.
+
+Vossius explains his friend's reasons for coming to Holland in a letter
+of the thirteenth of February, 1632[175], to William Laud, Bishop of
+London. "Grotius is returned to his Country by the advice of several
+illustrious men, some of whom are in great place. He has done this
+without the knowledge of such as condemned him twelve years ago to
+perpetual imprisonment, and of those who in that time of trouble
+attained to the highest dignities by deposing such as were in power. All
+these, excepting a few, think it their interest that this great man,
+whose merit they know, should be buried in obscurity; and therefore
+spoke against him with great warmth in the Assembly of the States. He
+had several illustrious friends who stood up for him: the nobility,
+three cities, Rotterdam, of which he was Pensionary; Delft, where he was
+born; and Amsterdam, no less famous for her prudence than her riches.
+Leyden is much against him: because the first Burgomaster was one of his
+Judges: Harlem, for the like reason, is of the same sentiments. Of the
+other towns some take a middle course: most of them join Leyden;
+especially the smaller towns, in which the preachers have great
+authority. Hence it is uncertain how this affair will end: he has the
+flower of Holland for him; but it often happens with us that the
+Zealots, like the rigid Puritans, by their menaces and clamour bear down
+the honest party, who are more modest. If it should so happen I fear
+much that this great man, fatigued with these squabbles, will of himself
+quit his ungrateful Country: I am the more apprehensive of this as I
+know for certain that some Kings and several Princes are endeavouring to
+draw him to their courts by offers of great honours and a considerable
+salary. If he is destined to live out of his Country, I shall be jealous
+of any place he settles in if it be not Great-Britain, where, I foresee,
+he would be of much service to the king and kingdom." Laud, in his
+answer to this letter, owns[176] that he always looked on Grotius's
+recall as a thing not to be expected: as to the proposal of employing
+him in England, he tells him it was in vain to think of it in the
+present circumstances.
+
+Grotius seeing so much opposition, judged it most proper to seek his
+fortune elsewhere; and left Holland.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[169] Ep. 297. p. 847.
+
+[170] Ep. 301. p. 844.
+
+[171] Ep. 304. p. 844.
+
+[172] Ep. 305. p. 844.
+
+[173] Ep. Vossii 38. p. 142.
+
+[174] Ep. 289. p. 105.
+
+[175] Præst. Vir. Epist. 507. p. 766.
+
+[176] Præs. Vir. Ep. 508. p. 567.
+
+
+XIII. It was on the seventeenth of March 1632 that he set out from
+Amsterdam on his way to Hamburg; but did not take up his residence in
+that City till the end of the year: the fine season[177] he passed at an
+agreeable country-seat, called Okinhuse, near the Elbe, belonging to
+William Morth, a Dutchman.
+
+He had left many friends in France. William De Lusson, First President
+of the Court of Moneys, was one who adhered to him most steadily: and
+we find by Grotius' letter to him that he was very active to obtain the
+payment of his pension though absent: In a letter whose date is
+false[178], Grotius informs him[179], that while he lived he would never
+forget the King's goodness and the gracious reception with which that
+Prince honoured him: and promises to write to Boutillier, Superintendant
+of the finances, as soon as an occasion offered. It is probable this
+Minister had made him an offer of service; for in speaking of him
+Grotius says, "It is very agreeable to me to be approved by a man who in
+such a high station has not lost the taste for polite literature: I wish
+him and his family uninterrupted prosperity, and the art of enjoying
+it."
+
+His wife, who had been in Zealand, came to join him, and the pleasure of
+seeing her again was a consolation under all his troubles. He writes to
+Vossius, August 17, 1632[180], "Oppressed by the violence of my enemies,
+to which hand shall I turn me, and to whom shall I have recourse, but to
+her who has been the faithful companion of my good and bad fortune; and
+to you who have given me public marks of your attachment in my greatest
+calamities? I have not yet (he adds) come to a resolution in my own
+affair; but as far as I can see I shall have it in my power to chuse. It
+ought not to appear hard to me to live under a Master, when I see that
+after so many efforts for preserving your liberty you have little more
+than the name of it. I am resolved to expose myself to every thing
+rather than stoop to those who have treated me so unworthily after many
+years patience. I value not that man who lays aside all sentiments of
+generosity." He no doubt means the Prince of Orange, of whom he thought
+he had reason to complain.
+
+He was well pleased with the air of the place where he resided, and met
+with so many Dutchmen[181], that he did not look upon himself as a
+stranger. He wanted his books; but the learned Lindenbrogius gave him
+access to his library to use it as his own.
+
+When winter came on, he lodged at Hamburg with Van Sorgen, a Merchant,
+who had a regard for men of learning: he was brother to Nicholas Van
+Sorgen an eminent Advocate at the Hague.
+
+Notwithstanding the embarrassment of his affairs he tells the First
+President of the Court of Moneys, that he did not pretend to draw money
+from the King of France for the future. "I shall always," says he,
+"retain a most grateful sense of the King's liberality: but it is enough
+to have been chargeable to you when in France. I have never done you any
+service, though I made an offer of myself. But it would not be proper
+that I should now live like a hornet on the goods of other men. I shall
+never forget, however, the kindness of so great a King, and the good
+offices of so many friends."
+
+His wife was gone to Zealand, "to receive," says he, "the remains of our
+wreck, which I am uncertain into what port to carry." He wrote to
+Descordes, to whom he had already spoke his sentiments in several
+Letters, that he most humbly thanked the King for his inclination to
+honour him with his benefactions though absent, and that he was
+extremely sensible of the constant attention of his friends to serve
+him; but that he saw no just reason for accepting the King's favours
+since his departure from France. "I earnestly wish," he adds, "that my
+excuses may be well received: I have no less grateful sense of what is
+offered me than of what was given me: and shall most chearfully testify
+my gratitude for the favours received from a most excellent King as
+often as occasion offers. In the mean time I pray God to give him a long
+life and vigorous health, and to restore the tranquillity of the
+kingdom, if France be capable of so great a blessing."
+
+There might have been a prudential reason for his declining at this time
+to be a pensioner of France, namely, lest his connexion with that crown
+should hurt his projects of a settlement which were then on the carpet.
+This conjecture is strengthened by what he writes himself to the First
+President of the Court of Moneys, that the Ministers of some Princes
+having asked him whether he were attached to any Court, as was reported;
+he answered, that he would always remember with gratitude the favours
+shewn him in France, but that since he came away he was free and his own
+master: he adds, that several considerable settlements both with regard
+to honour and profit were offered him; "but, says he, I keep always in
+mind the maxim, to deliberate long before coming to a resolution. I hope
+however that my situation will permit me to see France again, and my
+dear friends, and to thank them personally; you, Messieurs de Thou,
+Descordes, Du Puis, Pelletier, whose names will remain engraven on my
+heart wherever fortune carries me." Lusson yielded to his reasons, and
+approved of his disinterestedness[182].
+
+He led a dull life at Hamburg. "I am extremely solitary here (he writes
+to his brother August 3, 1633[183]:) even the men of learning keep up no
+correspondence with one another. I might easily support this irksomeness
+if I had my books and papers: for I could employ myself in some work
+that would be useful to the public and no discredit to me: but at
+present without these I am a kind of prisoner."
+
+The disagreeableness of his situation and the uneasiness of his mind
+were increased by the death of his Landlord after fourteen days
+illness[184]. He was a Merchant of more knowledge and good sense than we
+commonly find in men of that profession. He left some young children, in
+whose education Grotius interested himself. Writing on this subject to
+Vossius, he tells him that his Landlord's two sons were at the Hague
+learning Grammar; that they were beginning to make Themes and Versions;
+that if what they had already learnt were not cultivated, they would
+soon forget it; and that the time which boys spent in their Studies at
+Hamburg was lost, the method of teaching being only fit to make
+blockheads. "Several, he adds, employ preceptors in the education of
+their children; which method answers not expectation. I never approved
+of it because I know that young people learn not but in company, and
+that study languishes where there is no emulation. I also dislike those
+schools when the master scarce knows the names of his scholars, and
+where their number is so great that he cannot give that attention to
+each, which his different genius and capacity may require. For this
+reason I would have a middle course followed: that a master should take
+but ten or twelve, to stay in the house together, and be in one form, by
+which means he would not be overburdened." He begs of him to inform
+himself whether there was not such a house in Amsterdam where he might
+place Van Sorgen's sons. Vossius joined with Grotius in his thoughts on
+education[185].
+
+The death of his Landlord obliging Grotius to remove, he went to lodge
+with a Dutchman called Ahasuerus Matthias[186], formerly Minister at
+Deventer, which he left on account of his adhering to Arminianism. The
+return of his wife from Zealand in Autumn 1633, who had always been his
+consolation in adversity, rendered his life more agreeable. [187]He
+mentions it to Descordes Nov. 13, 1633, and informs him that though
+several settlements were offered him, he had not yet determined which to
+embrace, but would soon come to a resolution. He passed his time in
+writing his Sophomphanæus, or Tragedy of Joseph[188], which he finished
+whilst at Hamburg. It is probable that if he had had his Books and
+Papers he would have applied himself to something else at his age: but
+this kind of study was suitable enough to his present situation.
+
+Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden, a great statesman, and a man of
+learning, was then at Hamburg. Grotius made acquaintance with him, and
+saw him frequently. Polite Literature was the subject of their
+conversation. Salvius conceived a great esteem for Grotius, and the
+favourable report he made of him to the High Chancellor Oxenstiern
+determined the latter to invite Grotius[189] to come to him, that he
+might employ him in affairs of the greatest importance, as we shall see
+in the following book.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[177] Ep. Grotii 245. p. 107. Ep. inter Vossianas 216. p. 131.
+
+[178] This Letter is dated at Hamburgh Feb. 9, 1632. He was still in
+Holland in the month of February. See the Letters written to his
+brother, 308 and following, p. 845.
+
+[179] Ep. 291. p. 106.
+
+[180] Ep. 298. p. 108.
+
+[181] Ep. 299. p. 108, and 300. p. 108.
+
+[182] Ep. 319. p. 114.
+
+[183] Ep. 322. p. 848.
+
+[184] Ep. 327. p. 448
+
+[185] Ep. Grotii 330. p. 119
+
+[186] Ep. 336. p. 121
+
+[187] Ep. 331. p. 113.
+
+[188] Ep. 337. p. 122.
+
+[189] Ep. 345. p. 123.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK IV.
+
+
+When it was known in Europe that Grotius had no longer any connexion
+with the Court of France, the greatest Princes sought to draw to them a
+Man who to the most profound learning and knowledge of public Law joined
+the strictest probity.
+
+In 1629 he was invited into Poland, as we learn from a letter to
+Vossius, dated November 29 that year[190]. Three years after, December
+30, 1632, Ruarus wrote to Grotius from Dantzick, "You have a very great
+name at our Court, and the good odour of it has induced the King to
+order Savasi, who goes as his Ambassador to Holland and England, to
+advise with you. He has not done it, according to what the Secretary of
+the embassy tells me; and I am ignorant of his reason: but this I know,
+that many are labouring to bring you here with a pension from the King.
+I know not what will become of this affair; but I believe it would be
+pushed more briskly, if those who concern themselves in it were not
+persuaded that you would decline the proposal." Grotius[191] answered,
+that he would readily have waited on Savasi if he had sent him his
+compliments; and that he guessed what it was that hindered him. "When
+your King, he adds, shall be disposed to employ me, and I know in what
+business, I shall not be long in taking my resolution." In the beginning
+of the year[192] 1632 he was flattered with the hopes of being employed
+by England.
+
+Christiern IV. King of Denmark loaded him with civilities when he was at
+Hamburg; and Vossius, who was well informed of every thing that related
+to his friend's affairs, writes to Meric Casaubon, Oct. 25, 1633, that
+the King of Denmark offered Grotius a considerable pension if he would
+enter into his service. Henry Ernestus informed Vossius, that Grotius
+had seen that Prince at Gluckstad, and was extremely well received by
+him: this he had from Grotius himself. He concludes his letter with an
+invective against the Dutch, who were so void of common sense, as to
+refuse the services of so great a man.
+
+It is said that even the King of Spain[193] had thoughts of taking him
+into his service: but this Prince's court suited him ill for many
+reasons easy to be imagined; one of which was that his going to Spain
+would be matter of triumph to his enemies, who would represent it, with
+some degree of probability, as a proof of what they had formerly
+asserted, that Grotius was a private Pensioner of Spain.
+
+The Duke of Holstein and several other[194] Princes made him likewise
+advantageous proposals. It was reported that the famous Walstein
+intended to take him into his service. Ruarus[195] wrote about it to
+Grotius, and tells him he could scarce give credit to this news, from a
+persuasion that Grotius would not employ his pen in writing things of
+which no doubt he partly disapproved.
+
+His remaining so long without coming to a resolution proceeded, it is
+probable, from his unwillingness to attach himself to any Prince, till
+he despaired of a reconciliation with his Country; of which he was so
+desirous, that above two years and a half after he had been so
+shamefully driven out, he had still thoughts of it. March 8, 1634[196],
+he writes to his brother, "It is of great importance to me that my
+affair may be no longer protracted, and that I know speedily whether I
+can see my Country again, or must relinquish it for ever." A fortnight
+after he writes to him[197], "I expect your letters with impatience, to
+know what I have to hope for from my Countrymen. I have been too long
+under uncertainty, and I am afraid of losing in the mean time the
+opportunities which offer elsewhere. I would not however have any thing
+asked in my name directly or indirectly; but if they make any proposal
+of their own accord, I shall be glad to know it."
+
+He ought to have determined himself long before. Convinced at last that
+he must lay aside all thoughts of returning into Holland, he yielded to
+the pressing instances of the High Chancellor of Sweden, who wanted to
+employ him in affairs of importance. Grotius gave the preference more
+readily to this Minister, the greatest man perhaps of his age, because
+he followed Gustavus's plan, for whom Grotius had a singular veneration:
+in January, 1628[198], he speaks of him as a Prince whose greatness of
+soul and knowledge in civil and military matters placed him above every
+other. March 12, in the same year, he writes to his brother[199], that
+on every occasion he would do all in his power to serve such a virtuous
+Monarch. On the 28th of April following, he congratulates
+Camerarius[200], whose father was Ambassador from Sweden, on his serving
+a Prince who merited every commendation. "The whole universe will not
+furnish his equal in virtue[201]. Men of the greatest merit in this
+country think the brilliancy of this Prince's actions and virtues must
+strike even envy dumb. Happy are they who are under the protection of so
+great a King. He proves the possibility of what appeared incredible in
+the great men of antiquity: he is a witness who gives evidence in their
+favour: he will serve for a master to posterity; and the best lessons in
+the art of war will be taken from his history. He is no less eminent as
+a warrior, than as a statesman[202]; and in him is found all that makes
+a great King. He is the wisest Monarch now reigning, and knows how to
+improve every opportunity to the best advantage, not only when the
+injustice of his enemies obliges him to have recourse to arms, but also
+when he is allowed to enjoy the blessings of peace." The Letters, in
+which he expresses his profound esteem for the Great Gustavus, were all
+written before the month of June, 1630, whilst he resided at Paris and
+had no thought of entering into the Swedish service.
+
+Gustavus had sent to Paris Benedict Oxenstiern, a relation of the High
+Chancellor, to bring to a final conclusion the treaty between France and
+Sweden. This Minister made acquaintance with Grotius, and in a short
+time conceived such a high esteem for him, that he resolved to employ
+his credit to draw him to his Master's court. A report of this spread in
+Holland; and William Grotius wrote about it to his brother, who made
+answer, Feb. 6, 1632, That these reports were without foundation; that,
+besides, he had an aversion to following an army. It was said that King
+Gustavus intended to employ him at the Court of France; and he answered
+his brother on this subject, Feb. 18, 1632, That if this Monarch would
+nominate him his Ambassador, with a proper salary for the decent support
+of that dignity, the proposal would merit his regard.
+
+This Prince, who was certainly the greatest Captain of his age, had at
+the same time an affection for men of learning. The reading of the
+treatise _Of the Rights of War and Peace_ gave him the highest opinion
+of its author, whom he regarded as an original genius[203]; and he was
+persuaded that one who wrote so well on the Law of Nations must be an
+able Statesman. He resolved to gain him, and to employ him in some
+embassy. The High Chancellor of Sweden, who was of the same opinion with
+his Master, was Grotius's patron at Court.
+
+Gustavus, who looked upon Grotius as the first man of his age, was on
+the point of shewing all Europe how much he esteemed him, when he was
+unhappily slain, on the 6th of November, 1632[204], in a famous battle
+against the Imperialists, in which the Swedes gained a signal victory.
+Some time before, this great Prince[205], as if he had had a foreboding
+of his end being near, gave orders for several things to be done in case
+of his death; among others that Grotius should be employed in the
+Swedish Ministry. The High Chancellor Oxenstiern, who governed the
+kingdom during the minority of Queen Christina, the daughter of Gustavus
+Adolphus, thought it his duty and honour to conform to his Master's
+intentions: he therefore pressed Grotius to come to him, promising him
+an employment suited to his merit[206]. Grotius did not yield
+immediately, not only because he had still hopes of being recalled to
+Holland, but also because he was persuaded that one ought to deliberate
+long before taking a resolution which cannot be altered. It may not be
+improper to observe that the book _Of the Rights of War and Peace_ was
+found in King Gustavus's tent after his death. Grotius also gives us an
+anecdote concerning his entering into the Swedish service which deserves
+to be mentioned, namely, that it was Marshal Bannier's brother, who gave
+him the first hint of preferring Sweden to the other States, by whom he
+was solicited.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[190] Ep. 250. p. 85.
+
+[191] Ep. 336.
+
+[192] Ep. 309. p. 845.
+
+[193] Henry Dupuis. Grotii manes, p. 299. Niceron.
+
+[194] Ep. Vossii, 257. p. 150.
+
+[195] Ruari Ep. 36. p. 186.
+
+[196] Ep. 326. p. 849.
+
+[197] Ep. 326. p. 849.
+
+[198] Ep. 163. p. 801.
+
+[199] Ep. 170. p. 805.
+
+[200] Ep. 173. p. 805.
+
+[201] Ep. 184. p. 809. 212. p. 819.
+
+[202] Ep. 215. p. 820. ep. 229. p. 824. & ep. 242. p. 829.
+
+[203] Prefacio Man. Grotii Vir. Grot. p. 300.
+
+[204] At Lutsen.
+
+[205] Ep. Grotii, 87. p. 384.
+
+[206] Ep. 344. p. 123. & 346. p. 124.
+
+
+II. Grotius, on the invitation of the High Chancellor of Sweden, set out
+for Franckfort on the Main where that Minister was. He had no notion
+what they purposed to do with him; but he was quite easy with regard to
+his settlement, being persuaded that a Minister of Oxenstiern's prudence
+and credit would not engage him to take a wrong step: his only anxiety
+was, lest the High Chancellor, whom he looked on as the greatest man of
+his age[207], and fit to be compared with the most famous in antiquity,
+should entertain too high an idea of his merit, from the advantageous
+testimonies given of it, and lest he should be unable to answer the
+hopes that Minister had conceived of him.
+
+He arrived at Franckfort in May, 1634[208], and was received with the
+greatest politeness by the High Chancellor, who did not however explain
+his intentions: Grotius wrote to his brother, July 13, 1634, that the
+Chancellor proceeded with great slowness in his affair; but that every
+body assured him he was a man of his word: "If so, he adds, all will go
+well." He wrote for his wife, and she arrived at Franckfort, with his
+daughters and son Cornelius, in the beginning of August. The Chancellor
+continued to heap civilities[209] on him without mentioning a word of
+business: but ordered him to follow him to Mentz; and at length[210]
+declared him Counsellor to the Queen of Sweden and her Ambassador at the
+Court of France.
+
+The authority of Oxenstiern was so great that this kind of nomination
+needed not the Queen's confirmation: it was not till almost two years
+after[211] that Christina ratified by her letters Grotius's embassy.
+Before their arrival he enjoyed the same honours and prerogatives as if
+the Queen herself had nominated him.
+
+As soon as he could depend upon an establishment, he purposed to make it
+known by some public act that he considered himself no longer as a
+Dutchman. On the 13th of July, 1634[212], he sent his brother letters
+for the Prince of Orange and the Dutch: but desired him to read them
+first himself, and advise with the Counsellor Reigersberg and Beaumont
+about them. "I have ceased, says he in another place[213], to be a
+Dutchman since I entered into the service of Sweden; which I have
+sufficiently intimated to the States of Holland. I have written to them,
+but not as their subject. Thus the Spaniards used to act in such cases,
+as Mariana informs us in several places of his History of Spain. When I
+bad adieu to the United Provinces (he writes again[214]) I signified to
+them that I was a member of another nation; that I should give myself
+little trouble about what might be said or thought of it; and that I
+reckoned never to see the Country again." We may judge by these
+expressions that his patience was at length worn out.
+
+He wrote to the City of Rotterdam, which had deferred nominating a
+Pensionary since the sentence passed against Grotius, that they might
+now chuse one, since they ought no longer to look on him as a Dutchman.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[207] Ep. 349. p. 125. & ep. 346. p. 124.
+
+[208] Ep. 330. p. 849.
+
+[209] Ep. 352. p. 127.
+
+[210] Ep. 337. p. 851.
+
+[211] Ep. 577. p. 227.
+
+[212] Ep. 330. p. 849.
+
+[213] Ep. 572. p. 958.
+
+[214] Ep. 719. p. 970.
+
+
+III. At the time that Grotius entered into the service of Sweden, the
+affairs of that Crown were in a very bad situation. The death of the
+Great Gustavus had made a strange change in them. He left at his death a
+young Princess under age, whose right was even disputed. Ladislaus IV.
+elected King of Poland on the death of his father Sigismond, set up a
+claim to the Swedish crown, and had a party in the kingdom capable of
+forming a dangerous faction. Sweden was unable singly to support the war
+in Germany; and saw the allies, whom she had hitherto kept on her side
+by her authority and the eclat of her victories, ready to fall off: the
+weaker, in consternation at the death of their leader, wished for peace;
+the more powerful, such as the Dukes of Pomerania, the Elector of
+Brandenbourg, the Dukes of Meklenbourg, and some others, jealous of the
+authority usurped by the Swedes in Germany, would acknowledge them only
+as allies, and not as the head of the Protestant party. The Duke of
+Brunswick was already levying men in his own name, and intended to form
+a separate party composed of the Circle of Lower Saxony. The Elector of
+Saxony carried his views still farther. He wanted to have the supreme
+direction of affairs; and, if thwarted, there was reason to apprehend he
+would soon relinquish the common cause. In this perilous situation the
+Swedes, hardening themselves against danger, trusted to their courage
+and address: and after nominating regents to govern the kingdom during
+Queen Christina's minority, they committed the care of Sweden's
+interests in Germany to Baron Oxenstiern the High Chancellor with an
+almost absolute power.
+
+That great man supported this important charge in the most difficult
+times with a firmness, address, and capacity, which justly made him be
+looked upon as one of the ablest Ministers of Europe. He inspired those
+who were wavering through fear with new Courage; brought back those who
+on private views had detached themselves from the common cause; broke
+the measures of the Duke of Brunswick; suspended the effects of the
+Elector of Saxony's jealousy, and made all the allies sensible that they
+could only find their true interest, their security, and safety, in
+their union. By this means the bands which knit them together were
+strengthened, and Sweden preserved the principal direction of affairs,
+and almost as much authority as she had in the time of Gustavus. The
+Swedes had lately lost the famous battle of Norlingen in September; and
+Marshal Horne their General was made prisoner. This disaster was
+followed by the peace of Prague, in which the Emperor Ferdinand II.
+engaged the Electors of Saxony and Brandenbourg to unite against the
+Swedes; and it would have been all over with them in Germany, had not a
+power which hitherto faintly seconded them, brought them powerful
+assistance. Lewis XIII. by the advice of his Prime Minister, sent
+Cardinal De la Vallette at the head of an army into Germany; and
+concluded a treaty with the Duke of Weimar, engaging to pay him a
+subsidy of one million five hundred thousand Livres, and the sum of four
+millions yearly for maintaining an army of eighteen thousand men, which
+the Duke obliged himself to furnish, and command under the direction of
+France.
+
+Such is the exact portrait which Father Bougeant gives of the state of
+Germany. Let us hear what a cotemporary author says of it[215]. "Fortune
+smiled on the Imperialists on every side. There was nothing but conquest
+and victories and a happy change of affairs: for in less than a month
+the Swedes, who were become so powerful and formidable, were defeated,
+and entirely dispersed in one battle, and an unheard-of victory gained
+most gloriously with inconsiderable loss on the side of the
+Imperialists. Bavaria was entirely delivered; the Swedes driven out of
+Swabia, the dutchy of Wirtemberg conquered; and almost all Franconia:
+the rivers Ocin and Iser remained free; the Lek, the Danube, the Necker,
+and almost all the Main cleared, with the loss of so many towns and
+provinces in such a short time, almost deprived the Swedes of a
+retreat; Ulm and Nuremberg refusing them admittance, whereas formerly
+they were welcome, and masters every where."
+
+These descriptions agree with that given by Grotius. Sept. 20, 1634, he
+writes to Du Maurier[216], "Had I come sooner to the High Chancellor, I
+should have found the times more favourable; but as his great courage is
+most conspicuous in adverse circumstances, it is proper we should
+conform to the example of so great a leader. France is at present the
+sole resource of Germany in her affliction: since the loss of Ratisbon
+and Donavert, and the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the towns are
+all frightened, and it is a great happiness that the conquerors have not
+approached Franckfort: they have divided their army; the King of Hungary
+has led one into Bohemia, and his brother is marched with the other
+towards the United Provinces. France alone is able to restore our
+affairs." The Swedes, in the consternation occasioned by the defeat at
+Norlinguen, were threatened with seeing Franckfort, Mentz, Augsburg,
+Nuremberg, and Ulm fall into the hands of the Imperialists; but by good
+luck they did not take the advantage of their victory. Grotius assures
+us the Swedes were obliged to the King of France for it, who kept the
+projects of the enemy suspended by the apprehension of his declaring
+war. Such was the situation of affairs when Grotius received orders to
+repair to the French Court. It was the most important commission with
+which a Minister could be charged, since the principal resource of the
+Swedes and their allies was in the protection of France; and
+Oxenstiern's nominating Grotius to be the Ambassador who was to
+strengthen the union between Sweden and France is a demonstration of
+that great man's particular esteem for him.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[215] Mercure François, an. 1634, p. 621.
+
+[216] Ep. 354, p. 127 et 355. p. 128.
+
+
+IV. In the beginning of the year 1635 Grotius set out from Mentz on his
+embassy to France. He was obliged to go a great way about, to avoid
+being surprised by the enemies parties. Beginning his journey in very
+rainy weather, succeeded by a hard frost, he arrived at Metz much later
+than he expected, and indisposed with a cholic occasioned by the great
+cold; which obliged him to continue there some time till he recovered.
+It was five days before he could write to the High Chancellor. January
+30, as soon as his pain abated, he wrote to him that he hoped to be able
+to continue his journey in two or three days, and that the vexation of
+his mind at being hindered from getting so soon as he wished to the
+place of his destination, was greater than the indisposition of his
+body. He was extremely well received by the Commandants of Haguenau and
+Saverne. At the former of those towns he met some waggons going to the
+army with a million of money, which it was said would soon be followed
+by other two.
+
+He left Metz February 2[217], and was at Meaux the 7th, from whence he
+went to St. Denis. On the 14th he wrote to the High Chancellor, that by
+the advice of his friends he had given the introductors of Ambassadors
+notice of his arrival, that they might pay him the usual honours; and
+that he would write to the Queen of Sweden as soon as he had his
+audience of the King[218]. Francis de Thou, hearing of his arrival, came
+immediately to visit him.
+
+Grotius was suffered to remain long at St. Denis: February 12, he wrote
+to Oxenstiern[219] that Count Brulon, introductor of Ambassadors, had
+been with him to acquaint him that the troubles of the Court had
+hitherto prevented the appointing a day for his entry. In fact, the Duke
+de Puy-Laurens, and some other Lords, accused of giving bad counsels to
+Gaston of France Duke of Orleans, had been just arrested.
+
+But Grotius suspected that his entry was deferred for other reasons;
+that they waited for the answers of La Grange and Feuquieres, employed
+by the Court of France in Germany, to know whether the High Chancellor
+would conform to the intentions of the French Ministry, and in
+consequence to proportion the honours to be paid Sweden's Ambassador to
+Oxenstiern's compliance. Count Brulon assured Grotius that in two or
+three days every obstruction to his entry would be removed, and in the
+mean time gave him an invitation to see _incognito_ the ballets and
+entertainments that were to be given the Sunday following, in the King's
+apartments: which the Ambassador thought fit to decline. February
+23[220] Count Brulon came to make Grotius another visit, and asked, who
+sent him into France? Grotius answered, that he was the Queen of
+Sweden's Ambassador, and was nominated to that employment by the High
+Chancellor of Sweden, by virtue of the powers given to his Excellency.
+Brulon said, that the King of Spain had formerly empowered the Duke of
+Mentz to nominate Ambassadors; but they were never regarded as such.
+Grotius replied, that was owing to the war, and a dislike to the duke of
+Mentz; that when the truce between Spain and the United Provinces was
+treating at the Hague, the Ambassadors sent thither by the Arch-Dukes
+were received by the French and English Ministers as Ambassadors of the
+King of Spain; and that if during the late war in Italy Cardinal
+Richelieu, who had very extensive powers, had nominated Ambassadors,
+they would have been every where received in the same manner as those
+sent by the King; that the High Chancellor's powers could not be
+disputed; that they were given him by the whole kingdom; that the King
+of France had already treated as Ambassadors Ministers nominated by his
+Excellency; and that the Ambassadors of the King of France, in the
+treaty which they made with Oxenstiern, acknowledged this power. Brulon
+declared, that the difficulty did not proceed from any aversion to
+Grotius, whom the King highly esteemed. He repeated this so often, that
+the Swedish Ambassador imagined they wanted to make him quit the service
+of Sweden, and enter into that of France. The Count promised to return
+in three or four days: he did not keep his word; he sent however to
+acquaint Grotius that the Wednesday following, which was the last of
+February, every thing would be ready for his entry; but that he must
+first receive the King's commands who was at Chantilly.
+
+Du Maurier, Son of the Ambassador to Holland, an intimate friend of
+Grotius, pretends, in his _Memoirs_, that the Swedish Ambassador was
+suffered to remain so long at St. Denis because Cardinal Richelieu, who
+had a dislike to him, was vexed to see him nominated Ambassador to
+France; that he wrote to Oxenstiern, asking him to appoint some other,
+and that the High Chancellor paying no regard to the Cardinal's whim, he
+was obliged to acknowledge Grotius's quality. The Letters of Grotius
+rather contradict than confirm this anecdote, though Du Maurier assures
+us Grotius was fully informed of this secret negotiation.
+
+Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the 2d of March,
+1635. The Marshals D'Estres and St. Luc were nominated to attend him;
+but, the latter falling ill, Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors,
+supplied his place. They came in the King and Queen's coaches to take
+him up. The coaches of the Venetian, Swiss, and Mantuan Ministers were
+at this entry, together with those of the German powers allied to
+Sweden. The Princes of the Blood did not send their coaches because they
+were not at Paris; Gaston Duke of Orleans was at Angers; the Prince of
+Condé had a cause depending at Rouen; and the Count De Soissons was at
+Senlis with the Court.
+
+Pau, Ambassador from Holland, greatly chagrined to see Grotius in such
+an honourable place, was much embarrassed[221] in what manner to behave:
+he wrote about it to the States-General, and in the mean time sent to
+make him his compliments. The States-General answered, that they
+intended their Ambassadors should shew the same regard to Grotius as to
+the Ambassadors of powers in friendship with them. Pau, not satisfied
+with this, wrote to the particular States of Holland. Grotius was
+informed of it, and seemed little concerned, because, he said, they knew
+little, were very inconstant, and took their resolutions on slight
+grounds.
+
+May 5, the Count de Nancei, Master of the Wardrobe, came to compliment
+him on the part of the King. He told him that his nomination to the
+French Embassy was most agreeable to his Majesty[222], who wished he
+might long continue in that post. Count Brulon assured him that he had
+orders to present his lady to the Queen, who remained at Paris, whenever
+she pleased: but Grotius thought this ought to be deferred till he had
+seen the King.
+
+Grotius was carried to Court at Senlis on the sixth of March, by the
+Duke De Mercoeur, whom he calls the most learned of all the
+Princes[223]: on the death of his father he became Duke of Vendôme, and
+in the end a Cardinal. The new Ambassador was extremely satisfied with
+his reception: the King's guards were under arms[224]: Lewis XIII. spoke
+much to him, and with so great goodness, that he conjectured from it he
+should bring the affairs with which he was entrusted to the desired
+conclusion. His Majesty gave him to understand by his gracious manner,
+and by his[225] talk, that they could not have sent into France a
+Minister so agreeable to him. He made him be covered in his presence,
+and repeated his civilities on Grotius's presenting to him his son
+Cornelius.
+
+March 8, Grotius sent Queen Christina news of his entry and his audience
+of the King: Next day he wrote to Salmasius: after acquainting him with
+the agreeable revolution in his affairs, he adds, that the first
+formalities of his embassy being over, he hoped to have leisure to
+resume his studies. Salmasius had at that time the greatest esteem for
+Grotius, and on hearing of his being nominated Ambassador to France,
+took occasion to say that Grotius's friends were only sorry the affairs
+of Sweden were not in such a good situation, as might render the embassy
+of so great a man as agreeable as could be desired.
+
+After having an audience of the King, Grotius made his visits to
+Mademoiselle[226], the Prince of Condé, the Count of Soissons, the
+Countess of Soissons the Count's mother, and to his lady the Princess of
+Condé. The Prince[227] received him with the greatest politeness, spoke
+to him of their old acquaintance, and next day returned his visit.
+Cardinal Richelieu, before he would see him, wanted to know his
+instructions relating to the treaty lately concluded between France and
+several German Princes, with which the Swedes were dissatisfied. He went
+to his Abbey of Royaumont till Grotius should see Boutillier,
+Superintendant of the Finances, with whom he was to discuss the late
+treaty; and as things passed at this conference the Cardinal was to talk
+to the Swedish Ambassador.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[217] Ep. 360. p. 130 & 361. p. 610.
+
+[218] Ep. 362. p. 130.
+
+[219] Ep. 363. p. 131.
+
+[220] Ep. 364. p. 132.
+
+[221] Ep. 374. p. 137.
+
+[222] Ep. 374. p. 137.
+
+[223] Ep. 339. p. 851.
+
+[224] Ep. 367. p. 134.
+
+[225] Ep. 388. p. 142.
+
+[226] Ep. 370. p. 135.
+
+[227] Ep. 339. p. 851.
+
+
+V. The subject of the dispute between France and Sweden was this: after
+the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the Swedes and their allies being
+reduced to the last extremity, judged the support of France must be
+their principal resource. They made no doubt that such an able
+statesman as Cardinal Richelieu would seize every opportunity to abase,
+or at least embarrass the house of Austria, the eternal rival of France.
+James Læfler and Philip Strect were sent in 1634, by the Protestant
+Princes and States of the Circles and Electoral Provinces of Franconia,
+Suabia, and the Rhine, to solicit succours from the King of France, and
+prevail with him to declare war against the Emperor. They proposed that
+the King should send an army to the Rhine, and advance a large sum of
+money to enable the allies to recruit their army, which was almost
+wholly destroyed. They treated with the Cardinal de Richelieu, who
+endeavoured to avail himself of the situation of affairs and their
+necessities, to make the most advantageous treaty he could for France.
+He offered only five hundred thousand Livres, six thousand foot in six
+weeks, and twelve thousand when they had put France in possession of
+Benfield: but their powers did not extend to the cession of that place.
+However they promised it without making any condition; and had not the
+precaution to stipulate that France should furnish every year the same
+subsidies which she engaged to give King Gustavus by a treaty which was
+renewed at Hailbron. The Cardinal gave them hopes that France would
+declare war against the Emperor; that after the declaration the King
+would keep twelve thousand men in Germany, and a strong army on the
+Rhine; advance immediately five hundred thousand Francs to be divided
+among the army or the allies; nominate a Prince to command the army of
+twelve thousand men, with a lieutenant under him as his collegue; and
+have one to assist in his Majesty's name at the Councils of war.
+
+After signing the treaty Læfler and Strect returned to Germany in
+December 1634.
+
+When a motion was made in the assembly of the Allies at Worms to ratify
+this Treaty, the High Chancellor of Sweden opposed it. He maintained
+that it was obscure and ambiguous, and discordant with the private
+treaty made with Sweden. This Minister was chiefly chagrined at Sweden's
+losing the principal direction of affairs in Germany by the nomination
+of a German Prince to be Generalissimo of the allied army. He declared
+that he thought himself obliged to propose his difficulties to the Queen
+of Sweden: and besides would send an embassy to Paris on the subject.
+This then was the business which Grotius had to manage at the Court of
+France. The Commission was the more delicate as Cardinal Richelieu, a
+positive man, absolutely required that the treaty made with the Envoys
+of the German Princes should have its full effect.
+
+It was to confer on this affair that Grotius made a visit to Boutillier,
+Superintendant of the Finances. The Swedish Ambassador represented, that
+the Treaty ought not to be in force till Sweden's ratification of it,
+which could not be expected, as it made void the Treaty of Hailbron.
+This was not what the Cardinal wanted: he commissioned Father Joseph to
+employ all his address to bring Grotius into his measures. The Capuchin
+was the Cardinal's confident, and it was then thought that he was
+destined to succeed him in the Ministry in case of the Cardinal's death.
+March 14, the Superintendant sent to acquaint Grotius that he purposed
+to make him a visit with Father Joseph; but as the Father was taken ill
+he asked him to go with him to the Convent of the Capuchins; that he
+ought to have no reluctance to this, since the Cardinal himself had
+lately visited Father Joseph there when he was ill. Grotius went to the
+convent, and was conducted from thence to the Garden of the Thuilleries,
+where he found Boutillier and Father Joseph. After the usual
+compliments, the Capuchin shewed that the late treaty at Paris was made
+in consequence of a full power given the Ministers of the German
+Princes, and concluded and signed without any stipulation concerning
+the necessity of ratifying it. Grotius replied, that the High Chancellor
+himself had said the contrary; that the towns who approved of the treaty
+owned the necessity of its being ratified; that a ratification was so
+necessary to give a treaty the force of a law, that that which was
+concluded at Ratisbon, in 1630, by Father Joseph himself, had not its
+full execution because the King did not think proper to ratify it; that
+the Swedes only asked what was just, and would consent that some
+addition should be made to the treaty of Hailbron, if that were proper.
+Grotius was asked, which article of the late treaty Sweden complained
+of? he first mentioned that of the Subsidies, the disposition of which
+was left to the four circles of Germany, though it was on the express
+condition of receiving them that Sweden had engaged in the war: he
+added, that it was unjust to take Benfield from the Swedes without
+giving them an equivalent, since the Germans had given them that place
+as a pledge. The two French Ministers, unable to make Grotius approve of
+the treaty of Paris, had recourse to menaces and caresses: they imagined
+that his instructions bore that he might ratify it provided it was not
+till the last extremity. Grotius saw through their design, and told them
+they deceived themselves. They said, they would write to Sweden to
+complain of the High Chancellor; that the King would no longer treat
+with Grotius as Ambassador; that orders would be sent to the Marquis de
+Feuquieres to complain to Oxenstiern himself of his contempt of a signed
+treaty, and want of due regard to the King. Grotius answered, that the
+Marquis de Feuquieres had already made representations to the High
+Chancellor, without effect, on this subject; that if France would not
+have him for Ambassador, he would be employed elsewhere; that it would
+be in vain to write to Sweden because Oxenstiern's reasons for not
+ratifying the treaty of Paris would certainly be approved there. They
+cooled a little; and gave him to understand, that an alteration might
+be made in some of the articles, and that the King would consent that
+the Swedes should not be excluded from the chief command, though the
+treaty imported that a Prince should be General. Grotius shewed that
+there were many other articles, which occasioned great difficulty both
+by their ambiguity and their opposition to the interests of Sweden. The
+two Ministers put themselves into a passion, and concluded with
+complaining that they would inform the King and the Cardinal that they
+could settle nothing with Grotius, and that the Swedes made a jest of
+treaties. Father Joseph retiring, the conversation became milder with
+the Superintendant: Grotius shewed that it was the promise of assistance
+from France, which engaged Sweden in such a burthensome war; that the
+High Chancellor had done essential services to the common cause; that if
+the King should drop his alliance with the Swedes, they should be
+obliged to take care of themselves; that France might give subsidies to
+the Germans, but it was just that those promised to Sweden should be
+exactly paid. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this conference in
+a letter of the 15th of March, 1635.
+
+Cardinal Richelieu[228], to induce the Swedes to conform more to his
+measures, spread a report, and even said himself often, that he was in
+treaty with the Emperor, and the accommodation on the point of being
+concluded: but Grotius, who knew the Cardinal's character, was not duped
+by it; and wrote to the High Chancellor that it was only a stratagem of
+that Minister, and the report ought to make no change in Sweden's
+conduct.
+
+On the 28th of March the Cardinal sending to acquaint Grotius[229] that
+he wanted to confer with him, he immediately waited on his Eminence:
+which shews the inaccuracy of Du Maurier, who assures us that Grotius
+never saw Cardinal Richelieu whilst he was Minister from Sweden in
+France, because his Eminence gave not the precedence to Ambassadors.
+
+He complimented the Cardinal (with whom he found Father Joseph) in the
+name of the Queen, the Regents of Sweden, and the High Chancellor, and
+delivered to him his Letters of Credence. The treaty of Paris was soon
+brought on the carpet: the Cardinal pretended that it ought to be
+executed without any restriction; he said the King, by assisting the
+Germans with men and money, sufficiently favoured the Swedes; adding,
+that Sweden did not apply the subsidies granted by France to the uses
+agreed on. Grotius made answer, that Læfler and Strect could not make a
+treaty contrary to the interests of Sweden. Father Joseph added that the
+King was informed that it was he (Grotius) who advised the High
+Chancellor not to ratify the treaty of Paris, giving him hopes that he
+through his friends would obtain one more advantageous. Grotius assured
+him it was a falshood; and that what had been said of the misapplication
+of the Subsidies was a gross calumny. The Cardinal interposing said that
+he perceived Father Joseph and the Swedish Ambassador were not in good
+understanding, and he would endeavour to reconcile them. Grotius sounded
+high the wealth of France, as being more than sufficient to assist the
+Germans without abandoning the Swedes, who had entered into the war
+solely at her felicitation and on her promise of succours. The Cardinal,
+without explaining himself what sum would be given, hinted that Sweden
+must not expect for the future a Subsidy of a million. Father Joseph
+pretended, that he knew from good hands the High Chancellor only wanted
+that article changed which excluded the Swedes from the command in
+chief, and that regard should be had to their interests in concluding a
+peace. The Cardinal said the King would consent to this alteration; but
+that he was surprised the High Chancellor, after giving so many
+assurances of his satisfaction, should make new demands. Grotius still
+insisted that it was but just to adhere to the treaty of Hailbron, and
+that Sweden, which kept up armies and fleets, had a better claim to the
+King's liberality, than several other Princes to whom the King
+generously gave subsidies.
+
+The Cardinal receiving notice that a Courier was just arrived with
+Letters from the High Chancellor, ordered him to be brought in. He
+presented Oxenstiern's Letters to the Cardinal, who, on reading them,
+was much surprised to find the High Chancellor desirous of coming into
+France to settle all difficulties in a conference. This journey was not
+at all agreeable to the Cardinal: however, as it would have been
+indecent and improper to oppose it, he answered that he would write
+about it to the King, and he did not doubt but his Majesty would consent
+to it; that it would give him the greatest pleasure to see Oxenstiern,
+but if his errand was to set aside the treaty of Paris, he foresaw the
+interview would do more harm than good; and that he would dispatch La
+Grange to the High Chancellor to compliment him, and assure him he must
+not think of concluding a treaty contrary to what had been agreed on
+with Læfler and Strect.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[228] Ep. 375. p 137.
+
+[229] Ep. 380. p. 139.
+
+
+VI. The King being informed that Oxenstiern, to serve the common cause,
+wanted to come to France, consented to it, and gave orders for his being
+received with great magnificence: the Hotel for Ambassadors
+Extraordinary at Paris was fitted up for him[230]. All business was
+suspended till his arrival[231]: and the King went to Compeigne to be
+nearer Flanders and Germany. The High Chancellor came thither. Grotius
+had purposed to go to meet him as soon as he heard of his being on the
+way; but Oxenstiern not giving him notice what rout he would take, nor
+whether he would come directly to Paris, or alight at Compeigne, Grotius
+remained in suspense till April 21, that a Courier[232] from the High
+Chancellor brought him word that he had taken the road through the Three
+Bishoprics and Champagne, and desired him to come to him. Grotius set
+out immediately; and met him at Soissons, from whence they came to
+Compeigne. The High Chancellor had two hundred men in his retinue. The
+Count de Soissons was at first nominated to go to meet that
+Minister[233]; it was however the Count D'Alais, Son of the Duke
+D'Angoulême, who went with Count Brulon in the King's coach. They
+proceeded the distance of three leagues, and on their coming up the High
+Chancellor stept with them into his Majesty's coach. He was conducted to
+the Hotel prepared for him, and splendidly entertained at the King's
+expence. On the 26th of April, 1635, he came to Compeigne; and next day
+had an audience of the King, who received him very graciously, and
+expressed a high esteem for him. The visit lasted half an hour: the
+Scots Colonels Hepburn and Leslie were present; and Grotius served as
+Interpreter. He afterwards visited the Queen, and also Cardinal
+Richelieu, who took the right hand of him; he offered it indeed to
+Oxenstiern; but he in civility refused it. They were together at this
+visit three hours, but said not a word of business; nothing passed but
+compliments and mirth, says the _Mercure François_. Both spoke in Latin.
+Two days after, that is to say, on the 29th, the Cardinal returned the
+High Chancellor's visit: his Eminence was booted as if he were returning
+from the country, that this visit, says Puffendorf, might not be looked
+upon as a debt. They conversed long together about business. Oxenstiern,
+like an able Politician, made no mention of the treaty of Paris, nor of
+that of Hailbron: he foresaw that it would draw on discussions which
+might breed ill blood, and hurt the common cause: he only talked of a
+treaty with Sweden. There was some alteration made in the old one; and
+it was agreed that no peace or truce should be concluded with the
+Austrians without the consent of the two Crowns. The same day, according
+to the _Mercure François_, or on the 30th of April, according to
+Puffendorf, the High Chancellor had his audience of leave of the King:
+his Majesty took a diamond ring from his finger, valued at that time at
+ten or twelve thousand crowns, which he gave him, together with a box
+set with diamonds, in which was his Majesty's picture. All the time he
+was at Compeigne, he was served by the officers of the King's kitchen
+with so much splendor and magnificence, that he complained to Grotius of
+the too great expence they were at on his account. He set out from
+Compeigne on Monday the 30th of April for Paris. He wanted to be there
+_incognito_; and lodged with Grotius[234]; but as soon as his arrival
+took air, the crowd to see him was so great that they could scarce keep
+them from forcing into Grotius's house. Had he been one descended from
+heaven they could not have shewn more eagerness. He staid only two or
+three days at Paris, during which he went to see the Church of Notre
+Dame, the Louvre, the Palace of Luxembourg, and some of the fine Seats
+near the City. He was so well satisfied with the manner in which Grotius
+received him, that he made a considerable present to his lady. She would
+have refused it, if she could have done it with a good grace. Grotius,
+in returning his humble thanks for it to the High Chancellor, told him
+that he owed all he had to his goodness, and that if he could have done
+more, he would have thought himself sufficiently recompensed by the
+honour of lodging so great a man. Oxenstiern went from Paris to embark
+at Dieppe; and Grotius accompanied him a part of the way[235]. As soon
+as the High Chancellor arrived at Dieppe, he wrote Grotius a very
+obliging letter[236]. The Court had prepared vessels at Dieppe, on
+board which Oxenstiern embarked for Holland, from whence he proceeded to
+Lower Saxony.
+
+This treaty occasioned a difference between the Duke of Weymar and the
+High Chancellor[237]. The Marquis de Feuquieres insinuated to that
+Prince, that Oxenstiern, in treating with France, had shewn no regard to
+the interests of Germany. The fact was most false; for Grotius was a
+witness that the High Chancellor had recommended the affairs of Germany
+to the King with great warmth: it was agreed that neither peace nor
+truce should be concluded but in concert with the Allies; and he had
+ordered Grotius to solicit their affairs, who had in consequence pressed
+the sending the promised succours. It was not probable that Feuquieres
+should of himself venture to talk in this manner, which was enough to
+ruin him: there was therefore reason to suspect that he did it by
+private orders from the Cardinal, that the Duke of Weymar, distrusting
+the Chancellor, might place his confidence in his Eminence. It is
+certain, that notwithstanding what was agreed on at Compeigne, the
+Cardinal had the treaty with Læfler and Strect still much at heart; and
+Avaugour[238], the French Minister at Stockholm, was ordered to demand
+its ratification. But he was answered, that those Ministers were not
+sent by Sweden, and exceeded their powers, and that the affair was
+referred to Oxenstiern. After such a formal denial, Avaugour was forced
+to confine his demands to the ratification of the treaty of Compeigne.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[230] Ep. 383. p. 140.
+
+[231] Ep. 390. p. 142. & ep. 391. p. 143.
+
+[232] Ep. 393. p. 143 & ep. 396 p. 144.
+
+[233] Ep. 387. p. 141.
+
+[234] Ep. 400. p. 146.
+
+[235] Ep. 344. p. 853.
+
+[236] Ep. 408. p. 1, 8.
+
+[237] Ep. 432. p. 159.
+
+[238] Puffendorf, l. 8. n. 4.
+
+
+VII. Grotius was not only fatigued and embarrassed with State affairs;
+the reformed Ministers gave him uneasiness at a time when he imagined
+they had room to be satisfied with him.
+
+He was at a loss[239] at first how to act with regard to the celebration
+of divine service. March 30, 1635, he wrote to his brother: "You have
+reason to ask how I must act in the affair of religion; it greatly
+embarrasses me. It would be an odious thing, and might displease the
+High Chancellor, to introduce, by my own authority, a new reformed
+Church: besides, those, to whom I might apply for a Minister, are of
+different sentiments from me. What you propose, that I should hear the
+Ministers of Charenton, since they receive the Lutherans into their
+communion, is not amiss."
+
+We have seen that Grotius, on his arrival at Paris after his escape from
+Louvestein, had room to be dissatisfied with the reformed Ministers,
+who, under pretence of his refusing to receive the Synod of Dort, and
+his attachment to Arminianism, would not communicate with him. The happy
+revolution in his fortune made one in their minds, as he writes to
+Vossius[240]. Immediately on his arrival at Paris in quality of
+Ambassador from Sweden, he was visited by six of the principal reformed
+Ministers, among whom were Faucher, Aubertin, Daillé, and Drelincourt.
+They were not much attached to the rigid sentiments on Predestination:
+some even seemed to prefer Melancton's system to that of Calvin. Before
+Grotius had determined in what manner he should act with the Ministers
+of Charenton, Faucher, Mestrezat, and Daillé came on the 2d of August,
+1635[241], to ask him to join their communion; which, they assured him,
+discovered a greater disposition than ever towards an union among
+Protestants, having lately resolved to admit Lutherans. "They hoped,
+they said, that he looked on their Confession of Faith as consistent
+with Christianity; that they had the same charitable sentiments
+concerning that of the Arminians; that they had not forgot what he had
+formerly said, writing against Sibrand, 'that he wondered whether the
+Contra-Remonstrants would refuse to admit St. Chrysostom and Melancton
+into their communion, if they should offer themselves;' that they had
+read and approved of his Treatise on the Truth of the Christian
+Religion, and what he had lately written, exhorting Christians to live
+in peace; that they had written to Holland, to make no more difficulty
+about admitting the Remonstrants into their communion; and that the
+Dutch, become more moderate in process of time, would give attention to
+their reasons." Grotius answered, that he was ready to give them public
+proofs of his willingness to join in communion with them, and that it
+was not his fault he had not done this sooner: adding, that if he should
+go into any Country where the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the
+Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into
+their communion, he would make no difficulty of joining with them: which
+the Ministers approved of.
+
+He had not yet determined to go to Charenton on the 23d of August, 1635.
+"I weigh matters (he writes to his[242] brother) that I may do what is
+most agreeable to God, useful to the Church, and advantageous to my
+Family."
+
+This affair seemed almost finished when the Ministers sent to tell
+him[243] that they would willingly receive him, but not as Ambassador
+from Sweden, because that kingdom was of a different persuasion. "I am
+surprised (he writes to his brother) at the fickleness of people, who
+invite the Lutherans to partake with them, and say they cannot receive
+me in quality of Ambassador from Sweden, on account of their differing
+in opinion from that kingdom." To go to sermon as a private man would
+have been no great inconveniency to him[244], but he could not do this
+without contradicting his principles, which made him look on the Swedes
+as orthodox. He resolved therefore to have Divine Service celebrated
+for the future in his own house.
+
+It is evident from this recital, which is faithfully taken from
+Grotius's letters, that Du Maurier is mistaken in saying[245], that the
+Ministers of Charenton, when they knew that Grotius was Ambassador from
+Sweden, deputed one of their number to invite him to their Church; and
+he answered, that having neglected him when a Fugitive he would now
+neglect them when Ambassador.
+
+Not having been able to settle matters with the reformed Ministers, he
+resolved to have Divine Service performed at home. The Lutherans
+attended his Chapel as if he publicly professed their religion. He
+writes to his brother, Dec. 28, 1635[246], "We celebrated at my house
+the Feast of the Nativity: the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Count de
+Suarsenbourg, and several Swedish and German Lords assisted at it."
+
+George Calixtus, an eminent Lutheran Minister[247], procured him
+Brandanus for his Chaplain. This man was a zealous Lutheran: Grotius
+recommended moderation to him, and took him upon condition[248] that he
+should be upon his guard in his Sermons, and never enter into
+controversy in public, either with the Roman Catholics or the Reformed.
+But his zeal carried him away; and seeing his Master's Chapel much
+frequented, he took occasion to rail sometimes against the Papists and
+even sometimes against the Reformed. Grotius was much offended at it,
+not only because it was contrary to agreement, but also because, by
+publicly attacking in his own house the established Church and the
+others who were tolerated, he exposed himself to the hatred of the whole
+kingdom. He several times intimated to Brandanus[249] to behave
+otherwise; but his representations and orders having no effect, in
+autumn, 1637, he forbad him his Chapel: he kept him however in his house
+till the end of February following. To supply the place of Brandanus he
+pitched upon Francis Dor, who had been deposed at Sedan for his
+adherence to Arminianism, and since lived by keeping a boarding-school,
+and teaching French to young Flemings and Germans on their travels in
+France. It was some time before he could resolve[250] to quit this
+manner of life; but at length accepted of Grotius's offer. They lived in
+good understanding together, because their opinions were almost the
+same.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[239] Ep. 340. p. 151.
+
+[240] Ep. 378. p. 138.
+
+[241] Ep. 350. p. 854.
+
+[242] Ep. 354. p. 856.
+
+[243] Ep. 358. p. 857.
+
+[244] Ep. 360. p. 857.
+
+[245] Memoirs, p. 414, 415.
+
+[246] Ep. 363. p. 858.
+
+[247] Ep. 674. p. 275.
+
+[248] Ep. 410. p. 872.
+
+[249] Ep. 840. p. 369.
+
+[250] Ep. 423. p. 879.
+
+
+VIII. Soon after Oxenstiern left the kingdom, the peace of Vervins was
+broken, and the French and Spaniards began that long war which was not
+ended till the Pyrenean treaty. The King went to Chateau-Thierry; and
+the Cardinal followed him, though indisposed. Grotius went to Court on
+the eve of Whitsunday, 1635[251], as well to solicit the affairs of
+Sweden, as to attend to the interest of their allies. France was at this
+time in great joy on account of the victory at Ardenne, gained by the
+Marshals de Brezé and de Chatilon over Prince Thomas of Savoy. The
+Marshal de la Force had also gained a great advantage over the Cravats
+in Lorrain: which happy beginning raised the hopes of the French
+exceedingly. It was at this point of time Grotius arrived at Court. He
+went first to Cardinal Richelieu, who was three leagues from
+Chateau-Thierry; but as that Minister had been blooded on Whitsunday, he
+referred the Ambassador to Boutillier the Superintendant. They talked
+about several things: the chief was the payment of the Subsidies.
+Grotius after this conference sending to ask how the Cardinal did, his
+Eminence desired him to wait on the King. Grotius accordingly went to
+compliment his Majesty on the victory of Ardenne, and afterwards begged
+that he would be pleased to give orders about the money which was
+demanded by the Swedes. The King heard him with great goodness, and
+desired him to give in a state of his demands to Boutillier. At taking
+his leave, Grotius told his Majesty that he should think himself most
+happy if he could do him any service, or promote the common cause. The
+King answered, that he might be of great use in what concerned the
+affairs of Holland. He afterwards related to him what had passed between
+the Marshal de la Force and the Cravats; the news of which, he had just
+received.
+
+Grotius was preparing to visit the Superintendant again, when the
+Cardinal sent to acquaint him, that he should be glad to see him.
+Grotius went: he spoke to his Eminence of the sums due to Sweden before
+the death of King Gustavus, and which Chavigni, Secretary of State for
+foreign affairs, and Boutillier's son, promised the High Chancellor
+should be paid. The Cardinal answered, that his bad state of health and
+greater affairs had made him much a stranger to those particulars; and
+that since the Superintendant and Bullion said they were ignorant of the
+King's intentions on the subject, he must wait Chavigni's return, who
+was expected at Court in a few days.
+
+Grotius after this visit went to the Superintendant, with whom he left a
+memorial of his demands as his Majesty had desired. Boutillier talked in
+the same strain the Cardinal had done concerning the money due to the
+Swedes.
+
+Things being in this situation, Grotius returned to Paris, leaving his
+Secretary at Court, who was to give him notice of Chavigni's return.
+
+The King drawing nearer Paris, Chavigni came back to that city. The
+Swedish Ambassador[252] sent several times to demand an interview, which
+he eluded; sometimes it was pretended he was gone out; at other times he
+was busy: he once made a positive appointment with him; but when
+Grotius came to his house, he was gone to wait upon the King at
+Monceaux. At his return he appointed another meeting; Grotius did not
+fail to be there: Chavigni assured him, that some pressing business
+hindered him from conferring with him at that time. The Cardinal
+returning very ill to Ruel, Chavigni went to see him; Grotius followed,
+and pressed him so closely, he could not put him off. Bullion was
+present: Chavigni pretended that there never had been any positive
+promise to pay the arrears of the old subsidies; that he had only said
+from the King, that as far as the situation of affairs would allow, his
+Majesty would endeavour that the High Chancellor should have no reason
+to complain. However Grotius recommended this affair to Bullion as being
+just in itself; and Bullion answered, that he would give as much
+attention to it as the state of the finances would permit. Grotius
+shewed them his letters from Germany, informing him that the body of
+twelve thousand men, which the King engaged to furnish, was in a very
+bad condition, and that even the interest of France required that it
+should be speedily completed. They made answer, that the King intended
+it, and that this army would soon be increased to seventeen thousand
+men.
+
+Grotius's pressing solicitations were troublesome to Chavigni[253], and
+we see that he was afraid of his visits. He sought pretences for delay,
+and even often broke his appointments with so little decency, that
+Grotius complained to the High Chancellor that Chavigni did not shew
+proper respect to the dignity of an Ambassador from Sweden.
+
+The King going to Fontainebleau in summer, 1635[254], and carrying
+Boutillier with him, whose son was with the Duke of Orleans, Servin,
+Secretary at War, remained at Paris. Grotius went to see him and was
+received with great politeness and friendship.
+
+He spoke to him of the subsidies; Servien promised his good offices.
+Grotius also recommended to him the interests of the Duke of Weymar, who
+was hard pressed by his enemies: and he received fair promises. Some
+days after, Servien returned his visit[255]. July 20, 1635, Grotius went
+to see the Cardinal at Ruel[256]; and spoke to him of the money owing to
+Sweden. His Eminence owned it; but enlarged much on the great expence
+France was put to for the allies; and wished the Swedish Ambassador
+would confer on this and other matters with Father Joseph, who had an
+apartment at Ruel near the Cardinal's. Grotius saw him, and received
+much satisfaction. The Father said he had always disapproved of the
+delays in the payment of the subsidies; that he would use his endeavours
+to get the promises made to Sweden punctually performed, and to
+perpetuate a good understanding between the two crowns, which would be
+for the interest of both: he added, that the troops intended for
+augmenting the army in Germany were already on their march.
+
+Grotius met with the better reception as the French Court was under some
+uneasiness lest the allies should make a separate peace. The Cardinal
+gave some hints of what he apprehended on this subject: Grotius removed
+his fears in relation to Sweden, and the Cardinal promised that France
+would be faithful to her engagements. Grotius did not lose sight of the
+affair of the subsidies[257]: he went several times to Bullion, on whom
+it partly depended as belonging to his department: but Bullion always
+refused to speak to him under pretence of indisposition or multiplicity
+of business, which did not leave him master of his own time. Grotius
+judging this behaviour equivalent to a positive denial, wrote to the
+High Chancellor, that he thought his Excellency should write to the King
+himself. The answers of the Ministry depended on the situation of
+affairs[258]: when France had need of Oxenstiern they made fine promises
+to Grotius, who was not duped by them. At last he saw Bullion[259], who,
+after enlarging much on the King's great expence in maintaining an
+hundred and fifty thousand men, promised to advance two hundred thousand
+Francs; but never issued the order. Lewis XIII. making a progress
+towards Lorain, Cardinal Richelieu was left at Paris with absolute
+power. Grotius had an audience of him in September 1635. He found him in
+a very bad humour. His Eminence said he was well assured the High
+Chancellor was negotiating a separate treaty with the Elector of Saxony;
+that it was vain to make alliances if they were not faithfully observed;
+that for his part he was resolved to adhere to his engagements, and
+chose rather to be deceived than to deceive. Grotius answered, that it
+was true the Elector of Saxony had made proposals to the High
+Chancellor, but his Excellency had written to the Elector himself, had
+told his Envoys, and sent a deputation to inform him, that a separate
+treaty would be injurious to France and the other allies of Sweden: The
+Ambassador added, that he had orders to declare to his Eminence, that in
+case Sweden should be abandoned by France, he must not be surprised if
+the necessity of affairs should oblige the Swedish Ministers to have
+recourse to expedients which were very far from their intention. The
+Cardinal replied, that that was the usual style of such as depart from
+their engagements and treat separately. Grotius assured him that there
+was nothing yet done; that it were to be wished France would send a
+Minister to Oxenstiern to act in concert with him; and that it was time
+to pay the arrears which were still owing to Sweden notwithstanding the
+frequent promises to the contrary, and whose payment Bullion always
+deferred. The Cardinal made no answer to this article: he asked the
+Ambassador whether he thought the High Chancellor had an inclination to
+return to his own country. Grotius replied, that that illustrious
+minister entertained no thoughts but what were honourable and great, and
+that his principal object was to terminate with dignity the great
+affairs with which he was entrusted. The Ambassador at the same time
+took occasion to thank the Cardinal for the attention which the King and
+his Eminence gave to what passed on the Rhine. The Cardinal intimating
+that he heard the Princes in those parts had a great aversion to
+Oxenstiern, Grotius replied, that it was impossible it should be
+otherwise as things were situated; and that a Foreigner, however great
+his prudence and modesty might be, would be always odious to Princes
+whose authority and dignity he eclipsed. The end of the conference was
+more calm: The Cardinal conducted Grotius to the door of the chamber,
+excusing himself that his health did not permit him to go farther. A
+month after this audience Grotius demanded another of his Eminence,
+which he obtained, after asking it five days successively[260], at Ruel.
+Grotius gave him to understand that the letters he received from Germany
+ought to make them very uneasy. The Cardinal replied, that he
+apprehended the bad state of affairs was exaggerated in order to excuse
+a separate peace; but that no honourable or lasting one could be made
+but in conjunction, as he desired. His Eminence grew more mild
+afterwards, and promised that the Marquis de St. Chaumont should in a
+little time set out for Germany with very ample powers to act in concert
+with Oxenstiern for the good of the common cause. He desired the
+Ambassador to see Bullion in relation to the subsidies. Father Joseph
+was present at this audience. The Cardinal treated Grotius with more
+respect than he had ever done: he waited on him a little beyond the
+door of his Chamber, and gave him the upper hand.
+
+Bullion being at Ruel, Grotius went to wait on him: he promised to give
+two hundred thousand Francs, and even to add three hundred thousand more
+as soon as the state of the King's affairs would permit it. The
+Ambassador answered, that was putting off the payment to a long day.
+Bullion represented that the King sent large sums into the Valtoline,
+Italy, Germany, Lorain, Piccardy, and Flanders. All this was very true;
+but the greatest part, Grotius said, remained in the hands of harpies.
+He informed the Chancellor of these conferences in a letter dated at
+Paris, October 12, 1635, which he concludes with saying that the
+fidelity which he owed to the kingdom of Sweden and to his Excellency
+obliged him to observe, that money was very scarce in France, and that
+the way to derive advantage from the peace was to hasten its conclusion.
+The Marquis de St. Chaumont, who was nominated to go to Germany, was not
+liked by Grotius: he was a declared enemy of the Protestants[261], and
+it has even been said that he was made choice of for the embassy into
+Germany out of compliment to the Court of Rome, who complained loudly of
+the protection given by France to Heretics. St. Chaumont's zeal, which
+was to do him much honour at the Court of Rome, was no merit in Germany,
+where it might even injure the common cause. He set out on his embassy
+without having had any conference with the Swedish Ambassador[262], and
+even without visiting him; which seemed contrary to custom and decency.
+
+November 3, 1635, Grotius went to Ruel to see the Cardinal[263] whom he
+found in a very bad humour. His Eminence thought Sweden wanted to make a
+separate peace: he enlarged much on the respect due to the observance of
+treaties, and that there could never be any necessity for acting
+dishonourably; he added, that the design of Grotius's embassy was a very
+bad one, and that he could only derive dishonour from it, since it had
+led him first to make objections against the treaty of Paris, and
+secondly to acknowledge that the Swedes would not abide by what they had
+agreed on at Compeigne. Grotius answered, that the High Chancellor was
+in the greatest dilemma, surrounded by enemies, and abandoned by his
+allies; that he himself had long solicited the money promised, but could
+never obtain payment; that the sending a French Minister into Germany,
+so often demanded, was agreed to much later than the good of the common
+cause required; and that the High Chancellor desired nothing more than
+to remedy the unhappy situation of affairs. The Cardinal made no answer
+concerning the remedy to be applied; and contented himself with saying
+that these general discourses sufficiently shewed a formed design of
+making a separate peace. He added, that all the Protestants were
+treacherous; which was a reason not only for being on one's guard in
+treating with them, but also for thinking their religion bad. Grotius
+grew warm, and said, that he needed not produce former instances to
+prove the integrity and sincerity of the Protestants, since the High
+Chancellor and the Duke of Weymar had never departed from their
+engagements. The Cardinal pretended that the peace which was just
+concluded between Poland and Sweden, by the mediation of France, put the
+Swedes in condition to continue the war against the Emperor. Grotius
+answered, that it was not yet ratified; that, besides, the cession of
+Prussia, stipulated by this treaty, was very disadvantageous to Sweden,
+because that province not only covered the kingdom, but also yielded a
+rich revenue. The Cardinal seemed to be in some emotion, and said that
+it required a great command of temper to listen patiently to discourses
+that bordered so near on ingratitude. Grotius assured him, that in all
+he had advanced he exactly followed his instructions. The Cardinal
+seemed displeased with those who had given them; and added that if the
+High Chancellor was not content with the peace between Sweden and
+Poland, it was from private views, because he lost the government of
+Prussia. After this sharp conversation, the Cardinal appeared more calm;
+and said, that he had nothing to do but hear what might be advanced, and
+would not judge till he had seen what was done. Grotius answered, that
+the High Chancellor would always act as a man of honour and a man of
+courage.
+
+November 5, Grotius had an audience of the King, who complained much,
+that after having been at so great expence, to the prejudice of his own
+affairs, on account of the Germans, they should break their treaties.
+
+Grotius went to Ruel on the 14th of December[264], again to solicit the
+payment of what was due to Sweden. He found there a courier from the
+Marquis de St. Chaumont, who delivered to him some letters he had
+brought with him from the High Chancellor. Grotius suspected that they
+had been opened, for besides their being dirty, the Courier had been
+arrived near a month; and he gave very bad reasons both for the
+condition of the letters, and his not delivering them sooner; he said
+they had fallen into the sea; that he had been at Paris, but could not
+find Grotius's house; and that he had been since kept at Ruel. What made
+Grotius easy, was that these letters were written with so much
+circumspection, had they been intercepted, the reading of them would
+rather have been advantageous than hurtful to Sweden. The French Court's
+fears lest the Swedes should conclude a separate peace made the
+Ministers promise him speedy payment of the arrears of the subsidies:
+Bullion assured him that he would without delay advance three hundred
+thousand Francs at several small payments (which Grotius disliked) and
+that he had already given orders for paying other two hundred thousand
+Francs: Servien promised that France would make greater efforts next
+campaign, if Sweden would continue the war.
+
+In the beginning of 1636[265] Grotius went to see the Cardinal, who
+complained bitterly that Grotius had written to Holland that the affairs
+of France were in a deplorable situation, and the French still on the
+point of making their peace. Grotius assured him it was a pure calumny:
+the Cardinal pretended that it was known to the French Ambassadors at
+the Hague. Grotius assured him these false reports owed their rise to
+the artifices of Pau and Aërsens his declared enemies, that Camerarius
+the Swedish Ambassador in Holland, with whom he corresponded by letters,
+would attest the contrary; that this report was probably occasioned by
+an article inserted in the Brussels Gazette, that his letters had been
+intercepted, representing France as in the greatest declension, of which
+he had never had a thought; and that this was done with design to make
+him lose the friendship of his patrons. He added, that he had forgot his
+Country; that indeed he wished its preservation on account of the
+friends and the small estate he had in it; but that he had given himself
+entirely to Sweden, and was not so ignorant, not to know how much it
+imported Sweden that whilst she was in arms the Dutch should continue
+the war; nor so dishonest, to give counsels contrary to the interest of
+Sweden and of the High Chancellor, to whom he owed every thing; and that
+if his Eminence would put it in his power to do some service to France,
+he would much more chearfully refute these calumnies by his actions,
+than by his words. The Cardinal resumed an air of serenity, said several
+obliging things, and assured him that for the future he would behave to
+him with more openness. He reconducted him a pretty way, politely
+excusing himself that he did not go farther lest he should be oppressed
+by the croud that wanted to speak to him.
+
+[266]The Duke of Parma arriving about this time at Paris to negotiate
+with the Court of France, great difficulties arose with regard to the
+ceremonial. The Pope's Nuncios, Mazarin, and Bolognetti, and the other
+Ambassadors, would not visit him because they could not agree about the
+manner in which he should receive them: the English and Swedish
+Ambassadors did not even send their Coaches to meet him, because they
+knew that those of the Nuncios would take the precedence. The Duke of
+Weymar came to Paris in spring 1636. Grotius[267], who was extremely
+circumspect, was in doubt whether he should pay him the first visit: and
+before he determined, he wanted to see what the English Ambassador would
+do. The Duke sent him his compliments, and the Ambassadors coming to an
+agreement to wait first on that Prince[268], Grotius went to see him,
+and was extremely well received: the Duke returned his visit. As it was
+through the mediation of the Count d'Avaux that the truce of twenty-six
+years between Sweden and Poland was concluded, Queen Christina[269]
+ordered her Ambassador to return her thanks to the King of France.
+Grotius obtained an audience, April 17, 1636, at Chantilly, and gave an
+account of what passed at it in a letter to her Majesty, dated April
+24[270]. Having presented to the King the Queen of Sweden's letter, his
+Majesty assured him, that he interested himself most sincerely in her
+Majesty's health and prosperity; that she might depend upon the
+constancy of these his sentiments; that he had had the conclusion of the
+war between Sweden and Poland the more at heart, as he hoped her Swedish
+Majesty, having no longer any differences with the Poles, would give all
+her attention to the affairs of Germany; that he already saw with
+pleasure his hopes had not been without foundation: that he would write
+to his Ministers to know how the payment of the subsidies stood; that he
+had always had a good opinion of D'Avaux and therefore employed him in
+affairs of importance, and intended to make farther use of his service.
+Grotius sent the High Chancellor[271] a copy of this letter to the
+Queen. He used to send her Majesty the substance of any affair of
+importance without descending to particulars, as Oxenstiern[272] had
+recommended to him.
+
+He had an audience of Cardinal Richelieu[273] in the beginning of May,
+1636: The affairs of the allies were in a good situation. His Eminence
+greatly extolled the High Chancellor: he said what he had done was not
+inferior to the exploits of the great Gustavus; that it was a kind of
+miracle that the Swedes, after being betrayed by their friends, and
+forced into a corner of Germany, should have been able in such a short
+time to penetrate into the heart of the Empire. He assured Grotius, that
+a part of the money due had been paid by St. Chaumont, and that in a
+little time there would not be one sol owing. Afterwards embracing the
+Swedish Ambassador with great cordiality, he begged of him in the name
+of polite learning, which they both professed to cultivate, to do all in
+his power for the advantage of the common cause, especially with the
+English: and, to efface the remembrance of the ill treatment Grotius had
+received, he told him with a smile, that the French were often fools in
+the opinion of other nations, but they soon recovered their right
+senses. This change in the Cardinal proceeded from the Queen of Sweden's
+approving Oxenstiern's nomination of Grotius to be Ambassador in France;
+from the confidence which the High Chancellor placed in him; from Pau's
+having lost his authority in Holland; and from the Prince of Orange's
+having spoken of him in terms of friendship. The Cardinal magnified the
+preparations made by France at sea, from which great things, he said,
+might be expected if the English would join: he wanted they should be
+given to understand that the French and Swedes would undertake to obtain
+the restitution of the Palatinate to Prince Charles Lewis the King of
+England's nephew, if the English would unite their forces with those of
+France and Sweden. He added that it was unjust in the English to claim
+the Empire of the sea, but that it would be improper for some time
+openly to dispute their pretensions, for fear of preventing their
+joining in the treaty, or on the other hand to acknowledge directly the
+right they assumed.
+
+This was all that passed directly between Cardinal Richelieu and
+Grotius: they never conferred together afterwards. The Swedish
+Ambassador thought he should derogate from his dignity by visiting a
+Minister, who, because he was invested with the Purple, refused to give
+the upper hand to Ambassadors. He resolved therefore to see his Eminence
+no more, but to treat with the other Ministers.
+
+The English were the first who disputed the privileges of the
+Cardinalship. Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England to
+France[274], would not see Cardinal Richelieu: he sent to tell him that
+he was expressly ordered to visit no one who assumed in his own house
+the precedency of the Ambassadors of Kings. The English had been induced
+to take this step by the representation of the Protestants, that to
+suffer a Cardinal to take the upper hand of an Ambassador was to
+acknowledge the Pope's dignity. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of
+this by a letter of the fourth of September, 1635, where he adds, "I say
+not this as if I thought the English ought to be imitated in every
+thing, but that we may avoid whatever might expose us to contempt: than
+which nothing, I am persuaded, can be of more prejudice to the interests
+of kings and kingdoms."
+
+He continued, however, to see the Cardinal till the arrival of the Earl
+of Leicester, who came to Paris in spring 1636, as Ambassador
+Extraordinary from the King of England, with orders not to visit the
+Cardinal, because the British Court thought it indecent that Ambassadors
+should yield the precedence to Cardinals; and that it was even contrary
+to the ceremonial of the Court of Spain. "I commend, says Grotius
+writing to the High Chancellor[275], those who defend their rights: I
+dare not however imitate them without orders." He thought it most proper
+therefore not to visit the Cardinal till he knew the High Chancellor's
+intentions. Receiving no orders to continue his visits to him[276], he
+wholly left them off; and the Queen's Ministry thinking the crown of
+Sweden at least equal in dignity to that of England, approved of his
+conduct. Count d'Avaux was ordered to use his endeavours with the
+Swedish Ministry to write to Grotius that he should continue to visit
+the Cardinal as formerly: D'Avaux spoke of it to Salvius, a
+Privy-Councellor, and Chancellor of the Court, who was with him at
+Hamburg negotiating a new treaty. Salvius answered, that Grotius had
+received orders to conform to the Earl of Leicester's example; that it
+would be absurd that the Minister of such a King as yielded not the
+precedence to any other King, should yield it to a Minister; and, in
+fine, that the dignity of Cardinal was unknown in Sweden.
+
+Grotius informs us in several of his letters, that the English were the
+first who refused to give the Cardinal the upper hand. He writes to the
+High Chancellor, "[277]Chavigni asked, as by chance, whether I would see
+the Cardinal? I answered, that since the English had ceased to visit
+him, I was ordered not to see him. I have in fact letters on that
+subject from Schmalz. I added, if the Earl of Leicester, who wished so
+well to the common cause, and greatly desired the Cardinal's friendship,
+should find an expedient to reconcile what is due to the dignity, of his
+King to that of the Cardinal, it would be an example for me to follow:
+but (continues Grotius) the Earl of Leicester has assured me that the
+King will not change his resolution: and I dare make no innovation
+without a new order." He writes to Muller[278], "I have no personal
+dealings with the Cardinal: the Regents of the kingdom must send me
+their orders if they would have me follow the example of the English. If
+they think it improper, they need only speak, it is mine to obey. I have
+no interest in the matter."
+
+We have enlarged so much on this article, because Puffendorf, the author
+of _Vindiciæ Grotianæ_, and Father Bougeant have pretended[279] that the
+Earl of Leicester only followed Grotius's example, in refusing to give
+the upper hand to Cardinal Richelieu; which they would not have advanced
+had they read with attention the Ambassador's letters.
+
+Grotius's steadiness in supporting the interest and dignity of the crown
+of Sweden rendered him most odious to the court of France. The Marquis
+de St. Chaumont was ordered to demand his recall. Oxenstiern, who knew
+that it was his great zeal for the service of the Queen his mistress
+that displeased the Cardinal, would not consent to it: he apprised
+Grotius of what was plotting against him, and the Swedish ambassador
+wrote him a long letter on this subject[280], in which he tells him that
+St. Chamount's demand proved how greatly the Courtiers were changed
+towards him, for he had been extremely well received by the King at his
+last audience; Madam de Combalet, the Cardinal's niece, assured his wife
+in presence of several persons, that the Cardinal had a high esteem for
+him; and Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, had asked him to wait
+upon the King whenever he pleased, even if he had no business, his
+Majesty would take it extremely well. Grotius was persuaded that the
+ill-offices done him proceeded from Pau the Dutch Ambassador, and some
+Frenchmen. Pau and his accomplices hoped by this persecution to force
+Grotius to seek a reconciliation with the Dutch by some meanness. As to
+the Frenchmen, their dislike to Grotius was occasioned by his opposition
+to their design of abasing the crown of Sweden. "If the dignity of the
+crown of Sweden is to receive any diminution, I would rather, he says,
+it should be by another than by me." Father Joseph was one of the
+greatest opposers of Grotius[281], who would not visit him because the
+Capuchin had no title; and, besides, the English Ambassadors had
+declared they would not see him. As often as they met, Grotius treated
+him with civility; but the Monk, who had all the Cardinal's confidence,
+wanted to be considered as a Minister.
+
+The Count d'Avaux was also against Grotius. There having been some
+interruption in the payment of the subsidies, the Count said
+publicly[282] it was owing to the Swedish Ambassador in France, who did
+not make his court to the first Minister, though he was known to possess
+all the King's authority; and even refused him the honours paid by the
+other Ambassadors.
+
+Grotius, informed of the French Ministry's dislike to him, wrote to the
+High Chancellor[283], praying him to consider whether it would not be
+better that Sweden should have no Ambassador in France, but only an
+Agent without a public character, to enquire into what passed, and hear
+what was said to him. The Swedish Ministry judged that the more Cardinal
+Richelieu desired Grotius's removal, the greater reason they had for
+supporting him, since he displeased only by doing his duty too well.
+Grotius was informed of their sentiments, and wrote to Salvius[284],
+that the justice which the Regents of Sweden did him would serve to
+confirm his steadiness. Father Joseph said[285] publicly, the French
+Ministers desired Grotius's removal, because it was evident to them that
+he opposed the success of the affairs of France. This being repeated to
+Grotius, he answered, that it was of little importance to him whether he
+served Sweden in France or in another kingdom, but that the French might
+be persuaded if a successor were sent he would be of the same opinion.
+He himself informed the High Chancellor of what was plotting against him
+in France; and the Regents of Sweden, notwithstanding this violent
+opposition, wrote to him that they were well satisfied with his good
+services[286].
+
+The Cardinal's tools endeavoured to render Sweden suspicious of him, by
+insinuating that he was a Pensioner of France. His friends told him one
+day his name was in the list of pensioners. He immediately informed the
+Chancellor of it; adding, that he did not know whether it was done by
+mistake or with a bad design; that having been formerly a Pensioner of
+the King, his name might possibly have been copied from some old list;
+but there was also reason to think it was done with a design to injure
+him: he farther adds, "I can assure your Excellency, before God, that I
+have not received a farthing from the Court of France since I have been
+in the service of Sweden; and that I am determined to accept of only
+what is usually given Ambassadors when they have their audience of
+leave."
+
+It is probable that his name was put in the list of Pensioners, because
+the Ministry imagined if they could get him to accept of a pension, they
+would more easily bring him to their ends. It is certain they offered
+him one[287]; and when they saw that he absolutely refused it, as not
+thinking he could with decency be a Minister of Sweden and a Pensioner
+of France at the same time, they rightly judged that he would never
+sacrifice the interest of the Crown of Sweden to the pretensions of the
+French Ministers. They sometimes caressed him[288], however, because
+they saw him powerfully protected. Feuquieres was ordered to tell him
+they were very well satisfied with him: but he believed these
+compliments were made, that, being less on his guard, they might have a
+better opportunity to hurt him. "For (he writes to Oxenstiern[289]) I am
+persuaded they would be glad to see me gone, because I absolutely refuse
+the presents they offer me; and suffer not myself to be led by them like
+some other Ambassadors. For this reason they put me in such a situation
+that I must either sacrifice the dignity of the kingdom, or expose
+myself to be hated. I will never do any thing against the honour of
+Sweden; and I will shun, as much as I can, what may render me odious.
+Whatever I may do on such critical occasions, I shall be censured; but I
+rely on the testimony of a good conscience."
+
+They often threw difficulties in his way, hoping that the Regents of
+Sweden, tired out with these disputes, would recall him. We are
+assured[290], that when he went to see the Chancellor Seguier, one of
+the Cardinal's creatures, Seguier seated himself in the higher place;
+which obliged Grotius to take his chair himself to place it above the
+Chancellor. Besides the vexation which they endeavoured to give him in
+France, he met with some disgust even from the Swedes. It was intimated
+to him at the Court of France, that the High Chancellor's nomination to
+the embassy of Paris was not sufficient; it must be approved of by the
+Regency of Sweden. This difficulty gave him uneasiness: he writes to
+Schmalz, Feb. 28, 1636[291], "I know the High Chancellor has authority
+enough to maintain me in the post to which he has raised me; but I think
+I should be better able to defend the interest of the crown, if it were
+made to appear that what the High Chancellor has done for me is approved
+of in Sweden. He is mortal; and besides I find his power of sending
+Ambassadors is sometimes called in question here." Grotius was soon
+after satisfied, the Regency of Sweden confirming his nominations[292].
+
+Having been some time without receiving letters from the Swedish
+Ministers, it gave him much chagrin, because it disabled him from
+serving them effectually: besides, he looked on it as a want of respect.
+August 31, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor[293], "Since your
+Sublimity set out for Hamburg, I have received no letter from you, nor
+from any of your attendants: what grieves me is, that not knowing the
+actual state of things, I scarce have assurance to speak to those to
+whom I must recommend the affairs with which I am charged." Eight days
+after, he renewed his complaint in a more bitter tone: "I have desired
+nothing so much, says he, as to give proofs of my zeal and fidelity to
+the kingdom of Sweden, and to your Sublimity, in this embassy: I have
+not yet failed in my duty, and I hope I never shall fail; but it is
+impossible for me to discharge it properly, if I am kept ignorant of
+those things which an Ambassador ought to know. I have no accounts from
+Sweden. If I have not received letters from your Sublimity since you
+set out for Hamburg, I ascribe your silence to the multiplicity of your
+affairs: but Schmalz has not written to me since; and for some time I
+have had no letter from Camerarius or Grubbius. If they imagine my
+enemies so powerful, that I ought to remain here Ambassador only in
+name, without being let into affairs, and without doing any thing; that
+will not suit me. I am not a man that would be chargeable or a dishonour
+to those who nominated me to my employment. Besides, they are mistaken
+if they think my enemies have so much credit in my native Country; and
+those who know what passes there think as I do. I humbly beg you would
+be pleased to indemnify me for the expences I have been obliged to be
+at, and let me at liberty: wherever I go, it will be a sufficient
+recommendation not to have displeased your Sublimity."
+
+Whilst he was thus tormenting himself without much reason, he received
+two letters from the High Chancellor which made him easy. He thanked him
+for them, assuring him that he desired information of what passed, not
+from any eager desire for news, but to enable him better to fulfil the
+functions of his embassy. Oxenstiern fully satisfied him; and Grotius
+was extremely pleased, in the end of 1635 and the beginning of 1636,
+with the attention paid him by that great minister. Dec. 20, 1635[294],
+he writes, "I cannot sufficiently thank your Sublimity for the care you
+have taken of my private affairs and my dignity; it is my duty so to act
+as not to appear unworthy such great and continual favours. God forbid
+that I should want to penetrate into those things which prudence
+requires to be buried in mystery; but as to public matters, I would not
+be the last to know them, and to learn them from strangers." "It gives
+me great satisfaction (he writes to Oxenstiern's Secretary[295]) that
+the High Chancellor is pleased to remark that I discharge my embassy
+with honour."
+
+Besides the embarrassment which always attends difficult negotiations,
+the trouble of contenting several masters, and the difficulty of
+treating with Ministers to whom one is disagreeable, Grotius, who
+thought it essential to an Ambassador to live with dignity, received
+almost continual uneasiness from the ill payment of his appointments.
+Sep. 14, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor[296], that the Treasurer
+of Sweden refused to pay his quarter's salary; that the expences of his
+journies were still unpaid, and that he had exhausted all his private
+resources. He repeats in a letter of the 8th of November, 1635[297],
+that he had received but one quarter, which was owing even before his
+arrival at Paris; that there were two others due since: that he spared
+no expence in order to live with more dignity; that his journies and the
+furnishing of his house were very expensive; that he could borrow no
+more, and what he had already borrowed, was done on very disadvantageous
+terms. At the end of 1638 there were six quarters owing, amounting to
+twelve thousand rixdollars, besides twelve hundred which he had laid out
+for the service of Sweden. He was desirous of being permitted to pay
+himself out of the subsidies given by France. He represented that his
+expence was considerably increased by the high tax laid on all sorts of
+goods, which made living so dear, that his salary was insufficient for
+supporting his dignity. For two whole years he received no remittance,
+and in the end of May, 1639[298], there were forty thousand francs owing
+besides what he had laid out on several occasions. His salary was,
+therefore, twenty thousand francs _per annum_. Salvius ordered one half
+of what was owing him to be paid out of the subsidies received by
+Sweden from France; but it was long before Grotius got the money: for on
+the 9th of July, 1639[299], he pressed Salvius very warmly to order
+immediate payment; and went so far as to tell him that if he still left
+him in this perplexity, he would demand to be reimbursed and recalled.
+It was in these critical circumstances that the French Ministry offered
+him a supply, which he refused with great disinterestedness[300].
+
+Living at Paris growing every day dearer, the Swedish Ambassador, not
+knowing how to support his dignity, took a resolution to ask of the
+Queen of Sweden, Jan. 21, 1640[301], that, as he was unable to make any
+more advances, and his anxiety about this matter hindered him in some
+measure from attending to her Majesty's more important concerns, he
+might be permitted to pay himself out of the French subsidy. Without
+waiting for an answer he took sixteen thousand rixdollars of it; and
+wrote to the High Chancellor, April 14, 1640[302], that he was compelled
+to this by necessity, and that it was no more than had been usually done
+by the Ambassadors who resided in France. There is reason to think that
+Oxenstiern, who had a friendship for the Ambassador, found no fault with
+his boldness, as he did not venture on this step till all his resources
+were exhausted.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[251] Ep. 413. p. 150.
+
+[252] Ep. 419. p. 153.
+
+[253] Ep. 426. p. 157.
+
+[254] Ep. 434. p. 160.
+
+[255] Ep. 436. p. 162.
+
+[256] Ep. 437. p. 162.
+
+[257] Ep. 438. p. 163.
+
+[258] Ep. 468. p. 177.
+
+[259] Ep. 475. p. 181.
+
+[260] Ep. 491. p. 188.
+
+[261] Ep. 475. p. 180. 492. p. 189. 504. p. 194. & 517. p. 200.
+
+[262] Ep. 475. p. 180.
+
+[263] Ep. 505. p. 194.
+
+[264] Ep. 528. p. 204.
+
+[265] Ep. 534. p. 208.
+
+[266] Ep. 556. p. 219.
+
+[267] Ep. 560. p. 221.
+
+[268] Ep. 562. p. 222.
+
+[269] Ep. 577. p. 227.
+
+[270] Ep. 580. p. 228.
+
+[271] Ep. 581. p. 229.
+
+[272] Ep. 557. p. 210.
+
+[273] Ep. 585. p. 231.
+
+[274] Ep. 475. p. 180.
+
+[275] Ep. 598. p. 239.
+
+[276] Ep. 800. p. 347.
+
+[277] Ep. 1135. p. 513.
+
+[278] Ep. 226. p. 553.
+
+[279] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 78. Vindiciæ Grotianæ, p. 396. Hist. des
+guerres de Vestphalie, t. 1. l. 5. p. 362.
+
+[280] Ep. 636. p. 256.
+
+[281] Ep. 598. p. 235.
+
+[282] Vin. Grot. p. 394.
+
+[283] Ep. 690. p. 284. Vin. Grot. p. 378.
+
+[284] Ep. 716. p. 301.
+
+[285] Ep. 739. p. 313.
+
+[286] Ep. 745. p. 317 & 754. p. 323.
+
+[287] Ep. 636. p. 257. 1263. p. 575. & 1289. p. 583.
+
+[288] Ep. 958. p. 428.
+
+[289] Ep. 958. p. 428.
+
+[290] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 78. Bougeant, l. 5. p. 362. See Ep. 1414. p.
+645.
+
+[291] Ep. 557 p. 219.
+
+[292] Ep. 585. p. 231.
+
+[293] Ep. 470. p. 178.
+
+[294] Ep. 528. p. 204.
+
+[295] Ep. 533. p. 207.
+
+[296] Ep. 475. p. 181.
+
+[297] Ep. 505. p. 195.
+
+[298] Ep. 1177. p. 533. 1183. p. 536. & 1199. p. 542.
+
+[299] Ep. 1203. p. 544.
+
+[300] Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1289. p. 583.
+
+[301] Ep. 1308. p. 592.
+
+[302] Ep. 1350. p. 612.
+
+
+IX. The French Ministry carried their animosity against Grotius so far,
+that, if we may believe the Swedish Historian[303], they instigated the
+Venetian Ambassador to dispute with him for precedency at the public
+entry of the Ambassador in ordinary from England. The French took the
+part of the Venetians. Grotius imagined they did it to make their court
+to the Pope. He wrote to the High Chancellor, that Father Joseph, who
+had a great desire to be a Cardinal, always favoured such counsels as
+might please the court of Rome. Besides, the Capuchin fought to make a
+merit with the Cardinal of vexing Grotius, whom they both hated.
+
+About a year after this dispute between the Venetian Ambassador and
+Grotius, when they both were waiting in a hall for the King, the
+Introductors of Ambassadors placed their seats in such manner, that the
+Swedish Ambassador might be dissatisfied. They expected a quarrel, which
+would have afforded them diversion. Grotius disappointed them by chusing
+rather to stand, than take the seat intended for him. It was on this
+occasion he wrote to the High Chancellor, desiring him to consider,
+whether, to avoid all those difficulties, it would not be most expedient
+to have only a Resident at Paris: but Oxenstiern thought his honour and
+duty was the more concerned in protecting Grotius, as his strong
+attachment to the honour and interest of his Masters was the reason of
+his being harrassed.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[303] Puff. l. 8.
+
+
+X. The war which was at this time ravaging Europe gave the greater
+uneasiness to the Court of Rome, as there was ground to apprehend that
+the success of the Swedes, who were the allies of France, might greatly
+prejudice the Roman-Catholic Religion in Germany. Pope Urbin VIII.
+ardently desired the re-establishment of Peace, and offered his
+mediation for attaining that laudable end. The City of Cologn was chosen
+for the place of holding the conferences. The Pope deputed Cardinal
+Ginetti in quality of Legate and mediator between the Roman Catholic
+Princes; and the Emperor and the King of Spain sent thither their
+plenipotentiaries: all this was done without consulting the Dutch and
+the Swedes. The great point was, to gain their consent, without which
+nothing could be done. The Count de Berlise was ordered to talk with the
+Swedish Ambassador on this head. Accordingly he made him a visit,
+November 12, 1636[304], and after conversing some time asked Grotius
+whether Sweden intended to send plenipotentiaries to Cologn. The
+Ambassador made answer, he concluded from the High Chancellor's letters
+that the President of the kingdom, to whom that matter had been
+referred, would determine it; that the Pope's mediation would be
+objected to; but that difficulty, however, might be got over; and then
+Oxenstiern would chearfully come himself to Cologn, if business
+permitted him, in order to act in concert with the French
+Plenipotentiaries, who, he did not doubt, would be persons of the
+greatest merit.
+
+Grotius was of opinion that the Swedes ought not to accept of the Pope's
+mediation, or send Ministers to Cologn. He wrote a letter about it to
+the High Chancellor, Dec. 12, 1636[305], in which he acquaints him, that
+talking with Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England, he
+told his Lordship that he foresaw the Protestant Plenipotentiaries would
+suffer many mortifications in a city where the Pope was held in so great
+consideration, and the dignity of Cardinal so much respected.
+
+The Venetian Ambassador, who, agreeably to the intention of his Masters,
+ardently desired that the congress might take place, came to make
+Grotius a visit: he told him that the Protestants apprehensions of ill
+offices from the Pope were without foundation; that he knew from the
+Nuncio that the Legate was ordered to concern himself only with the
+affairs of the Roman Catholic Princes, and had no intention to
+intermeddle with those of the Protestants: he added, that Pessaro, whom
+the Republic of Venice had nominated her Plenipotentiary to the
+Congress, was extremely well affected to the Swedes. Grotius could not
+discover whether the Venetian came of himself, or was sent by the French
+Ministry: he suspected that Cardinal Richelieu, who wanted him
+[Grotius] out of the kingdom, wished he might go to Cologn.
+
+The learned Godefroy[306], whom the Court of France nominated to
+accompany and direct the Plenipotentiaries, had several conferences with
+Grotius concerning the peace which they seemed desirous to conclude. The
+Swedish Ambassador gave the High Chancellor an account of them in a
+letter of the 22d of January, 1637. [307]He acquaints him that Godefroy
+himself thought the Swedes ought not to send Plenipotentiaries to
+Cologn. He gave for his reasons, that the whole town hated the Swedes;
+that the Legates had such aversion to the Protestants, that at Vervins
+the Legate declared he would withdraw rather than admit the English
+Ministers to the conferences; and that the disputes, which would
+infallibly arise between the Plenipotentiaries concerning precedency,
+would serve only to sour their minds.
+
+This discourse from one, who was only to speak agreeable to the
+intentions of the French Ministry, made Grotius doubt whether Cardinal
+Richelieu ever sincerely desired peace. Godefroy also insinuated that
+the King of France ought to have the first place after the Emperor, in
+political assemblies. Grotius would not allow this claim: he maintained
+that the rank granted to Princes in Ecclesiastical Councils ought not to
+serve for a rule in Congresses, because in the former regard was only
+had to the time of their embracing Christianity; and that the Archbishop
+of Upsal had proved at the Council of Basil that the Kingdom of Sweden,
+on account of its antiquity and extent, the two most decisive arguments
+that could be used in this matter, ought to take place of all others.
+Godefroy opposing to them the French King's possession of the
+precedency, Grotius, like a zealous Minister of Sweden, maintained, that
+that title could only serve against such as had never disputed it; that
+in former times the Kings of Sweden had no transactions of this kind but
+in the North, where they never yielded the precedency to any person; and
+that since they had affairs with France, they always treated upon an
+equality. Such were Grotius's pretensions, the validity of which remain
+to be proved.
+
+The minds of the contending parties were not yet disposed to conform to
+the good intentions of the Pope: and the congress of Cologn did not take
+place because the Swedes positively refused to send thither
+Plenipotentiaries[308].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[304] Ep. 632. p. 277 & 278.
+
+[305] Ep. 690. p. 284.
+
+[306] Ep. 699. p. 288.
+
+[307] Ep. 709. p. 296.
+
+[308] Ep. 389. p. 865
+
+
+XI. Some time after, the Republic of Venice acted in conjunction with
+the Pope in order to procure peace to Europe. She made an offer of her
+mediation to the Swedes[309], and engaged to send an Ambassador to
+Cologn, who would be less suspected of partiality than the Pope's
+Legate. The Doge, writing on this subject to the Queen of Sweden, in the
+titles given to her omitted that of _most powerful_: this gave great
+offence to the Swedes[310]; and the Venetian Ambassador being informed
+of it, came to visit Grotius in order to discuss the point. He told him
+that the Republic had followed the ancient ceremonial in the titles
+given to the Queen; that she gave the King of France only the title of
+_most serene and most christian_, and to the King of Spain that of _most
+serene and catholic_, without adding _most powerful_. Grotius answered,
+that, without presuming to prescribe to the Senate, he would only
+observe, that as the Kings of France and England gave the King of Sweden
+the title of _most serene and most powerful_, it did not become any
+other Prince, much less a Republic, to treat him with less distinction.
+He added several facts tending to give a high idea of the dignity of the
+Swedish nation. The Venetian promised to write about it to his Masters.
+The Queen of Sweden[311] declared that she would accept of the mediation
+of the Venetians provided the Republic gave her the honours that were
+due to her. Christina had at length satisfaction[312], and the Venetian
+Ambassador promised to conform to her intentions.
+
+The name of this Venetian Minister was Corraro. Grotius had reason to be
+dissatisfied with him[313]: he had been to visit him, and the Venetian
+gave him not the title of Excellency, nor the precedency due to an
+Ambassador of Sweden. Grotius determined to cease visiting him for some
+time. One thing, however, embarrassed him: as the Republic of Venice was
+to be mediator for a general peace it was necessary he should confer
+with Corraro: for this reason he wrote to the High Chancellor to know,
+whether, in consideration of the public good, he ought to dissemble his
+grounds of complaint against the Venetian Ambassador. He had not time to
+receive Oxenstiern's answer when Corraro came to visit him[314], and
+gave him satisfaction; he assured him, that if he had given him any
+offence, it was not from design, but through ignorance and want of
+attention. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this, adding that he
+accepted of Corraro's excuses; that he would go to see him, and do all
+in his power to gain his friendship. Accordingly he visited him some
+days after, and no notice was taken of what had passed, the conversation
+turning wholly on public affairs and the projects of a peace.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[309] Bougeant l. 4. n. 30. Puffendorf l. 10. n. 63.
+
+[310] Grotii Ep. 851. p. 374.
+
+[311] Ep. 949. p. 421.
+
+[312] Ep. 1014. p. 457.
+
+[313] Ep. 947. p. 419.
+
+[314] Ep. 960. p. 429.
+
+
+XII. There happened at this time a more considerable broil between the
+English and Swedes at Paris. Pau the Dutch Ambassador in France being
+recalled, Oostervich, Ambassador of the United Provinces at Venice, was
+appointed to succeed him[315]. He had been formerly very intimate with
+Grotius; and signified to him by their common friends that he intended
+to renew their ancient friendship, and live with him in that good
+understanding which ought to subsist between the Ministers of allied
+powers. Grotius made a proper answer to these advances. Oostervich
+preparing to make a public entry into Paris, informed the Swedish
+Ambassador of it, February 16, 1637, by his Secretary, asking him at the
+same time to send his coach to his entry on the second day following,
+according to custom[316]. Grotius sent to make his compliments to the
+Dutch Ambassador, and to tell him that he would not fail to send his
+coach. He sent it accordingly. There were at that time at Paris an
+Ambassador in ordinary and an Ambassador extraordinary from England, who
+both sent their coaches, with a great number of their attendants. The
+Swedes took the precedency of the English and kept it some time. They
+quarrelled; and swords were drawn. The Swedes were worsted, for the
+English were much more numerous. The Marshal de la Force, who conducted
+the Dutch Ambassador, came to make up the quarrel. The Swedes maintained
+that they ought to have the precedency of the English, because the
+kingdom of Sweden was more ancient than that of England. The Marshal de
+la Force pretended that this question had been decided in the reign of
+Henry III. in favour of the English. The Swedes being unequally matched,
+agreed to the Marshal's proposal, that the coach of the English
+Ambassador in ordinary and that of Grotius should withdraw, without
+prejudice to the rights of Sweden.
+
+On the nineteenth of February the two Ambassadors from England sent to
+Grotius, to know if it was by his order that his attendants had acted
+and spoke in the dispute they had with the English. Grotius answered,
+that he had ordered them to support the dignity of the kingdom of Sweden
+the most ancient and extensive in Christendom; but that he had no
+intention to offend the English; that in the treaties which Sweden made
+with France there was always one copy in which Sweden was named first;
+that if his people had transgressed in point of form, it was not by his
+order; that the small number he sent to the entry, was a demonstration
+he did not think the quarrel ought to be determined by strength; that as
+to the accommodation, he had no power to make it, nor consequently given
+any order on the subject: that he was desirous of maintaining the good
+understanding between the two kingdoms, and to live well with the two
+English Ambassadors. The Deputies, without making any reply to this
+answer, civilly withdrew.
+
+The quarrel was mentioned in the Gazette of France[317]; and Renaudot,
+in the account he gave, named the English before the Swedes, and spoke
+of the affair as accommodated. Grotius was very angry at this: he sent
+to tell him, to name the Swedes first in another Gazette, and to retract
+what he had said of the accommodation: Renaudot was even threatened,
+that if he did not give this satisfaction to the Swedes, he would be
+made to feel to his cost that Sweden was powerful enough to do herself
+justice. The Gazetteer replied, that he was obliged to obey only the
+King and the Cardinal.
+
+This grand dispute did not hinder[318] the English Ambassador from
+visiting Grotius on public business. The Earl of Leicester[319],
+Ambassador extraordinary from England, had a long conference with him
+concerning their quarrel: he pretended that what Grotius advanced in
+favour of the precedency of the Swedes, was a thing unheard of. The
+Ambassador from Sweden replied, that the same facts had been already
+maintained in the Council of Basil; and took occasion to set forth the
+extent and antiquity of the kingdom of Sweden. Leicester said, that they
+had been of the same opinion formerly in France, since they decided
+against the Swedes. Grotius answered, that he much questioned this
+decision, and that at the time it was pretended to be made he did not
+think there was any Ambassador in France from Sweden, which nation was
+little known to those of the South: The English Ambassador wanted to
+avail himself of the Pope's authority in favour of his nation: Grotius
+rejected it. Leicester insisted that England had been converted to
+Christianity before Sweden: Grotius replied, that this was a very bad
+reason for precedency; and the employing it might be a prejudice to the
+Christian religion by hindering the conversion of the Pagans and
+Mahometans.
+
+The King of England was not offended with Grotius on account of this
+dispute; for after it happened Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary
+from King Charles, told him from his Master, that he would be glad to
+see him in England to restore the union between the English and Swedes.
+The Earl of Leicester, who had the affair of the precedency much at
+heart, had another conferrence on that subject with Grotius, of which
+the latter gives an account to the High Chancellor, July 26, 1637. The
+English Minister represented, that as the Danes and Norwegians, whose
+kingdoms were very ancient, yielded the precedency to England, the
+Swedes ought to follow their example. Grotius answered, that he did not
+know how the Danes and Norwegians acted; but their conduct ought not to
+prejudice the rights of Sweden. Leicester asked, how high the antiquity
+of Sweden reached. Grotius answered, that it was older than the most
+ancient annals; that, without going higher, it was sufficient to mention
+the testimony of Tacitus, who speaks of the Swedish nation as very
+powerful by sea and land. Leicester replied, that a long space of time
+had elapsed since Tacitus wrote, in which no mention was made of the
+Swedes. Grotius shewed him that in every age they were spoken of by the
+Germans, French, and English; and that even if less frequent notice had
+been taken of them, it would not be matter of surprise, since in those
+times the Swedes had no disputes but with the Russians, the Sclavonians,
+the Danes, and Norwegians; that their embracing Christianity late could
+not prejudice the dignity of the kingdom, or the claims of the Swedes.
+The Ambassador of Sweden afterwards asked Leicester what rank the
+English pretended to give the Czar, to whom the Kings of Sweden would
+never yield the precedency. He added, that many people were surprised
+when the truce was negociating at Holland, that the French always
+preceded the English, who contented themselves with a writing,
+signifying that it was without prejudice to their rights. Leicester said
+he did not see how it was possible to assemble a congress of ministers
+of Princes who would all have the first place. Grotius made answer, that
+several expedients might be found to save the claim of each.
+
+This quarrel, from which a rupture between the two nations was
+apprehended, had no bad consequence, and did not even lessen the
+friendship which subsisted between the Ministers of the two kingdoms.
+Lord Scudamore's lady being brought to bed at Paris, the lady of the
+Swedish Ambassador stood godmother[320] to the child in the month of
+March, 1638, that is, during the height of the quarrel.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[315] Ep. 718. p. 302.
+
+[316] It is surprising that Father Bougeant, after reading the
+DCCXVIIIth letter of Grotius, should contradict him so manifestly by
+placing this quarrel in 1639. Hist. l. 5. n. 5.
+
+[317] Ep. 719. p. 304.
+
+[318] Ep. 722. p. 305.
+
+[319] P. 306. & epist. 395. p. 866.
+
+[320] Ep. 919. p. 406.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK V.
+
+
+Grotius, notwithstanding his resolution to abstain from visiting
+Cardinal Richelieu, often paid his court to the King, and was well
+received. His Majesty returning to Paris after the campaign of 1636,
+Grotius went on the 22d of November[321] to compliment him. The speech
+he made was short, such as Kings love. It is in these terms he speaks of
+it to the High Chancellor, to whom he sent it. He has preserved to us
+the substance of his Majesty's answer. "The King, says he, answered me
+with great goodness, that the success of the Swedes would always give
+him much pleasure; that they began the year well, and the French
+followed their example; that the Spaniards made great efforts, but were
+nevertheless driven out of Picardy and Burgundy; that Cardinal Richelieu
+deserved thanks for what he did in the recovery of Corbia, and that the
+Marshal de Chatillon also behaved well: he concluded with complaining of
+the Germans, who did not observe their treaties."
+
+The divisions in the court being healed up for some time, by the
+reconciliation of Gaston of France with the King, who was returned to
+Paris, Grotius, at an audience of his Majesty on the 23d of February,
+1637[322], complimented him on the restoration of peace in the Royal
+Family. The King assured him that he and his brother were on the best
+terms, and that this reunion gave him the highest satisfaction: he
+promised to make very great efforts against the common enemy, and never
+to separate his interests from those of Sweden. The Ambassador did not
+fail to represent[323] in strong terms to his Majesty all the pains
+taken by the High Chancellor to keep together the allies, who were
+oppressed by such a burthensome war; and took occasion to beseech the
+King to redouble his assistance, that they might extricate themselves
+with honour from so great embarrassments.
+
+The King going in August, 1637, to Chantilli, Grotius went thither[324]
+to compliment him on the success of the Campaign; and at the same time
+recommended to his Majesty the sending a reinforcement of men to the
+Duke of Weymar, who had crossed the Rhine, that so he might be enabled
+to make farther progress, and to keep the German allies of the two
+crowns from joining with their enemies. He assured him recruits were
+raising in Sweden for Marshal Bannier's army, that he might make an
+invasion into Silesia or elsewhere; and that the Swedes had rejected all
+the proposals of peace made to them, because they believed the intention
+of the enemy was to sow division between them and the French. The King
+answered, that he most sincerely wished the prosperity of the Queen his
+sister; and that he would send the Duke of Weymar as many troops as the
+state of his affairs would permit; adding, that the enemy laboured
+chiefly to divide them, against which they could not be too much upon
+their guard.
+
+September 23, in the same year, 1637, Grotius[325], agreeable to the
+orders received from the Queen of Sweden, demanded an audience of the
+King, which he obtained at St. Maur. He represented to his Majesty, that
+the Queen had nothing so much at heart as the success of the common
+cause; and that she hoped her zeal would induce the King to make
+powerful efforts to triumph over their enemies. He gave a particular
+account of what the High Chancellor had done, and the marvelous
+resistance of Marshal Bannier, besieged as it were by five armies,
+against which, however, he could not make head much longer without
+speedy and powerful succours. He assured him that Sweden was making
+numerous levies, but would be obliged to keep a part of her troops at
+home on account of the frequent broils she had with the Poles, the
+Danes, and the Russians. He then enlarged on the interest which France
+had in maintaining the Swedes in Germany; for no sooner would they quit
+it, he said, than the Austrians would turn all their efforts against
+France. He shewed, that, besides being in possession of the Imperial
+crown, the house of Austria was very powerful by the hereditary
+dominions of Hungary, Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia,
+Tirol, Carinthia, Dalmatia, and Croatia, which furnished her with large
+supplies of men and money; that the branch which ruled in Spain had
+dominions in the four parts of the world; that the Emperor knew well
+France was the greatest obstacle to his projects of ambition; that he
+would leave nothing unattempted to destroy a power which gave him so
+much umbrage; that the Emperors, even before the empire came into the
+house of Austria, had always regarded the Kings of France as their
+Rivals and Enemies; that this hatred and jealousy were much increased
+since the Austrian family obtained the Imperial throne; that it was so
+difficult to make any accommodation with them, they would not consent to
+peace even if the King yielded up his late conquests, since they had the
+assurance to claim the three bishoprics, and to demand that the kingdom
+of Arles, comprehending the three best provinces of the kingdom, the
+dutchy of Burgundy, Provence, and Dauphiny, should be re-annexed to the
+empire. He represented the importance of making great efforts, and
+carrying the war into the enemy's country before their armies should be
+augmented. He beseeched his Majesty to make such a powerful diversion as
+might oblige the Austrians to recall a part of the army sent against the
+Swedes: and shewed that nothing was more easy, since the Duke of Weymar
+had fortified himself beyond the Rhine; that it was only sending him a
+powerful reinforcement, the princes and towns which groaned under the
+Austrian yoke would then be seen joining themselves to the French and
+Swedes; and that the Swedes, no longer so hard pressed, would return
+into the heart of Germany or penetrate into the hereditary estates.
+After this harangue, the Swedish Ambassador presented a letter from the
+Queen, adding that her Swedish Majesty begged of the King to make speedy
+efforts worthy of himself, and he might depend on the Queen's doing all
+that could be expected from a steady and magnanimous Princess. He
+concluded with complimenting his Majesty on the happy success of affairs
+in Italy, the transactions on the Rhine, and the retaking of Capella.
+The King sometimes interrupted him during this long Speech; but it was
+only to approve of what he said, to confirm the facts, and acknowledge
+that his reflections were most judicious. He assured him that he had
+already sent succours to the Duke of Weymar, that he was resolved to
+augment the troops of that Prince in order to enable the Swedes to enter
+Germany; and that Marshal de Chatillon would have already been on the
+banks of the Rhine if the siege of Ampvillers had not detained him. He
+ended with protesting that it was his earnest desire to be more closely
+united with the Queen his most gracious sister; which his future actions
+would shew. Grotius gave an account of this audience in a letter to the
+Queen of the 26th of September, 1637, a copy of which he sent to the
+High Chancellor. By the letter that he wrote the same day to Oxenstiern
+we are informed, that the Count de Berlise, Introductor of the
+Ambassadors, came to him before he had this last audience of the King,
+to know if he would not first have a conference with Chavigny, Secretary
+of State for foreign affairs, agreeable to the usage of the Ministers
+from England, Venice, and Savoy. Grotius replied, that he understood
+from the English Ministers themselves they did not always observe this
+custom; which Berlise acknowledged. The Ambassador added, that at
+another time he would consider what would be most proper; but, on the
+present occasion, having a letter from the Queen to the King, he thought
+it his duty to give the first notice of it to his Majesty; that he was
+afraid if he acted otherwise the King might be offended; but if, after
+reading it, his Majesty were desirous he should confer with his
+Ministers, he would not fail to wait upon them.
+
+The Swedes being still very hard pressed in Germany, the Queen sent
+fresh orders to her Ambassador at Paris to represent their situation to
+the King. Grotius demanded an audience, which he obtained on the 1st of
+October, 1637, at St. Germains. He assured his Majesty, that it was not
+without reluctance he so frequently laid the necessities of the allies
+before him, and the importance of their being assisted by France, but he
+did it by express order; that he was particularly charged with two
+things; first, to compliment his Majesty on the advantages gained in
+Piccardy and Burgundy; and secondly to solicit him to send speedily a
+powerful force over the Rhine. He added, that the Queen would not have
+thought this request necessary, had she received the letters in which he
+gave her a particular account of what passed at the last audience he had
+of his Majesty. He beseeched the King to be pleased to give orders that
+the promises, which he had graciously made, might be speedily executed.
+He represented, that if succours were not immediately sent into Germany,
+the Austrians, after vanquishing their enemies, would go and overpower
+the Duchess of Savoy the King's sister, and penetrate into France. He
+afterwards shewed that the Swedish army was in great danger of being
+overwhelmed, if a powerful diversion were not speedily made. After this
+speech, Grotius presented a letter from the Queen, of the 19th of
+August, 1637. Lewis XIII. replied to the Swedish Ambassador, that he was
+determined to fulfil his promises; that he had already sent some troops
+to the Duke of Weymar; that he would speedily send him a farther
+reinforcement, and employ all the forces of his kingdom in defence of
+his sister the Duchess of Savoy.
+
+The Duke of Weymar began the campaign of 1638 in a very brilliant
+manner[326]: he gained a signal victory over the Imperialists on the 2d
+of March; and, what was very remarkable, all the enemy's generals were
+taken in this engagement, and among the rest the famous John de Vert,
+whose name was become the terror of the Parisians. The King, on
+receiving this important news, immediately sent notice of it to Grotius;
+signifying that he knew no body would receive it with more pleasure.
+March 16[327], he had an audience of the King, at which he thanked his
+Majesty for sending him the first news of the victory gained in Germany,
+and doing him the justice to believe that it would give him infinite
+satisfaction: he added, that it was a happy prognostic for the rest of
+the campaign: that God had confounded the pride of the Imperialists, who
+publicly gave out that they intended to come to pillage Paris[328]. He
+said he had certain advice by letters from the army, that the enemy's
+generals had been at great pains to provide themselves with maps of
+France, in order to examine at what part they could best enter it. He
+pressed the King to put the Duke of Weymar in a condition, by sending
+him immediately a considerable reinforcement, to make a proper advantage
+of this happy beginning of the campaign; and concluded his compliment
+with good wishes for the King's happiness and that of his posterity, of
+which there began to be then some hope. People flattered themselves the
+Queen was with child; and she was actually in the third month of her
+pregnancy. The King received this compliment with great gaiety: he
+promised to send immediately five or at least three thousand foot to the
+Duke of Weymar, with some horse, under the command of the Count de
+Guebriant. Grotius had a fresh audience of the King on the 19th of
+April, 1638[329]. He represented to his Majesty, that though the Duke of
+Weymar had begun the year well, he could not make great progress if an
+additional force were not sent him: that by proceeding so slowly in this
+measure, the enemy had got time to recruit their army: and if it were
+not now taken with great expedition, they would lose the fruits of their
+late advantages, and the affairs of the allies suffer much; that her
+Swedish Majesty was in the same disposition with the King, and had no
+other view than to procure an equitable, honourable, and lasting peace;
+that the only way to obtain this great end was by making the most
+powerful efforts: that the Queen, agreeable to his Majesty's desire,
+would accept of the mediation of the Venetians, provided the republic
+would treat her with due respect: that his most Christian Majesty being
+of opinion that a long truce would lead to a peace, the Queen, who was
+sensible of his great prudence, had given her Ambassador in France full
+power to treat of this affair, and to draw up a plan of it in
+conjunction with such persons as the King should nominate. After this
+speech Grotius delivered to Lewis XIII. a letter from the Queen,
+acquainting him at the same time, that had her Swedish Majesty been
+informed of the Queen's pregnancy, she would undoubtedly have ordered
+him to signify to the King her extreme satisfaction at such important
+news; that he knew the Queen and all the Swedes passionately desired
+that the posterity of St. Lewis, of Henry the Great, and Lewis the Just,
+might long govern France; and that under them the kingdom might flourish
+in piety, increase in power, and be established in justice. The King
+received these good wishes with much satisfaction, and desired Grotius
+to acquaint her Swedish Majesty that the Queen was certainly with child.
+He farther assured him that the Count de Guebriant was already on his
+march to join the Duke of Weymar, and he was going to give orders for
+sending an additional reinforcement, and seconding that Prince's
+efforts. He desired him to press her Swedish Majesty to send numerous
+recruits to her armies: adding, that he hoped the Venetians would do
+nothing derogatory to the dignity of the crown of Sweden; that he would
+attend to that point himself; and would nominate Chavigny to confer with
+him in relation to the truce. Grotius also set forth on this occasion
+what pains the High Chancellor had taken for the advancement of the
+common cause; and the King did justice to the merit of that great
+Minister. The Queen's pregnancy being declared at court, Grotius's lady
+went to make her compliments: on the 8th of May, 1638[330], he himself
+waited on her Majesty for the same end: he had demanded an audience for
+this purpose as soon as it was publicly known that she was with child.
+He told the Queen, that, being eager to express his joy, he could not
+think of waiting for orders from his court, to make his compliment; that
+well knowing the sentiments of the Queen his mistress he could affirm,
+with great certainty, that her Majesty and all her subjects were filled
+with the highest joy; that he had lately met with a Greek inscription in
+honour of a Queen, containing a very short but very emphatical encomium:
+it was said of this Princess, that she was the daughter, sister, wife,
+and mother of a King, yet without any pride in so high elevation: that
+this modesty was the more to be admired in the Queen of France, as she
+was much above the Grecian Queen, and even all other Queens, since she
+was the consort of a King, whose provinces and even towns were
+equivalent to kingdoms; that she had a King for her father, and was
+descended from Kings and Emperors who conquered and long possessed
+kingdoms in the four parts of the world; in fine, that she was sister of
+a most powerful King; that only one thing was wanting to her happiness,
+to be mother not of a King, since France and all the friends of France
+wished that the King might attain to the most advanced age, but of a
+Prince capable of ruling over a great nation; that God had at length
+granted her this felicity, and rendered her fruitful when it was no
+longer expected, as happened formerly to an illustrious woman of the
+same name mentioned in Scripture; that history sacred and prophane
+informs us, that children born at a time when they are no longer
+expected are designed by God for great things; that in reflecting on the
+Queen's pregnancy he attended to what the Naturalists teach, that the
+tumbling of the Dolphin [_Fr._ Dauphin] predicted the end of the
+tempest, and fine weather; that there was reason to hope peace would
+re-appear in the world at the birth of a Dauphin, which was so
+passionately desired; and what increased this hope was, that at the time
+her Majesty's pregnancy was declared he received orders to confer with
+the French Ministers on the means of obtaining a peace, or at least a
+truce, if the conclusion of a peace met with too many difficulties;
+that he laboured in it with the more chearfulness, as he knew he would
+be aided by the Queen's prayers, the efficacy of which was so great that
+they could obtain of heaven things almost miraculous; that her Swedish
+Majesty would shew that the Great Gustavus and she had never any other
+intention, than to insure the quiet and tranquillity of Christendom;
+that he earnestly wished the negotiation for a peace might turn out
+well; that the Queen might have a happy delivery, and be the mother of a
+Prince, whose glory and posterity would continually increase. The Queen
+answered, that she did not doubt of the sincerity of her Swedish
+Majesty's wishes; that she reciprocally desired the prosperity of that
+Princess, and offered her all that was in her power.
+
+In the beginning of June, 1638[331], Grotius waited on the King at St.
+Germains: he first thanked his Majesty for intimating to him the Queen's
+pregnancy; and afterwards enlarged on the praise of justice, and on the
+title of Just which the King had merited by the laws he enacted,
+particularly that for abolishing duels, and the protection granted to
+foreign princes. He entered into a detail of the favours which the King
+had received from Providence since his accession to the throne: the
+extinction of the civil wars, the restoration of the royal authority,
+the successes both by sea and land, the passage of the Alps forced, and
+the frontiers of the kingdom enlarged. He added, that after such a
+series of felicity, the only thing left to be desired was that his
+Majesty's posterity might long reign in France; and for this her
+Majesty's pregnancy entitled them to hope; that the Swedes entertained
+the same sentiments, and flattered themselves a perfect harmony would
+always subsist between the two kingdoms. He concluded with soliciting
+the King to augment the Duke of Weymar's troops, against whom the
+Imperialists made the greatest efforts; and to procure Marshal Horne's
+liberty, who was made prisoner at the battle of Nordlinguen: he
+represented that his Majesty might obtain it when he pleased, since he
+had so great a number of the enemies generals in his power, and assured
+him that the Queen his mistress would take it as a very high obligation.
+The Ambassador presented afterwards letters from the Queen of the
+twelfth of April, and concluded with observing, that he had reason to
+think a considerable body of troops would be sent from Sweden into
+Germany this same month of June. The King replied, that he had a great
+friendship for the Queen of Sweden, and had already given proofs of his
+good disposition towards her; that he had sent succours to the Duke of
+Weymar, and would send still more considerable ones if necessary; that
+as to the exchange of Marshal Horne, there was only John de Vert with
+whom it could be made; and that General was not his prisoner, but the
+Duke of Weymar's, to whom he had promised to deliver him on demand.
+Grotius replied, that he did not doubt but the Duke of Weymar would shew
+all possible deference to the King's inclination, if he should find his
+Majesty disposed to procure Marshal Horne's discharge, and that the
+Queen had written to the Duke on that subject.
+
+Some days after this audience, Chavigny[332] informed the Swedish
+Ambassador that John De Vert was the King's prisoner, though Lewis XIII.
+had said the contrary.
+
+Grotius had another audience of the King in the middle of July
+1638[333]. He complimented his Majesty on the happy success of the
+French arms on the frontiers of Spain, and exhorted him to set about the
+recovery of Navarre, which belonged to him of right, and was unjustly
+usurped by Spain; he also recommended to him the Duke of Weymar's
+affairs, and gave reason to hope that something great would be done by
+General Bannier, who had just received reinforcements from Sweden. At
+this audience the Ambassador presented Crusius to the King as a Swedish
+Nobleman who was returning to Stockholm, and would soon be employed in
+public affairs, and might contribute to strengthen the union between the
+two kingdoms. The King received him very graciously, and desired him to
+make his compliments to the High Chancellor.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[321] Ep. 688. p. 281.
+
+[322] Ep. 719. p. 303.
+
+[323] Ep. 720. p. 303.
+
+[324] Ep. 813. p. 354.
+
+[325] Ep. 327. p. 363.
+
+[326] Ep. 923. p. 408.
+
+[327] Ep. 926. p. 410.
+
+[328] Ep. 927. p. 411.
+
+[329] Ep. 949. p. 421.
+
+[330] Ep. 957. p. 426.
+
+[331] Ep. 968. p. 434.
+
+[332] Ep. 971. p. 495.
+
+[333] Ep. 988. p. 447.
+
+
+II. Grotius had always been attentive to cultivate the friendship of the
+Prince of Condé: they visited one another often. The Swedish Ambassador
+relates in one of his letters[334] that the Prince having been nominated
+to command in Paris in the absence of the King and Cardinal Richelieu,
+he waited on him in the beginning of February 1637: the Prince returned
+his visit soon after. The conversation turned on the marriage of
+Monsieur, which the King had hitherto considered as void, because it was
+made without his consent. Gaston's constancy in persisting to keep his
+wife had in the end obliged the King to approve of the match. The Prince
+told Grotius that he had always thought this marriage valid, and did not
+doubt but he was of the same mind. Grotius answered, that the opinion of
+those who regarded such marriages as good, was without doubt most
+generally received. They afterwards talked of Divinity: the Prince had
+been well educated, and loved this kind of conversation. The grand
+controversies concerning the Eucharist and the Pope's authority came
+under consideration; but we know not the particulars.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[334] Ep. 714. p. 299.
+
+
+III. The Pope, foreseeing that the conclusion of a peace was still very
+distant, proposed a truce, in hopes that while it continued they might
+labour more effectually in bringing about a peace. France[335] and
+Sweden discovered no reluctance to suspend for some time the operations
+of the war; and Grotius received orders, as we have already seen, to
+confer with the French Ministry in order to settle the subsidies to be
+given Sweden, and the conditions of the truce. Chavigny was nominated to
+treat with the Swedish Ambassador on this matter. He visited Grotius on
+the twenty-seventh of April, 1638[336], and the Swedish Minister telling
+him, that he had full powers from the Queen to examine, in concert with
+the Minister whom the King should nominate, what was necessary to obtain
+an advantageous truce; Chavigny asked if he had also power to conclude
+the truce. Grotius answered, if France and Sweden could agree, he had in
+that case permission to sign the truce. Chavigny replied, that Cardinal
+Richelieu had learnt from Schmalz, lately arrived from Sweden with
+instructions for Grotius, that the Swedes wanted to have the same
+subsidies during the truce as they had during the war; which appeared
+very surprising; that he did not doubt but Grotius himself would think
+the claim unreasonable, since the truce was to be of long continuance,
+and the expence would be much less than in the time of war. Grotius
+answered, that the truce would be attended with as much expence as the
+war, since the Swedes could not keep the countries, of which they were
+in possession, without great armies. Chavigny replied, that the number
+of troops to be kept on foot during the truce might be settled: upon
+which Grotius observed, that during the truce between the Spaniards and
+the United Provinces the latter preserved the liberty of maintaining as
+large garrisons as they thought necessary for their security; and that
+the King, after the example of Henry the Great his father, furnished
+them with the same succours during the peace as in time of war. Chavigny
+maintained that the Swedes would have nothing to fear from their
+enemies whilst the truce lasted, on account of the great number and
+power of its guarantees: to which Grotius answered, that the countries
+possessed by the Swedes were so distant from their allies, that if they
+did not continue in arms to guard against any unlooked-for invasion,
+those countries would be lost before they could receive assistance.
+
+The King was gone to Chantilly, and from thence he was to proceed to
+Compeigne. Chavigny, who was to follow him, but had not yet fixed the
+time of his departure, told Grotius he would speak to Cardinal Richelieu
+to know whether the conferences in relation to the truce were to begin
+before he went to Chantilly, or after his return, and would signify to
+him the Cardinal's intentions. Grotius answered, that he would bring
+Schmalz with him, because he knew the sentiments of the Swedish
+Ministry, and that he might make an exact report of what passed at his
+return to that kingdom. Schmalz was present at this conversation: he was
+Secretary of the High Chancellor and his confident: Grotius till now had
+numbered him among his friends.
+
+April 30, Chavigny sent to acquaint Grotius that if he pleased they
+would hold a conference the next day. They accordingly met on the first
+of May[337], 1638, at Chavigny's house. Grotius asked that Minister what
+conditions of truce the King would have. Chavigny answered, that the
+conditions were not yet agreed upon; that a truce had only been barely
+proposed, and that his Majesty, as a good friend and faithful ally, was
+willing the Queen of Sweden should be informed of it; that the custom in
+truces was, that each one should keep the countries of which he had
+possession; that it was proper the Princes who had been driven from
+their estates should receive a decent pension during the truce, to be
+paid by those who enjoyed their country; that it was the King's opinion
+they ought not to be too hasty, but wait with patience for the proposals
+of the mediators. Grotius said, if the King would signify on what
+conditions he would agree to the truce, it would be highly agreeable to
+the Swedish Ministry. Chavigny assured him that he had no instructions
+on that head; but if he would acquaint him with the intentions of the
+Swedes, he would lay them before the Cardinal. They entered on the
+business. In the claims of the Swedes there were two articles which met
+with much difficulty: they took it for granted that France should
+continue the same subsidies whilst the truce lasted, and wanted not only
+to keep that part of Pomerania which they had already, but that the
+other should also be ceded to them. These proposals were put in writing.
+Chavigny promised to send them to the Cardinal, and to give a speedy
+answer. May 18[338], Chavigny went to Grotius's house, who immediately
+sent for Schmalz: the matter under consideration was the amount of the
+subsidies: Chavigny said the Swedes asked too much for a time of truce;
+that the King could only give three hundred thousand florins a year
+whilst it lasted. Grotius maintained that the sum was too small in
+proportion to the expence which the Swedes were obliged to be at; and
+that in one word he could consent to no diminution of the subsidies.
+Pomerania was next brought on the carpet. Chavigny pretended that the
+King neither ought, nor could with decency propose to the enemy to yield
+to Sweden what they still held in Pomerania. Grotius maintained that
+Sweden's right to that province was not founded on force, but supported
+by treaties made with the Duke and the people; that, besides, Sweden was
+in no hurry about a truce; that it would even be burdensome to her if
+she were not furnished with sufficient subsidies for paying her
+garrisons; and if she were not left in the possession of all Pomerania.
+He added, that to enable the Swedish Ministry to judge whether the truce
+would be of advantage to the kingdom, they must first be made acquainted
+with its conditions. The conference was concluded by a promise from
+Chavigny that he would communicate the King's intentions to Grotius in
+writing. Schmalz in the mean time did Grotius all the ill offices he
+could: he wrote to Court that they could no longer refuse the instances
+of France to recall the Ambassador: but it was from jealousy or hatred
+that he acted in this manner; for at the same time that he was seeking
+to hurt Grotius, the Count de Feuquieres waited on him from the
+Cardinal, to tell him that they were extremely well pleased with him in
+France, and that far from desiring he should be recalled, his Eminence
+would solicit his stay at Paris.
+
+Schmalz, displeased with Grotius's firmness[339], went privately and
+told Chavigny, that the Ministry of Sweden had resolved to consent to a
+considerable diminution of the subsidies: which he could prove by their
+letters written in Swedish. Grotius was informed of this, and complained
+to the High Chancellor; at the same time assuring him, that Schmalz had
+presumed to vent the highest menaces against him and his wife, because
+(says he) we oppose his unjust designs.
+
+Chavigny falling ill, Desnoyers[340], Secretary at war, was appointed to
+confer with Grotius: He came to his house, and after making him the King
+and the Cardinal's compliments, delivered an answer to the memorial he
+had given Chavigny; acquainting him that every thing was settled between
+the Cardinal and Schmalz. On reading this answer, Grotius said, that
+before he explained himself he must speak with Schmalz, who was joined
+with him in this negotiation; and therefore it was improper for him to
+act alone. Desnoyers being withdrawn, Grotius informed Schmalz of his
+visit. Schmalz maintained that he had settled nothing, and had made
+only a draught of a convention; which he at the same time pressed
+Grotius to approve of, because, he said, it was agreeable to his Swedish
+instructions, which empowered him to accept of two hundred thousand
+florins. Grotius answered, that as this article was directly contrary to
+his instructions, he would, give them the preference; especially as he
+did not understand Swedish. The dispute grew warm[341]; Schmalz asserted
+that he had full powers to act independently of Grotius not only in this
+negotiation, but even in every affair which regarded his embassy: "If it
+be so, the latter writes to the High Chancellor, the French will make a
+jest of him and of me: they, will look on me as Ambassador only in name;
+and on him as Ambassador in fact, though he has not the name: nay he
+actually allows himself to be treated at home as if he were Ambassador,
+and to be written to as if he had the title. It is indeed very hard that
+I, who am advanced in years, should have disputes with a hot-headed
+youth." This quarrel gave him great uneasiness: he writes to
+Oxenstiern[342], "I beg it as a favour of your Sublimity, that if I can
+be of any use to you, you would be pleased to protect me, as you have
+done hitherto. I have had nothing in view in all I have done but the
+welfare of Sweden; and it has cost me much pains to raise, by my words
+and actions, the credit of a nation hitherto little known in this
+country. If I cannot serve with utility, I had much rather return to the
+condition of a private man, than be a burden to the kingdom, or
+dishonour myself."
+
+Schmalz lived on very ill terms with Crusius, a Swedish Lord, whom
+Grotius, as we have just seen, had presented to the King.
+Notwithstanding the grounds of complaint which the Ambassador had
+against Schmalz, he thought the public service required him to reconcile
+them, and for this end he often made them dine with him. One day, at
+the Swedish Banker's, both rose from table after dinner heated with
+wine, and came together to Grotius's: there was only his lady at home.
+They quarrelled, and Schmalz had the impudence to call Crusius several
+times a rascal; with the addition of some threatening gestures. Crusius,
+highly provoked, gave him a box on the ear, and an English colonel in
+company was so enraged against Schmalz, that had it not been for
+Grotius's lady he would have run him through. Notwithstanding this gross
+insult, Schmalz and Crusius[343] were reconciled at Grotius's house; but
+Schmalz still continued his extravagancies. He had the indiscretion one
+time to let his tongue loose against the Duke of Weymar: Baron Erlac,
+who was attached to that Prince, was highly incensed, and the
+consequences might have been very fatal. Grotius again employed his good
+offices to pacify Erlac. But this wrought no change in Schmalz's
+behaviour towards the Swedish Ambassador. In a letter of the sixteenth
+of October, 1638[344], Grotius observes: "It is near two months since
+Schmalz was to see me, though I have been ill; his reasons I neither
+know nor enquire. I am conscious he has no subject of complaint against
+me; but I have much to complain of him. He will return to you richer
+than he came out: I do not envy him the money, which, it is said, he
+received above two months ago from the French; being firmly resolved to
+adhere to the rule I have laid down, and hitherto observed, to accept of
+nothing from them." Schmalz continued to seek every opportunity of
+injuring Grotius[345], who, he said, was a burden on Sweden; and
+Grotius[346] was persuaded that Schmalz had betrayed the secret of
+affairs to the French Ministry in order to prejudice him. Schmalz
+returned to Sweden, where his misconduct being made manifest, he
+incurred the displeasure of the Ministry[347]. He afterwards embraced
+the Roman Catholic Religion, privately abjuring Lutheranism in Baron
+Roste's chapel, the French Resident at Stockholm. The Regency hearing of
+it, complained bitterly that the Resident should suffer it. Schmalz was
+thrown into gaol under pretence of some malversation; but had the good
+fortune to make his escape, and took refuge in Germany, entering into
+the service of the Emperor.
+
+To return to the truce. The negotiation not succeeding at Paris, it was
+transferred to Hamburg, to be managed by D'Avaux and Salvius; but as it
+was very coldly desired either by the French, the Swedes, or even by the
+Imperialists, the conditions could not be settled, and the project was
+dropt.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[335] Bougeant, l. 5. n. 33.
+
+[336] Ep. 950. p. 421.
+
+[337] Father Bougeant Hist. l. 5. n. 35, places this negotiation in
+1639, in which he contradicts Grotius. See Ep 954. p. 424.
+
+[338] Ep. 960. p. 428.
+
+[339] Ep. 974. p. 438.
+
+[340] Ep. 976. p. 439.
+
+[341] Ep. 976. p. 440.
+
+[342] Ep. 982. p. 444.
+
+[343] Ep. 993. p. 450.
+
+[344] Ep. 1046. p. 472.
+
+[345] Ep. 1111. p. 500.
+
+[346] Ep. 1237. p. 560.
+
+[347] Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1301. p. 590. Bougeant l. 6. n. 32.
+
+
+IV. As Grotius was returning from the audience of the King, at which he
+introduced Crusius, there happened a melancholy adventure which had like
+to have cost them both their lives. In passing through a village where a
+great crowd was assembled to see the execution of some highwaymen[348],
+one of the Swedish Ambassador's domestics on horseback, to make the mob
+give way for his master's coach, struck some of them with his whip: the
+alarm was instantly given that they were persons come to rescue the
+prisoners: upon which some shot were fired at the coach: the coachman
+received two balls in his body, of which he died some days after: the
+balls passed within two inches of the Ambassador's head. On calling out
+who they were, the tumult ceased. The King being informed of this
+outrage, ordered Count Brulon, one of the Introductors of Ambassadors,
+to wait on Grotius, and assure him that he was extremely sorry for his
+misfortune; and that as soon as the offenders were taken, they should
+receive the punishment they merited. Count Berlise, the other
+Introductor of Ambassadors, came also to visit Grotius, and acquaint
+him that the King was greatly concerned at the danger he underwent, and
+that his Majesty had ordered the Chancellor to prosecute the offenders
+with the utmost rigour. Grotius answered, he was so far from being
+animated by a spirit of revenge, that he intended to solicit a pardon
+for the offenders; but that it was proper, however, the King should
+publickly express his indignation, both for the safety of Ambassadors,
+and from a regard to the Law of Nations.
+
+In consequence of his Majesty's orders the Chancellor[349] sent to the
+Swedish Ambassador's to take the depositions; and seven or eight persons
+of the village where the crime was perpetrated were taken up and thrown
+into prison at Paris. The Lady of the Manor came to Grotius, to solicit
+for the prisoners: he told her she must have patience till the trials
+were over, and then he would employ his interest in behalf of those who
+should be found guilty. He informed the High Chancellor of all these
+particulars; observing to him that he was very glad the King gave public
+proofs that he had the safety of Ambassadors at heart; and that for his
+part he would do all in his power to save the offenders from capital
+punishment.
+
+The most guilty had had the precaution to abscond[350]: these, for their
+contempt of the court, were condemned to be broke on the wheel: but the
+sentence was not made public, because the Judges imagined they might
+suffer themselves to be taken if the affair seemed to be dropt. Some
+Lords, however, who had got notice of the sentence[351], were preparing
+to ask their forfeited effects: the Count de Berlise informed Grotius of
+it, and the Ambassador desired him to beg the favour of the King not to
+dispose of their effects, but to order them to be sequestrated, that he
+might restore them to the owners, when the time of their pardon came.
+"I have the honour to inform you of this, he writes to the High
+Chancellor, that it may not be thought I wanted to take advantage of the
+misfortune of these wretches, as some here are wicked enough to
+believe."
+
+The sentence was at length executed on them[352]: but it was only in
+effigie; for none of the offenders had been taken. Grotius was then ill
+of an ague[353], and postponed his application for their pardon till his
+recovery. As soon as he could go abroad[354] he asked an audience; at
+which, after thanking the King for doing justice on them, which proved
+how much his Majesty had the respect due to Ambassadors at heart, he
+entreated him to grant a pardon to the offenders, and not only spare
+their lives, but also restore their effects; of which he claimed no
+part, though the King had left them to his disposal. Lewis XIII. seeing
+him earnest in his request, made answer, that he would give directions
+to the Chancellor that their pardon should pass the seals. Grotius
+promised to go to that Magistrate to solicit it; which he did
+accordingly[355], and the Chancellor promised to finish the affair
+agreeable to his desire.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[348] Ep. 988. p. 447.
+
+[349] Ep. 993. p. 450.
+
+[350] Ep. 438. p. 879.
+
+[351] Ep. 1025. p. 462.
+
+[352] Ep. 1028. p. 463.
+
+[353] Ep. 1043. p. 470.
+
+[354] Ep. 1038. p. 468.
+
+[355] Ep. 1041. p. 469.
+
+
+V. It was on the first of October, 1638, that Grotius went to solicit
+the King in favour of those who had insulted him: the Court was then in
+great joy for the happy birth of the Dauphin[356], who came into the
+world on the 5th of September. The Swedish Ambassador saw the King, the
+Queen, and the Dauphin, and made them his compliments such as the
+occasion required, though it was not the principal object of his journey
+as he could not have received orders on the subject. He recommended to
+the King the affairs of the Duke of Weymar, whom the Imperialists were
+going to attack with a force infinitely superior. His Majesty promised
+to augment that Prince's army as much as his other affairs would
+permit. Grotius having represented of what advantage an extraordinary
+gratification might be to the good of affairs in Germany, the King
+exclaimed against the great expences with which he was overpowered, but
+gave hopes that he would advance a sum of money beyond what he engaged
+to furnish. November 10, 1638[357], Grotius had another audience of the
+King, to entreat him not to abandon the Duke of Weymar in his present
+extremity: he assured his Majesty that he had precise orders to
+recommend to him the affairs of that Prince with the same zeal as those
+of Sweden. The King contented himself with giving a vague answer, which
+did not satisfy the Ambassador. December 4[358], he waited on the King
+and Queen to compliment them, by order of the Queen of Sweden, on the
+birth of the Dauphin. A letter written by him next day to Queen
+Christina relates all that passed at these audiences. After observing
+that he had publicly expressed his joy for the desired birth of the
+young Prince by bonfires, entertainments, and distributions of wine to
+all the neighbourhood, he tells her that he had seen the King, whom he
+informed of the entertainments made in Sweden on occasion of the birth
+of the Dauphin of France; that he observed to his Majesty, if it were
+true, as the Ancients believed, that names were not given by chance, one
+ought to prognosticate great things of the Dauphin [_Anglicè_ Dolphin];
+that the signs which surrounded the Constellation bearing his name,
+denote the most happy presages; that it was surrounded by the Eagle,
+Pegasus, Sagittarius, Aquarius, and the Swan; that the Eagle denoted a
+superior genius; Pegasus presaged that he would be powerful in cavalry,
+Sagittarius in infantry, and Aquarius in naval force: the Swan signified
+that his great actions would be celebrated by poets, historians, and
+orators: that the nine stars in the sign of the Dolphin denoted,
+according to astrologers, the nine Muses, who were to render the Prince
+illustrious and receive lustre from him: that the Dolphin being near the
+Equator, signified that the King's justice would be hereditary to his
+son; that naturalists had remarked three properties in the Dolphin,
+which ought to be considered as happy presages of what the Dauphin of
+France would be: that it loved men; that it came quickly to maturity;
+and had much activity.
+
+Grotius, it is probable, had recourse to these unnatural and
+consequently ridiculous allegories in compliance with the bad taste of
+the age. It is to be presumed that such an elevated genius, who knew the
+rules of eloquence, and disapproved of the wretched strain of the
+advocates of that time, was not pleased with himself on this occasion.
+He concluded his harangue with beseeching the King to be persuaded that
+her Swedish Majesty would faithfully execute her treaties; that nothing
+would be more agreeable to her, than to live in the best understanding
+with the King, and to hear of the prosperity of his kingdom; and that
+she would chearfully employ all her forces to encrease the power of
+France. He afterwards excused the Queen for not sending an Ambassador
+extraordinary to compliment the King, giving as a reason, that such a
+commission could only be executed by one of the first Lords of the
+Kingdom, who were all employed in the army, or in the ministry; and the
+Queen presumed his Majesty would like better that they should discharge
+their duty, than undertake so long a journey. The King seemed much
+pleased with the conclusion of this compliment. He promised to be
+constant in his friendship, and faithful in the execution of his
+treaties, and to continue the war with the fame ardour as his good
+sister.
+
+Grotius afterwards waited on the Queen, to whom he said, that his
+complimenting her so late on the part of the Queen of Sweden, was owing
+to the distance of Stockholm: he observed to her that Gothland was a
+province of Sweden, from which the Kings of Spain were not ashamed to
+derive their origin: he expressed his joy at seeing on the throne of
+France a Queen descended from the Goths, and who had brought forth a
+Prince who by his mother belonged to that nation: he assured her that of
+all the Princes who had borne the name of Deodatus, none deserved it so
+well as the Dauphin, whom Providence had given to the prayers of the
+kingdom almost against all hope; that he was born on the day of the Sun,
+which presaged that by his heat and light he would confer happiness on
+France, and the friends of France, among whom her Swedish Majesty held
+the first rank; that he was born in Autumn, the season of the year
+abounding most in fruit, which denoted that with him would be found the
+fruit of all virtues. The Queen received the compliment with great
+politeness, and made an offer of her services to her Swedish Majesty.
+
+The important fortress of Brisac having been obliged to surrender to the
+Duke of Weymar in the end of the year 1638[359], Grotius went to
+compliment the King on that event: he first thanked him for sending
+reinforcements to the Duke, and afterwards enlarged on the advantages of
+taking Brisac, the conquest of which contributed to the security of
+Burgundy and Champaigne, facilitated the preservation of Lorain, the
+towns of Alsace, and the liberty of the Swiss, and, in fine, enabled
+them to make farther progress in Germany: he concluded with beseeching
+his Majesty to order the money promised, to be paid to the Swedes, that
+they might put Marshal Bannier in a condition to accomplish what might
+be of service to the King. Lewis assured him, that he would take care
+the money should be remitted.
+
+Grotius having asked an audience of the King in the month of March,
+1639[360], Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, waited on him to
+know what he purposed to say to the King, under pretence that when his
+Majesty was not previously apprised of certain affairs, he was too much
+affected by them. Grotius answered, that he should say nothing
+disagreeable to the King. Brulon wanting to enter into farther
+particulars, the Ambassador told him, he would follow his orders. The
+audience, however, was granted: he remonstrated to the King the
+necessity of sending speedy succours to the Duke of Weymar to enable him
+to penetrate into the heart of Germany, whilst Marshal Bannier did the
+same on his side: and assured him, that the Queen was determined to
+embark the recruits and provisions for that General's army as soon as
+the season would permit. The King answered, that he had affairs in so
+many places he could not do at once all that he desired.
+
+Grotius ascribed the King's explaining himself so coldly to the offence
+taken by Cardinal Richelieu at the Duke of Weymar. His Eminence wanted
+to prevail with that Prince to come and pass the winter at Paris, in
+order to enter into a closer connection with him, and to get from him
+the possession of Brisac. The Duke, who was informed of his intentions,
+chose rather to remain in Germany, than to be near an absolute Minister
+whom it was dangerous to contradict. It is said that from this time the
+Cardinal resolved to obstruct the progress of a Prince, whose ambition
+and valour filled him with apprehensions. Grotius had a new audience of
+the King in the middle of April following, to represent to him the
+necessity of augmenting the army commanded by the Duke of Weymar, who
+had sent Erlac to court to obtain speedy succours. The King promised
+that Erlac should be satisfied.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[356] Ep. 1038. p. 468.
+
+[357] Ep. 1064. p. 480.
+
+[358] Ep. 1079. p. 485.
+
+[359] Ep. 1090. p. 490. & 1093. p. 491.
+
+[360] Ep. 1137. p. 514.
+
+VI. These were only vague promises which the Ministry never intended to
+fulfil. The Cardinal had made no secret[361] of his desire to gain the
+Duke of Weymar by giving him his niece in marriage: the Prince's refusal
+and his desire to keep Brisac had so much offended his Eminence, that he
+even told Erlac that the Duke hearkened to bad counsels, and that his
+behaviour to France was not such as gratitude and civility required. The
+malevolence of the French Minister[362] chagrined the Duke so much that
+he fell ill: it was only a slight indisposition, but, however, he did
+not long survive it[363]: a violent fever seized him at Neubourg, which
+on the fourth day cut off a Prince, whom Grotius calls the honour and
+last resource of Germany[364]: the tenth of July, 1639, was the last of
+this illustrious personage. It was at that time very doubtful[365]
+whether he died of the plague, which prevailed in those parts, or of
+poison. Grotius tells us[366], that the Duke himself thought they had
+shortened his days: he even cites on this subject the Prince's funeral
+oration delivered at Brisac, wherein the author was not afraid of
+advancing this anecdote. Grotius was also persuaded[367] that the Prince
+died by poison: he mentions it in a letter to the High Chancellor of the
+10th of October, 1639. "The more I reflect on the Duke of Weymar's
+death, the more I am persuaded that he had on his body no marks of the
+plague, and that it was not in his house: accordingly the reports of his
+being poisoned again prevail, and the suspicion falls upon the Geneva
+physician, who was brought to remove his cholic."
+
+As this Prince's victories made even his allies uneasy, they were
+accused of contributing to his death. Cardinal Richelieu's enemies
+spread the report, without ground, that it was he who caused the poison
+to be given to the Duke, that he might get Brisac more easily; and the
+Swedish historian[368] seems inclined to think he was poisoned, without
+imputing it, however, to the Cardinal. "At the time of the Duke of
+Weymar's death, says he, there was a grand negotiation on foot to know
+whether Brisac should be yielded to France. Grotius pressed the Prince
+to keep it; and the refusing to yield that place disgusted France. He
+died soon after, not without suspicion of poison. The court of
+Vienna[369], to whom his death was of great advantage, was also accused
+of committing the crime: but these were all vague and ill-grounded
+reports, which consequently merit little attention." The Duke of
+Weymar's death[370] occasioned the greatest consternation among the
+Swedes; the army was left without a leader, the towns without a master,
+and for some time there was nothing but anarchy in the country where he
+commanded. This Prince placed the greatest confidence in Grotius, who
+had for him the most perfect esteem. When at Paris he was most intimate
+with the Swedish Ambassador[371], and deposited with him some valuable
+things which he would neither intrust to the King, nor to any of his
+subjects.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[361] Grotii Ep. 1153. p. 524.
+
+[362] Ep. 1140. p. 516.
+
+[363] Ep. 1226. p. 548.
+
+[364] Ep. 1207. p. 549. & 1224. p. 553.
+
+[365] Ep. 1223 p. 557.
+
+[366] Ep. 1254. p. 569.
+
+[367] Ep. 1249. p. 566.
+
+[368] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 39.
+
+[369] Le Vassor, l. 45. p. 265, 266.
+
+[370] Ep. 1216, p. 548.
+
+[371] Ep. 876 p. 384.
+
+
+VII. When the Duke of Weymar's death was publicly known, Charles Lewis,
+Elector Palatine, son of the unfortunate King of Bohemia, purposed to
+get the Weymarian army to acknowledge him for their General. This
+negotiation could not be carried on without a large sum of money. The
+Elector went to his uncle the King of England, from whom he got 25000 l.
+sterling, with the promise of a larger sum in case of need. He might
+have returned into Holland, and would in all probability have succeeded
+in his project, but the King of England, it is said, advised him to act
+in concert with France, whose interest was connected with his, and
+without whose assistance he would have much difficulty to accomplish his
+design. King Charles spoke of it to Bellievre[372] the French
+Ambassador at London: he told him the Elector was determined to go to
+France, and lodge with the Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassador at
+Paris, that he might have an opportunity of conferring with the King.
+Bellievre, who was informed of the intentions of the French Court, and
+those of the Elector, represented to the King, that the Prince, before
+he embarked for France, ought to get a passport from the Court,
+otherwise he would be in danger of being arrested by the Governor of the
+first town. Bellievre was desired to write to France about it: the
+Ministry were in no hurry to give him an answer, because they disliked
+the prince's project. The Elector in his impatience resolved to go over
+_incognito_ to France. M. Pelisson assures us[373] it was Montreuil, one
+of the first Academicians, at that time employed by France in England,
+who gave the Court notice of the Elector's design. That Prince managed
+his matters with so little address, that his journey was a secret to no
+body. He went on board publicly[374], suffered the English ships to
+salute him at his departure, and on landing him at Boulogn, the King his
+uncle's ships, which escorted him, made a general discharge of their
+great guns.
+
+After coming on shore[375] he set out with five of his servants for
+Paris; and, changing his name, would not lodge with the Earl of
+Leicester; but took the road to Lyons, where the King was, and travelled
+very slowly. His design was to turn off to Switzerland, and proceed from
+thence to the Weymarian army. The Cardinal, who was informed of his
+rout, suffering him to advance into the heart of the kingdom, caused him
+to be arrested at Moulins in the Bourbonoise. He denied at first that he
+was the Elector Palatine; but was at last obliged to own it. [376]He was
+confined in the citadel; where he was civilly treated, till orders
+should be received from the King. He was from thence carried to
+Vincennes[377], where he was permitted to see no body, and denied the
+use of pen and ink. For six days he was not suffered to walk in the
+garden. The Prince had two brothers at Paris, Maurice and Edward, who
+came there to learn Riding and Fencing. They were narrowly watched, and
+ordered not to leave Paris; and their Governor was charged to attend
+them wherever they went. About a month after the Elector's confinement,
+they were permitted to see him[378]; but it was in presence of
+witnesses: the Elector was also suffered to walk sometimes in the garden
+on condition that the guard went with him.
+
+Cardinal Richelieu and the French Ministers, to justify this conduct,
+gave out that it was not allowable for a foreign Prince to pass through
+the kingdom without the King's permission; that the Elector's conduct
+shewed that he had some bad design; that they knew he wanted to go to
+Geneva, to proceed from thence to the Duke of Weymar's army, to seize
+the towns of Alsace, and exchange them afterwards with the Emperor in
+order to obtain restitution of the Palatinate; and that such a project
+must be very prejudicial to France, to whom the conquest of Alsace had
+cost so many men and so much money. This imprisonment made a great noise
+in Europe: the Earl of Leicester, Ambassador from England, demanded the
+Prince's release; and Christiern King of Denmark used some strong
+expressions. The King of England wrote to the French King, that it was
+he who sent his nephew into France to confer with his Majesty on the
+state of his affairs; and that if the King would not give him an
+audience he ought at least to send him back to England. This letter
+having produced no effect, the English applied to the Queen of Sweden
+to intercede for the discharge of the captive Elector; and the King
+declared at last that he would let Grotius treat with the Ministry about
+the accommodation of this affair. He drew up a plan, in concert with the
+Earl of Leicester, for giving satisfaction to the Court of France that
+the Prince might be set at liberty. The Elector was to give it under his
+hand, that he never intended to negotiate with the Duke of Weymar's army
+without the concurrence of the Queen of Sweden and the most Christian
+King: and on making this declaration he was to remain at Paris, giving
+his parole not to leave it without the King's permission; and the
+English Ambassador was to be security for the observance of it.
+
+Grotius, in communicating this project to Camerarius the Swedish
+Ambassador in Holland, acquaints him that he was persuaded nothing could
+have greater weight with the French Ministry than what he had suggested;
+and that he expected letters from the Queen his mistress, who was much
+affected with the Elector's misfortune. Chavigny made two visits on the
+subject of this negotiation to Grotius, who communicated to him what he
+had concerted with the English Ambassador.
+
+As the French Ministry had need of Grotius in this affair[379], he was
+now treated by them with more civility. Chavigny came to him, by order
+of the King, about the middle of January, 1640[380], and told him that
+his Majesty and the Cardinal esteemed him highly, and for the future
+would treat him with friendship and candour; that if any thing had
+happened formerly, which might displease him, it was wholly owing to
+Father Joseph; and that Cardinal Richelieu was now sensible he had been
+injustly blamed. Grotius returned his thanks for these civilities; he
+assured Chavigny that the Ministry might expect from him all that could
+be hoped for from an honest man; that he knew the disgusts he had
+received proceeded from the Dutch, who, after having treated him
+unjustly, still continued to persecute him; and that he had determined
+to meddle no otherwise in their affairs than as they were connected with
+those of Sweden. Chavigny commended this resolution; adding, that the
+King intended to employ him in accommodating the affair of the Elector
+Palatine; which might be accomplished, if the Prince would only declare,
+that he had not proposed to himself any views on the Duke of Weymar's
+army but with the King's consent, whom he designed to consult; and if he
+would promise to carry on no intrigue for the future in that army
+without the approbation of the Queen of Sweden and the French King; that
+he might then be permitted to remain at Paris, after giving his parole,
+and engaging the English Ambassador to give his, that he should not
+leave it without the King's permission. Grotius answered he would be
+always glad to serve the King. After this conversation Grotius visited
+the Earl of Leicester, and communicated the project to him as his own;
+for Chavigny had desired him not to speak of the conversation which they
+had together: he assured the English Ambassador, that he knew for
+certain if he approved of the proposal the Prince would not only obtain
+his liberty, but might also hope to recover his dominions if his
+Britannic Majesty would bestir himself for that purpose; and that he
+hoped his mediation would not be less agreeable to the King of England,
+than to the French King. The Earl of Leicester answered, that he had
+orders to demand the Elector's discharge without any condition; that he
+would write to England; and till he received an answer must exactly
+follow his instructions. He asked Grotius to continue his good offices
+in this affair, assuring him that they would be most agreeable to the
+King of England. The Swedish Ambassador informed the High Chancellor of
+these particulars, in a letter dated Jan. 22, 1640[381].
+
+Chavigny soon returned to Grotius to know what had passed between him
+and the English Ambassador: and on this occasion assured him of the
+Cardinal's favourable disposition towards him. Some time after, a person
+belonging to Chavigny brought Grotius some papers relating to the
+accommodation of this affair; in which the Weymarian army was supposed
+to belong to the King of France, because he alone paid it. Grotius, on
+the contrary, was persuaded that that army belonged to Sweden and the
+confederate Princes of Germany; and that the Duke of Weymar, as he
+himself had several times said, received the French subsidies in quality
+of ally of that crown, as the Landgrave did in his life-time. On reading
+these papers he told the person who brought them, they would not please
+the English; and asked permission to make some alteration in them.
+Chavigny's Secretary answered, that he had orders to leave them with
+him, that he might shew them to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied,
+that he would first examine them farther, and see what was to be done.
+Some days after, Chavigny sent another Secretary, asking him to confer
+as soon as possible with the Earl of Leicester. Grotius answered, that
+he had read the papers with attention; and finding in them some things
+to the prejudice of Sweden, he would consult the Queen that he might do
+nothing to the prejudice of her rights; that he was sorry the distance
+would not permit him to receive her orders soon, but if the other
+Ambassadors who had offered their good-offices in this affair could
+obtain the Prince's liberty he would be well satisfied.
+
+These papers differed in many places from what had been settled between
+Chavigny and Grotius. They had agreed that the Elector, on coming out of
+Vincennes, should remain at Paris: the new regulation obliged him to
+follow the Court, that he might be more easily observed; besides, it
+only made mention of the King of France, and said nothing of Sweden. The
+French Ministry would absolutely[382] have the Weymarian Army to be the
+King's; and that it was a high offence against him to attempt to get the
+command of it without his consent. The Landgravine of Hesse[383], Amelia
+Elizabeth of Hanau, whose uncommon merit and attachment to France had
+gained her the greatest confederation at Court, wrote to the King in
+favour of the captive Prince, assuring him, that all Germany was under
+affliction on account of his situation. The Queen of Bohemia[384], the
+Elector's mother, approved of the difficulties started by Grotius; and
+Queen Christina ordered him to demand an audience of the King to present
+a letter from her, dated Dec. 19, 1639[385]. It was some time before he
+could obtain this audience, the King being ill of the gout. Some
+imagined this was only a pretext, and that his Majesty refused to see
+him because the Ministers were treating directly with the Elector, who
+was to be set at liberty as soon as they could agree with him, without
+its appearing to be done at the solicitation of any foreign Prince.
+
+The 18th of February, 1640, was at last appointed for the audience:
+Grotius told the King that by clemency men approached nearest to the
+Divinity, and that it became no Prince so well as him who bore the title
+of Most Christian King; that the Kings of France had always
+distinguished themselves by this virtue, particularly Henry IV; and that
+he himself had on several occasions given signal proofs of his clemency.
+He afterwards set forth the ancient splendour of the Palatine house, the
+most illustrious of the empire, whose heir was now in captivity, without
+lands, without subjects, and reduced to seek shelter among strangers:
+he shewed that his house was ever closely attached to France; that it
+defended with all its forces the rights of Henry the Great to the Crown
+when unjustly disputed; that the Austrians were always declared enemies
+of this house, and now kept the second Prince of it in prison; that the
+Courts of Vienna and Madrid ardently desired the continuation of the
+Elector's captivity; that this Prince deserved the better treatment in
+France, as during his minority he was ever an ally of the Crown of
+Sweden, and those, who managed his affairs in his youth, conformed with
+the greatest zeal and fidelity to all the desires of the King's
+Ministers, and contributed much to the success of their demands in the
+diets of Hailbron, Francfort, and Worms; that his Majesty, by setting
+the Prince at liberty, would not only do a great pleasure to Germany,
+but her Swedish Majesty would consider it as a high obligation, and take
+every opportunity to express her gratitude. The King seemed to be
+affected with this discourse. He said, Grotius was not ignorant of his
+reasons for arresting the Elector Palatine; that the good of the common
+cause induced him to do it; that he had always had the restoration of
+the Palatine house much at heart, and caused it to be mentioned to the
+King of England, whom this affair regarded more, and had made several
+proposals on the subject to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied, that
+it did not become him to enter into a dispute concerning the reasons
+which determined so great a King to act as he had done; but if, without
+breach of the respect due to his Majesty, he might be permitted to speak
+his sentiments, he thought the best measure that could be taken was to
+forget what was passed, and attend only to the advantage of the common
+cause; adding, that some allowance must be made for the Prince's youth,
+and it ought to be considered, that the bad situation of his affairs did
+not permit him to engage in his service such as were most capable of
+giving him good advice. The King said, he had heard what the Ambassador
+represented, and that he was going to read the Queen of Sweden's
+letters. The audience concluded with the Swedish Ambassador's instances,
+that the King would remember clemency and goodness. Grotius acquainted
+the Queen of Sweden with all these particulars, in a letter dated the 3d
+of March, 1640[386].
+
+As soon as it was known in France, that Grotius had received orders to
+intercede for the Prince, he was confined more closely; so that those of
+his family, who were at Paris, had no communication with him, as before;
+hence it was concluded, that the French Ministers wanted to negotiate
+directly with him, and prevent his holding any correspondence with such
+as might divert him from giving the King the satisfaction he desired.
+These suspicions were well grounded[387]: Chavigny was treating at
+Vincennes with the Prince, who, tired of his confinement, signed the
+declaration which the King wanted, namely, that he had no design to get
+the command of the Weymarian troops contrary to his Majesty's
+inclination, and would not leave France without his permission. The King
+alone was mentioned in this writing, and no notice taken of the Swedes.
+
+The Court being satisfied[388], Chavigny went on the 13th of March,
+1640, at night, to Vincennes, and brought the Prince to the Earl of
+Leicester's house; where he staid _incognito_ till the Hotel of the
+Ambassadors Extraordinary, then occupied by Prince Casimir, should be
+empty. In this manner the Prince recovered his liberty[389], which he
+owed to the powerful solicitation of the Queen of Sweden, and the
+good-offices of her Minister. Grotius informed the Queen, that the
+Prince was come out of Vincennes, by a letter of the 7th of April,
+1640[390]. He went to pay his compliments to his Highness, and gave him
+all the honours due to an Elector, though he was not treated as such by
+the French, because they were in negotiation with the Duke of Bavaria,
+who was invested with the title of Elector, which the Palatine house
+enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia. But Sweden had still continued
+to regard the Prince as if he had been in possession of his electorate.
+Grotius held a correspondence with him before this event: we have a
+letter of that Ambassador, written on the 16th of November, 1638, to the
+Elector Palatine, in which he allures him, that he had spoken to the
+Most Christian King and his Ministers, and to the English Ambassador,
+for the restoration of the Palatine house; and that he had also written
+about it to the Queen of Sweden and the Grandees of the kingdom.
+
+The Elector came to make Grotius a visit[391], and begged he would
+recommend him to the favour of the Queen of Sweden. Grotius demanded an
+audience of the King, to thank him for the regard he had shewn to the
+Queen his Mistress's recommendation.
+
+The Prince made his court so well to the King, and so managed the French
+Ministry, that he at last got the title of Elector. He was extremely
+well received at Court: but grew weary, however, of France, and was
+desirous of obtaining full and entire liberty by the Queen of Sweden's
+credit. He spoke of it to Grotius; who promised him his good-offices.
+The uneasiness, which the protracting of this negotiation gave the
+Prince, threw him into an ague. At length, after much ado, he obtained
+full liberty. July 25, 1640, the King gave him permission to go where he
+pleased, after giving assurances, that he would adhere to the writing
+signed at Vincennes, by which he engaged to do nothing against the
+interest of France. He came to acquaint Grotius with this agreeable
+news; adding, that he was resolved to go to Holland, and continue there
+till the troubles in Scotland were ended. It was not then foreseen that
+they would last so long, and still less that they would bring the King
+to the block.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[372] Ep. 1876. p. 578.
+
+[373] Hist. de l'Acad. p. 162.
+
+[374] Ep. Grot. 1629. p. 575.
+
+[375] Ep. 1250. p. 576.
+
+[376] Ep. 1271. p. 576.
+
+[377] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 60.
+
+[378] Ep. 1283. p. 581.
+
+[379] Ep. 1311. p. 593.
+
+[380] Puffendorf, l. 11. § 78.
+
+[381] Ep. 1312. p. 594.
+
+[382] Ep. 1313, p. 595.
+
+[383] Ep. 1317. p. 596.
+
+[384] Ep. 1320. p. 598.
+
+[385] Ep. 1319. p. 597.
+
+[386] Ep. 1328. p. 601.
+
+[387] Ep. 1333 p. 613.
+
+[388] Ep. 1337. p. 607. Puffendorf, l. 12. § 52.
+
+[389] Ep. 1338. p. 607.
+
+[390] Ep. 1344. p. 609.
+
+[391] Ep. 1548. p. 611.
+
+
+VIII. Grotius was at this time engaged in another very delicate
+negotiation at the Court of France. Marshal Horn, the High Chancellor's
+son-in-law, had been taken at the battle of Nordlinguen, and Sweden was
+most desirous to recover her General. The famous John de Vert was at the
+same time prisoner at Vincennes[392]: nothing seemed more natural or
+easy than the exchange of these two great Captains: it was obstructed,
+however, by two considerable difficulties. The Duke of Weymar pretended
+that John de Vert was his Prisoner, and that he only sent him into
+France to be kept there till he should redemand him. Besides, the French
+Court were afraid that Marshal Horn's return would be rather hurtful,
+than advantageous to the common cause: there was no longer any
+employment for the Marshal in the army, and as he was supported by the
+credit of his father-in-law, his return to it might occasion a dangerous
+division, the consequences whereof were to be apprehended even by France
+herself. Grotius[393] nevertheless was ordered to solicit the King in
+favour of this exchange: he spoke of it first to Bullion[394], who
+frankly promised to do all in his power for Sweden in the affair. He
+afterwards spoke of it to the King at an audience in the beginning of
+November, 1639; an account of which he sends to the Queen, in a letter
+of the 9th of November. He tells her, that, having pressed the King to
+procure the Marshal's liberty, Lewis discovered great readiness to do
+it, and promised to propose it in council. The Ambassador, to engage the
+King more warmly for this exchange, represented to his Majesty, that the
+late Duke of Weymar designed the generals John de Vert and Enkefort to
+be exchanged for Marshal Horn: that the Prince thought his glory
+concerned in making this exchange; that he had mentioned it to the Queen
+of Sweden; and often written to his Majesty about it, and several times
+employed others to solicit it, and that he died in these sentiments.
+
+Marshal Horn's liberty could not be obtained without the consent of
+another Prince, the Duke of Bavaria, with whom he was a prisoner. That
+Prince, being spoke to, readily gave his consent to the exchange.
+Marshal Horn wrote this to Grotius, in a letter delivered to him by John
+de Vert: and the Ambassador immediately wrote to the High Chancellor,
+May 16, 1640, that he thought the Queen should make new instances by
+letter to the King, and give him [Grotius] fresh orders on the subject.
+
+The taking of Arras furnishing an occasion to compliment the King,
+Grotius went to St. Germains in the beginning of November, 1640. He
+expressed to his Majesty the joy he received by his happy return, his
+good health, and the conquest of such a considerable town as the capital
+of the Artois: he added his sincere wishes for the further increase of
+the prosperity of France, and the happy delivery of the Queen, who was
+then with child of the Duke of Anjou, afterwards Duke of Orleans. The
+King seemed to be pleased with this compliment, and mentioned some of
+the difficulties which attended the siege of Arras. Grotius afterwards
+spoke to the King of Marshal Horn: he told his Majesty that he had
+received letters from him, assuring that the Duke of Bavaria consented
+to his being exchanged for John de Vert. The Ambassador added, that the
+Duke of Weymar always desired the exchange: and that, if his Majesty
+would do Sweden this pleasure, John de Vert might be sent to Benfeld,
+and Marshal Horn to Landau, and both be afterwards set at liberty at
+Basil. The King answered, that he would think seriously of it.
+
+In fact, Chavigny came soon after to see Grotius, and told him that the
+King, after reflecting on the proposals he had made to him concerning
+Marshal Horn's release, had resolved to send John de Vert to Nancy as
+soon as the troops were in winter quarters, that he might be sent back
+with a more considerable escort; that he consented the Marshal should be
+exchanged for John de Vert, on condition, however, that the treaty
+between France and Sweden should be renewed. Chavigny added, that the
+King, having learnt that Grotius complained of the Chancellor Seguier
+for denying him the honours due to an Ambassador, had signified his
+intentions, that he should be treated as the other Ambassadors of
+crowned heads. Grotius having made a visit a little before[395] to the
+Chancellor of France, he had neither advanced to meet him, according to
+custom, nor given him the place that was due to him, nor re-conducted
+him on coming away. The Ambassador complaining of it, Count Brulon came
+and told him in presence of the Chancellor's servants, that if any
+offence had been given him, it proceeded from inattention, and not from
+design; for the King would have him treated with the same honours as
+other Ambassadors of Kings. Grotius replied, that he expected to receive
+the same treatment as the English Ambassador: on which Count Brulon
+said, France gave to each power the honour due to its rank.
+
+The exchange, however, was not executed. Grotius made a journey to
+Rheims, where the King was, to speak to him of it[396]. The King gave
+him the most positive promises, and engaged to give John de Vert his
+liberty, if the Duke of Bavaria sent Marshal Horn to Landau. Grotius
+wrote to the Court of Bavaria; John de Vert was conducted to Selesdad:
+and at last the exchange was made at Strasbourg. Grotius wrote a
+letter[397] of compliment on it to the Marshal, and desired him to come
+and lodge with him, if he purposed to pass through Paris in his way to
+Sweden.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[392] Bougeant, l. 6. § 14.
+
+[393] Ep. 1259. p. 371.
+
+[394] Ep. 1263. p. 573. 1276. p. 578.
+
+[395] Ep. 1414. p. 645.
+
+[396] Ep. 1512. p. 685. 1517. p. 687. 1523. p. 690 & 1532. p. 693
+
+[397] Ep. 1565. p. 708.
+
+
+IX. The renewal of the treaty of alliance between France and Sweden,
+which was almost expired, was now on the carpet. This grand affair was
+negotiating at Hamburg between Claude de Même count d'Avaux, and John
+Adler Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden. Grotius[398], who was
+attentive to give such counsels as might be useful to the crown of
+Sweden, wrote to the High Chancellor on the 29th of September, 1640,
+that if the subsidies made the only difficulty to the conclusion of the
+treaty, he knew the Cardinal would augment them. And accordingly,
+instead of a million, which France promised to Sweden by the last[399]
+treaty, by this she gave her twelve hundred thousand Francs. The
+negotiation meeting with many obstacles, it was drawn into a great
+length and not concluded till the last of June, 1641.
+
+In the beginning of November in the preceding year, Chavigny came to
+acquaint Grotius, that the King was astonished that nothing was done in
+the eight months that the renewal of the alliance had been negotiating
+at Hamburg; that it would seem the regents of Sweden imagined by these
+delays to obtain better conditions; but the King could add nothing to
+the former subsidies by reason of his exorbitant expences both on his
+own account and that of the allies; that he was desirous of being
+speedily informed of the intentions of the Swedish Ministers; that the
+renewal of the treaty would contribute to the obtaining a good peace;
+that if they would not renew it, it was time the King should know it,
+that he might take his measures; and that the peace was greatly retarded
+by the hopes which the enemy entertained of a difference between France
+and Sweden. He added, that if a separate treaty should be set on foot,
+France could obtain better terms than Sweden. The whole drift of this
+discourse was to let Grotius know they were not ignorant that he had
+written to Sweden, advising the Regency to take advantage of the present
+occasion to obtain more advantageous conditions from France; which would
+be granted. The Swedish Ambassador answered Chavigny, that he had
+received a letter from the Queen for his Majesty, which he purposed to
+deliver immediately; that the war was very burdensome to the Swedes, who
+had so many enemies to combat with, especially this year and last; and
+that as to the renewal of the treaty, he had nothing to say to it; for
+that affair did not concern him, but Salvius.
+
+He demanded an audience; but it was denied on several pretexts[400];
+because they wanted farther information of what was doing at Hamburg. It
+was at last granted[401] on the 16th of November, 1640. He saw the Queen
+first, whom he complimented on the birth of the Duke of Anjou: he
+afterwards saw the King, and delivered to him the Queen's letters of the
+10th of September. He congratulated him on the advantages gained last
+campaign, and on the birth of a second son of France; and entreated his
+Majesty to send a greater force into Germany as the only means to obtain
+a glorious peace. The King promised it, and afterwards repeated to
+Grotius what Chavigny had said; that the treaty of alliance would soon
+expire; that he would be glad to renew it on the former conditions; but
+that if her Swedish Majesty disliked them, he wished to know it
+immediately, that he might regulate his measures accordingly. He often
+repeated that it was not in his power to augment the subsidies, though
+the Ambassador proved that he could never make a better use of his
+money. Grotius informed the Queen of what passed at this audience by a
+letter of the 17th of November, 1640, in which he assures her that the
+true reason why the King deferred seeing him was his waiting for
+Cardinal Richelieu, with whom he wanted to concert the answer he should
+make. He acquainted this Princess at the same time, that it was from the
+Superintendant's own friends he understood the Swedes might hope for an
+increase of the subsidies on renewing the alliance.
+
+Salvius informed Grotius of the state of the negotiation[402], that they
+might act in concert. The Vice-Chancellor was the _primum mobile_ of
+this great affair: Grotius was subordinate to him, and did him great
+service by the instructions which he sent him.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[398] Ep. 1420. p. 647.
+
+[399] Bougeant. l. 6. n. 38.
+
+[400] Ep. 1440. p. 653.
+
+[401] Ep. 1442. p. 654.
+
+[402] Ep. 1472. p. 666.
+
+
+X. Cardinal Richelieu died the year after the renewal of the treaty of
+alliance between France and Sweden, on the 4th of December, 1642. This
+famous Minister was not much regretted by the Swedish Ambassador:
+independent of the grounds of complaint which Grotius thought he had
+against the Cardinal, it is not surprising that he should have no great
+veneration for him; they were of too different sentiments to esteem, or
+perhaps to do one another justice.
+
+Lewis XIII. did not long survive his Prime Minister; the fourteenth of
+May, 1643, was his last. Anne of Austria, his widow, was Regent of the
+Kingdom during the minority of her son Lewis XIV. She told the Swedish
+Ambassador by Chavigny, and repeated it herself, that the King's death
+would make no change in the alliance between France and Sweden; that she
+would follow the intentions of the late King in every thing, and observe
+with the greatest fidelity the treaties made with the allies.
+
+The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Condé were of the same
+sentiments[403]. Cardinal Mazarin soon gained all the Queen's
+confidence, and the principal part in the Ministry: he pretended to
+support the dignity of Cardinal with the same grandeur as his
+predecessor: which made Grotius resolve[404] to wait for orders from
+Sweden before he saw his Eminence. September 26, 1643, he writes to
+Salvius[405], "I received with great pleasure your Excellency's letters.
+I caused them to be delivered to Cardinal Mazarin, whom I have not seen,
+nor will see, unless the Queen order it. He takes the precedence of the
+Ambassadors of Kings; and though the title of Eminence be given him, he
+refuses that of Excellence to Ambassadors." Sweden having declared war
+against the King of Denmark[406], who had taken several Swedish ships
+trading in the Sound, Grotius communicated the Queen of Sweden's motives
+to the French Queen[407], without having orders for it, in an audience
+which he had of her Majesty about the middle of April, 1644; acquainting
+her that justice and necessity obliged Sweden to have recourse to arms
+against the Danes; he also shewed her the declaration of war, which he
+translated into Latin, and printed at Paris. Some time after, Christina
+sent him orders to inform the Queen of France of the reasons which
+obliged the Swedes to enter into a war with Denmark; which Grotius did
+accordingly at an audience in the beginning of June, 1644.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[403] Ep. 1594. p. 743.
+
+[404] Ep. 632. p. 946.
+
+[405] Ep. 1611. p. 717.
+
+[406] Bougeant, l. 8. p. 542.
+
+[407] Ep. 1661. p. 721.
+
+
+XI. It was the adventurer Cerisante who brought Grotius Queen
+Christina's letters, ordering him to lay before the Queen of France
+Sweden's grounds of complaint against Denmark. He had had interest to
+get himself nominated Agent of the crown of Sweden at Paris, with orders
+however to do nothing but in concert with the Ambassador[408]. Some
+years before, the continual jars between Grotius and the French
+Ministers made the Regents of Sweden[409] hesitate whether it would not
+be proper to recall Grotius: he himself had wrote to the High
+Chancellor[410], that, to obviate all difficulties raised against him,
+it would perhaps be more proper to have only an Agent at Paris. It is
+pretended that the inclination which he was suspected to have for the
+Roman Catholics contributed to set the Swedes against him; and Crusius
+wrote from Bremen, November 27, 1642[411], "It is publicly reported that
+Grotius is become a Papist, and has lost all credit in Sweden." He was
+not consulted in the nomination of Cerisante; accordingly it gave him
+much uneasiness, which he did not dissemble[412]: he regarded this Agent
+as a spy sent to observe his conduct, and his mission as a proof that
+the Ministry were not satisfied with him: this greatly contributed to
+increase the disgust he had taken to his embassy, which he had already
+hinted in confidence to some of his friends. February 16, 1641, he wrote
+a letter of compliment to Lewis Camerarius[413] on his being recalled
+from his embassy to Holland, and assures him that it would give him
+great pleasure to live in such quiet. He writes to his brother, November
+1, 1641[414], "If they threatened to recall me from my embassy I should
+not be sorry: it is not a lucrative thing. I am surfeited with honours;
+old age comes on, and will soon demand ease." A year after, he writes to
+him[415], "I am come to the age at which many wise men have voluntarily
+renounced places of honour. I love quiet, and would be glad to devote
+the remainder of my life to the service of God and of posterity. If I
+had not some hope of contributing to a general peace, I should have
+retired before now."
+
+The headstrong and forward temper of the person who was appointed his
+coadjutor crowned all his uneasiness. In effect, no body could be more
+the reverse of Grotius than Cerisante. The Memoirs of the Duke of Guise
+have placed this man in a very ridiculous light: his family indeed
+complain that the duke of Guise did not do him justice; but we know from
+others that he was as vain as he was inconsiderate. He was the son of
+Duncan, Minister of Saumur, and being perfect master of the Belles
+Lettres, he had been nominated Governor to the Marquis de Foix, who
+afterwards made him Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment of Navarre; but a
+quarrel with the Duke of Candale in the beginning of Anne of Austria's
+regency obliged him to quit the kingdom. He retired into Sweden, in
+hopes that the Queen, who loved men of wit, would make his fortune. He
+was not disappointed: she gave him a commission to levy a regiment,
+which he never raised; and sent him into France with the titles of
+Colonel and Agent of Sweden.
+
+He soon laid aside that regard for Grotius which was recommended to him;
+and gave on all occasions proofs of his rash and vain-glorious humour.
+Grotius tells us that he sent very false intelligence to Sweden, which
+he affirmed that he had from the first hand: in short, he was guilty of
+so many extravagancies, that Queen Christina, being informed how little
+he was esteemed, and that she was in some sort censured on his account,
+dismissed him her service; but it was not till after Grotius's departure
+from Paris.
+
+It will readily be judged that a man of this character could ill agree
+with Grotius: accordingly they were soon at great variance. Their
+misunderstanding was quickly known. Sarrau wrote to Salmasius, June 1,
+1644[416], "Duncan the Swedish Agent at this Court gives the Ambassador
+much uneasiness." Grotius's patience being therefore worn out, he wrote
+to Sweden, desiring the Queen to recall him: his request was granted
+with great readiness. As she did not dignify to him where he must
+go[417], he wrote to Baron Oxenstiern, the Swedish Plenipotentiary to
+the peace of Munster and Osnabrug, and son of the High Chancellor,
+desiring him to inform him of the Queen's intentions, if he knew them;
+or to advise him whither he ought to go, to Osnabrug or elsewhere; and
+in fine, to send him a safe-conduct from the Ambassadors of the Emperor
+and the King of Spain, and even, if he could, from the Elector of
+Cologn. Grotius was strongly persuaded that they would employ him
+elsewhere[418]. He demanded an audience of Queen Anne, whom he informed
+of his being recalled. The Queen of Sweden wrote to the French Queen a
+letter highly to Grotius's honour[419], in which she said that she would
+never forget his great services. She wrote also to himself[420],
+signifying to him her satisfaction with his fidelity and prudence, and
+making him the fairest promises: which confutes what we find in the
+_Menagiana_[421], that Queen Christina began her reign with recalling
+Grotius; since it is beyond doubt that it was Grotius himself who asked
+to be recalled. But we must not expect great exactness in this kind of
+works, compiled for the most part by persons who relate ill what they
+heard, and are not always acquainted with the matters of which they
+write.
+
+Before we consider Grotius returned to a private station, we shall
+observe that he always supported with great firmness the rights and
+honours belonging to the rank of Ambassador, not from vanity, but
+because he thought it his duty to prevent a dignity conferred on him
+from being depreciated. He imagined[422], that the Dutch, from ill-will
+to him, had entered into a kind of conspiracy not to treat him as
+Ambassador, and to make him be considered as a simple Resident[423];
+and afterwards to make a crime of his weakness in giving up any part of
+his right. They denied him the title of Excellency when speaking to him
+of private business, under pretext that his embassy was not concerned:
+but he shewed this to be a very bad reason, since the greatest Noblemen
+in Sweden treated him as Ambassador even in private letters: he
+therefore burnt all those letters which did not give him the proper
+titles, without answering them; and even would not receive in his house
+such persons as denied him the honours due to the Ambassadors of crowned
+heads.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[408] Ep. 716. p. 970.
+
+[409] Puffendorf, l. 13. n. 77.
+
+[410] Ep. 690. p. 284.
+
+[411] Inter Vossianas Ep. 656.
+
+[412] Ep. 1689, p. 731.
+
+[413] Ep. 1477. p. 668.
+
+[414] Ep. 572. p. 928.
+
+[415] Ep. 620. p. 942.
+
+[416] Ep. 83. p. 84. Sarravii.
+
+[417] Ep. 1743. p. 746.
+
+[418] Ep. 1745. p. 746.
+
+[419] Ep. 1757. p. 749.
+
+[420] Ep. 1753. p. 748.
+
+[421] Tom. 2. p. 298.
+
+[422] Ep. 532. p. 912.
+
+[423] Ep. 542. p. 918.
+
+
+XII. When the news of Grotius's recall was known at Paris, it was
+publicly said that he was going to Sweden to complain of his collegue.
+Sarrau writes thus to Salmasius, March 15, 1645[424]. "Grotius is
+preparing to set out for Sweden after Easter, to complain of the injury
+done to him by appointing for his successor a young man who was his
+rival. He must however obey; and return into a private station: but this
+Colossus, though thrown down, will be always great; this statue will
+still be very high without its base." Whilst Grotius waited for Baron
+Oxenstiern's answer, he wrote to Spiringius, the Swedish Agent in
+Holland, asking him, in case he should not receive a favourable letter
+from Osnabrug, to send him a ship of war to some French port, on board
+of which he might embark for Gottenburg; or, if that could not be done,
+to obtain a passport to go from Holland to Gottenburg; but on condition
+that no mention should be made of what passed in his youth; otherwise,
+he declared, he would take another rout. It is probable he obtained such
+a passport as he desired; for embarking at Dieppe[425], he went to
+Holland, where he was extremely well received. The Burgomasters of
+Amsterdam paid him all honour, and he was entertained at the public
+expence. He had also reason to be satisfied with the town of Rotterdam:
+not but there were at this time some mean souls in Holland, who wanted
+to make the States of Holland, then assembled, deny him a passage
+through the Province: but this shameful step served only to draw upon
+them the public indignation. The City of Amsterdam fitted out a vessel
+to carry him to Hamburg, where he was May 16, 1645, on which day he
+writes to his brother[426] that the wind had been against them; that he
+had been eight days by the way; and that Schrasvius, the Dutch Resident
+at Hamburg, came to visit him, and had a conversation with him full of
+friendship. He was resolved to set out next day for Lubeck, and hoped to
+find at that town, or at least at Wismar, a vessel that might carry him
+to Calmar, where he believed the High Chancellor to be with the French
+and Dutch Ambassadors. In this letter he asked his brother to give him
+only the title of Counsellor to her Swedish Majesty. He speaks much of
+the honourable reception which the Magistrates of Lubeck gave him[427].
+"You cannot believe, he writes to his brother, how many friends I have
+found." He was in the end of March at Wismar[428], where Count Wrangel,
+Admiral of the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment, and
+afterwards sent a man of war with him to Calmar[429]. The High
+Chancellor was not there, but at Suderacher, four leagues distant,
+negotiating a peace between Sweden and Denmark. Grotius wrote to him
+immediately, and received a speedy answer: on the 8th of June the High
+Chancellor sent a Gentleman with his coach to bring him to Suderacher,
+where he remained a fortnight[430] with the Chancellor and, the other
+Ambassadors, who treated him with great honours: returning to Calmar, he
+went by land to Stockholm. Queen Christina was then at Upsal: but, as
+soon as she heard of Grotius's arrival in her capital, she came back to
+see so great a man: a desire to be acquainted with such as distinguished
+themselves in the republic of letters is well known to have been one of
+her favourite passions. On the morrow of his arrival[431], she gave him
+a long audience, with which he appears, by a letter written to his
+brother July 15, 1645, to be well satisfied. "I am now at Stockholm,
+says he, and have seen the Queen. She makes me great promises. I do not
+know yet what she will do with me. The Senators seem well satisfied with
+all that I have done."
+
+Christina gave him several audiences; made him dine with her; and he
+appeared to be abundantly pleased with the honours he received: but as
+he saw they were in no haste to do any thing for him, and only rewarded
+him with compliments, he grew uneasy, and asked permission to retire. He
+was confirmed in this resolution by finding the Court filled with
+persons who had conceived a jealousy against him; besides, the air of
+Sweden did not agree with him. The Queen several times refused to grant
+him his dismission, and signified to him that if he would continue in
+her service in quality of Counsellor of State, and bring his family into
+Sweden, he should have no reason to repent it: but he excused himself on
+account of his own health, which was much altered, and of his wife's
+health, who could not bear the cold air of that kingdom. He asked a
+passport, which they delayed granting. In the mean time he grew so
+uneasy at Stockholm, that he resolved to be gone without a passport.
+Leaving that city therefore, he went to a seaport two leagues distant,
+in order to embark for Lubeck. The Queen being informed of his
+departure, sent a Gentleman to inform him that she wanted to see him
+once more; otherwise she should think that he was displeased with her:
+he returned therefore to Stockholm, and explained himself to the Queen,
+who seemed satisfied with his reasons, and made him a present in money
+amounting to twelve or thirteen thousand Imperials[432], about ten
+thousand French Crowns, adding to it some silver plate, that was not
+finished sooner: which, he was assured, delayed the granting of his
+passport. It was afterwards issued, and the Queen gave him a vessel, on
+board which he embarked the 12th of August for Lubeck.
+
+The _Menagiana_ contains an anecdote relating to the last audience that
+Grotius had of Queen Christina, which we shall relate rather to throw
+contempt on this kind of works, than to give weight to it. When Grotius,
+it tells us, had his audience of leave of Queen Christina, she said some
+sharp things to him; on which he immediately left her, saying only,
+Madam, I remain your most humble servant. The Queen was afterwards vexed
+at it, and could not help observing, that he ought not to have gone away
+without taking leave of her. Marigny said to her, Madam, he did take
+leave of you. You do not know what you say, replied the Queen; if he
+had, I should have known it. Madam, added Marigny, what I say is true; I
+was there; when they say in France, on going away, I remain your most
+humble servant, it is taking leave of a person. The Queen sustained
+this; and sending for Grotius, made him a present of copper to the
+amount of forty thousand livres.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[424] Ep. Sarr. p. 116.
+
+[425] Le Clerc, l. 12. t. 2. Latin Life of Grotius. Barleus, in
+Vicquefort's Letters, Ep. 79. p. 416. Vind. Grotii, p. 472.
+
+[426] Ep. 760. p. 749.
+
+[427] Ep. 761. p. 749.
+
+[428] Ep. 1762. p. 749.
+
+[429] Ep. 1793. p. 749.
+
+[430] Ep. 1764, p. 750.
+
+[431] Ep. 1765. p. 750.
+
+[432] Vind. Grot. p. 478.
+
+
+XIII. Grotius's departure from Stockholm gave rise to several very
+uncertain reports. Vondel, a famous Dutch Poet, and a friend of that
+learned man, pretends that he designed to go to Osnabrug[433], where the
+peace was negotiating; others assure[434], that he was desirous of
+retiring to Holland, where the Republican party was beginning to gain
+the ascendant. A modern author has advanced[435], that he resolved to go
+into Poland, in hopes that the King would send him Ambassador to the
+court of France: but it is more probable, that, disgusted with
+negotiations and business, he only sought a place of retreat, where he
+might complete his imaginary project of forming a coalition of
+Christians, and prepare for his latter end.
+
+The vessel was scarce sailed for Lubeck, when she was overtaken by a
+violent storm, which obliged her to put in, on the 17th of August,
+fourteen miles from Dantzick. Grotius set out in an open waggon for
+Lubeck, and arrived at Rostock[436] on the 26th of August very ill.
+Nobody knew him: his great weakness determined him to call a physician:
+his name was Stochman, who, on feeling Grotius's pulse, said his
+indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue; and that with rest
+and some restoratives he might recover: but next day he changed his
+tone; on seeing his weakness increase, with a cold sweat, and other
+symptoms of nature being spent, he judged that his end was near. Grotius
+then asked for a clergyman. John Quistorpius was brought, who, in a
+letter to Calovius, gives us the particulars of Grotius's last moments.
+We cannot do better than copy it.
+
+"You are desirous of hearing from me how that Phoenix of Literature,
+Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell you.
+He embarked at Stockholm for Lubeck; and after having been tossed for
+three days by a violent tempest, he was shipwrecked and got to shore on
+the coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town of Rostock,
+distant above sixty miles, in an open waggon, through wind and rain. He
+lodged with Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician, who
+observing that he was extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered
+at sea, and the inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he
+could not live long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this
+town, that is, on the 18th of August, O.S. he sent for me about nine at
+night. I went, and found him almost at the point of death. I said there
+was nothing I desired more than to have seen him in health, that I might
+have the pleasure of his conversation. He answered, God had ordered it
+otherwise. I desired him to prepare himself for a happier life, to
+acknowledge that he was a sinner, and to repent of his faults: and
+happening to mention the publican, who acknowledged that he was a
+sinner, and asked God's mercy, he answered: _I am that publican._ I went
+on, and told him, that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without
+whom there is no salvation. He replied, _I place all my hope in Jesus
+Christ._ I began to repeat aloud in German the prayer which begins _Herr
+Jesu_[437]; he followed me, in a very low voice, with his hands clasped.
+When I had done, I asked him, if he understood me. He answered, _I
+understand you very well._ I continued to repeat to him those passages
+of the word of God which are commonly offered to the remembrance of
+dying persons, and asking him if he understood me, he answered, _I heard
+your voice, but did not understand what you said._ These were his last
+words: soon after he expired, just at midnight. His body was delivered
+to the Physicians; who took out his bowels. I easily obtained leave to
+bury them in our principal Church, which is dedicated to the Virgin."
+
+Thus died this celebrated man, on the 28th of August at night, or rather
+in the morning of the 29th, 1645. A number of falshoods were published
+on occasion of his death. Du Maurier relates[438], that a Roman Catholic
+Priest, and Ministers of different persuasions, hearing that Grotius was
+dying, came to him to dispose him to die in their communion: that he
+made them no answer, but, _I don't understand you_; and on their silence
+said to them, _Exhort me to die like a Christian._
+
+Quistorpius's relation, ill understood, has given rise to several
+groundless stories. M. Arnaud[439] assures us that he had the
+particulars of Grotius's death from one of his Secretaries, who told
+him, that when he was at Rostock a Lutheran Minister came to see him in
+his illness, and speaking to him of religion, Grotius answered, I don't
+understand you; willing to let him know that his conversation was not
+agreeable. M. Jurieu[440] maintains, that he died without making any
+profession of religion, and that he answered those who exhorted him to
+prepare for death in these words, I don't understand you: turning his
+back to them.
+
+If we may believe the _Menagiana_, the Minister who came to wait upon
+him at his death, said to him what was very poor; and Grotius, to gain
+time, and let him know that he could well dispense with his
+exhortations, said to him, I am Grotius. To which the Minister answered,
+What! are you the great Grotius? M. Le Clerc[441] mentions his having
+seen in an English book that Grotius said when dying, "By undertaking
+many things I have accomplished nothing."
+
+Not even so much as the cause of his death has escaped without
+misrepresentations. M. Le Clerc informs us, that some of his enemies
+spread a report, that he was killed by lightning: and not long ago, he
+adds, a learned man of my acquaintance asked me by letter if it was
+true.
+
+Patin[442] writes, that it was suspected he had been poisoned. "We hear,
+says he, that Grotius is dead at Rostock, on his return from Sweden, of
+a fever, not without suspicion of being poisoned by the Lutherans, on
+account of what he says about Antichrist in favour of the Pope: but I do
+not think that poisoning is used in that country."
+
+They carried their wickedness to such a height as to accuse Queen
+Christina of shortening that great man's days. The new Memoirs of the
+Abbé d'Artigny[443] acquaint us, that Antony Argoud, Dean of the
+Cathedral of Vienne, haranguing Queen Christina the 13th of August,
+1656, pleased her so much, that she gave him broad hints that she would
+do great things for him if he would attend her in quality of first
+Chaplain. The Queen had in her retinue Lesseins, one of the Gentlemen of
+the King's Bedchamber, who was ordered to accompany that Princess from
+Marseilles to Lions. Argoud telling him of the Queen's proposals, he
+diverted him from accepting them by painting out Christina as an
+inconstant and capricious Princess. "He forgot nothing to set him
+against her, even to telling him that Grotius would have been still
+alive, if he had had nothing to fear from the jealousy of the Swedes;
+but that the ill treatment of the Queen brought that great man to his
+grave." It is very possible that not having been treated by the Queen so
+well as he expected, it chagrined him much: but whatever is not
+conformable to Quistorpius's letter, against which nothing solid can be
+advanced, ought to be rejected as apocryphal. His corpse was carried to
+Delft, and deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. He wrote this modest
+Epitaph for himself[444]:
+
+     _Grotius hîc Hugo est, Batavûm captivus et exul,
+           Legatus regni, Suecia magna, tui._
+
+Grotius had the precaution to make his will at Paris on the 27th of
+March, 1645, a little before his departure. He had a very agreeable
+person, a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a serene
+and smiling countenance. He was not tall, but very strong, and well
+built.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[433] Vind. Grot. p. 478.
+
+[434] Menagiana.
+
+[435] Hist. du Socinianisme, c. 42. p. 831.
+
+[436] Observat. Hallen. 15. t. 7. p. 341.
+
+[437] It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited to the
+condition of a dying person who builds his hope on the Mediator. M. Le
+Clerc has recited it at large in the Sentimens de quelques Theologiens
+de Hollande, 17 Lettre, p. 397.
+
+[438] Memoirs, p. 431.
+
+[439] Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, p. 395.
+
+[440] Esprit de M. Arnaud, t. 2. p. 308.
+
+[441] Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, Lettre 17. p. 402.
+
+[442] T. 1. Lettre 7.
+
+[443] T. 1. p. 340.
+
+[444] Ep. 536. p. 915.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VI.
+
+
+However much Grotius was employed in the business of his embassy, he
+still found time for study, which was one of the greatest pleasures of
+his life. He has even been accused of applying too much to literature
+for an Ambassador[445]; but his letters testify that he did not go to
+study till he had finished what his duty to the crown of Sweden required
+of him, and spent in it the time only which other Ministers give to
+their pleasures, to conversations often useless, and visits sometimes
+unnecessary.
+
+Eight days after making his entry into Paris in quality of Ambassador,
+he wrote to Salmasius, March 9, 1635[446], informing him of the happy
+change in his affairs. He acquaints him, that when he shall be a little
+used to business, he hopes to have leisure enough to continue the
+cultivation of learning. "How desirous soever I may be of serving the
+public in this respect, he says, I know not where I ought to begin. My
+Commentaries on the Evangelists would be apt to expose me to hatred in
+the present age, when every one maintains his opinions with obstinacy.
+The History of the Low-Countries, tho' written with great simplicity,
+will find malevolent readers. Shall I return again to trifles, such as
+are not unworthy men of learning, and turn into Latin the Epigrams
+collected by Planudas? One thing hinders me: I know you have made
+several corrections in the Manuscripts, and I am unwilling to translate
+from a faulty copy. Yet I cannot expect that you should interrupt your
+studies, to send me the corrections you have made."
+
+"My greatest relief from the languors of the Court, he writes to
+Schmalz[447], is the conversation of men of learning, to whom I
+chearfully give all the time that I can spare from business."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[445] Du Maurier, p. 418. & 423. Wiquefort Ambas. l. 1. p. 95.
+
+[446] Ep. 368. p. 134.
+
+[447] Ep. 373. p. 136.
+
+
+II. Neither his serious studies, nor his public occupations, ever made
+him relinquish the Muses: Amidst his embarrassments and anxiety in the
+beginning of his embassy, he put his tragedy of Joseph to the
+press[448], which had all the success that could be hoped for; and wrote
+several Latin Epigrams. June 26, 1637[449], he sent some to his brother
+that were just finished; observing to him that he would possibly one day
+add to them a Greek translation in verse of the Latin verses in
+Suetonius; and a Latin translation of Euripides's Iphigenia in Tauris.
+
+He wrote to Gronovius, February 17, 1638[450], that he unbended himself
+at times, after his weightier business, in the company of the Muses.
+"However much I am busied, he writes to Freinshemius[451], I still
+preserve my affection for the Muses, and look upon them as the most
+agreeable of all Amusements."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[448] Ep. 378. p. 138 & 339, p. 851.
+
+[449] Ep. 402 p. 869.
+
+[450] Ep. 915. p. 402.
+
+[451] Ep. 909. p. 435.
+
+
+III. He made _Tacitus_ his particular study, and, writes to Vossius,
+July 6, 1635[452], to inform himself, whether a new edition of that
+celebrated Historian, was any where printing, because he had a mind to
+communicate his notes to the Editors[453]. "They are neither," says he,
+"political dissertations, nor a commentary; but corrections which may be
+useful. I call them, to speak modestly, conjectures[454], tho' I am
+persuaded most of them will appear to be well grounded." However, as
+they filled but a few sheets[455], he did not think proper to print
+them, at Paris; but sent them, in 1640, to his brother, who
+communicating them to the Elzevirs, they were published the same year in
+their edition of _Tacitus_[456], and have been several times reprinted.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[452] Ep. 430. p. 159.
+
+[453] Ep. 573. p. 225.
+
+[454] Ep. 402. p. 869.
+
+[455] Ep. 444. p. 897.
+
+[456] Fabricius, Biblioth.
+
+
+IV. The learned Gronovius, intending to publish an edition of _Statius_,
+requested Grotius to send him his remarks on that Poet: this he complied
+with, in a letter of the 28th of October, 1636[457], containing the
+several corrections he had made in the margin of this author, whom he
+had often read with pleasure and application. The edition of _Statius_
+was published: and Gronovius, without receiving Grotius's letter[458],
+had made most of the remarks that were sent to him: Grotius, however,
+suspected[459] Gronovius had perhaps been persuaded to pretend that he
+did not receive his letter, that he might be under no obligation of
+commending a man, whose name was odious to those in power.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[457] Ep. 673. p. 274.
+
+[458] Ep. 808. p. 357.
+
+[459] Ep. 406. p. 871.
+
+
+V. Grotius also wrote notes on _Lucan_, which he offered to any
+bookseller who would make use of them. He wrote to his brother[460], to
+enquire when any new edition of that Poet should be printed, that he
+might contribute to make it better by communicating his remarks. They
+are to be found in some of the editions printed in Holland, and are
+very highly commended by Vossius[461], who says the learned world is
+much obliged to their author.
+
+A letter from Grotius to his brother[462] informs us, that the latter
+part of the notes of _Lucan_ were by William Grotius.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[460] Ep. 859. p. 377. & 402. p. 869.
+
+[461] Præs. Vir. Epist. p. 377.
+
+[462] Ep. 128. p. 792.
+
+
+VI. A work, which he had much at heart, was the collection of Greek
+Epigrams, known by the name of _Anthologia_: he was long about it, and
+thought to publish it soon after his return to Paris in quality of
+Ambassador. As he knew that Salmasius had made this collection his
+particular study, he requests him, June 11, 1635[463], to communicate to
+him the corrections he had made in the Greek text, either by the
+assistance of manuscripts, or from his own conjectures. He gives a long
+account of his design to Gerard Vossius, in a letter of the 20th of
+December, 1635. "When I was here a private man, says he, in order to be
+useful to the lovers of learning, after translating Stobæus and the
+Maxims of the Comic and Tragic Poets, I also translated the Collection
+of Greek Epigrams by Planudas; adding several Epigrams which are not in
+Henry Stephens's edition: on coming here Ambassador, I thought I should
+do well to finish what I had begun; and knowing that the great Salmasius
+had collated these Epigrams with ancient manuscripts, I prevailed on him
+to communicate to me his remarks; and I had the satisfaction to find my
+conjectures confirmed by the authority of manuscripts. The whole is now
+ready to be printed in the same form as _Stobæus_ and the Extracts from
+the Greek Tragedies and Comedies. When I think of a Bookseller, Blaeu
+first occurs to me: he loves me and all my friends: but one thing vexes
+me; if I give him my manuscript, I shall not know when it will be
+published: besides, I doubt whether he has any one that can correct the
+Greek proofs, and make the Indexes which are necessary for rendering the
+book useful to youth. If I could be assured of this, I would readily
+give him the preference. I shall afterwards think of publishing more
+considerable works." New reflections on Blaeu's dilatoriness set him
+against him, especially as he was not satisfied with his Greek
+types[464]: he therefore wrote to his brother, to consult with Vossius
+what he ought to do. "I would not, he adds, have recourse to the
+Elzevirs, not so much on account of this book, as of some others which I
+am preparing for the press, and which will not be to their taste." It is
+unlucky for the republic of letters, that Grotius was obstinately bent
+on printing his _Anthologia_ in Holland; Morelle would gladly have
+printed it at Paris[465]; Cramoisi would not have refused it. Grotius
+writes to his brother, June 26th, 1637, "I am deliberating, whether to
+make use of Cramoisi, the eminent Bookseller; but I have some reason to
+question the abilities of his corrector." He once thought to send it to
+England[466]; but he was diverted from this by reflecting, that
+Franciscus Junius, who resided in that country, printed his works out of
+the kingdom. The answers he received concerning the printing of the
+_Anthologia_ not satisfying him, he wrote to his brother, April 20,
+1639[467], "If my _Anthologia_ cannot be printed, or not printed
+correctly, I would have it sent back to me; Cramoisi, the richest
+Bookseller in this country, will undertake it." He was kept in hopes of
+its appearing in Holland; but the printing of it was put off from time
+to time: he wrote to several of his friends about it; however no
+progress was made. Isaac Vossius, son of the famous Gerard, who
+inherited his father's sentiments for Grotius, making an offer of his
+service for his literary commissions, Grotius thanked him most
+affectionately, in a letter of the 12th of November, 1644[468], in which
+he says a great deal about his _Anthologia_. "I cannot sufficiently
+thank you for the kind offer of your good services in relation to the
+printing of my works. No body can be of more use to me than you: for who
+has more friendship for me, or better understands those matters? I would
+have the _Anthologia_ printed directly; and have desired my brother to
+shew you my Prolegomena, and inform you in what manner I would have the
+Indexes made. I shall repeat it, for fear that I have not sufficiently
+explained myself in what I wrote to my brother. I would first have an
+Index of the Poets, expressing exactly from what places the Epigrams are
+taken. There must also be another Index of the persons who are the
+subject of the Epigrams, and of those to whom they are addressed: there
+should be a third, which may be called Chorographical, containing the
+mountains, rivers, towns, baths, bridges, and other public works
+mentioned in the Epigrams. There must be an Historical one for the great
+actions which have happened in war or peace. To the two last Indexes I
+would have the names of the authors added, who have mentioned such of
+those actions as are least known; as Strabo, Pausanias, Procopius, and
+others. After these Indexes there must be another, comprehending the
+natural history, morality, and other particulars omitted in the
+preceding ones. This work may be useful; but I would not, however,
+charge any one with it, who could employ his time better. If, without
+losing too much time, you could do it yourself, it would give me the
+highest satisfaction, not only on my own account, but on the reader's,
+to whom these Indexes would render the edition much more useful: for it
+is proper to observe, that these Epigrams contain what is most important
+in history, from the time of Plato to that of Justinian, and even
+later."
+
+This was the subject of the Preface, or Prolegomena, that was to be
+prefixed to the work, and which, with his usual modesty, he says will
+not be wholly useless[469].
+
+The _Anthologia_ appears to have been put to press in Jan. 1645, under
+the inspection of Isaac Vossius: for, on the 21st of that month, Grotius
+writes thus to him. "I have seen a proof of the _Anthologia_, and like
+the type very well. I would absolutely have it printed in quarto, like
+_Stobæus_, and the Extracts from the Tragic and Comic Poets: but if it
+will make too large a volume, it may be divided into two, and the Greek
+and Latin printed to face one another."
+
+Grotius left France a little after the date of this letter; and his
+death, which soon followed, was no doubt the greatest obstacle to the
+publication of the _Anthologia_, the printing of which Blaeu
+discontinued. Grotius's copy falling into Le Clerc's hands, he gave
+hopes that he would publish it with considerable additions. He has a
+great deal about it in his _Bibliotheque Choisie_[470]. "Those who shall
+read Grotius's version, says he, will equally admire the happy genius,
+and the uncommon patience of that excellent man, who translated the
+whole book in the same number of verses as in the original, which he
+very often equals, and sometimes even surpasses. There will be an
+excellent Preface by Grotius, treating of the _Anthologia_ and his
+version of it."
+
+Unhappily M. le Clerc did not fulfil the engagement he entered into with
+the public. Father Berthier, a famous Jesuit, who, to solid piety joins
+extensive learning, has lately given us, in the _Memoirs de Trevoux_, a
+very curious article relating to Grotius's _Anthologia_. It is entitled,
+_An Account of a Manuscript version of the Greek Anthologia by Grotius_.
+He tells us, that the original, in Grotius's own hand, is in the library
+of the Jesuits College at Paris, where it was deposited in the year 1665
+by Edmund le Mercier, Grotius's Secretary. This work, the learned Jesuit
+observes, is valuable on three accounts. First, because the Latin verses
+are excellent, and of the same measure with the Greek; so that if the
+text be Elegiac verses, or pure Hexameters, or Iambics of six feet, or
+Anacreontics, the version is always of the same species of poetry.
+Secondly, he has every where confined himself to the number of verses in
+the original, being never more laconic nor more prolix; which discovers
+a very ready genius, and a singular patience. Thirdly, he corrects the
+text from time to time by short notes placed in the margin.
+
+Father Berthier gives afterwards Grotius's translation of several
+Epigrams; which makes it earnestly to be wished, that the learned Jesuit
+would publish the whole work: but the present prevailing taste for
+trifles gives us ground to apprehend, that the booksellers of France
+dare not undertake this work, which deserves so well to be transmitted
+to posterity.
+
+Besides the Epigrams that are to be found in all the editions, Grotius's
+manuscript contains, first, those which were collected by Henry
+Stephens, and are placed at the end of his edition of the _Anthologia_.
+2dly, A very large number of inscriptions from Gruter. 3dly, A
+collection made by Grotius himself from manuscripts.
+
+A note at the beginning of this valuable manuscript informs us, that the
+version of the seven books of the _Anthologia_ was begun by Grotius in
+September, 1630, and finished before next September: which shews the
+wonderful ease with which this great author wrote.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[463] Ep. 418. p. 153.
+
+[464] Ep. 368. p. 859.
+
+[465] Ep. 612. p. 244, 692. p. 285. & 402. p. 869.
+
+[466] Ep. 964. p. 432.
+
+[467] Ep. 505. p. 885.
+
+[468] Ep. 1698. p. 733.
+
+[469] Ep. 486. p. 896. & 369. p. 860.
+
+[470] Fabric. Bibl. Gr. l. 3. c. 28. p. 707. tom. 2
+
+
+VII. He was so sensible of his obligations to Sweden, that, as a public
+testimony of his gratitude, he undertook to throw light on the History
+of the Goths, in hopes of doing honour to the Swedes, who regarded them
+as their ancestors. He wrote to Rome to[471] get what was wanting in
+Heschelius's Greek edition of Procopius communicated to him, and
+obtained it by the recommendation of Messieurs du Puis; as we learn from
+a letter to the celebrated Nicholas Peyresc, dated April 8, 1636, in
+which he adds, "I have translated the History of the Goths and Vandals
+by Procopius, in honour of a nation who adopted me after being thrice
+sold by my Country."
+
+He communicated this project to Schmalz, July 24, 1636[472], "The time,
+says he, which I am not obliged to spend in public business, I devote to
+an enquiry into the antiquities of Sweden. Be so kind to send me, for
+this work, a Swedish Dictionary, a New Testament in Swedish, and the
+ancient inscriptions in that language, which are to be met with on
+tombs, or in other places. I have seen a Latin translation of the
+Swedish laws, which I should be glad to see again if possible. If you
+can procure me all these, I shall think myself highly obliged by you;
+and I hope you will not find me ungrateful."
+
+He explains his project more at large in a long letter to Oxenstiern,
+Aug. 28, 1636[473]. "Your Sublimity, he writes to him, shews me so much
+favour, and you interest yourself so much in what concerns me, that I
+think it my duty to give you an account, not only of my negotiations,
+but of my leisure hours. As I intend to devote the time that is not
+employed in the affairs with which I am charged, to the honour of a
+kingdom which has loaded me with honours, I had begun to read all that
+has been written on the great Gustavus in Latin, Italian, German, and
+French: but soon perceiving that these writers did not know the
+intentions of the ministry, were unacquainted with the places of which
+they speak, and were ignorant of the art of war, I concluded that it was
+impossible, with such materials, to complete a work that might deserve
+the approbation of posterity. This has made me turn again to
+antiquities. Of all the Ancients Procopius has best handled the History
+of the Goths and Vandals: he was an able man, was Secretary to
+Belisarius, had been on the spot, and speaks not only of what happened
+in his own time, but also of the facts which happened before his time.
+The Latin version is very faulty, imperfect, and inelegant: I have made
+a new translation from the Greek Edition of Heschelius; with the
+assistance of two manuscripts in the King's library, which enabled me to
+make several corrections in the text; others I made by conjecture. I
+intend to extract all that has relation to this subject from the Secret
+History of Procopius, printed by Alemannus at Rome, and from Agathias.
+Being informed, that the manuscript of the History of the Goths and
+Vandals, in the Vatican library, was more complete than what Heschelius
+followed, I have asked my friends at Rome to fill up the gaps in the
+printed copies: which I hope they will do. That nothing may be omitted,
+which has a relation to the antiquities of Scandinavia, I intend to add
+what is contained in Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, Ptolemæus, and those who
+have written since, as Helmoldus, Eginhart, Adam of Bremen, and others.
+I shall farther add the Gothics of Jornandes, the Epistle of Sidonius
+Apollinaris on the manners of Theodoric King of the Wisigoths; the
+Panegyric of Ennodius of Pavia in honour of Theodoric King of the
+Ostrogoths and Italy; the Laws of the Ostrogoths, Westrogoths, and
+Lombards, with the Book of Paulus Diaconus, who was himself a Lombard,
+and makes his nation come from Scandinavia. We shall add, at the end,
+the appellative names contained in the laws, with their original and
+explication. I would beg of your Sublimity, that being now returned to
+Sweden, you will give orders for communicating to me the old
+inscriptions, the ancient laws, and, in fine, whatever is not printed
+and may contribute to throw light on the antiquities of Sweden; that the
+work which I am about may be the more perfect. I earnestly intreat your
+Sublimity to be assured, that I will do all that depends on me, not only
+to procure the advantage of Sweden, but also to contribute to her
+glory."
+
+Schmalz going to Rome about this time with Reigersberg, son to Grotius's
+wife's brother[474], Grotius took that opportunity of renewing his
+acquaintance with Holstenius, his ancient friend, who resided at Rome;
+and to ask of him what was wanting in the printed editions of Procopius.
+On receiving these valuable additions[475], he communicates the good
+news to the High Chancellor, whom he entertains with a further account
+of his work, in a letter dated June 25th, 1637[476]. "Your Sublimity, he
+says, will pardon me, if, having little public business on my hands, I
+give you an account how I employ my time. I send you a pretty long
+Preface, in which I inscribe the new translation of Procopius, which
+differs greatly from the old one, to your Sublimity, who have deserved
+so well of Sweden, and to whom I am under so great obligations. The work
+itself will include the authors who have written of the antiquities of
+the Goths, Vandals, Wisigoths, and Lombards. Two reasons induced me to
+make the Preface so long: the first, that I was obliged to answer
+Cluverius, who, either from envy, or hired by the Danes, first sought to
+darken our glory; but I have confuted him by such clear evidence, that I
+think no person of sense will now attempt to repeat the same falsities.
+The other was, that, the testimonies in favour of a nation being liable
+to suspicion when built only on the assertions of the natives, I have
+collected the authorities of foreigners, who have spoken honourably of
+the Swedes and of the nations sprung from them."
+
+Thus in appears that his design was to dedicate this work to the High
+Chancellor[477], who heard with infinite pleasure of this new occupation
+of Grotius. He liked the Preface much; spoke of it with the highest
+esteem[478], and wrote to Grotius[479], thanking him in his own name and
+in the name of the whole nation, and pressing him to publish the work.
+
+However he was in no hurry[480], because he wanted to exhaust the
+subject, and to make all proper enquiries for enabling him to treat it
+thoroughly. He imagined he should find in Gallia Narbonensis, and the
+neighbouring places, several things that might contribute to embellish
+his work; and that the French, from envy to the Swedes, hindered his
+friends from communicating them.
+
+This work was finished before Grotius died; but it was not printed till
+after his death: and whether it was that the intended Dedication to the
+High Chancellor was never written, or was suppressed, it is not now to
+be found. The title of the work is: _Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, &
+Longobardorum, ab Hugone Grotio partim versa, partim in ordinem digesta:
+præmissa sunt ejusdem Prolegomena; ubi Regum Gothorum ordo e
+Chronologia, cum elogiis; accedunt nomina appellativa & verba Gothica,
+Vandalica, Longobardica, cum explicatione. Auctorum omnium ordinem
+tabula centenorum indicat. Amstelodami, apud Ludovicum Elzevirium,
+1655._
+
+At the head of this work is a very learned Preface, in which the author
+acquaints us, that he revised the Gothics and Vandalics of Procopius by
+the Greek manuscripts; that he new-translated them because there were
+many things omitted in the old translations, which were otherwise badly
+done; and that, by the assistance of the Vatican manuscripts, he filled
+up large gaps. There follows a geographical description of the ancient
+country of the Goths, a character of the people, much in their favour; a
+catalogue of their Kings; a chronological table of the time when they
+lived; a list of the Lombard Kings, and another of the Kings of the
+Vandals; the testimonies of the Ancients in favour of the people of
+Sweden and the nations which derive their origin from the Swedes.
+
+After the translation of all that Procopius has concerning the Goths and
+Vandals there follows an Index, with this title: _Nomina appellativa &
+verba Gothica, Vandalica, & Longobardica, quæ in hoc volumine
+reperiuntur._ It appears from the author's researches, that almost all
+the appellative names of the Lombards had, like those of the Greeks,
+some signification. This collection concludes with the following pieces:
+Jornandes _De Getarum sive Gothorum origine & rebus gestis_; the
+_Chronicle_ of St. Isidorus, and Paulus Wanefridus _De Gestis
+Longobardorum_. The Prolegomena acquaint us, that Grotius intended to
+expound the ancient laws of the Goths and Vandals: but unhappily death
+prevented his executing this design, for which no one was better
+qualified.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[471] Ep. 572. p. 225.
+
+[472] Ep. 622. p. 250.
+
+[473] Ep. 641. p. 259.
+
+[474] Ep, 645. p. 263.
+
+[475] Ep. 676. p. 275.
+
+[476] Ep. 780. p. 331.
+
+[477] Ep. 825. p. 360.
+
+[478] Ep. 408, p. 871.
+
+[479] Ep. 410, p. 872.
+
+[480] Ep. 1667, p. 727.
+
+
+VIII. The nomination of Grotius, when very young, to be Historiographer
+of the States, led him to enquire particularly into the troubles of the
+Low Countries and their consequences with regard to the Seven Provinces.
+He was employed about this in the year 1614, as appears by a letter,
+written on the 8th of February, to the President de Thou. He informs
+him[481], that love to his Country had engaged him in a work very like
+his, but as much inferior as Holland is to France. "I own, indeed, the
+work is above my abilities, but I shall not publish it till years and
+judgment enable me to mend it." Communicating this work to Heinsius,
+with whom he was then very intimate, that learned youth wanted words to
+express his admiration. Balzac informs us of these particulars in a
+letter to Chapelin, dated Sept. 20, 1640, in which he mentions a letter
+from Heinsius concerning this History when Grotius was very young.
+
+An author, more fond of his works than Grotius, would have made haste to
+publish this, which appears to have been finished in 1636; for that year
+he wrote to Martinus Opitius[482], "My Belgic annals are transcribing."
+He writes to his brother the year following[483], "My Annals and my
+History of the Low Countries are transcribed: but I think I must still
+keep them a while." He consulted several of his friends on this subject,
+and among others Gerard Vossius.
+
+The sudden deaths of many of his acquaintance leading him to reflect on
+the uncertainty of life, he wrote to his brother, May 21, 1639[484], "I
+would have my works printed before my death, that I may be useful to
+those that shall come after me; and would therefore have my Annals
+correctly printed as soon as possible; but I would not have them printed
+by those, who, from a party spirit, would tell what was in them before
+they were published, and thereby prevent perhaps their ever appearing. I
+therefore beg of you to find out some honest man to whom I may intrust
+my copy."
+
+In the mean time he was still revising them; and near two years after he
+wrote to his brother, March 23, 1641[485], "Till I put the last hand to
+my History, I would not have any one see it: you must therefore find a
+handsome excuse to those who ask you for it. Read it, however, yourself,
+and send me your remarks." Grotius had not the satisfaction to see his
+History printed: it was not published till twelve years after his death,
+by his two sons Cornelius and Peter, who dedicated it, in 1657, to the
+States of Holland and West-Friesland.
+
+This work is divided into two parts, Annals and History, in imitation of
+Tacitus. The Annals begin with the year 1566, and contain five books:
+there are eighteen of the History, which begins with the year 1588, that
+is, when Prince Maurice had the greatest influence in the affairs of the
+United Provinces, and concludes with the year 1609, when the twelve
+years truce was made. Had his love to truth and honesty been less, he
+had a fine opportunity of revenging himself on Prince Maurice. But he
+every where does him justice[486], and even speaks of him as if he had
+been always satisfied with his conduct to him.
+
+M. Baillet thinks very advantageously and at the same time very justly
+of this work. "That great man (says he, speaking of Grotius[487]) has
+discovered in this work all the capacity, accuracy, judgment, solidity,
+industry, perspicuity, honesty, and integrity, of a true historian. His
+impartiality would almost make him pass for a foreigner, who had no
+interest in what he relates: he appears a Dutchman, only by his thorough
+knowledge of the causes, motives, ends, and other circumstances of the
+subject he has undertaken to handle."
+
+The only thing for which he can be censured, is the stiffness of the
+style, by affecting to make it resemble that of Tacitus, which renders
+it obscure and unnatural. We are assured, that the eminent
+Advocate-general, Jerom Bignon, took notice of this fault to Grotius,
+with whom he was very intimate; and that learned man, yielding to his
+friend's advice, promised to do his work over again, and had even begun
+it, but could not finish it; and his sons published it as it was at
+first.
+
+Peter Grotius tells us this History was his father's favourite work.
+Grotius intended to dedicate it to the Queen of Sweden. Dec. 5, 1637, he
+writes to the High Chancellor[488], "I have written a great part of the
+History of the Low Countries: what I have done till the truce in 1609 is
+ready to appear with some advantage. I purpose to dedicate it to our
+Queen, unless your Sublimity determine otherwise. Of all the histories
+of our time, it appears to me the most useful. It presents us with the
+speedy rise of a republic, whose forces in its weak beginning were
+scarce able to defend its small frontier; and which afterwards carried
+its arms to the extremity of the globe: we no where find the art of
+besieging or defending towns brought to such a height; in fine, we see
+her Mistress of the Sea after her marine had been long neglected."
+
+It should not be forgot, that the celebrated[489] Peyresc was of great
+use to Grotius in compiling this work: he communicated to him several
+important papers, and procured him the memoirs collected by Antonius
+Querengius, who purposed to write the History of the famous Alexander
+Farnese, Duke of Parma. Grotius's History was translated into French by
+M. L'Heritier, father of Mademoiselle L'Heritier, famous for her
+writings: but it deserves a new translator to turn it into better
+French.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[481] Ep. 24. p. 8.
+
+[482] Ep. 595. p. 236.
+
+[483] Ep. 402. p. 869.
+
+[484] Ep. 454. p. 883.
+
+[485] Ep. 539. p. 916.
+
+[486] Parhasiana, t. 1. p. 161.
+
+[487] Preface de l'Hist. de Hollande.
+
+[488] Ep. 873. p. 384.
+
+[489] Vie par Gassendi, l. 3. p. 182.
+
+
+IX. It was during his embassy that Grotius revised and enlarged his book
+Of the Truth of the Christian religion. He had written a treatise on
+this subject in Dutch whilst a prisoner; and turning it afterwards into
+Latin, it had prodigious success. In the year 1637 it had been
+translated into all languages[490], French, German, English, and even
+Greek. The universal approbation this book met with, did not hinder
+Grotius's enemies from doing all they could to depreciate it. They said
+it contained the venom of Socinianism. Voetius, among others,
+distinguished himself by his rage against it. "It is surprising, says
+Grotius in a letter to his brother, October 22, 1637, that Voetius
+should think he sees what the Doctors of the Sorbonne, who examined the
+book, before it was printed, could not find in it. Doth Cardinal
+Barbarinus, who recommended this work[491], and constantly carries it
+with him, favour Socinianism? The Bishops of England have caused it to
+be translated into their language; the Ministers of Charenton have
+approved of it; a Lutheran has translated it; will he say these are all
+favourers of Socinianism?"
+
+After this letter was written, Grotius learnt[492] that his book had
+been translated into Swedish. He justifies himself again in a long
+letter written to Reigersberg December 19, 1637[493], "I have often
+doubted which was best, to answer the censures of fools and knaves, or
+resting in a good conscience to despise them. I have constantly done the
+last; but your example makes me at present prefer the first: you have
+defended me with so much friendship and steadiness, that if I should sit
+still, I might justly be accused of indolence. My book of the Christian
+Religion is read with applause by pious and learned men, not only in the
+languages in which I composed it, but also in Swedish, French, German,
+and English. Those who think it their interest that I should not pass
+for a good Christian, seek every pretext to hurt me: they censure me for
+making use of Castellio's version; but it is very certain that I had not
+seen it when I wrote my book. I translated myself from the Hebrew and
+Greek all the passages of Scripture I employed. They say I have
+interpreted something in the fifth Chapter of St. Mathew in the same
+manner as Socinus. These simple people know not that my explanation is
+the same with what almost all the Greeks and Latins of greatest
+abilities and piety have adopted. How many things are there in the same
+Chapter of St. Matthew, which I have explained quite different from
+Socinus?"
+
+The great argument of those who wanted to hinder the success of his[494]
+book was, that the author sufficiently shewed his inclination to
+Socinianism by his silence concerning the Trinity. He opens his mind
+about this matter to his brother, September 25, 1638, "The book of the
+truth of the Christian Religion will live and flourish in spite of the
+envy of my enemies. It was not proper for me to speak directly of the
+Trinity; and such as have heretofore brought their arguments to prove it
+from natural reason or the authority of Plato, have done more hurt than
+service to Christianity." The men who since Grotius's time have acquired
+the greatest reputation in France by writing for the truth of the
+Christian Religion, such as Abbadie and Houteville, have followed his
+example, and avoided the discussion of questions which suppose the
+Divinity of the Scriptures.
+
+Grotius had the satisfaction to find the Roman Catholics very well
+pleased with this treatise: he writes to his brother[495], December 4,
+1638, "My book of the Truth of the Christian Religion, which the
+Voetians look upon as Socinian, is so far from being Socinian here, that
+Roman-Catholic Monks are translating it into Persian, in order to make
+use of it in converting the Mahometans. I have not attempted a direct
+proof of the Trinity (he writes to Gerard Vossius[496]) for I always
+remembered what I heard Junius your father-in-law say, who was a great
+man, that Du Plessis, and those who, like him, in their disputes with
+Atheists, Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans, endeavoured to establish the
+Trinity by arguments drawn from the light of nature, and by passages
+from Plato often misapplied, acted very imprudently, because they ought
+first to have convinced them of the truth of the Scriptures, which alone
+contain the doctrines which God has been pleased to reveal."
+
+A new edition of the book on the truth of the Christian Religion, with
+considerable additions, was published in 1639, which Grotius dedicated
+to his illustrious friend Jerom Bignon; and this great Magistrate, in
+returning him his thanks[497], gives the most favourable testimony to
+the work. He says,[498] that tho' the subject had already been well
+handled by several learned men, none of them had acquitted himself so
+well, nor discovered so great knowledge of the learned languages, and so
+much erudition, as Grotius. He admires the order and conciseness of the
+work, and congratulates himself on living in Grotius's time, and sharing
+in the friendship of so great a man. Some time after the publication of
+this work, an Englishman[499] who had lived long in Turky, came to see
+Grotius, and acquaint him that he had translated it into the Turkish
+language, thinking no book more proper for instructing Christians who
+live in Turky, and converting the Mahometans. He promised to use his
+endeavours to get it printed in the Turkish language in England.
+
+Besides the translations already mentioned, and which came to Grotius's
+knowledge, there were others in Greek, in Chinese, in Flemish, in
+Danish, in the language of Malacca, and five French translations. An
+Arabic translation of it by the learned Pococke was printed at London
+in 1660. We are assured[500] that there have been three translations of
+it into Arabic, which gave occasion to Spon and Vehler to say that
+Grotius copied an Arabic treatise, taking the very version of his book
+for an ancient work: in fine, it had such a great run, that the history
+of it makes the subject of a treatise[501].
+
+This work of Grotius has been equally esteemed by dispassionate
+Protestants and Roman Catholics. "Few pieces, says[502] Colomiers, have
+succeeded better than the treatise _On the Truth of the Christian
+Religion_. It is an excellent book, and ought to be the _Vade mecum_ of
+every Christian. I have read it several times, and always with new
+pleasure."
+
+"Grotius's book, says the Abbé Houteville[503], is the first in which we
+find these great characteristics, just reasoning, accuracy, and
+strength; he is extremely concise, but even this brevity will please us
+when we find it comprehends so many things without confounding them, or
+lessening their evidence or force: it is no wonder the book should be
+translated into so many languages."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[490] Ep. 411. p. 872.
+
+[491] Ep. 181. p. 808. Ep. Coleri 37.
+
+[492] Ep. 412. p. 873.
+
+[493] Ep. 880. p. 387.
+
+[494] Ep. 439. p. 880.
+
+[495] Ep. 444. p. 881.
+
+[496] Ep. 1096.
+
+[497] Ep. 1232. p. 557.
+
+[498] Ep. præs. vir. 451. p. 728.
+
+[499] Ep. 534. p. 914.
+
+[500] Fabric. Delect. Argum. c. 30. p. 551.
+
+[501] Joannis Christophori Lockeri Dissertatio Epistolica, Historiam
+libelli Grotiani _De Veritate Religionis Christianæ_ complectens, 1725,
+in quarto; see also the Journal des Scavans de Pan. 1724.
+
+[502] Colomiers, p. 586.
+
+[503] Preface.
+
+
+X. In the midst of his greatest occupations and most serious studies,
+Grotius still found time to study Civil Law. Blaeu printed, in 1643, his
+_Remarks on Justinian's Laws_. They are chiefly philological notes,
+drawn from the Poets and Philosophers[504], serving to illustrate some
+passages of the _Corpus Juris_[505]. "This book, the author modestly
+tells us, is not of much use to those who frequent the bar: but it is
+entertaining: and though I set no great value on it, I think it is
+better to publish it, than suffer it to be lost. It will possibly give
+pleasure to men of learning[506], and some such in this place are not
+dissatisfied with it, because they love to see Grammar and History
+united with Law[507]."
+
+What we cannot sufficiently admire in a man of so great learning, and so
+much business as Grotius, is, that he should make the Holy Scriptures
+his favourite study in every period of his life. They were his
+consolation in prison; he always devoted a part of the day to them: and
+they were his principal study during a great part of his embassy. His
+_Commentary on the Evangelists_ was finished in 1637; but before he
+printed it[508], he wanted to see the _Aristarchus Sacer_ which Heinsius
+was going to put to press. This was a Commentary on the New Testament,
+which Grotius imagined to be much in the manner of his, and which piqued
+his curiosity the more as Heinsius was Grotius's rival in literature,
+and his secret enemy. Heinsius's credit with the Elzevirs, who were his
+booksellers[509], was one of the reasons which hindered Grotius from
+employing them. "We must not think of the Elzevirs, he writes in
+confidence to Vossius[510], on account of that man who has so much
+credit with them, and bears us ill-will. I should be glad to know
+whereabouts are his notes on the sacred books, and when they will be
+published, for I postpone till then the revisal of mine." There was at
+that time in Holland a Jew very famous for his learning, Manassah
+Ben-Israel. Grotius consulted him sometimes, and always with profit. In
+a letter to him without date he tells him, "The answer you have given to
+my difficulties about some places of the law of Moses and the historical
+books of Scripture, has yielded me great pleasure; and I do not think
+any one would have given an answer more solid. I have read many
+Interpreters; but I see that you know them better than I, and that you
+have read many more, and are master of them. I return you therefore my
+sincere thanks; and encouraged by this favour shall take the liberty to
+apply to you when I have any difficulty, being ever ready to return you
+the like, when it lies in my power. Your books, which I have mentioned
+to several persons here, are read with pleasure and profit: I would
+therefore beg and conjure you to employ the leisure you may have in
+explaining the obscurities of the Law, which will be a signal service to
+all men of learning."
+
+This was not a compliment void of truth, but his real sentiment of this
+learned Jew: he speaks in the same manner in a private letter to Gerard
+Vossius[511]. "I have written again, he says, to Manassah, and beg of
+you to deliver to him my letter. I esteem very highly not only his
+erudition, but also his judgment. He treads successfully in the steps of
+Abenezra, Maimonides, and Abrabanel. I have made his works known here,
+and they are much read and valued."
+
+Grotius foresaw that his Commentary on the New Testament would occasion
+him some disputes. "I am at a loss, says he, to Vossius, what to do with
+my Notes on the New Testament. I shall easily find a bookseller here;
+but I am afraid of meeting with some difficulties from the Divines, who
+will have nothing of this kind published without their approbation: and
+for my own part, I cannot submit in every thing to either of the two
+parties, nor can I be silent when I have something that may be of use to
+deliver. I shall see how to remedy this inconveniency. I have no hopes,
+says he to his brother[512], that the Divines of the Sorbonne will give
+their approbation to my Notes, especially since they censured
+Milletiere. It remains to be considered whether I shall print them in my
+own house without approbation, of which there have been examples."
+
+Heinsius's work, which was expected with so much impatience, had no
+success[513]. Salmasius (his declared enemy indeed) said publicly, he
+was ready to shew, that, abstracting what he had borrowed, there would
+not remain one remark of importance: and it was held in no higher esteem
+by others of the first rank in learning[514]. Cardinal Richelieu, being
+informed that Grotius leaned more to the sentiments of the Roman
+Catholics, than to those of the Ministers of Charenton, gave orders[515]
+that his work should be printed without being obliged to pass the
+censors. He kept measures however with Heinsius; and desired his brother
+William Grotius to tell him[516], that he had always said there were
+several things in his Notes which pleased him much; and that he had made
+the same remarks in some places that Heinsius had done, by mere chance.
+
+As Grotius had a very great esteem for the learned Father Petau, he
+communicated to him his works. On sending him his Notes on the Old
+Testament, he desired him to hint what alterations he thought necessary.
+
+When his Commentary on the Evangelists was printed at Amsterdam[517], he
+sent a copy to Father Petau, desiring him to read it, if he had time,
+and acquaint him what ought to be omitted, added, or changed, that the
+second edition might appear with more advantage. "The booksellers of
+Amsterdam offer to print what I have written on the Old Testament: but I
+chose rather to have it printed here, that I may see the last proofs. I
+shall expect your remarks, or those of the persons to whom you have
+communicated what I have written on the first part of the Old Testament.
+I would have come for them myself had I not been confined by sore eyes.
+I have a high sense of your goodness, he writes again to Petau[518], in
+taking the trouble to revise my Annotations on the Old Testament, in
+giving them to those who have time to examine them more strictly, and in
+contributing by your recommendation to the success of the work. As I
+have now an opportunity of putting them to press, I must beg of you to
+return them as soon as may be with your remarks. When the rest is
+transcribed, relying on your goodness I shall take the liberty to
+interrupt your occupations, however important and useful, by sending
+it."
+
+The Dutch Booksellers[519] had prefixed to Grotius's Commentary on the
+New Testament his head, with a high elogium annexed to it; which vexed
+him much. He wrote very seriously to his brother that it was the more
+improper, as this effect of vanity was prefixed to a book designed to
+inspire humility; that he had tore out the picture in his own copies,
+and desired that he would endeavour to get the same done to all the
+rest, because it concerned his reputation; and he chose rather to
+suppress his Preface, than publish it with this picture. A short
+advertisement before his Notes on the New Testament acquaints us that he
+began them when a prisoner, that he finished them when a private man,
+and printed them when Ambassador. Though this work was far advanced
+before he was employed by the Court of Sweden, it is evident from his
+letters that he made many additions and amendments to it during his
+embassy.
+
+He met with new difficulties after Cardinal Richelieu's death from the
+Chancellor Seguier, who never loved him. "The Chancellor of France, he
+writes to his brother, August 27, 1644[520], will not grant a privilege
+for printing my Commentary on the Old Testament, though very able
+Doctors have assured him that it contains nothing contrary to the
+doctrine of the Roman Catholics; but he refuses to give any even for
+good books, if the authors are not of his communion."
+
+Cramoisi however printed it, but he was afraid of being a loser by the
+great expence of a handsome edition in folio if he did not obtain a
+privilege, because the Dutch, who could print it much cheaper, would
+bring it into France, and undersell him.
+
+The refusal of a privilege[521] did not hinder another Paris bookseller
+from undertaking an edition of the Notes on the New Testament, which
+Grotius calls his favourite work[522].
+
+M. Simon, whose opinion is not always agreeable to the strictest
+justice, judges very favourably, however, of Grotius: "His Notes, says
+he, are esteemed by every body; and stand in no need of a particular
+recommendation from us. We shall only observe that he abounds too much
+in quotations from the Poets, and many profane authors; in which he
+seems rather to affect appearing a man of learning and erudition, than a
+man of judgment and a critic. Had he avoided this fault, his Notes would
+have been much shorter, and not less excellent. They are chiefly
+valuable for his frequent collation of the ancient Greek translation of
+the bible with the Hebrew text, and his freedom from prejudice in favour
+of the Masoretic version: though he generally chuses the best
+explanation of the text, he sometimes multiplies the various readings
+without necessity. After all (adds the author of the Critical history)
+though I blame Grotius for quoting too frequently the profane authors,
+these quotations contain some very good things, serving to explain the
+difficulties in Scripture. I could only have wished, that, agreeable to
+the rules of criticism, he had not adduced the testimonies of profane
+authors, and especially the Poets, except in places that required those
+elucidations."
+
+M. Le Clerc, after examining this judgment, speaks thus of Grotius[523]:
+"If you desire to know what is chiefly valuable in Grotius's Notes on
+the Old Testament, and not to be found elsewhere, it is first his
+explanation of an infinite number of passages of Scripture by the
+assistance of Pagan antiquity. Secondly, an admirable knowledge of the
+different manners of speaking used in Scripture, which he so happily
+compares with one another, that no interpreter ancient or modern has
+thrown so much light on them; and in fine, an extraordinary penetration
+in discovering the true sense of the prophecies."
+
+M. Fabricius[524] tells us, that one thing which highly recommends
+Grotius's Commentary on the New Testament is the design, which he
+happily executed, of proving the truth of the Christian Religion by the
+Scripture itself.
+
+Before we conclude this article we must take notice that it has been
+pretended by some learned men, who otherwise do him justice, that
+Grotius is frequently mistaken in his quotations from the Rabbis,
+because he took them at second-hand. Esdras Edzardi, well skilled in
+these matters, made a small collection of his mistakes, which he shewed
+to Morhof[525].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[504] Ep. 1520. p. 689.
+
+[505] Ep. 639. p. 948.
+
+[506] Ep. 640. p. 949.
+
+[507] Ep. 648. p. 952.
+
+[508] Ep. 859. p. 377. & 964. p. 432.
+
+[509] Ep. 1056. p. 476.
+
+[510] Ep. 1056. p. 476.
+
+[511] Ep. 1256. p. 570. & 1315. p. 596.
+
+[512] Ep. 503. p. 884.
+
+[513] Ep. 507. p. 884.
+
+[514] Ep. 465. p. 886.
+
+[515] Ep. 476. p. 890.
+
+[516] Ep. 481. p. 891.
+
+[517] Ep. 1531. p. 693.
+
+[518] Ep. 1534. p. 694.
+
+[519] Ep. 570. p. 928.
+
+[520] Ep. 720. p. 970.
+
+[521] Ep. 740. p. 976.
+
+[522] Ep. 1253. p. 553.
+
+[523] Sentimens des Theolog. p. 388.
+
+[524] Delect. Argum. c. 2. p. 40.
+
+[525] Polihistor. t. 3. l. 5. p. 54. Vind. Grot. 463.
+
+
+XII. This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a
+question which made much noise at that time. Some Protestant Synods had
+ventured to decide that the Pope was Antichrist; and this extravagance,
+gravely delivered by the Ministers, was regarded by the zealous
+Schismatics as a fundamental truth. Grotius undertook to overturn such
+an absurd opinion, that stirred up an irreconcileable enmity between the
+Roman Catholics and the Protestants, and of consequence was a very great
+obstacle to their reunion, which was the sole object of his desires. He
+entered therefore upon the consideration of the passages of Scripture
+relating to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it[526].
+
+It was this work that raised him up most enemies. We see by the letters
+he wrote to his brother that his best friends were afraid lest they
+should be suspected of having some hand in the publication of the books
+in which he treated of Antichrist. "If you are afraid of incurring
+ill-will, he writes to his brother[527], you may easily find people that
+are far from a factious spirit who will take care of the impression.
+Nothing has incensed Princes against those who separated from the Church
+of Rome more than the injurious names with which the Protestants load
+their adversaries; and nothing is a greater hindrance to that reunion
+which we are all obliged to labour after in consequence of Christ's
+precept and the profession we make of our faith in the Creed. Perhaps
+the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force us to it. In order to arrive
+at it we must first remove whatever obstructs a mutual quiet hearing. I
+hope I shall find assistance in this pious design. I shall not cease to
+labour in it, and shall rejoice to die employed in so good a work."
+
+Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much devoted to Grotius,
+beheld with concern[528] the printing of this book, because they did not
+doubt but it would increase the number of his enemies. Grotius informs
+his brother of the uneasiness which Vossius gave him on this
+subject[529]: "Among those who wish this work destroyed, says he, I am
+astonished and grieved to see Vossius. Whence could he have this idea?
+I imagine somebody has told him, that it would injure the fortune of his
+children if he approved of such books; and that, on the contrary, he
+would find favour by hurting me. We must, therefore, have recourse to
+Corcellius or Corvinus." He elsewhere complains of the too great
+timidity of this old friend[530], who at bottom approved of Grotius's
+sentiments, but durst not own them publicly because he was not so
+independent as Grotius.
+
+The treatise on Antichrist made much noise among all the declared
+enemies of the Romish Church[531]. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus,
+that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as far
+as he could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who was
+possessed of such an excellent genius, and such singular erudition, had
+no other intention than to engage the Learned in a further enquiry
+concerning Antichrist; and to determine them to attack with greater
+strength the Romish Antichrist; or, if he wrote seriously, he wanted to
+cut out a path for going over, without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus
+answers this letter, Dec. 16, 1642, from Dantzic. "I have always, he
+says, looked on Grotius as a very honest, and at the same time a very
+learned man. I am persuaded that love of peace engaged him in this work.
+I don't deny but he has gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps
+seduced him: no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him;
+but he has been confuted by some learned Calvinists, particularly
+Desmarets, Minister of Boisleduc, who has written against him with much
+bitterness."
+
+Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title: _Commentatio ad
+loca quædam Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt aut agere
+putantur, expendenda, eruditis._
+
+It contains an explanation of the second chapter of the second epistle
+of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, in which he undertakes to prove, that
+the Man of Sin, there mentioned, is the Emperor Caius Caligula, who
+wanted to place his statue in the temple of Jerusalem, as may be seen in
+Philo; and was desirous to be thought a God, as Philo and Josephus
+relate. He afterwards explains the eighteenth verse of the second
+chapter of the first epistle of St. John. _You know that Antichrist is
+come, and that there are many Antichrists._ He thinks the Antichrist
+already come was Barchochebas, and that the other Antichrists are Simon
+the Magician and Dosithæus.
+
+The beast, in the thirteenth chapter of the Revelation, is, according to
+him, Rome pagan; the power, which is given to it for forty-two months,
+signifies Domitian's persecution, which lasted three years and a half.
+The beast that ascended out of the bottomless pit, mentioned chap. xi.
+ver. 7. is magic, and Apollonius Thyanæus: in fine, he finds the famous
+number 666, mentioned in the last verse of the thirteenth chapter of the
+Apocalypse, in Trajan's name, who was called Ulpius, of which the
+numeral letters form the number 666.
+
+The Reformed were strangely scandalized at this work. Samuel Desmarets
+answered it with great bitterness, which drew another piece from Grotius
+in defence of the former, with this title: _Appendix ad interpretationem
+locorum Novi Testamenti, quæ de Antichristo agunt, aut agere putantur,
+in qua via sternitur ad Christianorum concordiam_. Desmarets is never
+mentioned in it but under the name of Borboritus. It has been observed,
+that Grotius was guilty of a slight inaccuracy in this treatise: he says
+the Emperor Barbarossa's enemies ascribed to him the pretended book _De
+tribus Impostoribus_: he confounds the grandson with the grandfather,
+for it was Frederic II. against whom this calumny was advanced, as
+appears from the letters of Peter Desvignes, his Secretary and
+Chancellor, and as Grotius himself remarks in his observations on
+Campanella's philosophy.
+
+He printed at the same time his treatise _Of Faith and Works_ against
+Desmarets, and against the error of the inadmissibility of grace, under
+the title of _Explicatio trium illustrissimorum locorum Novi Testamenti,
+Capitis I. Pauli ad Ephesios posterioris, Capitis II. Jacobi Commatis
+XIV. & sequentium, Capitis III. Epistolæ I. Johannis, in quibus agitur
+de fide & operibus_. This work shews, that faith is not sufficient for
+Justification; and that if those who have faith live in sin, they are
+hated by God.
+
+_Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam_ was printed in 1642: it contains the
+_Consultation_ of Cassander presented to the Emperors Ferdinand I. and
+Maximilian II. accompanied with remarks by Grotius. He expected that
+these works, which were compiled solely with a view to promote union
+among Christians, would procure him many enemies; and he adopted, on
+this occasion, what was said in 1557 by an author who laboured in the
+same design, That for persons to endeavour to make mankind live in
+peace, was commendable; that they might indeed expect a recompence from
+the blessed Peace-maker, but they had great reason to apprehend the same
+fate with those, who, attempting to part two combatants, receive blows
+from both. "Perhaps, by writing to reconcile such as entertain very
+opposite sentiments, I shall offend both parties: but if it should so
+happen, I shall comfort myself with the example of him who said, If I
+please men I am not the servant of Christ."
+
+Grotius, content with gratifying his pacific desires, expected his
+reward from posterity; which he clearly intimates in some verses written
+by him on this subject
+
+     Accipe sed placidis, quæ si non optima, certe,
+       Expressit nobis non mala pacis amor.
+     Et tibi dic, nostro labor hic si displicet ævo,
+       A gratâ pretium posteritate feret.
+
+Rivetus, the Clergyman, treated Grotius with as much indignity, as if he
+had attempted to destroy the foundations or Christianity. Grotius
+answered him in a tract, entitled: _Animadversiones in animadversiones
+Andreæ Riveti_.
+
+This work was followed by two others on the same subject: _Votum pro
+pace ecclesiasticâ, contra examen Andreæ Riveti_, and _Rivetiani
+Apologetici Discussio_: this last did not appear till after the author's
+death.
+
+He wrote, in 1638, a small piece, entitled: _De Canæ administratione ubi
+Pastores non sunt, item an semper communicandum per symbola_. The design
+of this pernicious work is to shew, that Laymen, in the absence of
+Priests, and in cases of necessity, may do their office.
+
+Rigaut had already maintained this error, and been smartly attacked by
+M. De l'Aubepine, Bishop of Orleans: all the defenders of the hierarchy
+were scandalized at it, and Father Petau, among the Roman Catholics, and
+Dodwell, among the English Clergy, have refuted it.
+
+In the tract, _An semper communicandum per symbola_, the Arminians
+endeavour to maintain, that we are not obliged to communicate with such
+as require subscriptions to which we cannot assent without acting
+against our consciences. Grotius's design was to shew, that the
+Arminians might dispense with communicating with the
+Contra-Remonstrants, if these insisted on retractions.
+
+Another theological work of Grotius (of whose publication we cannot fix
+the time) is entitled: _Dissertatio historica ac politica de dogmatis &
+ritibus & gubernatione Ecclesiæ Christianæ, de dogmatis quæ reipublicæ
+noxia sunt, aut dicuntur._ In this piece he treats of the end of the
+priesthood, and the duties of the Priests: he places what relates to the
+distinction and unity of the three Persons, the two Natures, and their
+properties, among the points of which we may be ignorant without ceasing
+to be good Christians. It is probable this piece was written before
+those concerning Antichrist, the author appearing in it less favourably
+disposed towards the Roman Catholics and the Pope.
+
+It is apparent that Grotius had not sufficiently examined this subject,
+since he speaks of it in a manner so heterodox. He would not have held a
+language so opposite to Christianity, at, or after the time of his
+dispute with Rivetus.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[526] Ep. 416. p. 874.
+
+[527] Ep. 477. p. 890.
+
+[528] Ep. 480. p. 891. & 482. p. 891.
+
+[529] Ep. 485. p. 892.
+
+[530] Ep. 445. p. 895. 507. p. 901. 511. p. 902. & 514. p. 904.
+
+[531] Ep 61. p. 276. & 89. p. 415.
+
+
+XIII. Grotius, even whilst engaged in the dispute against the zealous
+Protestant Ministers, undertook to clear up the origin of the Americans;
+which enquiry involved him in a controversy that gave him much
+uneasiness. John de Laët of Antwerp, who had much studied these matters,
+printed Grotius's work, with Notes, under this title: _Joannis de Laët
+Antverpiani Notæ ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii de Origine gentium
+Americanarum, & Observationes aliquot ad meliorem indaginem difficillimæ
+illius questionis. Amstelodami apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, anno
+1643_[532].
+
+Grotius first confutes those, who think that the people of America came
+from Great Tartary, because they had no horses before the Spanish
+conquest, and that it is impossible the Scythians, who abounded in
+horses, should bring none with them; besides the Tartars were never
+seamen. His opinion is, that North-America was peopled by persons from
+Norway, from whence they passed into Iceland, afterwards into Greenland,
+from thence to Friseland, then to Estotiland, a part of the American
+continent, to which the fishers of Friseland had penetrated two
+centuries before the Spaniards discovered the New World. He pretends,
+that the names of those countries end with the same syllables as those
+of the Norwegians; that the Mexicans and their neighbours assured the
+Spaniards they came from the North; and that the country which the
+Norwegians inhabited, after quitting Estotiland, has retained almost
+the name of Norway; that there is yet a town in it called Norembega; in
+fine, that there are many words in the American language, which have a
+relation to the German and Norwegian; and that the Americans still
+preserve the customs of the country from whence they are originally
+sprung. As to the people of Jucatan, and the neighbourhood, Grotius
+makes them come from Ethiopia by the way of the Ocean. He grounds this
+opinion on the practice of circumcision among these nations of America,
+which was also used by the Ethiopians. He pretends that the Peruvians
+are descended from the Chinese, because the wrecks of Chinese vessels
+have been found, he says, on the coasts of the Pacific Ocean, and they
+worship the sun: besides, the Peruvians, he adds, write from the top to
+the bottom of the page like the Chinese.
+
+Laët easily shewed that Grotius's conjectures were ill founded, and that
+he had even advanced several facts which were not strictly true: he
+denied the existence of the city of Norembega, and maintained that
+Jucatan is too distant from Africa for the Ethiopians to penetrate into
+America, it being at least two months sail from Ethiopia to Jucatan. He
+refutes the pretended traces of Christianity, which Grotius said were
+found in that part of America before the discovery of the Spaniards,
+supporting his confutation on the authority of Spanish writers; in fine,
+he denies that any Chinese wrecks have been found on the coasts of the
+Pacific Ocean, and censures, as a very great inaccuracy in Grotius, what
+he advances concerning the Peruvian manner of writing.
+
+After doing justice to the excellent judgment and profound erudition of
+Grotius, he ventures to assert, that he found nothing in his
+Dissertation that could satisfy a man moderately acquainted with the
+History of America; and approves of what was observed by Joseph Acosta,
+that it was easier to confute what was written on the origin of the
+Americans, than to know what to hold; because there were no monuments
+among them, nor any books of Europeans to throw light on this matter:
+and hence concludes, that it is rashness to promise truth on such an
+obscure subject.
+
+Laët's answer vexed Grotius: he replied to it in a second Dissertation,
+entitled, _Adversus obtrectatorem, opaca quem bonum facit barba_.
+Printed at Paris by Cramoisi, in 1643. Laët answered in a piece, printed
+in 1644, by Lewis Elzevir, in which he inserts Grotius's second
+Dissertation. There is nothing new in these two last books: and it were
+to be wished that they had been written with less bitterness. It has
+been[533] observed, that Grotius's system is not new; and that it had
+been already advanced by Myl, whom Grotius does not once quote.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[532] This work was printed at Paris the same year.
+
+[533] Hornius, de Orig. Gent. Amer. l. 1. c. 2. p. 17.
+
+
+XIV. It now remains to give some account of the other works of Grotius,
+which hitherto we have not had occasion to mention. In 1629, he printed
+at William Blaeu's the History of the Siege of Grolla: _Grollæ obsidio
+cum annexis anni 1627_. This piece would have been brought into his
+History[534] if he could have continued it. He speaks of it with great
+modesty[535] in his letters to his brother. "I don't expect, he says,
+much honour from such a small tract."
+
+He published, in 1631, _An Introduction to the Laws of Holland_, in
+Dutch. Simon Groenovegius de Madin, a Lawyer, wrote Notes on this work,
+which Grotius thought well done and very useful; and sent the author a
+letter of thanks[536].
+
+He left several manuscripts prepared for the press, which were published
+after his death.
+
+Lewis Elzevir printed, in 1652, a small collection in twelves with this
+title: _Hugonis Grotii quædam hactenùs inedita, aliaque ex Belgicè
+editis Latinè versa, argumenti Theologici, Juridici, Politici._ It
+contains, among other Dissertations, _Remarks on the Philosophy_ or
+rather _on the Politics of Campanella_; and a tract entitled: _Hugonis
+Grotii Responsio ad quædam ab utroque judicum consessu objecta, ubi
+multa disputantur de Jure Summarum Potestatum in Hollandiâ,
+Westfrisi[^æ], & Magistratuum in oppidis_. The disputes of the Province
+of Holland with the States-General probably gave occasion to this
+treatise. Grotius intended to publish the Golden verses of
+Pythagoras[537], with a translation by himself: but what he could not do
+in his life-time was done in England after his death, in the year
+1654[538].
+
+Of all the tragic Poets, his favourite was certainly Euripides. We have
+already seen that he translated the _Phoenissæ_ in 1630. He afterwards
+revised and corrected it, as appears by a letter to his brother,
+September 3, 1639[539]. His translation of the _Iphigenia in Tauris_ is
+mentioned in several letters[540]. He likewise turned into Latin the
+_Supplicantes_ of Euripides, of which he speaks to his brother[541]. The
+learned Father Berthier[542] has lately informed us, that this
+translation still exists in the library of the Jesuits college at Paris.
+"One of the most precious pieces, and which alone would have been
+sufficient to give value to this manuscript, is the entire translation
+of Euripides's piece, entitled _Supplicantes_, added at the end of the
+volume by way of desert: the whole is in excellent Iambic verses: we
+would cite some part, if we had not already trespassed too far on the
+complaisance of the reader."
+
+In 1629, Grotius wrote to his brother[543], that he had finished a
+piece, proving that the war between different Princes ought not to
+injure the free trade of the powers not engaged in it. This is all we
+know of the treatise, which is now lost: we are equally ignorant of a
+work, entitled, _The Portrait of Zeno_, which he mentions in several
+letters[544], and seems very desirous of having it printed. He left
+several manuscripts in his closet, which, after his death, were
+purchased by the Queen of Sweden from his wife: among these[545] were,
+_Notes on some of the most difficult Laws_; _A Comparison of the
+Republics of Athens and Rome with that of Holland_; _Notes on the Hymns
+of Orpheus_, and an _Illustration of the Books of Moses by the Writings
+of the Pagans_. The author of _Vindiciæ Grotianæ_[546] speaks of a
+manuscript of Æschylus with Notes by Grotius. Many of his books were
+filled with marginal notes. He tells us[547], that he had collected,
+with great care, the remains of the apostolical Fathers, and that he had
+thoughts of translating that part of Josephus's history, which relates
+to the law, and of adding notes to it. But probably the execution of
+this project was hindered by his other studies, and the information he
+received, that Samuel Petit, who was well skilled in the learned
+languages, had the same design.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[534] Ep. 191. p. 811.
+
+[535] Ep. 194. p. 814. & 196, p. 113.
+
+[536] Ep. 1627. p. 719.
+
+[537] Ep. 683. p. 961.
+
+[538] Fab. Bib. Græc. tom. 1. p. 471. & 472.
+
+[539] Ep. 506. p. 885.
+
+[540] Ep. 402; p. 869. & 595. p. 236.
+
+[541] Ep. 683. p. 961.
+
+[542] Art. 91. August, 1751. p. 1807.
+
+[543] Ep. 207. p. 817.
+
+[544] Ep. 465. & 466. p. 886. Ep. 469. p. 887.
+
+[545] Observat. Hallenses, 24. t. 7. p. 350. Bib. Remons. p. 80.
+Fabricius Bib. Græca, t. 1. l. 1. c. 19, p. 117.
+
+[546] Vindiciæ, p. 841.
+
+[547] Ep. 391. p. 866. & 768. p. 330.
+
+
+XV. His Letters may be regarded as Treatises; the collection we have of
+them is a treasure not only of public but of literary history, and
+contains many dissertations on the most important subjects. The
+XXXIst, to Gerard Vossius, and XXXIIId, to John Utengobard, treat
+of Predestination and Grace, according to the Arminian system. We have
+already spoken of the LIVth, addressed to Du Maurier, the French
+Ambassador in Holland, and containing a method of study for grown
+persons. The LXIId, to the Baron de Langerac, the Dutch Ambassador in
+France, is a formal treatise on a piece of Du Moulin concerning the
+government of the ancient Church; the means of reconciling Grace with
+Free-will; and the authority of Sovereigns in matters ecclesiastical.
+He treats in the XCIst, to Vossius, of the effects of Christ's death.
+The CCLXIVth, to the celebrated Nicholas Peyresc, Counsellor of the
+Parliament of Aix, is rather a book than a letter, being a collection of
+all that the Ancients have said of Nicholas Damascenus, which leaves us
+at a loss with regard to nothing that could be known concerning that
+celebrated writer.
+
+The CCCXXIXth, to John Descordes, Canon of Limoges, treats of the
+power of Bishops over the Monks, and several other points of the ancient
+Church discipline. He proves, in the CCCLVIIth, to Jerom Bignon,
+Advocate-General, that the letter ascribed to Pope Clement, which was
+published in 1633, is really his. His letters to his brother treat of
+the Law of Nature and several points of Civil Law: and a letter,
+addressed to John Isaac Pontanus, contains his remarks on what Cluverius
+has said of the antiquities of Germany.
+
+The most interesting literary occurrences of his time are to be found in
+his letters, always accompanied, with instructing reflections: in fine,
+his negotiations, and the great events of the last ten years of the
+reign of Lewis XIII, are very particularly, and, for the most part, very
+truly related in them.
+
+We must not conceal that Du Maurier, the son, whose anecdotes are full
+of blunders, advances[548] that, when Grotius desired to be recalled,
+the High Chancellor readily took him at his word, because, says he,
+Grotius sent him only the news that every body knew. Father Bougeant
+repeats this passage with great complacency; but he would have done much
+better to have read Grotius's letters with attention, than to censure
+them without reason. By their assistance he might have rectified several
+dates in his work, which, otherwise, deserves the public esteem.
+Another author, whose history is written with indiscretion and
+partiality, but who was nevertheless well acquainted with the events of
+the age of Lewis XIII, sets a high value on Grotius's letters[549]: I
+mean Le Vassor, whose judgment deserves the more regard as he had little
+turn for panegyric. He refutes those who advanced that Grotius employed
+his fine Latin to send Oxenstiern the lies of the day; and maintains
+that such as say this, have either never read Grotius's letters, or are
+unacquainted with the history of Lewis XIII. He does not deny, that,
+among the many pieces of news contained in them, there are some without
+foundation; but he excuses him, because a Minister is obliged to write
+what is generally reported. He adds, "Those, who shall read Grotius's
+letters with a little discerning, will find in them the most secret
+affairs of the times of his embassy touched upon in few words, with
+great delicacy and moderation." Grotius himself acquaints us, that he
+used great circumspection in writing news to the High Chancellor[550].
+"I must beg, says he, of your Sublimity, to pardon the shortness of my
+letter: I chuse rather to say little, than write what is false; and
+would fain send you nothing that is uncertain: but this is attended with
+much difficulty amidst so great obscurity.--Living among people, he says
+in another letter[551], who are very close, and receiving news which are
+often mixed with falshood, I am sorry to be obliged to give you my
+conjectures in the room of certainty; but there is nothing to apprehend
+from such an equitable Judge, who has regard to the good intention."
+
+This made him easy; and what ought to give us a high idea of his
+Letters, is, that they greatly pleased the High Chancellor[552]; and
+Muller, the Swedish Ambassador, set a high value on them[553].
+
+The author of _Vindiciæ Grotianæ_ assures us[554], after Morhof, that
+Grotius's Letters are not all printed; and he adds, that he knew a
+cabinet in which were preserved upwards of two hundred and sixty,
+written to Queen Christina and the High Chancellor. Bunau, a Privy
+Counselor at Dresden, is said to have had many of them. Puffendorf saw
+several in cypher, to which he had a key. Among those, which are printed
+in the collection of Grotius's letters, there are some in cypher,
+relating to the general affairs and secret intrigues of the Court of
+France. M. de Boze has a copy of these letters in his curious cabinet,
+with an explanation of the cypher, given him by a Swedish gentleman,
+which he communicates to those who desire it, with a politeness that it
+were to be wished were common to all men of learning.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[548] Memoires, p. 423.
+
+[549] Le Vassor, t. 8. 2 partie, l. 40. p. 277.
+
+[550] Ep. 537. p. 210.
+
+[551] Ep. 550. p. 214.
+
+[552] Ep. 55. p. 492.
+
+[553] Ep. 1094. p. 492.
+
+[554] P. 846.
+
+
+XVI. One of the most interesting parts of Grotius's life is the
+knowledge of his sentiments in religion, and the ardent zeal with which
+he undertook to reunite Christians in one belief. Brought up in the
+principles of Protestantism, he had in the former part of his life a
+great aversion to Popery. A letter to Antony Walæus, Nov. 10, 1611[555],
+in which he opens all his mind, acquaints us, that however much he might
+be attached to the prevailing religion in the State wherein he lived, he
+was persuaded that the Roman Catholics held all the fundamental truths;
+but they superadded, he thought, several other articles, which he
+treated as new opinions. The zeal of the Jesuits for the Roman Catholic
+religion, and their attachment to the Pope, had rendered them extremely
+odious to all the enemies of the Romish church. Grotius viewed them in
+the same light, agreeably to the sentiments which had been instilled
+into him in his infancy, as we find in a letter written, April 1,
+1617[556], to his brother then in France; but when he came to riper
+years, he did them justice, highly valuing their society, and receiving
+many of them into his confidence, particularly the learned Dionysius
+Petavius.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[555] Ep. 14 p. 4.
+
+[556] Ep. 15. p. 759.
+
+
+XVII. Even when farthest removed from the Roman Catholic Church, he paid
+the greatest regard to the decisions of the ancient councils, to the
+discipline of the primitive Church, and the authority of the Fathers. He
+writes, June 6, 1611, to John Utengobard[557], that he highly respected
+the ancient councils which condemned Manicheism and Pelagianism. He
+declared to Vossius, July 17, 1616[558], that none held the doctrine
+condemned by the ancient Church in greater detestation. "Besides the
+hatred, says he to Antony Walæus, which I profess to the tenets that
+were unknown to pious antiquity, nothing more engages me to condemn, and
+overturn, as far as I can, this sort of opinions, than their being an
+obstacle to peace."
+
+In the explanation of Holy Scripture he would have the sentiments of the
+ancient Church adhered to. This point he treated at a conference with
+the Prince of Condé, in the beginning of 1639[559]; in which he shewed,
+that to be a Christian, and have a right to the surname of Catholic, one
+must receive the Sacred Scriptures, and explain them not according to
+the interpretation of private persons, which had often given occasion to
+seditions, schisms, and even wars, but according to the sentiments of
+the ancient Churches, chiefly to be found in the Creeds, and in the acts
+of General Councils.
+
+He was so persuaded of the truth of these principles, that in an
+advertisement, prefixed to his _Commentary on the New Testament_, he
+declares that if he had written any thing inconsistent with the
+interpretation of Holy Scripture by the ancient Church, which he hoped
+he had not, he would chuse to have it neglected, and was most ready to
+alter it.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[557] Ep. 28. p. 9.
+
+[558] Ep. 77. p. 54.
+
+[559] Ep. 1108. p. 498. See also Ep. 622. p. 943.
+
+
+XVIII. This profound veneration for antiquity contributed greatly to
+render him more favourable to the Roman Catholics. At a time when it was
+looked upon by the Protestants as a kind of Apostacy, to speak with
+decency and temper of the sovereign Pontiffs, he ventured to commend
+Pope Urbin VIII in some verses made in honour of the blessed Virgin. He
+speaks thus of him in a Letter to his brother of the 21st of February,
+1625[560]. "I send my father the Poem on the Mother of God. I would not
+however have it published, not only because the honour, distinct from
+superstition, given to the saints offends several of our people; but
+also because Pope Urbin is commended in it. He is an excellent Poet, as
+appears from his elegant Pindaric odes. God grant he may be able to
+unite Christians, who are too much divided, in one faith."
+
+The Reformers were held by him in no great esteem. In 1633 he wrote to
+Gerard Vossius[561], "I think nothing can be truer than your judicious
+remark, that the best way to prevent good men from approving of so many
+different sects would be to shew them, without animosity or passion,
+from the sole motive of love to truth, that those who avail themselves
+so much of antiquity have it not always on their side, and that such as
+promised to restore the Church to its primitive state have not at all
+times succeeded." He no doubt meant the pretended Reformed.
+
+"The Protestants, says he to his brother[562], go too far when they
+accuse the Roman Catholics of error; they attack at the same time the
+whole Greek and Latin Churches, those of Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, and
+thereby very imprudently furnish arms to their adversaries. I see, he
+writes to Vossius[563], that those who have erected new Churches among
+us, have followed their own ideas, but have not always advanced the
+affairs of Religion."
+
+Salmasius was as zealous for the pretended reformed religion, as he was
+become indifferent to Grotius. However they visited one another, but it
+was with much coldness. "Salmasius (he writes to his brother[564],
+February 10, 1641) came to see me: he is ready to defend the most
+outrageous opinions; among others, that St. Peter never set foot in
+Italy. It is surprising what a party spirit will do."
+
+Grotius looked upon almost all the Reformed as factious men[565]. He had
+no esteem for Calvin; speaking of Cassander, he says he was a very
+excellent, and at the same time a very able man, and therefore most
+worthy of Calvin's hatred: he advised James Laurentius to read, instead
+of Calvin's _Institutions_, Vincent de Lerins. "I hear[566], says he to
+him, that you are less seditious than most of your order (that is, the
+Protestant Clergy) and that you only suffer yourself to be drawn away by
+others: wherefore I will give you one good counsel: read the Scriptures
+in the original, the confessions of faith of the ancient Christians,
+instead of the Belgic Confession, the Catechisms of Cyril in the room of
+Ursinus's Catechism, and the acts of the General Councils, and not those
+of the Synod of Dort: you will then easily perceive that Grotius is not
+become a Papist, but Laurentius turned a Calvinist." Laurentius wrote
+against him: but Grotius took his revenge[567] by silence. He did not
+approve of the separation of the Protestants; he thought these new
+Churches, these new Rites had not at all contributed to the promoting of
+piety. "It is just, said he[568], to reform our manners: but would it
+not have been better for us, after reforming ourselves, to have prayed
+to God for the reformation of others; and for the Princes and Bishops,
+who desired a reformation to have endeavoured to procure it by general
+councils, without breaking the unity." A Minister called D'Or, turning
+Roman Catholic[569], Grotius discovered little concern at it, and speaks
+of it with great calmness in a letter to his brother. "What D'Or has
+just done, says he, the learned Pithou did before him: Casaubon was
+resolved to do the same had he remained longer in France, as he assured
+several persons, and among others Descordes. I would fain, continued he,
+have the abuses that have crept into the church remedied, and will
+always say so; but is it just, or are there any examples, that it should
+be done by schism? This ought to be the more weighed, as we easily
+perceive that those who have formed new parties had not always the
+Spirit of God; that they have propagated new abuses, and that this
+licence to separate themselves has given rise to different parties which
+will never be united." He speaks in another place of Casaubon's
+sentiments[570], and pretends that this learned man thought the Roman
+Catholics of France better informed than those of other countries, and
+came nearer to truth than the Ministers of Charenton.
+
+He explained himself very frequently and very sharply against the schism
+of the Protestants. "Viretus, and the rest, says he[571], ought not to
+have erected new churches: yet they have done it before they were
+excommunicated: even an unjust excommunication would not have entitled
+them to erect altar against altar." He recites several passages from the
+Fathers on this subject, by which he pretends to confute the first
+reformers[572]. He came so near the Roman Catholics in the end, that in
+a letter to his brother he has these words: "It cannot be denied that
+there are several Roman Catholic pastors here who teach true religion,
+without any mixture of superstition: it were to be wished that all did
+the same." In his later works he speaks of Calvin with the highest
+indignation[573]: "I know, he says, with what injustice and bitterness
+this Calvin treated Cassander, Baudoin, and Castellio, who were much
+better men than himself."
+
+In refuting the apology of Rivetus he speaks with all the zeal of a
+Roman Catholic Disputant, and proves that the Calvinists are
+Schismatics, and had no mission; that they neither had miracles for
+them, nor any particular command from God: that the Ministers are
+factious spirits, who seek only to disturb the State: that their
+religion is new, and has not antiquity on its side. In his youth he had
+commended Beza in some anapest verses; extolling him as one of the most
+zealous defenders of the truth: he afterwards retracted this elogium,
+and wished it buried in eternal oblivion.
+
+In fine, the Jesuits, who were the objects of his aversion before he
+knew them, became his friends. He was reproached with this; and mentions
+the accusation in a letter to his brother[574]. "I am not, says he, the
+common defender of Jesuits; but the King looks on them as good subjects
+and employs them on several occasions." He publicly took their part in
+some of his works. He maintains in his pieces against Rivetus[575] that
+the Society had produced very able men of an irreproachable life, and
+that there were more such among them than among others. "I know many of
+them, he says, who are very desirous to see the abuses abolished, and
+the church restored to its primitive unity. The King entrusts them with
+his most valuable concerns." Father Petau, among others, possessed his
+confidence, as we have already observed, and shall see again.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[560] Ep. 85. p. 780.
+
+[561] Ep. 935. p. 120.
+
+[562] Ep. 487. p. 864.
+
+[563] Ep. 1004. p. 641.
+
+[564] Ep. 593. p. 913.
+
+[565] Ep. 534. p. 914. 537. p. 916. & 1520, p. 689.
+
+[566] Ep. 1570. p. 709.
+
+[567] Ep. 1078. p. 711.
+
+[568] Ep. 607. p. 938.
+
+[569] Ep. 610. p. 939.
+
+[570] Ep. 613. p. 940.
+
+[571] Ep. 674. p. 959.
+
+[572] Ep. 677. p. 959.
+
+[573] Animad. in animad. Riveti, p. 640.
+
+[574] Ep. 628. p. 915.
+
+[575] Animad in anim. Riveti, ad Art. 6. p. 658. Discussio Rivet.
+Apolog. p. 694. & p. 681.
+
+
+XIX. His great knowledge of antiquity and that singular veneration which
+he always paid to the primitive church made him even in his youth look
+upon the abolition of episcopacy, and of a visible head of the church,
+as something very monstrous. He went much farther in the sequel; shewing
+that[576] Melancton himself wanted the Pope to be left in the Church,
+and that King James of England and several able Protestants acknowledged
+the utility of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome: adding, "If several
+Protestants had made the same reflection, we should have had a church
+more reformed."
+
+He thinks that this Monarchy (these are his own terms[577]) is of use in
+the church for maintaining its unity. In fine, in a piece against
+Rivetus[578], he proves the primacy of the Pope from a passage of St.
+Cyprian, and adds, "You see that the primacy is hereby established; and
+this name in every society implies some jurisdiction. The Bishop of
+Rome, says he[579], is Prince of the Christian Aristocrasy, as it has
+been called before our time by the Bishop of Fossombrone. This primacy
+is under Jesus Christ, and may be exercised without tyranny, and without
+destroying the rights which the Bishops have over the churches committed
+to them." He entertained favourable sentiments of the Episcopal
+authority even before his embassy; and thought it necessary to preserve
+the unity of the Church[580]. "It is a question only in name[581](says
+he to his brother some years after) to ask whether Episcopacy be of
+divine right: it is sufficient that Jesus Christ has set the example in
+the college of Apostles; that the Apostles have followed it, and that
+this establishment has been approved by the universal consent of the
+Church, excepting some innovators of the present age."
+
+He handles this point in the eleventh Chapter of the treatise _Of the
+power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion_[582]; he says it is
+fanaticism to advance that a Bishop has nothing above a simple Priest.
+"Episcopacy, says he[583], that is to say the preheminence of a Pastor,
+is not contrary to the Divine right. It is incumbent on him who thinks
+otherwise, that is, who accuses the whole ancient Church of folly and
+impiety, to prove his opinion. That Episcopacy[584] was received by the
+whole Church appears from the general councils, which have always had
+great authority with all devout men; witness the national and provincial
+councils, where we find certain marks of the Episcopal precedency;
+witness all the Fathers without exception. Episcopacy began with the
+Apostles[585]: to be convinced of this we need only have recourse to the
+catalogues of Bishops in Irenæus, Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, and
+others, who all make them begin with the Apostles. It would be very
+great obstinacy or disrespect to reject authors of so great weight, who
+unanimously agree in an historical fact. The history of all ages informs
+us of the advantages which the Church has derived from Episcopacy[586]."
+However he did not yet venture to say[587] that Episcopacy was of Divine
+establishment: he contented himself with maintaining that it was of
+Apostolical institution. This was sufficient to offend a party among
+whom there were some who carried their fury and ignorance so far, as to
+maintain that Episcopacy was an invention of Satan: an expression which
+scandalized Grotius even in his youth, as appears by a letter written
+in 1614 to Daniel Heinsius[588]. He became more bold afterwards; and was
+not afraid to maintain in the face of the pretended reformation[589],
+that Episcopacy was established by Christ, and that it were to be wished
+it were restored wherever it had been abolished.
+
+It was in consequence of this respect for the Episcopal College, and its
+head, that he exposed himself to the indignation of the whole Protestant
+party, and the bitter invectives of the Ministers, by maintaining that
+nothing was more absurd than what they had written against the pretended
+Romish Antichrist.
+
+One of his principal reasons for writing on this subject was a
+persuasion not only of the truth of his sentiments, as he writes to his
+brother[590], but that it was his duty to remove every obstacle that
+obstructed the reunion, "of which I have greater hopes than ever, he
+says, December 3, 1639. If it is not granted us to enjoy that great
+blessing (he adds) it is our duty to throw water on the flames, and not
+oil; and to plant trees that will bear fruit perhaps in another age." He
+was so pleased with himself for breaking the ice in this matter, that he
+tells his brother[591] in a private letter, he is persuaded God inspired
+him with the thought: that he returns him his most humble thanks for it,
+and that he thought himself in consequence obliged to labour in it with
+all his might, not only to support the truth, but also because he judged
+nothing was more capable to appease mens minds and prepare the way to
+the reunion. "I hope, he says to Vossius[592], to find at least among
+posterity equitable readers who will thank God for the light which he
+has been pleased to communicate to me for the understanding several
+obscure passages of Holy Scripture. I owe all that I have written on
+Antichrist[593] that is good, not to my own researches, says he to his
+brother, but to my prayers, and to the goodness of God, who has been
+pleased to enlighten me, though I did not deserve it." He flattered
+himself that his works on this subject had undeceived several
+Protestants[594], and that Rivetus, his grand adversary, was looked upon
+even by his collegues as a Divine of little judgment and a moderate
+share of erudition.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[576] Comment. ad. loca de Antichristo.
+
+[577] Via ad Pacem, Art. 7. p. 17.
+
+[578] Ad. Art. 7. p. 641.
+
+[579] P. 642. & p. 695. Discussio Apolog. Rivet. & p. 696.
+
+[580] Ep. 318. p. 115.
+
+[581] Ep. 534. p. 914. see Ep. 739. p. 975.
+
+[582] No 2.
+
+[583] No 3.
+
+[584] No 4.
+
+[585] No 5.
+
+[586] No 9.
+
+[587] No 10.
+
+[588] Burman's Collection, t. 2. Ep. 211. p. 434.
+
+[589] Via ad Pacem, Art. xiv. p. 621.
+
+[590] Ep. 474. p. 889.
+
+[591] Ep. 490. p. 895.
+
+[592] Ep. 1441. p. 653.
+
+[593] Ep. 499. p. 898.
+
+[594] Ep. 501. p. 899.
+
+
+XX. He had been at first much prejudiced against the opinion of the
+Romish Church concerning the real presence. We may judge of it by the
+letter which he wrote June 7, 1622, to Episcopius[595]. "I think, says
+he to him, that you would do well to confute those who with Cassander
+believe that one may disapprove the errors of the Romish Church, and yet
+not be obliged to separate from her communion. Two points especially
+appear to me to deserve discussion: the first is, whether an action
+lawful in itself, as the adoration during the time of the supper,
+ceaseth to be so on account of the error of the Ministers of the Church,
+who would have this adoration referred to the visible signs."
+
+In process of time he departed from the manner of speaking at least of
+the Ministers. He acknowledged[596] that in the Eucharistical bread some
+change is made, which the ancient Latin Church called Transfiguration,
+and the modern Transubstantiation: when Jesus Christ, being
+sacramentally present, favours us with his substance, as the Council of
+Trent speaks, the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in their
+place succeed the body and blood of Christ.
+
+It is certain that he did not approve of the sentiments of the
+Calvinists concerning the Eucharist: he reproached them with their
+contradictions[597]. "The Disciples of Calvin, says he, speak very
+differently on this subject in their Confessions and in their disputes:
+you will hear them say in their confessions, that they really,
+substantially, and essentially partake of Christ's body and his blood;
+in their disputes they maintain that Christ is received only spiritually
+by faith. The ancients go much farther, admitting a real incorporation
+of Jesus Christ with us, and the reality of Christ's natural body, as
+St. Hilarius speaks."
+
+Thus Grotius was persuaded the term _transubstantiation_, adopted by the
+Council of Trent, was capable of a good interpretation[598]: but it is
+not clear however, that, though he admitted the expressions used by the
+Catholic Church, he was of her opinion. After approving the term
+transubstantiation, he adds[599], "And because what is spiritual among
+the Jews is called real, the terms really, substantially, and
+essentially, are used in the Protestant Confessions, and by their
+Doctors." It is plain from what he subjoins, that he sought rather to
+unite different sentiments by means of equivocal expressions, than by an
+exact Creed, which might be susceptible of only one sense. "We must not
+condemn, says he, those who assure us that the Eucharist is but the sign
+of the body of Jesus Christ, since St. Augustine, with several other
+Fathers, speak in this manner; and the sacrament is defined to be the
+visible sign of an invisible grace."
+
+He made a draught of a kind of Formulary, in which the Catholics and
+Protestants were to join: it was this. "We believe that in the use of
+the supper we truly, really, and substantially, that is to say, in its
+proper substance, receive the true body and the true blood of Jesus
+Christ in a spiritual and ineffable manner." Grotius informs us that
+this formulary was approved of by the Roman Catholic Doctors and by
+Protestants: which is not surprising of the Catholics, since the
+expressions he employs, when taken in their natural sense, comprehend
+the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church: it is more surprising of the
+Protestants; but it must be observed that Calvin himself said[600], that
+under the Eucharistical signs we receive truly the body and blood of
+Jesus Christ; that Christ's flesh is distributed in this sacrament; that
+it enters into us; that we are partakers not only of Christ's spirit,
+but also of his flesh; that we have its proper substance, and are made
+partakers of it; that whole Christ is united to us, and therefore is
+united to us in body and spirit, that we must not question our receiving
+his proper body, and that if there is any man upon earth who sincerely
+acknowledges this truth, it is he.
+
+These expressions of Calvin were certainly favourable to the opinion of
+the Roman Catholics: he found himself obliged to make use of such terms,
+because they had been so long authorised, that he was afraid of
+appearing desirous to change the ancient doctrine; but the sense he gave
+them took away their force. The Protestants whom Grotius consulted,
+agreeable to the opinion of their Master, thought the expression,
+substantial presence, might be reconciled with their confession of
+faith; which, denying the real presence, teaches that Christ is united
+to us only in a figure in the sacrament, and in spirit by faith.
+
+Though Grotius believed that one receives substantially Jesus Christ in
+the use of the supper, there is no proof of his admitting the real
+presence in the sense of the Council of Trent: for, besides that his
+Formulary scarce makes stronger mention of it than Calvin, he seems not
+to condemn those who admitted only the sign of Christ's body: an
+indulgence which will never be approved of by a Roman Catholic.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[595] Ep. 181. p. 67.
+
+[596] Via ad pacem art. x. p. 619. & 642.
+
+[597] Votum pro pace, p. 687.
+
+[598] Animad. in Animad. art. x. p. 642.
+
+[599] Via, p. 619.
+
+[600] Variations, l. 9. p. 37.
+
+
+XXI. He justifies the decision of the Council of Trent concerning the
+number of the sacraments in his works against Rivetus. "The word
+sacrament, though sometimes taken in a more general signification, may
+nevertheless, says he[601], be understood in a more limited one of these
+seven external signs, which are designed for the good of our souls, and
+more distinctly mentioned in Scripture; Baptism in St. Matthew xxviii.
+19. Confirmation, Acts viii. 17. Penance, Matthew xvi. 19. the
+Eucharist, Matthew xxvi. 26. Ordination, 1 Tim. iv. 22. Extreme Unction,
+Mark vi. 13. James v. 14. and Marriage; Ephes. v. 32."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[601] Rivet. Apol. discussio, p. 698.
+
+
+XXII. In the examination of the other articles, which divide the Roman
+Catholics from the Protestants, Grotius continued to lean towards the
+Romish Church. In 1638 he acknowledges in a letter to Corvinus[602],
+that pious and able men, who were well disposed towards the Protestants,
+owned they were mistaken in the decision of the principal controversies
+between the Protestants and the Romish Church.
+
+After the year 1640 he took no offence at the use of images in churches,
+and prayers for the dead. He writes to his brother this year[603], "The
+Lutherans have images, and there are some in several places of England.
+Montaigue and others have proved that it is not idolatry to have
+recourse to the prayers of the Apostles and Martyrs."
+
+He explains himself afterwards much more strongly in favour of the
+Romish Church. He was persuaded[604] that the Cherubims of Moses clearly
+shewed that images were not forbid. "The honour due to Martyrs, says he,
+in his _Via ad pacem_[605], is much greater than what we owe to living
+Saints, because the Apocalypse tells us, that the Martyrs reign with
+Jesus Christ: there is therefore no harm in publicly testifying our
+esteem for them, and celebrating their memories on days set apart for
+that purpose, and in the places where they suffered martyrdom. The
+Protestants acknowledge that they pray for the Church: they are in the
+wrong therefore to look on those as Idolaters; who, agreeable to the
+opinion of several ancients, think the knowledge of our wants and our
+prayers may be communicated to the Martyrs by a revelation from God, or
+by the ministry of Angels. Such, he says in another place[606], as think
+it idolatry to address, the Martyrs, that they may pray for us, accuse
+St. Chrysostom, and the other holy Doctors of the Greek and Latin
+Church, of a horrible crime. For my part, I dare not do this; neither
+would I blame those who abstain from praying to the Saints. I have also
+said that true Relics of true Martyrs deserve to be respected."
+
+In fine, in his _Votum pro pace_[607], he proves by a long series of
+passages from the Fathers, that the invocation of saints was used by the
+ancient Church, and therefore cannot be treated as idolatry; that there
+is no law in the Gospel against the use of Images in Churches, that it
+cannot be said they are forbid by the law of nature, and that in the
+times of St. Ambrose and St. Augustine the relics of Martyrs were
+honoured in the Church. He defends in several places Praying for the
+Dead, which was practised in all the Churches of the East, as well as of
+the West[608]: he proves that the ancient Church prayed for the Dead,
+and that St. Augustine[609] regarded the opposers of this practice as
+heretics. He maintains[610] that every ancient liturgy has prayers for
+the Dead, and that as Tertullian relates, they were used in all the
+Churches in his time. He asserts[611], that the Jews knew and admitted
+of a Purgatory. One of the articles which made most noise in the
+beginning of the grand Schism in the sixteenth Century was that of
+justification, Grotius declares[612], that the more he examined the
+Scriptures, the greater agreement he discovered between them and the
+tradition of the Roman Church concerning justification. He was persuaded
+that it had the same idea of the Catholic Church mentioned in the Creed,
+as the ancients entertained. He would have men submit to the decisions
+of general councils[613]; and maintains that a pious and peaceable man
+ought not to contradict them when their decrees are received by almost
+all the Churches, especially those which were founded by the Apostles.
+He means no doubt the Council of Trent.
+
+Grotius must have supposed that the Church could not err, when he
+wrote[614], "The Bishops of Rome may be in an error, but they cannot
+long remain, in it, if they adhere to the universal Church." He was
+persuaded that we run no danger in embracing a doctrine taught by the
+Greek and Latin Churches[615]: "For, says he, the points in which these
+two Churches agree have been decided by the Apostles or by general
+Councils." He maintains that expressions tho' new, ought to be received
+in Theology[616], when they are supported by the authority of General
+Councils. This was in opposition to the Protestants, who maintained that
+the term transubstantiation ought to be rejected on account of its
+novelty. He is positive that such as depart from what was practised by
+the whole Church, and confirmed by Councils[617], are guilty of a most
+insolent folly, as St. Augustine said. He acknowledged the utility of
+tradition. Had he lived in the time of the Apostles he would have
+believed, he tells us, what they said, as well as what they wrote[618].
+He was persuaded that the goodness of God[619] had not permitted the
+doctrine of the universal Church to be corrupted, though the manners of
+the Pastors of the Church might be reprehensible. He entertained the
+same opinion, he tells us[620], concerning the authority of the Fathers
+as the illustrious Father Petavius in the Prolegomena prefixed to his
+most useful body of Divinity.
+
+The works of the Apostolical Fathers were, next to the Scriptures,
+Grotius's favourite study. When he heard that the Epistle of St.
+Clement, which had been long lost to the world, was published in England
+by Junius[621], from a Manuscript brought from Egypt, and written about
+the time of the Council of Nice, he expressed his satisfaction to
+Descordes[622], in a letter from Hamburg, dated June 1, 1633. "You gave
+me great pleasure by informing me of the discovery of the Epistle of St.
+Clement of Rome. No pains should be spared to recover those Fragments,
+which partake much of the nature of the apostolical Writings: and they
+ought not to be wholly rejected on account of interpolations: we must do
+with them as with metals, separate the dross from the pure metal. Would
+to God that Father Sirmond, or some one of his society like him, would
+give us the Epistle of Barnabas, from which there are some quotations in
+Clement of Alexandria. I remember to have heard Father Sirmond himself
+say that the Jesuits have this letter."
+
+St. Clement's Epistle was not sent to Grotius till after his departure
+from Hamburg, and arrival at Francfort[623]. He examined it immediately,
+and wrote his thoughts of it, July 17, to the famous Jerom Bignon,
+Advocate-General: After reading it over and over, he remained satisfied
+that it was the same which Photius had seen, and which St. Jerom,
+Clement of Alexandria, and before them St. Irenæus, had; and which was
+written in the end of Nero's reign, or some years before that of
+Vespasian; and that it was most authentic, without the least
+interpolation. As to the second Epistle, ascribed to St. Clement, he did
+not think it written by that Pope: but at the same time did not question
+its being a work of the first Century. Grotius agrees in this with the
+most learned Critics even among the Roman Catholics[624].
+
+He obtained a sight of St. Barnabas's[625] Epistle, of which he was so
+desirous; but he had not the satisfaction to see it printed. Usher
+undertook to publish it in 1643; but before it was finished a fire
+consumed at Oxford what was already printed[626]. Two years after,
+Father Menard's edition appeared: but this was the year of Grotius's
+death. To return to his opinion concerning the points controverted
+between the Roman Catholics and Protestants: he speaks with great
+contempt of the inadmissibility[627] of grace. His treatise _Of faith
+and works_ is written against this error. He maintains that it is the
+most pernicious system that can be introduced; that it is not to be
+found in any of the Fathers; and was not so much as tolerated in ancient
+times.
+
+He proves that fasting was very early observed in the Church, as we may
+be convinced by reading St. Irenæus[628]; that Lent was always observed
+by the ancient Church; that the sign of the Cross has something
+respectable in it, and was used in the first ages, as Tertullian, and
+others after him, observe; that Virginity[629] is a more perfect state
+than marriage, as the Fathers taught; that the Romish Church preserved
+the ancient discipline of the Western Church with regard to the celibacy
+of the Priests; that Jesus Christ himself taught[630] that such as
+lived in celibacy were more proper for the ecclesiastical functions;
+that the African Church agreed in this point with that of Rome; and
+that, besides, the Romish Church did not refuse to communicate with
+Churches which permitted Priests to marry. Of all the religious orders
+he approved most of the congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory, and
+the institution of the Jesuits, because the first retired when they
+pleased; and the others might leave the society with permission of their
+Superiors.
+
+In fine, he speaks of the Council of Trent with great respect. "Those,
+he says[631], who shall read its Decrees with a mind disposed to peace,
+will find that every thing is wisely explained in them, and agreeable to
+what is taught by the Scriptures and the ancient Fathers, as may be seen
+by the passages cited in the margin."
+
+Such as were displeased with these pacific sentiments, objected to him
+that he had formerly thought otherwise. Laurentius wrote a piece on this
+subject, which is mentioned by Grotius in a letter to his brother[632],
+"Laurentius, says he, objects to me that what I have formerly written
+contradicts my later works: however, if they be examined by the true
+rules of criticism, no such contradiction will be found. Farther, if, as
+I have advanced in years, conversation with able men, and a more perfect
+examination, have made me change my sentiments, I ought not on that
+account to be accused of inconstancy, no more than St. Augustin, who
+retracted many things." He again touches on this point in his _Votum pro
+pace_[633]. "If in my youth, says he, having less knowledge than now,
+the prejudices of education, or a blind attachment to authors of same,
+carried me too great lengths, shall I not be permitted at present, when
+I am old, to adopt more reasonable sentiments, after long enquiry and a
+renunciation of all party spirit?"
+
+It is not surprising that after such a declaration the zealous Clergy
+sought to render him odious. They printed a book against him, under the
+title of _Grotius papista_[634]. It is certain that he gave the
+preference to the Roman Catholic religion above all the others, and it
+has even been reported that he promised to M. Bignon, before leaving
+Paris, to declare himself openly a Roman Catholic[635]. It has also been
+said that M. Arnaud asserted, that he was informed by a man of honour,
+who had it from M. Bignon, that Grotius, on setting out for Sweden,
+declared to this last Gentleman, that as soon as he came back he would
+make profession of the Roman Catholic Religion. The Jesuits have
+published a Flemish book under the title of the _Testament of
+Grotius_[636], in which they advance that he was ready to turn Roman
+Catholic: the Author of _Vindiciæ Grotianæ_ has pretended to confute
+this assertion by some passages in Grotius's earlier works: but his
+reasoning must appear absurd, since it was only in the latter part of
+his life that he preferred the Romish Religion. A Protestant, who could
+not deny that Grotius gave the preference to the Roman Catholic
+religion, has ventured to advance, that it was perhaps with a view to be
+made a Cardinal: this wretched conjecture is Osiander's; but besides
+that Grotius had a wife of whom he was very fond, he was a man incapable
+of embracing an opinion from motives of interest.
+
+It is very certain that Grotius was most intimate with Father Petau, who
+cultivated his friendship (as this learned Jesuit tells us himself in
+one of his letters) in hopes of bringing him to an open profession of
+the Roman Catholic faith. This gave M. Varlois occasion to say, in his
+elogium of Father Petau[637], "What did he not do to gain over the
+illustrious Grotius to the Catholic Religion? He did not dislike us, he
+was even almost one of us, since he publicly declared his acceptance of
+the doctrine of the Council of Trent. One thing only was wanting to him,
+to resort to our Churches, which he only deferred till he could bring
+many with him to the unity of the Catholic faith." Father Briet says
+much the same in his _Annals of the World_ for the year 1645. "This year
+died Hugo Grotius, the honour and glory of men of learning: his
+intention was to die a Catholic, but he wanted time; for, as he assured
+me, he believed as we do."
+
+We read in the _Menagiana_[638], that when Grotius's death was known at
+Paris, Father Petau, persuaded that he was a Catholic at heart, said
+mass for his soul: it was even reported at that time, if we may believe
+the compiler of those Anecdotes, that Grotius wanted to declare himself
+before his journey to Sweden, but was advised by Father Petau to go
+there first, and return afterwards to Paris to settle, and fulfil his
+resolution. It is improbable that such a zealous Catholic as Father
+Petau would advise Grotius to defer for a moment the edification of all
+the Catholics by his return to the Church; but it is certain that Father
+Petau said mass for his friend. The tradition of this fact is preferred
+among the Jesuits, and there are people of credit alive who remember to
+have heard it affirmed for certain by Father Harduin and M. Huet Bishop
+of Avranches[639].
+
+As Grotius's religion was a problem to many, Menage wrote an Epigram on
+this occasion, the sense of which is, that as many different sects
+claimed his religion, as there were towns which contended for the birth
+of Homer:
+
+     Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Salamis, Argos, Athenæ,
+     Siderei certant vatis de patriâ Homeri:
+     Grotiadæ certant de religione Socinus,
+     Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[602] Ep. 966. p. 434.
+
+[603] Ep. 489. p. 894.
+
+[604] Ep. 622. p. 943.
+
+[605] Via ad pacem, p. 623, art. xx.
+
+[606] Animad. in animad. ad. ar. 19. p. 645.
+
+[607] P. 705.
+
+[608] Via ad pacem, p. 626.
+
+[609] Votum pro pace, p. 916.
+
+[610] Animad. in animad. p. 646.
+
+[611] Via ad pacem, p. 626. Animad. in anim. p. 646
+
+[612] Ep. 622. p. 943.
+
+[613] Votum pro pace, p. 727.
+
+[614] Ep. 613. p. 940.
+
+[615] Ep. 668. p. 957.
+
+[616] Via ad pacem art. 1. p. 615.
+
+[617] Art. 7. p. 617.
+
+[618] Via ad pacem, p. 628. Anim. in anim. p. 647. Votum pro pace, p.
+724.
+
+[619] Anim. in anim. p. 642.
+
+[620] Votum pro pace, p. 681.
+
+[621] Tillem. t. 2. p. 158.
+
+[622] Ep. 318. p. 113.
+
+[623] Ep. 357. p. 124.
+
+[624] Tillemont, t. 2. n. 13. p. 567.
+
+[625] Ep. 391. p. 866.
+
+[626] Fabric. Bib. Græc. l. 4. p. 174. tom. 3.
+
+[627] Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Anim. in anim. p. 649.
+
+[628] Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Via ad pacem, p. 617.
+
+[629] Votum pro pace, p. 750.
+
+[630] Matt. xix. 12. 1 Cor. vii.
+
+[631] Votum pro pace, p. 682.
+
+[632] Ep. 647. p. 951.
+
+[633] P. 702.
+
+[634] Ep. 615. p. 944.
+
+[635] Sent. des Theolog. de Hollande, p. 393. Menagiana, t. 2. p. 298.
+
+[636] Vin. Grot. p. 506.
+
+[637] Vin. Grot. p. 505.
+
+[638] Tom. 4. p. 180.
+
+[639] See Vie du P. Petau, Niceron, t. 37. p. 159.
+
+
+XXIII. That which contributed to the removal of Grotius's prejudices
+against the Catholic Church was undoubtedly the project he had formed of
+reconciling all the different parties which divide Christendom. He saw
+well the necessity of having the Catholics on his side; and he flattered
+himself that having gained them, he would easily bring over the rest. M.
+Huet did not think such a project absolutely chimerical[640]: "The
+religious differences, says he, which have long disturbed the peace of
+Christians, are not impossible to be accommodated. If the parties would
+set about it sincerely, without obstinacy or private interest, they
+would soon find ways of accommodation; but some of all parties are so
+warm, that they censure such of their own party as seek to accommodate
+differences, with no less severity than they do their adversaries. With
+what presumptuous rigour did Rivetus the Minister treat Grotius for
+proposing the means of peace? Grotius, in a modest answer, humbles his
+pride without naming him; humorously pointing him out by that title
+taken from Catullus[641], _Adversus quemdam opaca quem facit bonum
+barba_."
+
+M. Bayle differed from M. Huet concerning the attempt to unite the
+different religions: he thinks it as great a chimera as the Philosophers
+stone, or the quadrature of the circle. The truth is, to hope for
+success in such a project, one must suppose in all men a sincere love of
+truth, and a readiness to renounce their prejudices, good
+understandings, and upright hearts.
+
+In this undertaking one essential thing, which must not be forgot, is,
+that if the Catholic Church, by a condescendance worthy of her charity
+and her desire that all men should come to the knowledge of the truth,
+should remit some point of her discipline, she cannot shew this
+indulgence with regard to any tenet condemned by the Council of Trent,
+without betraying her principles: there is therefore only one way of
+reunion, namely, that those who separated from the Catholic Church
+acknowledge that they have no argument that can justify their schism,
+and humbly praying to be received into the bosom of their mother, seek
+to obtain this favour by sacrificing their errors.
+
+It was very common in the last age for men to busy themselves in finding
+out ways of reconciliation between the Protestants and Roman Catholics:
+the Reformed set about it; and I cannot forbear relating here the
+extravagance of Cregutius, Minister of Montelemar, who in a small
+treatise, which I have in Manuscript, on the question, Whether an union
+with the Romish Church is to be hoped for or not? decides it in the
+affirmative, provided (says he) the Church of Rome begin with renouncing
+the doctrine of transubstantiation: of which he doth not despair.
+Grotius with more good sense laboured from his youth in the grand
+project of reconciling all the parties into which Christians are
+divided. His good intentions were known to Europe before his escape from
+Louvestein: Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, complimented him on his
+design. "God, says he, has ordered it so that you should owe your
+deliverance entirely to him, to the end that being delivered from
+worldly distractions, you may employ the rare talents with which he has
+entrusted you, in promoting that work which is no doubt most agreeable
+to him, namely the common peace of Christendom by a reunion of all the
+members which have separated from their spiritual mother, in whom they
+or their fathers were conceived. And for as much as it is the thing
+which many men of honour expect[642] from you, I cannot forbear
+rejoicing with them, and accelerating by my applause such a happy
+course." Grotius's answer confirmed the Keeper of the Seals in the idea
+he had entertained. "God is my witness, says he, how much I am afflicted
+when I compare the first ages of the Church with our unhappy times, in
+which the people, differing in articles of faith, have divided into
+factions, and thereby given occasion to wars of which even the nations
+of the heathen would have been ashamed. There are doubtless many good
+men, who grieve to see such a great evil; and, preserving charity for
+all Christians, ardently desire to see union restored; and are disposed
+to procure this great blessing by following the Apostle's counsel, to
+bear with the infirmities of others, and extend their patience and
+candour to their utmost length: but those rigid notions, which a party
+spirit has instilled into many, is a great obstacle to the obtaining of
+this happiness. May God pour out a spirit of charity and meekness on the
+heads of the Church, on Kings and Potentates, that, surmounting every
+difficulty, they may without delay restore to the Church her primitive
+beauty, and above all a solid peace, without prejudice to truth. Many
+thousands, of whom I am one, pray without ceasing for the execution of
+this pious design, and desire nothing more than to be employed in it."
+
+Filled with this idea, he proposed to Lewis XIII, in his dedication _Of
+the Rights of War and Peace_, to compose the differences of the
+Churches, and direct the age in which he lived how to terminate them in
+conformity to the sentiments of that time, when all allow that
+Christianity was in its purity. He imagined the alliance between France
+and England would facilitate the execution of a project worthy of such
+mighty Kings: he had it so much at heart, that he thought himself
+destined to labour in it from his mother's womb[643]. "It is a vocation,
+says he to his brother, which God has given me.--I have many witnesses,
+he writes to Duræus[644], who knew me in my native country, and can
+attest not only how much I have desired, but also how much I have
+laboured to lessen the disputes among Christians, in order to promote
+gradually the restoration of unity. I might even appeal to yourself, in
+relation to what has since been done both in Germany and Sweden.--I
+shall never cease, he says to his brother[645], my utmost endeavours for
+establishing peace among Christians; and if I should not succeed, it
+will be honourable to die in such a pious enterprize."
+
+He had the consolation to be seconded in his pacific projects by Duræus,
+a Clergyman in Sweden, with whom he cultivated a correspondence for
+advancing the coalition of Christians[646]. "What you labour in with so
+much zeal is precisely what I have been employed about since I began to
+have any relish for divine things. Experience teaches me how many
+difficulties we must expect both from Statesmen and Divines bigotted to
+their own opinions, and averse to those of others: but all these
+obstacles ought not to prevent our undertaking such a good work: if we
+do not succeed, we shall at least enjoy the satisfaction of having
+entertained very sublime ideas. For my part, as I have done it already,
+so I shall still continue to recommend to the High Chancellor your
+piety, your learning, your good intentions, and your zeal, to which I
+ardently wish success; and the accounts of your progress from time to
+time will give me the greatest pleasure.--Duræus's enterprize is
+attended with particular difficulties at this time, he writes to
+Berneggerus[647]: but things as difficult have often had a happy issue:
+besides, it affords much satisfaction to a man's conscience to have
+attempted what is highly useful, even though he should fail of success."
+
+Duræus meeting with great obstacles, Grotius consoles him on that head,
+in a letter of the 21st of November, 1637. "What gives me hopes, he
+says, is your constancy, and the countenance of the High Chancellor. I
+have conferred on this subject with the two English Ambassadors, the
+Earl of Leicester and Lord Scudamore: they are of my opinion, that the
+present time, while Europe is engaged in war, is not favourable for
+convoking a general assembly of Protestants."
+
+Duræus's project regarding only a union among Protestants, Daillé and
+the ablest men among the reformed Ministers approved of it, with some
+limitations: there was, however, little prospect of success[648] on
+account of the intollerant spirit of some turbulent Ministers, such as
+Voetius.
+
+Grotius had much higher views; he proposed nothing less[649] than to
+reunite all Christians: in this, he said, he would not cease to labour;
+and, that it would yield him pleasure to die so well employed[650]; that
+he gave himself little pain about the hatred he might incur, for if men
+gave way to this fear, never any vice would be corrected.
+
+What encouraged him farther, in this idea, was the number of great men
+who entertained it before him. "I am not the only one who hath conceived
+this project, he writes to his brother[651]: Erasmus, Cassander,
+Vecelius, and Casaubon had the same design. La Miletiere is employed at
+present in it: Cardinal Richelieu declares that he will protect the
+coalition; and he is such a happy man that he never undertook any thing
+in which he did not succeed: and even if there were no hopes of success
+at present, ought we not to sow the seed which may be useful to
+posterity[652]? Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred among
+Christians, and render them more sociable, would not this be worth
+purchasing at the price of some labour and reproaches?"
+
+Arminius may likewise be numbered with those who were desirous of
+reuniting Christians[653]. The method he proposed was to distinguish
+fundamental points from such as were not, and leave men at liberty to
+believe or disbelieve the latter. He communicated his project to
+Casaubon, who highly approved it: but how shall men settle what articles
+are fundamental? This question is a source of endless disputes. Besides,
+they must be able to answer the Roman Catholic Divines, who, building on
+the doctrine that has been always taught, justly pretend that whatever
+has been decided to be part of that doctrine ought to be regarded as
+fundamental. Men could not help approving Grotius's intention; but even
+those, by whom he was held in the greatest esteem, had no confidence in
+the success of his project. This made him write to Baron Oxenstiern on
+the subject[654]. "Even if religious differences, he says, had not given
+occasion to bloody wars, I should still think it the duty of Christians
+to restore the unity; since, as the Apostle of the Gentiles tells us, we
+ought to be all members of one body. But even those, who say they desire
+it, doubt whether the thing be practicable. I know well that all schism,
+the further it has extended, and the longer it has lasted, will be more
+difficult to heal; so many being employed to throw oil on the flames:
+however, there are examples of inveterate evils that have been cured in
+the Church. After the Council of Chalcedon there was a very great schism
+in the East, which continued an hundred years till the reign of
+Justinian, by whose authority, Pope Vigilius listening at last to terms
+of peace, an end was put to it. Charles V, Ferdinand, and Maximilian
+thought that the schism between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
+of the Augsbourg confession was not incurable. Melancton and other
+learned men, whose writings are still extant, were of the same opinion.
+I have heard from great men, that Henry IV. of France said that he would
+undertake to obtain, for the King of England and his Protestant allies,
+such conditions of returning to the unity of the Church, as they could
+not handsomely refuse; and that he purposed to send some of his Bishops
+into England to confer on this subject with the Prelates of that
+kingdom: but this project, which had been concerted with several great
+men, was defeated by the King's death. I believe the chief difference
+between the tenets of the Augsbourg confession and those of the Council
+of Trent lies in the ambiguity of some expressions, which are understood
+differently; but may be explained, by men of understanding and friends
+to peace, in such manner, that no difference will remain but in those
+things which may be left to the free discussions of the Learned, without
+any injury to the peace of the Church. It is evident, from the examples
+of the Maronites and Greeks, that those who communicate in both kinds,
+and use a liturgy different from that of the Romish Church, provided it
+be susceptible of a Catholic sense, even were it in the vulgar tongue,
+may be received into the communion of the Apostolical See; and likewise
+those Churches which allow the Priests to marry. What has been done in
+Sweden and elsewhere, for the reformation of discipline, by suppressing
+simony and superstition, ought not only to be retained; but there is
+room to hope that when unity is restored other nations will follow this
+example, there being many among them who ardently desire, that the
+abuses which have crept in may be removed according to the ancient
+Canons. It is very difficult to render the supremacy of the Bishop of
+Rome useful, or at least not hurtful to the Church: but if one
+considers, that the Kings and Bishops of the Romish religion are as much
+concerned in this matter, as the Protestants, and reflects on the
+precautions taken in it by France and Spain, he will not despair of
+finding expedients for securing the authority of Kings, their right in
+the election of Bishops and the prerogatives of the Primates,
+Archbishops, and Bishops, agreeable to the Canons and the ancient Church
+discipline. If the Christian world could have rest from war, the Kings
+of the Romish communion, who are favourably disposed towards the
+Protestants, might prepare matters at Rome in such manner as to give
+hope of a happy issue. I grant that these things are attended with
+difficulties; but so is every great, and useful, and glorious
+undertaking; and in such a salutary work we may confide in the
+Almighty's aid."
+
+After this manner did Grotius write to the Swedish Plenipotentiary, in
+the end of the year 1614, handling with greater delicacy, as he wrote to
+Protestants, the nice article of the Pope's Supremacy, in favour of
+which he had spoken more strongly in the pieces he had just published.
+
+We learn from his first letters, that he communicated his pacific ideas
+to his father, and that he was early sensible of the great difficulties
+attending a reunion. He writes to his brother, Oct. 27, 1623[655],
+"What my father writes, of restoring things to the condition they were
+in before the Council of Trent, would be a great step; but
+transubstantiation, and the adoration ordained by the Lateran Council,
+and the invocation of Saints, which is received in all the liturgies,
+will be great stumbling-blocks to tender consciences."
+
+Some years after, he imagined that the shortest way to a coalition of
+Christians would be to reduce the articles of faith to a small number.
+"It were well, says he[656], if Christians would reflect how few the
+points are, and how clearly expressed in Scripture, which constitute the
+Rule of Faith laid down by St. Irenæus and Tertullian; and as it is not
+allowed to doubt of these, the liberty left to men in others might
+contribute to the peace of the Church."
+
+Afterwards he went much farther. "I could wish, he says to his
+brother[657], Nov. 14. 1643, that Utengobard, when his health will
+permit, would write something, if he has not done it already, on the
+necessity of restoring the unity of the Church; and by what means it may
+be done. Many think that the true way would be to distinguish between
+what is necessary, and what is not; and to leave men at full liberty in
+the latter: but it is as difficult to know what is necessary, as to know
+what is true. The Scriptures, they say, are the rule: but interpreters
+vary on the passages referred to. I know not, therefore, whether it
+would not be best to adhere to the sentiments of the Catholic Church
+concerning faith and good works: for I think they hold all that is
+necessary to be believed in order to salvation. As to other articles
+which have been determined by Councils, or received by the first
+Christians, we must adopt the moderate interpretation, and such we shall
+find on every point. If any one cannot prevail with himself to be silent
+in relation to things, of which he has no certainty, but will disturb
+the unity of the Church, instead of labouring to restore it, matters
+will proceed from bad to worse."
+
+Sometimes Grotius imagined he should succeed. Nov. 23, 1641, he writes
+to Gerard Vossius[658], that Codurus, Justellus, and Melitiere, three of
+the most learned Protestants, had thanked him for what he had written on
+the Consultation of Cassander. "I perceive, says he to his brother, by
+conversing with the men of most learning among the Reformed, and
+explaining my sentiments to them, that they are of my opinion: their
+number will increase if my treatises are dispersed; in which, I can
+truly affirm, I have said nothing from a party spirit, but followed
+truth as closely as I could."
+
+He writes to his father[659], that he was not without hopes of some good
+effect from his incessant labours to restore peace to Christendom. "That
+day will at length shine forth, of which we now perceive the dawn: for
+many great, pious, and learned men, of both parties, begin to see how
+unreasonable it is to neglect the reformation of manners while we are
+framing new tenets, and censuring old ones, which require only a good
+comment. This excellent design I recommend to your prayers; it was you
+gave me the first hint of it."
+
+He writes to his brother[660], June 15, 1641, "I have received a visit
+from some Catholic Counsellors of State, and Codurus the clergyman, who
+expect the coalition will quickly take place, and pay great regard to my
+opinion. May the God of peace direct the whole to the advancement of
+truth and piety."
+
+He received the agreeable account, that the pieces he had written to
+promote the coalition were approved of in Denmark, Sweden, England,
+Germany, and Poland.
+
+He imagined several Catholics entered into his views. Divers doctors of
+the Sorbonne, he said[661], thanked him for the remarks he wrote on the
+Consultation of Cassander. "The ablest men among the Catholics think
+what I have done, he tells his brother[662], is written with great
+freedom and moderation, and approve of it."
+
+"We ought not, he says in another letter[663], to regard only the
+present age, but posterity also: yet I find some people who think they
+shall live to see the union restored."
+
+He imagined his manner of handling the controversy was approved of by
+the ablest men of the Romish Communion, and even at Rome because there
+were most great men in that city.
+
+For some time he entertained hopes that Cardinal Richelieu would favour
+him: Jan. 19, 1641, he writes thus to his brother[664]: "When my book is
+published, many Protestants will see that the reconciliation of the
+Churches is easier than they imagined: for the principal basis of the
+Reformation may subsist with the Pope's consent, provided the affair be
+managed with mildness and without giving him offence. I write this on
+good grounds: Cardinal Richelieu thinks the thing will succeed: he has
+said so to several."
+
+Grotius had either been misinformed, or the Cardinal changed his
+language: for the former writes to his brother[665], March 24, 1642, "As
+Cardinal Richelieu speaks differently from what he did some time ago
+about the peace of the churches, I am afraid this change conceals some
+ill design against the Reformed."
+
+Grotius, finding at length that the project of a coalition was
+impracticable without the approbation of the Catholics, contracted an
+intimacy with Father Petau, to whom he communicated all his works
+relating to religion and the reconciliation of the churches. In a letter
+of the 3d of December, 1640, he desires him to send him his remarks on
+his works, "That, says he, by your assistance I may add, suppress, or
+correct, as shall be most necessary for promoting truth and peace. Would
+to God that I had as much genius and learning as some others: I would
+accomplish what it is great barely to attempt."
+
+He communicated to Father Petau the manuscript of his answer to
+Rivetus[666], desiring him to point out what was not agreeable to truth,
+or had not a tendency to promote peace. "I am resolved, says he, to
+publish my answer as soon as I have your opinion, to which I pay great
+regard."
+
+Father Petau gives us the history of his acquaintance with Grotius, in
+his XIIth letter[667]. "I had, says he, a great desire to see and
+converse with him; we have been long together, and very intimate. He is,
+as far as I can judge, a good man, and of great candour. I do not think
+him far from becoming a Catholic, after, the example of Holstenius, as
+you hoped: I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to
+Christ, and put him in the way of salvation."
+
+Father Petau mentions him again in another letter, written to Cardinal
+Francis Barberinus[668]. His Eminence had applied to that learned Jesuit
+for information in what state Grotius had left, at his death, his work
+on the Antiquities of Sweden. Father Petau makes him this answer. "I had
+some connection with Hugo Grotius, and I wish I could say he is now
+happy. Our love to learning began our acquaintance, which I kept up in
+hopes of being useful to him. Accordingly I saw him often, and he also
+visited me, and wrote to me frequently." He concludes with assuring the
+Cardinal, that he would enquire of his widow about his work relating to
+Sweden.
+
+Grotius's several attempts to restore the peace of Christendom made him
+be looked upon as a good man by pacific people; but they occasioned him
+much uneasiness from those, who, being obstinately attached to the
+opinions of the first Reformers, regarded all that kept any measures
+with the Romish Church as Apostates. He laid his account with
+contradictions. Feb. 23, 1641, he writes to Israel Caski[669], "Those
+who had the same design that I have were generally evil-treated by both
+parties, and met with the fate of such as would separate combatants: but
+the God of peace will judge them with justice. They have also on their
+side pious and learned men, whose merit outweighs the number of the
+others.--I believe, says he to his brother[670], my Remarks on Cassander
+will please few, because there are not many skilled in the Scriptures
+and Antiquity: most people are bigotted to their opinions. I except
+against such Judges; I regard them not; nor have I any desire to know
+what they say. I have granted nothing to the Roman Catholics, but what
+antiquity gives them." The zealous Clergy, not content with writing
+against him themselves, every where stirred him up enemies: he speaks in
+his letters[671] of one Seyffectus of Ulm, who, instigated by Rivetus
+and others of that party, wrote against him.
+
+Several learned men, who had the highest esteem and the most perfect
+friendship for Grotius, conceived a violent hatred to him on seeing him
+lean towards the Catholics. He had been extremely intimate with
+Salmasius: he had received letters from him filled with the most
+expressive testimonies of friendship[672]; and Grotius had informed him
+of the happy change of his fortune, because he looked upon him as one of
+his best friends: they had long kept up a learned correspondence by
+letters, in which we find a reciprocal esteem and the greatest
+politeness; but when Grotius set up for a Mediator, Salmasius publicly
+declared, that he disapproved of the way of reconciliation proposed by
+Grotius[673]; and from that time his friendship changed into bitter
+enmity.
+
+Sarrau, Counsellor in the parliament of Rouen, who had been one of
+Grotius's best friends, as we may see by the letters that passed between
+them, withdrew his friendship when he thought him in the interest of the
+Romish Church. May 31, 1641, he writes[674], "What is reported for
+certain, that Grotius is gone over to the Popish party, is not true: but
+with great concern we see him every day employed in something very like
+it: he will not suffer us to rank him in any class of Protestants
+whatever, because he has used them all too ill in his Treatises on
+Antichrist and the Consultation of Cassander."
+
+Sarrau also writes to Salmasius[675], that it was publicly said these
+projects of reconciliation had set the High Chancellor and several other
+Lords against Grotius. He flattered himself, however[676], that Sarrau
+approved of his project: for he writes to his brother, William Grotius,
+"Among some others of the Reformed, Sarrau, who was a Counsellor in the
+parliament of Rouen, and is at present in that of Paris, praises my
+design." But it is probable that Grotius took compliments for realities.
+It is certain that Grotius's schemes displeased Sarrau, and that there
+was a coldness between them, for the latter writes thus to Salmasius,
+Feb. 10, 1644[677], "I am not reconciled to the Swedish Ambassador: if
+I had an inclination to it I believe it might easily be done. The
+alteration in our friendship does not proceed from my fault, but solely
+from his plan of pacification, which I do not approve. I esteem him
+highly, on account of the great services he has done to learning; and
+shall even never cease to love him: but, far from commending or
+approving his late pieces, I am greatly dissatisfied with them: however,
+I would not have the many excellent things he has done slighted on that
+account. Every one acknowledges you to be the first man in the republic
+of letters; but it cannot be denied that he holds the second rank. You
+have no superior, nor even any equal; suffer him to be after you the
+first."
+
+The celebrated Schurman, whose extensive knowledge had at that time
+gained her a very high reputation, signifies to Rivetus, Jan. 20,
+1643[678], the general discontent of the greater number of the Reformed
+against Grotius. "Hitherto, says she, every one had a high idea of
+Grotius's genius and erudition. But since he departed from sound reason,
+changed the object of his studies, and insulted by gross invectives the
+whole body of Protestants, and the principal authors of the reformation,
+everyone seeks for Grotius in Grotius. Nothing can be more ridiculous or
+foolish than to see a man, who neither agrees with others, nor with
+himself, as you have well shewn, undertake, without our desire or
+consent, to reconcile us with the Roman Catholics, and positively decide
+that we may, and that we ought to come into his views."
+
+Ruarus[679] had predicted to Grotius himself, that he would reap no
+other fruit of his labours, than the hatred of both parties: but he was
+at the same time persuaded that no worldly interest entered into
+Grotius's views, more honest in this respect than the zealous protestant
+clergy, who were ready to adopt the most gross and groundless calumnies,
+provided they were levelled against Grotius.
+
+So much contradiction chagrined him greatly, and altered his
+temper[680]: by seeking to establish peace among men, he lost the
+tranquility of his own mind, which he had preserved in his deepest
+adversity. It is said he became suspicious, and peevish, and lost that
+politeness towards his friends, which had so advantageously
+distinguished him from other men of learning. It is even reported (but
+by one of his enemies, indeed) that one day he abused M. du Puis in his
+[Grotius's] own house, and turned him out of doors, for presuming to
+contradict him[681]. Yet it is evident from his letters, that he was
+most intimate with the two illustrious brothers, Mess. du Puis, and was
+under high obligations to them. "You have always been my best friends
+(he writes to them, Nov. 19, 1633[682]) and almost my only ones since
+Rigaut went to Metz, Salmasius to Leyden, and Tilenus died."
+
+A letter to his brother[683], Nov. 1, 1641, clearly shews the change of
+his temper. Blondius having used Reigersberg, Grotius's friend and
+relation, very ill, he writes to his brother William: "If Blondius
+should speak to you, tell him I have a son here, who will send him a
+challenge, for affronting the Senator Reigersberg." This menace, which
+seemed to be an approbation of duelling, much surprised William Grotius,
+who had read in the _Rights of War and Peace_[684], that this doctrine
+was clearly condemned by the gospel. Grotius proves in another part of
+the same book, "That honour being nothing but the opinion we have of
+our distinguishing qualities, he who bears with a slight injury, thereby
+discovers a patience above the common; and thus, instead of lessening
+his honour, adds to it; and that if some people, from a wrong judgment,
+bestow improper epithets on this virtue and turn it into ridicule; these
+wrong judgments change not the nature of the thing, nor lessen its real
+value. This has not only been acknowledged by the first Christians, but
+by the ancient Philosophers, who, as we have elsewhere shewn, ascribed
+an impatient resentment of insults to meanness of soul. Should any one
+even publish things capable of hurting us with good men, that will not
+authorise us to kill him. If there are authors who maintain the
+contrary, it is an erroneous opinion which clasheth even with the
+principles of natural law: for killing the person who attacks our
+reputation is a bad way of defending it." Thus Grotius thought in his
+best days. We have enlarged on this head, to shew into what
+contradiction, and excess of weakness, great men may fall. William
+Grotius was no doubt astonished at his brother's vivacity, and probably
+gave him some check for it; for Grotius afterwards writes to him, "What
+I wrote to you, relating to my son and Blondius, I did it not because I
+approved of such things, but because that or something worse might
+happen."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[640] Huetiana, S. 16. p. 46.
+
+[641] M. Huet is mistaken: it was not Rivetus whom Grotius meant by this
+verse of Catullus, but Laet.
+
+[642] See _Votum pro pace_, p. 744.
+
+[643] Ep. 534. A matris visceribus.
+
+[644] Ep. 1471. p. 666.
+
+[645] Ep 383. p. 804.
+
+[646] Ep. 801. p. 357.
+
+[647] Ep. 835. p 367.
+
+[648] Ep. 411. p. 871.
+
+[649] Ep. 477. p. 890.
+
+[650] Ep. 487. p. 894.
+
+[651] Ep. 491. p. 895. & 1478. p. 668.
+
+[652] Ep. 494. p. 896.
+
+[653] Ep. præs. vir. p. 251.
+
+[654] Ep. 1706. p. 736.
+
+[655] Ep. 60. p. 772.
+
+[656] Ep. 444. p. 165.
+
+[657] Ep. 678. p. 960.
+
+[658] Ep. 1538. p. 696. & 573. p. 926.
+
+[659] Ep. 496. p. 897.
+
+[660] Ep. 551. p. 922.
+
+[661] Ep. 1533. p. 696.
+
+[662] Ep. 528. p. 400.
+
+[663] Ep. 610. p. 938.
+
+[664] Ep. 530. p. 911.
+
+[665] Ep. 592. p. 934.
+
+[666] Ep. 1569. p. 708. See also Ep. 1576. p. 710.
+
+[667] P. 284.
+
+[668] L. 3. ep. 9. p. 278.
+
+[669] Ep. 1478. p. 668.
+
+[670] Ep. 595. p. 929.
+
+[671] Ep. 637. p. 948.
+
+[672] Ep. 260. p. 88. Ep. 265. p. 99. & 368. p. 134.
+
+[673] Ep. 525. p. 908.
+
+[674] Ep. 42. p. 41.
+
+[675] Ep. 83. p. 84.
+
+[676] Ep. 579. p. 930.
+
+[677] Ep. 111. p. 110.
+
+[678] Ep. p. 203.
+
+[679] Cent. 2. p. 448.
+
+[680] See a letter from Henry Villeneuve, p. 345, after the treatise _Of
+the truth of the Christian religion_, by M. Le Clerc.
+
+[681] Osiander. Vind. Grot. p. 464.
+
+[682] Ep. 333. p. 119.
+
+[683] Ep. 572. p. 928.
+
+[684] L. 2. c. 1.
+
+
+XXIV. The hatred, which his projects of reconciliation drew upon him,
+contributed to the revival of the invidious accusation of Socinianism,
+which had been formerly laid against him: they founded it on his silence
+concerning the Trinity in his treatise _Of the truth of the Christian
+religion_, on his praises of Crellius, his connection with the
+Socinians, and, in fine, on his setting aside, or weakening several
+passages which established Christ's divinity, particularly that in which
+it is said, that Christ was before Abraham; Grotius explaining it with
+the Socinians of Christ's existence in the eternal decrees of God.
+
+It was not only his declared enemies, such as Desmarets, Osiander, and
+many others, that wanted to make him pass for a Socinian: some
+celebrated Roman Catholics, among whom we may number M. Bossuet,
+maintained that he was a favourer of Socinianism.
+
+It is true he did not always express himself with the greatest
+exactness, and sometimes enlarged more on the necessity of good works,
+than on that of regulating our faith according to the decisions of the
+Church[685]: but besides that his expressions are susceptible of a
+favourable sense, it is evident that there are several tenets, the
+belief of which he thought necessary for salvation: this manifestly
+appears from the detail he enters into concerning these doctrines in his
+later works.
+
+If even some mistakes have escaped him, of which the Socinians might
+take advantage, these will not authorise us to accuse him of being a
+favourer of that heresy. We know that never any carried a love to truth,
+or an abhorrence of falsehood, farther than he did: now he always
+expressed the greatest aversion to Socinianism: he writes to Gerard
+Vossius[686], in 1613, that there was no body of any authority in the
+republic, who held not Socinianism in abhorrence. He wrote against
+Socinus the book entitled _A defence of the Catholic faith concerning
+Christ's satisfaction against Faustus Socinus of Siena_, in which he
+proves that there is nothing contrary to justice in Christ's suffering,
+though innocent, for offenders; that even the Pagans believed that God
+punished the crimes of the fathers on the sons; and that, in the early
+ages of the world, the innocent children were often punished with the
+guilty fathers. In fine, he shews that the opinion of Socinus is
+repugnant to Scripture, which tells us that Christ's death has
+reconciled us to God, according to the expressions of St. Paul, that he
+died for us, and that by his death our sins are expiated.
+
+He was very orthodox on the article of original sin; for, he says, the
+only true opinion on this matter is that of the ancient Church, which is
+well set forth by the Council of Trent.
+
+The Socinians were far from thinking Grotius so favourable to them:
+Ruarus writes to one of his friends, "You have reason to think, that
+hitherto no body has written so learnedly against Socinus, as Grotius:
+he was always much attached to the doctrine of Christ's divinity, even
+in his earlier years." Grotius wrote to Walæus[687], in 1611, "I do not
+look upon the Samosatenians, and others, like them, as Christians, nor
+even as heretics; for their doctrine is repugnant to the belief of all
+ages, and all nations. They retain Christianity in name, but destroy it
+in fact. I therefore make no great difference between them and the
+Mahometans, who even do not revile Christ." M. Bossuet, tho' far from
+being prejudiced in favour of Grotius, allows however that he did not
+deny the divinity of Christ, nor the efficacy of his sacrifice.
+
+In several of his letters he clears himself from the charge of
+Socinianism in such a manner as leaves us no room to doubt his regarding
+it as a very dangerous heresy. "I give myself little trouble, he writes
+to his brother[688], June 4, 1639, about the calumnies spread against me
+by the worst of men, in relation to Socinianism. They may be easily
+confuted before equitable judges by the writings which I have already
+published, and by those I shall yet publish. I have defended the
+sentiments of the ancient Church concerning the Trinity, Christ's
+satisfaction, and future punishments, by Scripture and the consent of
+antiquity; and have confuted the contrary opinions. Calvin might more
+justly be[689] accused of Arianism, than I of Socinianism." Sorbiere,
+who had been his Secretary; discovering a great propensity to some
+opinions of Socinus, Grotius earnestly admonished him[690] to abstain
+from such dangerous innovation.
+
+One of the principal grounds on which they went, was, as we have already
+seen, his silence concerning the Trinity, in his book _Of the truth of
+the Christian religion_: but he has justified his method in such a
+manner, that this objection cannot be sustained by an equitable judge:
+he seems to have foreseen it; for, writing to his brother from his
+prison at Louvestein whilst he was composing this treatise in Dutch
+verse, "My intention, he says, is not to explain the doctrines of
+Christianity, but to make the profane, the Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans
+acknowledge the truth of the Christian religion, and afterwards have
+recourse to our sacred books to be informed of its tenets. The Trinity,
+and Christ's divinity could not be introduced into my arguments; for
+these doctrines will never bring over unbelievers to the Christian
+faith, and those who attempt to demonstrate them by other arguments than
+such as are drawn from scripture, absolutely lose their labour: but the
+authority of the scriptures being once established, these doctrines
+ought to be held proved." He omitted therefore all mention of these
+points, not because he disbelieved them, but because he judged it more
+proper to prove first the divinity of the sacred books, and the mission
+of Christ: and, as we have already observed, the same method has been
+followed by the most successful writers on the Truth of Christianity.
+
+He has been much reproached with his letter to Crellius. Grotius had
+written against Socinus, and Crellius, to vindicate his master, answered
+Grotius with a politeness and good-breeding seldom found in a polemical
+divine. Grotius thought it his duty to reply to him, and the measures he
+kept with this adversary were looked on by his enemies as a betraying of
+the truth. Here follows the letter, which has been so much talked of. "I
+was so far from being offended, most learned Crellius, with your book
+against mine that I inwardly thanked you at that time, and now do it by
+this letter, first, for treating me with so much civility, that the only
+thing I have left to complain of is your complimenting me in some places
+too much: next for informing me of many very useful and entertaining
+things, and exciting me by your example, to examine thoroughly into the
+sense of the sacred scriptures: you judge very rightly of me, that I
+bear no ill-will to any one who differs from me, without prejudice to
+religion; nor decline the friendship of any good man. I have found in
+your book of the True Religion, which I have already gone through, and
+shall read again, many judicious remarks: and I congratulate the present
+age, that there are men in it who make religion consist, not so much in
+subtle controversies as in amendment of life and a continual progress in
+holiness. God grant that my writings may produce these sentiments in the
+minds of my readers: I should then think my life not spent in vain. The
+treatise on the truth of the Christian religion I wrote more for my own
+satisfaction, than for the instruction of others. I don't see how it can
+be useful, after so many other works on the same subject, but by its
+brevity. If there be any thing in it that pleases you, or such as you,
+it is a happiness beyond my expectation. My great aim, in the _Rights of
+War and Peace_, was to suppress, as much as was in my power, that savage
+barbarity unworthy not only of a Christian, but of a man, which, to the
+misfortune of nations, is now too common, of beginning and carrying on
+wars by caprice. I hear with pleasure that this work has got into the
+hands of Princes: God grant they may retain what is good in it; for that
+would be the most agreeable fruit I could reap from my labour. If ever
+any occasion should offer of serving you, of your friends, be assured
+that I shall be ready to give you proofs of my high esteem. Since I can
+do no more, I sincerely pray that God would protect you, and those who
+promote religion."
+
+There is another letter from Grotius to Crellius, which has made much
+noise. After thanking him for a book he had sent him, he adds, "I am
+resolved to read your works again and again with care, having already
+reaped much benefit from them. I have always loved peace, and love it
+still; and am grieved to see so much enmity between those, who call
+themselves Christians, for such trifling matters[691]."
+
+Crellius having shewn these letters to several, the Socinians and
+Grotius's enemies spread a report, that he favoured Socinianism: even
+extracts of these letters were printed. He protested against the abuse
+made of them, and maintained[692] that if people would candidly read his
+works, they would easily be convinced of the injustice of ranking him
+with Socinians.
+
+It is certain, that, notwithstanding the terms which he makes use of in
+writing to Crellius, he did not at bottom approve of his book: he writes
+thus in confidence to his brother[693], "I have read Crellius's book: he
+writes with candour, and doth not want learning; but I cannot see how he
+will promote religion by departing from the Scripture manner of speaking
+authorised by antiquity."
+
+"If I have not answered Crellius, he says in another letter[694], it was
+for prudential reasons, and even by the advice of the Protestants of
+France, who think that the questions being unknown in this country,
+ought not to be made public by a confutation. It is easy to refute them
+with glory, though every one is not capable of it: but, it is still
+better that they should remain unknown." He speaks, in the same letter,
+of Socinus as a man very little versed in the sentiments of antiquity,
+and whose errors he had confuted in many of his works. "Must I also
+excuse myself, he asks, for not shutting my door against Martinus
+Ruarus, who desired to see me? The time was not lost that I spent in
+conversing with him, nor am I sorry for his visit. I acquainted him with
+my reasons for enquiring into the opinions of the ancient Churches, and
+for following them: I shewed him that the doctrine of satisfaction was
+no ways contrary to reason, even in the judgment of the Jews, and
+brought him some signal proofs of it. I did not conceal what violence it
+was to the Scripture, and of how dangerous consequence, to deny the
+eternity of hell torments; and I flatter myself I advanced more with
+him, than those would have done who abound in reproaches; nor do I see
+why I should abstain from writing to him, when I find the pillars of the
+Greek Church corresponding by letters even with Pagans. For my part, I
+am resolved and accustomed to preserve friendship for all men,
+particularly Christians, although erring; and I shall never blush at
+it."
+
+He advances almost the same reasons to clear himself from the charge of
+Socinianism, in a long letter to Gerard Vossius[695], of which we shall
+make no extract to avoid repetitions.
+
+In fine, those who knew Grotius best have defended him on this head. The
+celebrated Jerom Bignon, who lived in much intimacy with him, could not
+bear to [696]hear him accused of Socinianism: he said he knew him
+perfectly, and so far from being a Socinian, he had sometimes seen him
+almost in a disposition to turn Roman Catholic. His intimate connection
+with Father Petau, whose zeal for the orthodox faith was equal to his
+profound learning, is a clear evidences that the Jesuit did not think
+him a Socinian. No man was more exposed than Grotius to groundless
+accusations. An anonymous piece was written against him, accusing him of
+being a Semi-Pelagian: he did not think proper to publish a defence; but
+he mentions this accusation in a letter to his brother[697] of the 29th
+of May, 1618. "In my treatise _De ordinum Hollandiæ pietate_, I have
+mentioned Semi-Pelagianism as a very grievous error. The sentiments of
+the Remonstrants are very different from Semi-Pelagianism, for the
+Priests of Marseilles, who were called Semi-Pelagians, or the remains of
+the Pelagians, in speaking of the necessity of grace, denied that grace
+preceded good motions in the foul, at least in some men: the
+Remonstrants, on the contrary, maintain, that all that is spiritually
+good in us, even the beginning of it flows from antecedent grace.
+Consult the Synod of Orange, by which the Priests of Marseilles were
+confuted. But those that believe predestination is a consequence of
+prescience, or that grace is given to all men, or in fine that it may be
+refilled, are certainly not Semi-Pelagians."
+
+They carried their calumnies so far, as even to accuse him of Judaism.
+We read in the _Patiniana_[698] that M. Bignon, Advocate-General,
+affirmed that Grotius had acknowledged, if he would change his religion,
+he would turn Jew. John Mallet, in his book _Of Atheism_[699] has not
+only advanced that Grotius judaised in his Commentary on the Prophets,
+but that if he had lived much longer he would have become a Turk.
+
+Even the immortality of the soul, said others, he did not believe[700]:
+this ridiculous tale is grounded on these words of the _Chevreana_[701]:
+"Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, formerly told me, that having asked
+the celebrated Grotius, whether the immortality of the soul could be
+demonstrated, he answered, Not well, my Lord; not well."
+
+It is universally known that these books in _Ana_ are of little
+authority. We must be informed of all the circumstances of this
+pretended conversation before we can determine Grotius's meaning: one
+thing is certain, that he has proved the immortality of the soul by
+arguments drawn from reason in his treatise _On the Truth of the
+Christian Religion_[702].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[685] Theological works.
+
+[686] Ep. 20. p. 7.
+
+[687] Ep. 14. p. 5. See also Oper. Theol. t. 3. p. 99.
+
+[688] Ep. 556. p. 883.
+
+[689] Ep. 502. p. 884.
+
+[690] Ep. 1564. p. 708.
+
+[691] These expressions afterwards gave occasion to the accusations of
+Socinianism brought against Grotius.
+
+[692] Ep. 440. p. 880.
+
+[693] Ep. 135. p. 794.
+
+[694] Ep. 880. p. 387.
+
+[695] Ep. 1096. p. 492.
+
+[696] Menag. t. 2 p. 298.
+
+[697] Ep. 19. p. 760.
+
+[698] Patiniana, p. 18.
+
+[699] Vind. Grot. p. 557.
+
+[700] Animad. Phil. & Hist. Crenii, part. 10. p. 113.
+
+[701] T. 1. p. 168.
+
+[702] L. 1. S. 23.
+
+
+XXV. If Grotius's merit stirred up envy, and if his projects of
+reconciliation procured him hatred, the more irreconcilable as it was
+founded on a religious pretext, he had also a great number of friends
+and judicious persons for him, who did justice to his virtue and his
+talents. We shall not enter into a detail of all the testimonies in his
+favour, they would fill a large volume: we shall confine ourselves to
+the Elogiums of those whose suffrages deserve most attention. We have
+already seen, that even when a boy he was highly extolled by the
+greatest men of his age. Isaac Pontanus, Meursius, James Gillot,
+Barlæus, John Dousa, M. de Thou, the great Scaliger, Casaubon, Vossius,
+Lipsius, Baudius, celebrated his childhood. He justified the great hopes
+that were so early conceived of him, and the praises he received were an
+additional motive to merit the public esteem. Baudius compared him to
+Scaliger[703], who, he said, was his favourite author. This he wrote on
+the third of March, 1606, when Grotius was yet much under age. In a
+scazon, written in his praise, he calls him [704]a great, an admirable,
+and an original man. "If any, says he in a letter dated October 8,
+1607[705], can form a just notion of Grotius's merit, which exceeds all
+that can be said of it, I am one; and I think him equal to any office.
+Ignorant people, who judge of virtue by years and a long beard, may
+object to him his youth; but in my opinion that makes for him, since in
+his earliest youth he possesses the prudence and ripeness of
+understanding of the most aged."
+
+The celebrated Peyresc having made a journey into Holland in 1606, would
+not leave the Hague[706] till he had made acquaintance with Grotius,
+already famous for universal learning. "Though he was but very young,
+says Gassendi[707], when Peyresc heard of his arrival at Paris, he said,
+that France, by gaining Grotius, had a sufficient reparation for the
+loss of Scaliger; and that if some others had been the ornament of the
+age, he was the wonder of it; and it is with reason (adds M. Mesnage,
+after relating this story of Peyresc) that we still consider Grotius as
+a prodigy of learning, since he has made a greater proficiency in most
+of the sciences, than many of those who have wholly applied to one of
+them in particular."
+
+In the funeral Elogium of Peyresc, delivered at Rome December 2, 1637,
+mention is made of the learned men with whom he was connected. James
+Bucard, who spoke it, distinguisheth Salmasius and Grotius from the
+rest, styling them the Princes of literature and of the fine arts. We
+cannot conceive a higher idea of Grotius than the celebrated Gerard
+Vossius entertained, as appears from the beautiful poem written by him
+in honour of his friend: we would give it at length if it were not too
+long, but we cannot omit the last stanza:
+
+     _Felici omine dicte magne, quid te
+     Sol majus videt? ô decus tuorum,
+     Delfi gloria, Patrii Deique amores,
+     Splendor inclute, Belgices ocelle,
+     Orbis delicium, Deique amores!_
+
+He never mentions Grotius without admiration. "He is, says he[708], one
+of the greatest ornaments of our times, or rather the miracle, the
+eternal honour, of Holland, and of his age." He wrote to Meursius[709],
+"If we would do him justice, there is none we can place above him, nor
+even any we can compare with him."
+
+Utengobard, who had been his master, said, that to speak after Grotius,
+was to expose one's self to be laughed at.
+
+Balzac has employed his most eloquent phrases to express his thoughts of
+Grotius: he writes to Mesnage, "Is it true, what you tell me, of the
+Swedish Ambassador, and shall I be so happy to share in his esteem? I
+tell it you as solemnly as if I were by the altar on which we swore to
+be friends, that my ambition was dead, but you have revived it, and my
+transports would be as great as yours, if my blood were as fine and
+sparkling: who would not glory in the esteem of one whose birth our age
+ought to be proud of? he is a modern whom the President Jeannin sets in
+opposition to the greatest of the ancients." In another letter written
+to Chapelain[710], he says: "Whatever comes from Grotius is a high
+recommendation of him to me; and besides the solidity of his learning,
+the strength of his reasoning, and the graces of his language, I
+observe in it an air of probity, that one may put entire confidence in
+him, excepting in what regards our Church, to which he is unhappily a
+stranger."
+
+Colomiez, in his _Bibliotheque choisie_[711], has collected some of the
+Elogiums which had been then made of Grotius: "The President Jeannin,
+says he, according to the relation of Balzac, opposes Grotius to the
+greatest men of antiquity. Salmasius, in his notes on Solinus, styles
+him _Virum excellentissimæ doctrinæ in omni genere litterarum_; Selden,
+in his _Mare clausum, virum acuminis et omnigenæ doctrinæ præstantiâ
+incomparabilem_; Gerard Vossius, in his Latin Poems, _Seculi nostri
+grande ornamentum_; Pricæus, on the xivth of St. Matthew, _Virum
+ingentem, quem non sine horrore mirati sumus_: In fine, M. Blondel, who
+was not lavish of his praise, says of him in his _Sibyls_, that he was a
+very great man, whether we consider the sublimity of his genius, the
+universality of his learning, or the diversity of his writings; in fine,
+says Colomiez[712], he appears a great critic in his _Martianus
+Capella_, his _Aratus_, and his _Stobæus_; in his _Notes on Lucan_ and
+_Tacitus_ a great historian, a great statesman, a great divine; but
+however excellent these different works may be, we must however
+acknowledge that Grotius's _Letters_ and _Poems_ much surpass them; and
+that if he appeared great in those, in these he is incomparable. But
+what astonishes me is, that he should have written so many letters, and
+made so many verses, and all should be of equal strength, that is, that
+all should partake of the powerful and divine genius which animated that
+great man." Episcopius, who was regarded as an oracle by his party,
+looked on Grotius as his oracle. "Your opinion, he writes to him[713],
+shall be to me the decision of an oracle; for I know your love to truth
+and friendship for me to be such, that in giving it you regard only
+truth."
+
+Christian Habsoeker and Philip Limborch speak of him with raptures in
+the _Preface_ to the _Letters of illustrious men_: "At the name of the
+incomparable Grotius, who is above all praise, and even all envy, we are
+in a sort of transport. How shall we sufficiently praise the virtues of
+that most illustrious hero, whom all true scholars regard as the most
+learned of the Learned: we shall only relate the prophecy concerning him
+in 1614 by Daniel Heinsius in some verses which ought to be put under
+his picture."
+
+Those lines are in fact the most complete Elogium that can be made of a
+man.
+
+     _Depositum Coeli, quod jure Batavia mater
+       Horret, et baud credit se peperisse sibi;
+     Talem oculis, talem ore tulit se maximus Hugo:
+        Instar crede hominis, cætera crede Dei._
+
+Heinsius and Grotius had been most intimate in their youth: the
+divisions which happened in the Republic destroyed this close union:
+Heinsius joined the Contra-Remonstrants, and was Secretary to the
+Commissioners of the Synod of Dort. Grotius had reason to complain of
+him on several occasions: nevertheless, talking with Cardinal Richelieu
+about him, Grotius greatly commended his genius and learning. He gives
+an account of this conversation to his brother; adding, "In this manner
+I am wont to revenge myself on those who hate me." Cardinal Richelieu,
+though not prejudiced in favour of Grotius, ranked him however among the
+three first scholars of the age: the other two were Claudius Salmasius,
+and Jerom Bignon. This famous Advocate-General said of Grotius[714],
+that he was the most learned man who had appeared in the world since
+Aristotle.
+
+Foreigners who loved the sciences would not leave France without seeing
+Grotius. John Christenius, who was at Paris in 1629, had more
+satisfaction in seeing him, than in the whole kingdom beside: he writes
+thus to John Kirkman, June 20, 1629. "The pleasure I have had, received
+considerable addition not only from having seen, but also often
+conversed with that great and eloquent man who has no fellow, I mean
+Hugo Grotius; for whom I have the highest esteem, and have been for many
+years of the same opinion with all who know that he possesses singly
+what would be sufficient to entitle many to great praise. He is master
+of all that is worth knowing in sacred and profane literature. Besides
+the Eastern languages, there is no art nor science with which he is not
+perfectly acquainted: this appears from his agreeable conversation: ask
+him about any thing, he immediately gives you an exact answer, and in
+such a manner as to excite the admiration of those who hear him. After
+talking about the sciences, if you enquire of him what passes in this
+part of the world, or the other, you will imagine you heard the answer
+of an oracle who delivers what is most worthy to be known. His virtue is
+above all I can say of it, and I want eloquence sufficiently to extol so
+great a man."
+
+Sarrau[715], who had been prejudiced against Grotius since his leaving
+the Protestants, ventures not however to decide whether Salmasius or
+Grotius excelled in literature; and he hesitates to make the
+determination, even in a letter written to Salmasius, wherein he appears
+much dissatisfied with Grotius. "Whether the first place in literature
+in this age be due to you or to him, posterity will judge more equitably
+than this generation."
+
+On hearing of Grotius's death, he writes to Salmasius in these
+terms[716]: "Hugo Grotius was certainly a great man in name and in fact:
+he was the star of our age. How great a loss has learning sustained!
+Whilst books and sciences are held in honour his name will flourish. For
+my part, whilst I live I shall glory in my intimacy with him. You now
+reign singly (he concludes, addressing himself to Salmasius) I pray God
+you may reign long." He calls him elsewhere[717] the Coryphæus of
+learning sacred and prophane.
+
+Queen Christina, hearing of his death, wrote to his widow to make her
+compliments of condolence, and to get the manuscripts he left. "My
+Ambassador, she says, may have acquainted you in part with my high
+esteem for his admirable learning and the good services he did me: but
+he could not express how dear I hold his memory, and the effects of his
+great labours. If gold and silver could contribute any thing to the
+redeeming such a valuable life, I would chearfully employ all I am
+mistress of for that purpose." She concludes with asking his widow to
+procure her all the manuscripts of this learned man, whose works had
+always given her great pleasure: assuring her that they could not fall
+into better hands, and that the author having been of use to her in his
+life-time, it was just that she should not be deprived after his death
+of the fruits of his illustrious labours.
+
+Duncomius wrote to Gerard Vossius, February 2, 1646[718], "It is certain
+and beyond dispute that Grotius was a very illustrious hero, _usque ad
+stuporem ferè et miraculum_; that he joined science with wisdom; that he
+was above all praise; and that he was deeply skilled in divine and human
+learning."
+
+Meric Casaubon, son of Isaac, had no less esteem for Grotius than his
+illustrious father had had before him. In his preface to Hierocles's
+book _Of providence and destiny_, "Hugo Grotius, he says, was a great,
+an incomparable man: in him was seen what is very rare, a peaceable
+spirit, with much judgment, and infinite erudition." Augustus
+Buchner[719] calls Grotius the greatest ornament of his time, the oracle
+of human wisdom, and the wonder of the age.
+
+Lewis du Moulin comparing Grotius with Salmasius[720], allows Grotius
+much more judgment, but gives to Salmasius a greater extent of
+knowledge. In another place[721], where he censures Grotius for the part
+he had acted with regard to religion, he bestows on him, after all, in
+other respects the highest praises. "Neither the present nor the last
+age, he says, hath produced a man superior to Grotius in judgment and
+erudition. He was great in everything: a very great Divine, Lawyer,
+Orator, Poet, Philosopher; his genius, far from being confined within
+the limits of the bar, was scarce bounded by those of nature."
+
+Guy Patin writes[722], February 24, 1662, "They have finished in
+Holland, in nine volumes in folio, an edition of all the works of
+Grotius, whom I formerly knew: he was the finest genius of his time; a
+man of surprising knowledge, and perfect master of polite and useful
+learning." "He and Salmasius were the greatest scholars or their time,"
+he writes in another letter[723]. And in another place, "Peter Grotius,
+says he[724], was son of the first man of his age."
+
+"I would not mention the most learned and greatest man of this country,
+says Wicquefort[725], were I not forced to it by the remarks published
+at Brussels on what I have said of him in my Memoirs: it will be readily
+conceived that I mean Hugo de Groot. I admire, with the rest of the
+world, the genius, the probity, and the works of this great man; and
+besides this there are particular considerations, which inspire me with
+a veneration for his memory."
+
+Morhof calls him the phoenix of his age[726]: Hofman gives him the same
+commendation.
+
+"He is the greatest of men, says Meibomius[727], the light and support
+of letters; on whom we can bestow no praise but what will fall short of
+his virtue and erudition. His uncommon penetration makes us compare him
+to an eagle in the clouds," says Oldenburg.
+
+In 1727 was printed at Hall in Saxony, under the false name of Delft, a
+book entitled _Hugonis Grotii Belgarum Phoenicis manes ab iniquis
+obtrectationibus vindicati_. The author, who was said to be M.
+Lehman[728], speaks of Grotius as the greatest man Holland ever
+produced, and fit to be compared with the most illustrious of other
+Countries, and he flatters himself that the Dutch will in the issue
+agree with all nations, that he was the greatest ornament of their
+country. He gives his thoughts of Grotius in the following lines.
+
+     _Hic ille est Grotius, majus quo doctior orbis
+     Nil habuit; credo, nil habiturus erit:
+     Gallia quem stupuit, stupuit quem Suecia, verus
+     Qui Phoebus Delphis, orbe pharusque fuit._
+
+Salmasius, who so unmercifully fell foul of Grotius's memory, had
+formerly been one of his greatest admirers. Grotius gave him the title
+of Most Eminent, which Pope Urbin VIII. had a very little time before
+attributed to the Cardinals. Salmasius answers him[729] August 8, 1630.
+"You not only offend the Cardinals, but, more than most eminent Grotius
+(_super eminentissime_) you offend me, by giving me a title which you
+much better deserve yourself."
+
+These two Princes of Literature, as they were styled, had at this time a
+great reciprocal esteem and friendship for each other. We learn from
+Grotius's letters[730], that Salmasius, notwithstanding the advantageous
+idea he entertained of his own knowledge, sometimes consulted him. He
+changed all of a sudden: Grotius imagined[731] it was to make his court
+to those in power in Holland; but Sarrau, who knew both, assures us[732]
+that Salmasius's coldness wholly proceeded from the change of Grotius's
+sentiments in religion. The news of Grotius's death was scarce spread
+over Europe, when Salmasius poured out all his venom in a letter written
+from Leyden, Nov. 20, 1645, to Sarrau[733].
+
+"You think Grotius, says he, the first among the learned; for my part, I
+give that rank to Vossius. I do not think it is necessary to wait for
+the judgment of posterity, to know whose opinion is most just: it will
+be sufficient to consult the learned in Italy, Germany, in this country,
+and even in France: but till we have their suffrages let us go through
+all the sciences, and examine the extent of Grotius's capacity. There is
+no one whom I would desire to resemble less in divinity: he is every
+where a Socinian, both in his treatise _On the Truth of the Christian
+Religion,_ and his _Commentary on the Old and New Testament_. As to
+Philosophy, he can scarce be compared with the moderately skilled. If we
+consider him with regard to the art of Disputation, I have never seen a
+person reason with less force, as is evident from his pieces which
+Rivetus and Desmarets have answered. There are several who may be ranked
+with him as to knowledge of polite learning, and even a great number
+who excel him: not a few have had as much Greek and Latin, and many of
+the learned have been more masters of the Oriental Languages. His
+_Florum sparsio in jus Justinianeum_ shew his skill in the Law. A
+Professor of Helmstat has undertaken to confute his book _Of the Rights
+of War and Peace_, and has told some friends, whom I have seen, that he
+would prove that every page contained gross blunders[734]. He was a
+great Poet; but every one here prefers Barlæus; some even Heinsius. But
+besides, when the point to be decided is priority in learning, poetry is
+set aside by consent of all good judges. Vossius excels Grotius in every
+thing. This is not only my opinion, but that of all the learned in
+Italy, Germany, Poland, and Holland, as I have had an opportunity to
+know by their letters, their writings, and their conversation. If we
+compare their writings, which of Grotius's works can we prefer to those
+of Vossius? Is it his _Notes on Martianus Capella_, written when he was
+but a boy? Is it his _Aratus_? in which he has ostentatiously introduced
+some Arabic terms, for he scarce knew the elements of that language, as
+he acknowledged to me himself in some letters which I keep, written in
+answer to my enquiry about some Arabic words that puzzled me. Will you
+tell me of his _Notes on Lucan_? what Vossius has done on the fragments
+of the ancient Tragic and Comic Writers appears to me of much greater
+value. We know from other pieces what a poor critic Grotius was, though
+a great man in some respects. As inconsiderable as I am, I would not
+have my name prefixed to his _Commentary on the Old Testament_; for
+nothing can be more childish, or unworthy a man of his great character,
+than many of his notes. I shall take notice in another place of his
+_Commentary on the New Testament_, and frankly declare what I think of
+it. Such are my sentiments of the person who merits the first place in
+literature. I have the suffrages of many of the learned in different
+branches for me, and shall name them when you inform me who are of your
+opinion."
+
+This letter, in which hatred, jealousy, and partiality openly shew
+themselves, rather hurt Salmasius than injured Grotius's character: the
+contempt with which he speaks of the excellent treatise _Of the Rights
+of War and Peace_, which is worth all that Salmasius ever wrote,
+incensed the whole republic of letters against him. It has been observed
+that all that was good in his pieces _On the power of Kings_, is taken
+from Grotius, whom he hath not once named; and that when he departed
+from him, he sinks much beneath Grotius. But such was Salmasius's
+character: jealous of the reputation of those who might be put in the
+scale against him, he had too high an opinion of himself, and too much
+despised others, in the judgment of the wise Gronovius. Grotius's wife
+being informed of the indiscreet stories published by Salmasius against
+the memory of her husband, gave him to understand, that if he would not
+forbear, the only answer she should make to his invectives would be the
+publication of his former letters to Grotius, filled with elogiums. For
+the rest, Salmasius's invectives injured only himself: and it was said
+publicly, that he plucked the hairs of a dead lion.
+
+Two medals were struck in honour of Grotius, which we find in the end of
+the first volume of the _History of the United Provinces_ by Le Clerc,
+one of his greatest admirers. The first has on one side the bust of that
+great man, with his name, HUGO GROTIUS, which is to him instead of an
+elogium: and on the other a chest, on which are the arms of Sweden and
+France, to express his retreat into France, and his embassy from Sweden
+at that Court: at the side of the chest is the castle of Louvestein, and
+opposite to it a rising sun, with these words: MELIOR POST ASPERA FATA
+RESURGO; I rise brighter after my misfortune. In the exergue is, _natus
+1583, obiit 1645_. The second medal, larger than the first, also
+represents Grotius on one side with the time of his birth and death.
+HUGO GROTIUS NATUS 1583, 10 APRILIS, OBIIT 1645, 28 AUGUSTI: on the
+reverse is this inscription in Dutch verse: _the Phoenix of his Country,
+the Oracle of Delft, the great Genius, the Light which enlighteneth the
+earth_.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[703] Ep. 22. p. 181.
+
+[704] Vir magne, vir mirande, vir sine exemplo. Ep. 100. p. 474.
+
+[705] Ep. 68. Cent. 2.
+
+[706] Life, B. 2. p. 93.
+
+[707] Life, B. 3. p. 182. Anti Baillet. c. 3.
+
+[708] Popo Blanet, p. 746.
+
+[709] Ep. 277.
+
+[710] 2 Lettre du xxi. Livre, p. 831.
+
+[711] Bibliotheque choisie, p. 461.
+
+[712] P. 487.
+
+[713] Ep. 13. Præs. vir. p. 23.
+
+[714] Du Maurier, p. 393.
+
+[715] Ep. Sar. p. 145.
+
+[716] Ep. Sar. 128. p. 143.
+
+[717] Ep. 21. p. 24.
+
+[718] Ep. Vossi, 728. p. 38.
+
+[719] Vind. Grot. p. 446.
+
+[720] Crenii Anim. phil. et hist. Part 5. p. 95.
+
+[721] In jugulo causa, c. 5. Crenius, Anim. phil. Part 5. p. 85.
+
+[722] Lett. 265.
+
+[723] Lett. 545.
+
+[724] Lett. 538.
+
+[725] Amb. l. 1. p. 95.
+
+[726] Polihist. l. 1. c. 24.
+
+[727] Pope Blount, p. 946.
+
+[728] Supplement de Moreri.
+
+[729] Ep. 21. p. 45.
+
+[730] Ep. 229. p. 78.
+
+[731] Ep. 697. p. 964.
+
+[732] Ep. Sarr. 165. Ep. 163. p. 168.
+
+[733] In Crenii Anim. Phil. & Hist. t. 1. p. 23.
+
+[734] See Book 3. § 9. p. 243.
+
+
+XXVI. It remains that we should relate what we know of Grotius's family.
+After his death, his wife communicated with the Church of England;
+which, it is reported, she said she did in conformity to the dying
+intentions of her husband. It is certain[735] that Grotius had a respect
+for the Church of England; but it is difficult to believe, that he
+should desire his wife to declare he died in the communion of that
+Church: for, besides that this fact is not easy to be reconciled with
+his later works, it has no foundation but a letter written June 23,
+1707, which is supported only by a hearsay ill-circumstantiated.
+
+Grotius's wife died at the Hague in the communion of the Remonstrants;
+which, according to Le Clerc, was not contrary to her husband's last
+orders, as the Remonstrants allowed of communion with the Church of
+England.
+
+Grotius had three sons and three daughters by his marriage. His eldest
+son, Cornelius, studied in Holland under the direction of his
+grandfather[736]. Grotius sent for him afterwards to Paris, where he
+himself superintended his studies. He wrote to his brother, William
+Grotius[737], Aug. 16, 1630, that Cornelius had learned the Hebrew
+grammar; that he was studying the Greek and Logic; and had made himself
+matter of the Art of Oratory, without neglecting Poetry, for which the
+young Cornelius had a particular turn. Some very good verses, written by
+him, are published in the poems of Vincent Fabricius. Grotius made him
+read Vossius's pieces on rhetoric, which he thought could not be
+excelled; he afterwards wanted Cornelius to study the Roman Law, and the
+Laws of Holland: he also made him read Physics and Metaphysics; but his
+progress in these sciences was inconsiderable, according to Du Maurier,
+on account of his indolence and love of pleasure. Grotius sent him after
+this to make his court to the High Chancellor, who passed the beginning
+of the year 1636 at Straelsund: Oxenstiern received him very graciously,
+and took him into his service as Latin Secretary[738]. Grotius was at
+the height of his joy on seeing his son in a capacity of meriting the
+esteem and protection of such a great man as Oxenstiern: he flattered
+himself[739], that the honourable place, which his son held, would
+induce him to shake off his indolence; and he made him frequent
+remonstrances on this subject: but Cornelius's natural temper prevailed,
+and he considered his employment as attended with too much trouble. He
+imagined that a military life would suit him better[740], and wrote to
+his father on that head. Grotius opposed this new turn for some time;
+but his remonstrances producing no effect, he wrote to Muller[741],
+April 4, 1638, that his son had preferred Mars to the Muses, and that he
+had thought fit to yield to his choice, as war was also a road to glory;
+and moreover the time, which Cornelius had spent in literature, would
+not be absolutely lost for war. He added, that the Duke of Weymar being
+the greatest and most experienced general of his age, he was very
+desirous that his son should serve under such an able master; and that
+he would send him with a reinforcement that was marching to that
+Prince, who, he hoped, would assist him with his advice. Cornelius was
+very well received by the Duke[742]; and for some time kept up an exact
+correspondence with his father by letters, who complimented him on his
+diligence in writing. The Duke of Weymar promised to advance him, if he
+paid a proper regard to his father's counsels. Cornelius was by nature
+so inconstant, that he soon took a dislike to the army: he had even
+thoughts of returning to his father, who diverted him from it as a step
+which would dishonour him.
+
+On the Duke of Weymar's death, Reigersberg advised Cornelius to write
+that Prince's history. Young Grotius mentioning this project to his
+father, he pressed him to execute it, because it would give him an
+opportunity of expressing his gratitude to a Prince who had laid him
+under great obligations, and done such important services to Sweden.
+Besides, this work would be of use to the author, by obliging him to
+study the Art of War, in order to speak of it properly. Cornelius
+contented himself with projecting this design[743]: he changed his
+service, and entered into the Marshal de Chatillon's army, in which he
+continued not long: he made the campaign of 1640, in quality of Cornet
+in the Colonel's company of a German regiment of horse in the French
+service. Soon after he got a company: however he wanted to serve in the
+Valtoline[744]. He had not been long there before he took a fancy to
+enter into the Venetians service; and, without consulting his father,
+went to Venice to make his contract with them: but it is probable they
+could not agree; for Grotius writes[745], July 16, 1644, "Cornelius will
+return from the Antenorides without doing any thing." This fickleness of
+temper much displeased Grotius[746], who in the latter part of his life
+spoke of his son with great indifference.
+
+In the sequel, when the States of Holland wanted to indemnify such as
+were unjustly persecuted during the overgrown power of the
+Stadtholders[747], they gave Cornelius Grotius a company in the guards;
+to Peter, a troop of horse; and to Mombas, their brother-in-law, a
+regiment; with leave to dispose of them, or sell them to the best
+advantage: which was contrary to custom and law.
+
+It was in 1633 that the States thus sought to repair the injuries which
+Grotius had formerly suffered. Cornelius died unmarried. Peter,
+Grotius's second son, was more like his father. In his infancy he was
+very sickly: having received a hurt in his leg[748], the Surgeons and
+Physicians treated it so ill, that he remained lame all his days. His
+father, thinking his education would be cheaper in Holland than at
+Paris, sent him to his native country. The young Grotius gave great
+satisfaction to his parents, as we learn by a letter from Grotius to his
+brother William[749], Oct. 4, 1630, "Your accounts of my son give me
+great pleasure: if he goes on in the same manner, he will have reason to
+be satisfied with me." Gerard Vossius directed his studies; and by a
+letter[750] of thanks from Grotius to him, we learn that he was of an
+indolent turn. "The exhortations you give Peter are worthy of the
+friendship you have always entertained for me and mine. I cannot think
+why my children should be so idle; perhaps it is because they see their
+father's diligence has turned to so little account."
+
+In 1634 Peter Grotius was sent to[751] Amsterdam to learn the use of the
+globes and navigation: Grotius intended that he should afterwards serve
+in some expedition at sea: he seems at this time to have designed him
+for a Sailor. Peter had an inclination to learn Arabic under the learned
+Golius at Leyden: but his Father would only suffer him to visit this
+eminent professor, and consult him about the pronunciation of that
+language, which he thought his son might learn without a master at his
+leisure hours.
+
+Grotius was desirous that his son should make a voyage to the
+East-Indies[752], or, if that was too long a voyage, that he should go
+to the Brasils, or some other part of America, to learn what was not to
+be learnt at home, and might be of use to him afterwards.
+
+Vossius, in the mean time, gave ample testimonials not only of Peter's
+progress in the sciences, but also of his moral conduct. He wanted to
+join, to the studies recommended to him by his father, that of Law; and
+Grotius was not against it. He appears to have been somewhat uneasy
+about what this youth would do: May 17, 1635, he writes to Vossius, "I
+should be glad to know what my son's health will permit him to do, and
+to what his inclination leads him: there are some things which will
+prevent his being agreeable at court, or his undertaking long journies
+by land. I am not against his trying the sea; but I would not force any
+of my children against their inclination. The make of his body would
+require a sedentary life; but I am afraid he has too much vivacity to
+bear with it. I would beg of you to consult with himself and his friends
+on this subject; and at the same time to give me your own opinion."
+
+He writes again to Vossius some time after, that if his son had a
+dislike to long voyages, he would nevertheless have him study Commerce
+and Navigation rather than the quibbles of the Law: "Not but a general
+knowledge of public law, and the laws of his own country, may be of use
+to him whatever manner of life he chuses: but I would not have him make
+it his principal study; and remember Horace's precept, to keep his eye
+ever on the mark. If it is out of regard to me he wants to translate the
+Tragedy of _Sophomphaneus_, he deserves to be commended, even if he
+should make some mistakes: however I should not be sorry if it were done
+by one more advanced in years, and better skilled in poetry."
+
+This youth, uncertain what course to take, was in doubt whether he ought
+not to seek his fortune in Sweden under the credit of his father's name.
+Grotius, hearing of this design, writes to his brother[753], "If my son
+thinks to raise himself in Sweden, I see no other way of doing it, than
+by a perfect knowledge of Navigation and Commerce. The profession of a
+Lawyer is not lucrative, nor doth it succeed with every one."
+
+Vossius was still well pleased with him[754]. The ardour he discovered
+for the study of the Law determined Grotius to propose to him a
+translation of the Institutes of the Law of Holland into good Latin,
+like that of the Digests; and he asked his brother, William Grotius, and
+all his friends, to encourage and assist his Son in the execution of
+this design, which might be useful to the public and to the author. He
+wrote to Gerard Vossius[755] to the same effect. William Grotius
+laboured with his nephew in this translation. Grotius, in returning him
+his thanks for assisting his Son, desires him to make him read, as he
+went on, what was contained in the Digests relating to the matter he was
+translating.
+
+In summer, 1636, Peter Grotius had an offer of going to the Brasils in
+Count Nassau's retinue. Grotius approved of it, provided his Son might
+have a creditable post, in which he might learn Navigation: he was the
+more desirous that his Son might make this voyage, as the present state
+of his affairs would not permit him to keep him in the way the latter
+chose to live.
+
+If this project did not succeed, Grotius wanted that his Son should pass
+the winter at the Hague in the study of the Law, and come to France in
+the spring, 1637, to take his degree in the university of Orleans; then
+return to the Hague to study some time longer, and afterwards go to
+Amsterdam to practise as an Advocate, this profession being there most
+lucrative.
+
+The voyage to the Brasils did not take place. Peter Grotius came to his
+father in summer, 1637. He seems to have been well satisfied with him,
+as we may judge by a letter written to his brother[756], Aug. 15, this
+year. "Peter is arrived here: he is much indebted to you, to his
+grandfather, and all his friends and relations, for instilling into him
+such good principles. I am very well satisfied with his diligence." He
+writes six months after[757], "I am only afraid for his ambition, which
+is the vice of youth: he will live with more ease, and gain more as an
+Advocate. I would beg of you, that as soon as he returns, which will be
+immediately, you would put him upon studying the precedents in law. But
+what is chiefly to be inculcated is diligence and love of labour." Peter
+was preparing to return to Holland, when a Surgeon undertook to make him
+walk without halting[758]. There were some hopes of his succeeding in
+whole or in part; but the event did not correspond with the Surgeon's
+promises, and Peter set out soon after for Holland, in the end of April,
+1638. Grotius did not regret the time his Son had passed in France. "The
+time Peter has been here, he says to his brother[759], was not lost
+either for him or me: for he has learnt several useful things, and it
+has been a great pleasure to me to communicate what I have learnt to one
+of my children, or at least to have put him in a way of informing
+himself. I recommend him to you, and would beg of you to give him such
+exercises as may fit him to hold a distinguished rank amonst the Orators
+and Advocates, that his merit may silently reproach the Dutch for what
+they did against his Father. But, above all things, I would recommend to
+you the cultivation of those sentiments of piety which I have instilled
+into him, and to keep him from bad company."
+
+Grotius wrote to Vossius[760], when his Son set out on his return to
+Holland, begging of him to continue to watch over the studies of this
+youth; and assuring him at the same time, that the friendship, which the
+city of Amsterdam preserved for him, was the only reason which induced
+him to consent that any part of him should live in a country where he
+had been so ill-treated.
+
+Vossius and William Grotius were highly satisfied with Peter Grotius,
+and made great encomiums on him to his father, who wrote to his son,
+commending his diligence in the study of the Law. He informed him at the
+same time of a successful method of pleading, which he himself had
+formerly used with advantage. We have spoken of it elsewhere[761]. He
+was desirous of settling him as soon as possible at Amsterdam, that he
+might learn navigation and commerce, the municipal laws of the town, and
+whatever might contribute to raise his fortune. He wanted to accustom
+him to a labour, by which he might live without his father's assistance.
+"If he thinks, says Grotius to his brother[762], to make his fortune
+with what money he will get from me, he is greatly deceived: let him do
+as I did, and cut out a path for himself; otherwise he must not count
+upon my liberality." April 21, 1640, he caused him to be chid[763] for
+running about too much, and for his learning Italian and several things
+for which he had little occasion. "That is not the way, says he, to
+please me, nor to be useful to himself."
+
+In fine, Peter Grotius began to plead at the Hague, in[764] spring 1640.
+There was a prospect at that time of getting him made Pensionary of
+Boisleduc: this design required some money, which Grotius refused not to
+advance; but he could scarce believe that the Prince of Orange would
+consent to have his son in this place, unless he abjured Arminianism.
+Besides, Peter Grotius had so little experience in the law, that his
+father did not yet think him capable of filling a place, the
+difficulties of which he knew by experience: he would much rather have
+had his son go to Amsterdam, to follow the bar, and seek some
+advantageous match, that his children might one day enter into the
+magistracy of a city, which alone kept alive expiring liberty.
+
+Peter Grotius seems to have had a dislike to Amsterdam; for his father
+writes thus to his brother William Grotius[765], March 9, 1641. "I have
+consulted with my wife about Peter's affairs: we are of opinion that he
+should go to Amsterdam, if he can be prevailed with; if not, you must
+tell him to come here: he will serve me for Secretary, and I shall give
+him lectures in law, which perhaps he would not have received from any
+other. Let him bring with him what he has translated of the Institutes
+of the Laws of Holland." Grotius soon changed his opinion; for he writes
+to his brother[766], April 13, in the same year: "I would not have Peter
+come here: therefore keep him with you."
+
+The irresolution of Peter Grotius chagrined his father: "I am much
+afraid, he writes to his brother[767], that he will some day smart for
+his continual disobedience." Grotius told his son[768], that he must
+expect no letters from him, unless he sent him the Latin translation of
+the Institutes of the Laws of Holland, which he had long before enjoined
+him to set about. Writing to his brother[769], he says, "I am much
+afraid, that the counsels which Peter follows, and will follow
+hereafter, are inconsistent with a good conscience. I am resolved to
+refer the whole to God, and not intermeddle in it. I should be sorry to
+have a repetition of the grief I suffer on his account."
+
+Some time after, he was better satisfied with him, and wrote to his
+brother William[770], Feb. 28, 1643, "I commend Peter highly for
+applying to the bar: it is the way to acquire much useful knowledge, to
+gain a character, and in time to lay up something, or to rise higher."
+This is all that Grotius's letters inform us about his son: the sequel
+of whose life is more interesting.
+
+In 1652, he married, for love, an Attorney's daughter, rich and
+handsome; but his mother and his other friends disliked the match. In
+the year following, a powerful party wanted to get him made Greffier of
+Amsterdam; but Veue Linchovius opposed him with great virulence and
+violence; maintaining that such a place ought not to be given to the son
+of an out-law, whose religious sentiments were erroneous. The
+declamations of this hot-headed man preventing Grotius from being
+nominated to the place, he bore the disappointment with great
+tranquility. In 1655, he purposed to publish a complete edition of his
+father's works, as appears by the privilege of the Emperor Ferdinand
+III. dated Oct. 2, 1655, prefixed to his theological works. This
+edition, which unfortunately he did not go on with, was to be in nine
+volumes in folio. The first was to contain his _Annotations on the Old
+Testament_; the second, the _Commentary on the New_; the third would
+have comprehended his smaller theological pieces; the fourth, the
+treatise _De Jure Belli & Pacis_, the _Apology_, and the work _De
+Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra_; the fifth, _Law Tracts_; the
+sixth, _Writings Historical_; the seventh, _Philological Works_; the
+eighth, _Poetical Translations_, the _Anthologia, Stobæus_, and the
+_Extracts from the Tragedies and Comedies_; and, lastly, the ninth, his
+_Poems_ and _Letters_. It is probable, that this design was defeated by
+Grotius's departure from Holland. It was not till long after, in 1679,
+that the handsome edition of Grotius's theological works was published
+in three volumes in folio, dedicated to King Charles II. of England by
+Peter Grotius, Feb. 28, 1678. The bookseller promised, in an
+advertisement prefixed to it, to print all Grotius's other works, even
+those that had never been published; but he did not fulfil his
+engagements.
+
+Grotius's enemies still opposing his son's advancement, he entered into
+the service of Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, to whom Hugo Grotius had
+done singular service during his misfortunes. This Prince nominated him
+his Agent at the Hague.
+
+The ferment in mens minds having subsided, and the face of affairs being
+changed in Holland, Peter Grotius was nominated Pensionary of Amsterdam
+in 1660; which important place he filled for seven years with great
+reputation. This office was the height of Hugo's wishes for his son. The
+Count D'Estrade, at that time Ambassador from France in Holland, was
+dissatisfied with the Pensionary of Amsterdam, who opposed the interest
+of the French King, in resentment of that Prince's having driven Mombas,
+Peter Grotius's brother-in-law, out of France. Feb. 1, 1633, he writes
+to the King, "I have not been at Amsterdam, because the Pensionary M. de
+Groot is brother-in-law to M. de Mombas, whom your Majesty ordered to
+quit the kingdom for some affair in which you were dissatisfied with his
+conduct: since that time M. de Groot has constantly opposed your
+Majesty's interest at Amsterdam. He is a man of spirit and firmness; and
+has much credit in that city. I shall neglect nothing to bring him back
+to his former sentiments." The King answered him, May 23, 1633, that he
+had had reason to be dissatisfied with Mombas's conduct; that if any
+consideration could make him forget it, it would certainly be a regard
+for M. de Groot, whose person, says the King, I esteem: In fact, Lewis
+XIV, as he writes to his Ambassador, Sept. 22, 1665, dropt his
+resentment against Mombas out of consideration for the Pensionary of
+Amsterdam. After the conclusion of the triple alliance, the necessity of
+regulating the subsidies with the northern powers induced the States of
+Holland to send Grotius to Denmark and Sweden. He went first to
+Copenhagen, and afterwards to Stockholm, where he assumed the quality of
+Ambassador in ordinary. The States used only to keep a Minister of the
+second rank at this Court; but it was thought proper, says Wicquefort,
+to do something more than common for such an extraordinary person; and
+he was ordered to make a splendid entry at the expence of the States.
+
+The fourth volume of M. de Wit's _Letters and Negotiations_ concludes
+with the correspondence of Peter Grotius with the Grand Pensionary
+during his embassy at Stockholm. The Dutch Minister discovers in it
+great knowledge of mankind. "The more I reflect, says he to M. de Wit,
+Dec. 8, 1668, on the regency of Sweden, the more clearly I discover that
+the most important affairs are not regulated agreeable to the public
+interest, but according to that of the principal Ministers; and the
+surest and easiest way to succeed, is to gain him who has the King's ear
+rather than the King himself; because what is done for the good of the
+nation obliges no one in particular, and procures glory, but no
+acknowledgments. When I passed through Denmark, I perceived that more
+might be done by means of M.G. with a hundred thousand crowns, than can
+be done with the King with five times that sum."
+
+The negotiations of Peter Grotius were in a promising way at the death
+of William Borell the Dutch Ambassador at Paris. Grotius was nominated
+by the States of Holland to succeed him, and at the same time the town
+of Rotterdam chose him for their Pensionary. M. de Wit was of opinion
+that Grotius ought to prefer the place of Pensionary: he wrote to his
+friend, May 14, 1669, "Messieurs the Burgomasters and Counsellors of the
+town of Rotterdam have unanimously made choice of you to be their
+Counsellor Pensionary. I believe your nomination to the French embassy
+will be set aside, if the Gentlemen of Rotterdam apply for that purpose
+to their Noble and Great Mightinesses; and I imagine you will prefer
+this honourable establishment in a post your father was undeservedly
+turned out of, to a gilded exile, for such an embassy may be styled.
+Other reasons will occur for your taking this step, without its being
+necessary for me to mention them."
+
+Grotius was greatly embarrassed: he writes to M. de Wit, May 22, 1669,
+that his situation would not suffer him to give a positive answer; that
+he had written to the Gentlemen of Rotterdam, acknowledging their great
+civility and goodness in thinking of him; but that he had not declared
+himself with regard to the accepting of the place.
+
+Holland had occasion at this time for the ablest of her Ministers at the
+Court of Lewis XIV. and Peter Grotius could not refuse to serve his
+Country in such critical circumstances. The point was to bring about a
+reconciliation between the United Provinces and the King, who resolved
+to declare war against them, imagining he had great reason to complain
+of their behaviour. Grotius was the only Minister who could succeed in
+this negotiation, had a reconciliation been practicable, says
+Wicquefort. The King, though highly incensed against Holland, shewed the
+greatest respect to her Ambassador. War being declared in 1672, Peter
+Grotius was again sent to the King, to try if an accommodation could be
+accomplished: but the King had made too great preparations for war to
+conclude a peace so soon.
+
+Grotius returned to the Hague to serve the Republic in quality of Deputy
+to the States-General; but in a short time experienced a cruel reverse
+of fortune. Being involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, he was stript
+of his dignities, and threatened with assassination; which determined
+him to leave Holland: he went to Antwerp, where an attempt was made on
+his life.
+
+He retired to Liege, and afterwards to Aix-la-Chapelle, and Cologn. A
+general peace was at this time negotiating; and Grotius having done
+singular services to the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, he was permitted to
+return to Holland, after being two years absent. He continued some time
+undisturbed in the country; but Wicquefort, the Duke of Brunswick's
+Minister at the Hague, being taken into custody, among his papers were
+found several letters from Grotius, containing, it is said, some
+indiscreet things concerning state affairs, and against the Republic's
+Ministers. He was arrested and prosecuted. Of the fifteen judges
+appointed to try him, nine declared him innocent. This was in November,
+1676. Nicholas Heinsius, who was not prejudiced in his favour, writes to
+Grævius on the 6th of December following: "There was certainly
+imprudence and malice in what Grotius did; but I leave others to judge
+whether he was guilty of high treason."
+
+It is improbable his judges would have shewn him favour, had he been
+convicted of a capital crime: he was known to be hated by the Prince of
+Orange, whom the Dutch at that time sought very much to please.
+
+Peter Grotius, thus escaping out of the hands of his enemies, retired
+with his family to a country seat he had near Harlem, where he spent the
+rest of his days in educating his children, and reading the best
+authors. He died at the age of seventy. Some pretend, but without
+foundation, that he was poisoned. Those who knew him particularly speak
+of him as one of the best heads of his time. "Peter de Groot, son of the
+great Grotius, was not so learned as his father, says Wicquefort; but I
+may venture to assert he was as able a Minister. We can't say too much
+of this man, who was above all praise. I write this after receiving the
+news of his death. How much is Holland to be pitied for losing a man who
+would have assisted in repairing the breaches made by the disorders
+which have for some years prevailed in the state! He joined solidity of
+judgment to the graces of wit, and must have possessed these qualities
+in an eminent degree since they shone thro' such a disagreeable figure.
+It may be said of M. de Groot, that never did such a deformed body lodge
+such a fine and great soul: he had a surprising ready wit, his
+conversation was delightful, his understanding clear and solid, and his
+sentiments just and equitable: he possessed great knowledge of all sorts
+of business, foreign and domestic, and especially of what the French
+call the art of pleasing."
+
+Grotius's third son, Diederic, began his studies in a very promising
+manner. Grotius writes to his brother William, August 16, 1630, "I am
+overjoyed to hear that Diederic's progress even exceeds my hopes. I wish
+he may continue." His grandfather John Grotius was his tutor. When he
+came to be old enough to be put to some business, Grotius designed him
+for an Engineer. He learned under the famous Boschius, and came
+afterwards, in the beginning of 1636, to see his father at Paris.
+Grotius having applied to the Duke of Weymar to take Diederic into his
+service, he entered into that Prince's houshold as one of his Pages, and
+was much respected: the Duke soon after made him his Aid-de-Camp.
+Grotius seemed to be well satisfied with his son at the time this youth
+had the misfortune to lose his Patron.
+
+On hearing of the Duke of Weymar's death Grotius immediately thought of
+sending Diederic to Marshal Bannier. He wrote a letter to that
+General[771], October 13, 1639, in which he puts him in mind that it was
+his Excellency's brother first proposed to him his entering into the
+Swedish service: he afterwards makes an offer of his son, who had served
+two years under Boschius, chief Engineer to the Prince of Orange, and
+had since been several years one of the Duke of Weymar's Pages. After
+the death of that illustrious Prince, who shared with Bannier the glory
+of being the greatest general in Europe, he thinks he cannot do better
+than give him to Marshal Bannier, who was unanimously allowed to hold
+the first rank in the art of war. He begs that his son may be only
+employed in things of which he is capable. On the same day he wrote to
+Salvius, desiring him to recommend Diederic to the Marshal.
+
+Whilst Grotius was thus employed in placing his son, Diederic
+entertained a design of entering into the Dutch service. His father was
+highly displeased with this project; and wrote to him, and to William
+Grotius, that it was most improper for him to expose his life for his
+cruellest enemies; and that Sweden was his true country, and to that
+kingdom he ought to devote his life, and from it to merit and expect
+honours. "If my son dislikes the activity of a military life, Grotius
+writes to his brother, he may find ease, and acquire honour in General
+Bannier's houshold, or by exercising his profession of Engineer. I shall
+always give him my assistance, and I hope I have as many friends
+elsewhere, as I have enemies in Holland. If my son disgraces himself so
+far, as to ask favours from the Dutch, he is unworthy to call me father.
+If he chuses rather to be an Ensign with you, than a Captain among
+others, he is mean-spirited, and forgetful of what he has been."
+Diederic had a design of writing the history of the Duke of Weymar;
+which project Grotius approved of, as worthy of a grateful mind. He sent
+him word, that if he would set about this work whilst he was with
+Marshal Bannier, he would make his court by it to that General, who had
+it in his power to reward him. Diederic at last complied with his
+father's desire, and went to Marshal Bannier's camp. He was made a
+prisoner of war by the Bavarians in an unfortunate action near Dillingue
+and Memingue, in the end of the year 1643. Grotius immediately set all
+his friends to work to procure his son's liberty: he wrote to the famous
+John de Vert, and applied to the Duke of Bavaria that he would be
+pleased to send him back as soon as possible: and at the same time wrote
+to his son to come to him as soon as he should be at liberty, that they
+might consult together what was best to be done. Diederic sent his
+father the history of the unfortunate action in which he was taken; and
+Grotius printed it to give copies to his friends, and to send others to
+the Swedish Ministry. Diederic was carried to Tubingen, from thence to
+Ulm, and confined in a citadel between Ulm and Augsburg: he did not
+continue there long: immediately on receiving his father's letter, the
+Duke of Bavaria gave orders that Diederic might be set at liberty, after
+settling his ransom, which was fixed at a thousand florins. He came to
+Paris, and on his arrival Grotius wrote a letter of thanks to the
+Elector of Bavaria, telling him, that as he had but one way to express
+his gratitude, namely by promoting a general peace, which his Electoral
+Highness wished for, he would do all in his power to bring it about. He
+wrote to Ketner the Bavarian Minister to the same effect.
+
+Diederic went back to serve under Marshal Turenne in Germany, and made
+the campaign of 1644. He was again taken Prisoner, but soon released;
+and served in the end of the same campaign. He was detached by the Duke
+d'Anguien and Marshal Turenne to take Fridelshem and Neudstad, and was
+afterwards sent by them to the Landgravine of Hesse: he acquitted
+himself with honour of all the commissions that were given him. The Duke
+d'Anguien spoke of him in the highest terms; and the Landgravine
+received him in the best manner, in consideration of the services which
+his father had done to the house of Hesse: he was sent a second time by
+Marshal Turenne to the Landgravine. The Duke d'Anguien promised to take
+care of this youth's fortune; and the approbation of a prince, who was
+the Mars of his time and knew men so well, is the highest elogium that
+could be given of Diederic.
+
+He came to an unhappy end when but young and unmarried. Queen Christina
+having abdicated the Crown in favour of Charles Gustavus, Diederic and
+Cornelius Grotius took a resolution to wait on that Prince, who had
+known and highly esteemed their father in France, with an intention to
+offer him their services, and get employment. Setting out from Holland
+with this design, they were got between Embden and Bremen, halfway to
+Hamburg, when a villain, who had served Diederic several years as his
+valet, resolved to murder both the brothers for the sake of their money:
+he went in the night-time into Diederic's chamber, and shot his master
+dead while asleep: he was preparing to serve Cornelius Grotius in the
+same manner, but he was awake: he happened to be employed in composing
+a Latin epigram. On hearing the shot, he took a pistol which lay on a
+chair by his bed side, and seeing the murderer advance softly to him (it
+was moon-light) he fired, and laid him flat on the floor: the people of
+the inn got up on the noise, and delivered the villain, who was
+dangerously wounded, into the hands of justice, and he was broke on the
+wheel.
+
+Hugo Grotius had also three daughters, Frances, Mary, and Cornelia;
+Frances, the youngest, was born in October, 1626, before her time, her
+mother being delivered of her in the eighth month: accordingly this
+young person was short-lived, for she died in the beginning of the year
+1628. Mary, his second daughter, died at Paris in the month of March,
+1635, of the fatigue and cold she received in her journey to that city.
+Grotius informed his father of her death by a letter[772] dated March
+23, 1635, in which he tells him she died almost without pain, and with a
+deep sense of religion. "My wife and I, says he, bear this misfortune
+like people accustomed to adversity: besides, why should we call her
+death a misfortune? has not God a right to take back what he gave? and
+ought not we to flatter ourselves that she is arrived at that happy
+state, which the young ought to long after as much as the old? We are
+delivered from the care of procuring a husband for her: perhaps we
+should have had much difficulty to find one that would have been
+agreeable to her and to all her family: and even if we should have found
+one that pleased us all at first, would there not have been room to
+apprehend that he had concealed his true character for a time, and that
+he would afterwards make her unhappy? She is now delivered from the
+pains of bearing children, and bringing them up. More happy than her
+mother, she will not see judges incensed against her husband, because he
+is innocent: she will not be obliged to shut herself up in prison for
+her husband; nor to lead a wandering life to accompany him. Let us
+congratulate her that God has taken her out of the world before she knew
+too much of the evil or what are called the good things of it. Let us
+congratulate ourselves on her having lived with us as long as life was
+agreeable to her, and free from any mixture of bitterness. What is there
+at present in Christendom to make us desire life? Divisions in the
+Church, bloody wars, men slaughtered, women violated, cruel murders, and
+multitudes reduced to beggary; Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia pillaged;
+the heirs of the most noble families reduced to the necessity of living
+on alms, if it can be called living to drag out their days in misery,
+wishing for death, which alone can put an end to it."
+
+Cornelia, the eldest of Grotius's daughters, who survived her father,
+married John Barthon, Viscount of Mombas, a Gentleman of Poitou, who was
+obliged to quit France for having displeased Lewis XIV. He went to
+Holland, from whence he was also forced to fly, having been involved in
+the misfortunes wherein the De Wits perished, and which gave Peter
+Grotius, his brother-in-law, so much uneasiness.
+
+Grotius had a brother named William, with whom he kept up the greatest
+intimacy during his whole life, and made him the confident of his
+studies and designs. It appears by his letters that they lived in the
+strictest friendship. Hugo, who was the eldest, contributed to his
+brother's education, and directed his studies. We have a letter from
+Grotius to his brother, dated at Rotterdam September 28, 1614,
+containing a plan of study. "I am of opinion, says he, that in order to
+acquire the knowledge of Law, before you touch upon law tracts you
+should read with attention Aristotle's second and fifth book of Ethics,
+to Nicomachus, or the excellent paraphrase of them published by
+Heinsius; then Aristotle's Rhetoric, with the learned commentary on it;
+afterwards Cicero's _Offices_, the _Paradoxes_, _De Finibus_, _Of Laws_,
+the _Topica_, and _De Inventiene_. I could wish that whilst reading you
+would make extracts, or at least mark in the margin of your book
+whatever has relation to the Law of Nature and of Nations, to the origin
+of Laws and Magistrates, to _Jus publicum et privatum_. When you have
+done this, we shall think of the rest." It was Grotius who corrected his
+brother's Law Theses.
+
+William Grotius came to France in 1617 to learn the language; and
+retiring to Senlis made great progress in it: he purposed to go to
+Tours, and Grotius approved of his journey, because the air was pure,
+and they spoke good French there.
+
+William Grotius, as well as his brother, had a turn for theological
+studies: he wrote something in verse on the Decalogue, which Grotius
+mentions in a letter dated from his prison at Louvestein, November 1,
+1620. "I have read with pleasure, he says, what you have done on the
+Decalogue: the maxims are excellent, and the verses easy."
+
+William had his brother's confidence during his whole life. Grotius
+writes to him from Paris, April 14, 1622, "You are never weary of
+assisting me under my afflictions: if ever fortune enables me to testify
+my gratitude, I will forgive her all the tricks she has played me." He
+was desirous, in the end of the year 1622, that his brother should
+settle his matters so, as to come to see him in the beginning of the
+following year; but this journey did not take place. Grotius's disgrace
+affected his brother: he despaired of attaining to honours, and Grotius
+advised him to think only of raising himself by the study of the Law.
+
+In April 1623 he married Alida Grasvinkel. About this time a Dutchman
+was seized at Lillo, with letters from William Grotius to his brother.
+It was expected that something would be found in them against the State,
+and they talked of nothing less than imprisoning him; but
+notwithstanding the malice of his enemies, they could not find the least
+pretext from these letters to trouble him. In the mean time William
+followed the profession of an Advocate with much success: Grotius
+compliments him on it in a letter of the 28th of November, 1625, in
+which he tells him, that the life he led in shining at the bar was much
+more agreeable than that which is spent in public employments.
+
+William Grotius wrote about this time the lives of the Advocates, under
+the title of _Vitæ Jurisconsultorum quorum in Pandectis exstant nomina,
+conscriptæ a Gulielmo Grotio Jurisconsulto Delphensi_. He sent this book
+to his brother, who writes to him that he read it with pleasure, and was
+delighted to see a work which demonstrated his brother's genius,
+learning, and good sense.
+
+William Grotius, whose marriage had prevented his going to France to see
+his brother, went thither however in 1629: he returned again to Holland.
+William being desirous to have his brother's picture, Hugo had the
+complaisance to sit for it, and send it to him. The enmity of the
+Magistrates was still so violent at this time, that William made a
+mystery of this picture; in which Grotius thought he acted very
+prudently. In 1638 there was a talk of making William Grotius Pensionary
+of Delft. The conditions on which the place was offered did not suit
+him, and he declined it. This refusal was approved of by Grotius; for he
+writes to him, March 13, 1638, "As to the place of Pensionary of our
+native town, the more I think of it, the happier I imagine you in
+having got rid of it, and in preferring honour to profit: for in these
+times it would have been impossible to have preserved that place and
+your honour."
+
+The East-India Company chose him for their Advocate in 1639. Grotius
+compliments his brother on it March 26, that year. "I always loved that
+Company, he says: I look upon it as the support of the Republic; and if
+I could be at present of any use to it, I would most gladly embrace the
+opportunity."
+
+Grotius's writings concerning Antichrist were approved of by William and
+their Father. However, as there was reason to apprehend that the
+printing of these pieces might increase the number and animosity of his
+enemies, Grotius proposed to his Brother not to take upon him their
+publication, especially as he might easily find persons that were far
+from a factious spirit, who would willingly undertake it: but William
+Grotius ran the hazard of this publication, without being frightened at
+the consequences.
+
+Grotius had always discovered great impatience when denied the tides of
+honour due to the Ambassadors of crowned heads. He imagined it to be the
+consequence of a plot of his enemies to depreciate him. William did not
+approve of his brother's great heat on this subject: and thought there
+was reason to presume that it was owing rather to inattention, than a
+premeditated design. Grotius, whose mildness of temper was greatly
+altered by his late disputes with the Reformed Ministers, as Henry de
+Villeneuve observes in a letter to the Abbé Barcellini, was much
+dissatisfied with his brother's manner of excusing those of whom he
+thought he had reason to complain; and wrote to him very sharply on this
+subject, December 12, 1643. "I imagine, says he, I see and hear you
+pleading at the Bar: you find reasons to excuse my enemies for things
+for which no body here excuses them: you blame me for things for which
+no body here blames me, nor will any others except your Dutchmen. It is
+fit that I should support my dignity: the thing is done on purpose; and
+the Swedes, whom it concerns, would be offended with me if I acted
+otherwise. I would therefore ask of you, for the future to address the
+letters you receive for me to my wife; and I shall afterwards see what
+is to be done."
+
+This small altercation did not interrupt the friendship of the two
+brothers, nor their correspondence by letters, which continued till
+Grotius's death.
+
+William, besides the book we have already mentioned, wrote another on
+the law of nature, entitled, _Willelmi Grotii de principiis Juris
+Naturalis Enchiridion_. This work is much inferior to the treatise _Of
+War and Peace_. However, it has its merit, and is particularly valuable
+for containing in a small compass all the principles of Natural Law
+clearly displayed.
+
+Grotius had still another brother, named Francis, who was the second son
+of John Grotius. He died young. Grotius wrote a Poem on his death, and a
+consolatory piece in Prose and Verse to his Father: they are both in the
+collection of his Poems.
+
+John Grotius had a daughter of fine accomplishments. Grotius acquaints
+us[773], that she wrote an useful book on Widowhood, which was very well
+done. The design of this work was not to condemn second marriages, but
+only to shew that it was more becoming a reasonable woman to content
+herself with having had one husband. After her death it was proposed to
+print it; and Grotius, to make it a more considerable book, translated
+into Dutch three treatises of Tertullian, one of St. Ambrose, two of St.
+Chrysostome, and three of St. Jerom, on the same subject. We have not
+learnt whether this Collection was ever published.
+
+The END of the SIXTH and LAST BOOK.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[735] See the Testimonia at the end of Le Clerc's edition of the
+treatise on the truth of the Christian religion, p. 344. & 351.
+
+[736] Ep. 195. p. 813.
+
+[737] Ep. 253. p. 832.
+
+[738] Ep. 368. p. 859. & 369. p 860.
+
+[739] Ep. 419. p. 875.
+
+[740] Ep. 421. p. 876.
+
+[741] Ep. 936 p. 415
+
+[742] Ep. 1129. p. 510. & 1133. p. 512.
+
+[743] Ep. 506. p. 885. 465. p. 886. 1371. p. 623
+
+[744] Ep. 1607. p. 716. 1616. p. 717. 537. p. 916. 670. p. 958. & 678.
+p. 960.
+
+[745] Ep. 714. p. 968.
+
+[746] Ep. 1746. p. 746. & 720. p. 970.
+
+[747] Ann. de Basnage, t. 1. p. 700.
+
+[748] Ep. 64. p. 773. 68. p. 774. & 72. p. 776.
+
+[749] Ep. 258. p. 833.
+
+[750] Ep. 324. p. 115.
+
+[751] Ep. 326. p. 849.
+
+[752] Ep. 353. p. 855.
+
+[753] Ep. 357. p. 856.
+
+[754] Ep. 364. p. 858. & 369. p. 860.
+
+[755] Ep. 573. p. 225.
+
+[756] Ep. 406. p. 870.
+
+[757] Ep. 421. p. 876.
+
+[758] Ep. 425. p. 876.
+
+[759] Ep. 426. p. 877.
+
+[760] Ep. 946. p. 419.
+
+[761] See Book I. § 16.
+
+[762] Ep. 455. p. 883. & 465. p. 887.
+
+[763] Ep. 469. p. 887.
+
+[764] Ep. 492. p. 896.
+
+[765] Ep. 537. p. 916.
+
+[766] Ep. 542. p. 918.
+
+[767] Ep. 553. p. 924.
+
+[768] Ep. 555. p. 925.
+
+[769] Ep. 588. p. 933.
+
+[770] Ep. 641. p. 949.
+
+[771] Ep. 1257. p. 571.
+
+[772] Ep. 377. p. 138.
+
+[773] Ep. 550. p. 920.
+
+
+
+
+A
+
+CATALOGUE
+
+OF
+
+GROTIUS's WORKS.
+
+
+_Hugeiani Grotii Batavi Pontifex Romanus, Rex Galliarum, Albertus
+Cardinalis, Regina Angliæ, Ordines Foederati: ex officinâ Plantinianâ,
+apud Christophorum Raphelengium, Academiæ Lugduno-Batavæ Typographum_,
+1599.
+
+Grotius's Poems are in two collections; the prophane, in that published
+by his brother, which has gone through many editions; in the latter ones
+are inserted the Tragedy of Sophomphaneus, the _Catechism_ in Latin
+verse, and _Sylva ad Franciscum Augustum Thuanum_. See the _Life of
+Grotius_ Book 1. § 13. B. 2. § 14. B. 5. § 2. The sacred poems were
+printed, in quarto, at the Hague, in 1610, in a collection wherein we
+find _Adamus exsul_, a tragedy; _Exordia quatuor Evangeliorum_;
+_Paraphrasis metrica Hymnorum in Evangelio & Actis Lucæ, variique
+Psalmi, & alia carmina_; _Martiani Minei Felicis Satyricon, seu de
+nuptiis Philologiæ & Mercurii libri duo_; _& de septem artibus
+liberalibus libri totidem: emendati & notis illustrati_.
+_Lugduni-Batavorum_, 1599. See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. § 10.
+
+Limneu[Greek: retichê], _sive portuum investigandorum ratio, metaphraste
+Hugone Grotio Batavo: ex officinâ Plantinianâ, apud Christophorum
+Raphelengium, Academiæ Lugduno-Batavæ typographum_, 1599. See the Life
+of Grotius, B. 1. § 11.
+
+_Hug. Grotii Batavi Syntagma Aratæorum, opus poëticæ & astronomiæ
+studiosis utilissimum. Ex officinâ Plantinianâ, apud Christophorum
+Raphelengium, academiæ Lugduno-Batavæ typographum_, 1600.
+
+_Hoc opere continentur Arati Phoenomena, & Diosemeia Græcè Ciceronis
+interpretatio H. Grotii versibus interpolata._
+
+_Phoenomena Aratea Germanico Cæsare interprete, multo auctiora &
+emendatiora, ope manuscripti profecti ex bibliothecâ nob. dom. Jacobi
+Susii de Grisendorf._
+
+_Ejusdem fragmenta Prognosticorum, imagines siderum Germanici versibus
+interpositæ, ex manuscripto desumptæ, & a Jacobo Gheinia æri incisæ._
+
+_Notæ H. Grotii ad Aratum._
+
+_Notæ ejusdem ad Germanici Phoenomena._
+
+_Notæ ejusdem ad imagines, in quibus siderum & singularum stellarum
+nomina Arabica, Hebræa, Græca, & Latina, & situs exponuntur._
+
+_Notæ ad Fragmenta Ciceronis._
+
+_Festi Avieni paraphrasis, cum notis brevibus in margine appositis._
+
+_Mare Liberum, seu de jure quod Batavis competit ad Indica commercia._
+_Lugduni-Batavorum_, 1609. See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. § 19.
+
+_De antiquitate reipublicæ Batavicæ._ _Lug. Bat._ 1610. See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 1. § 20.
+
+The theological works were printed in four volumes in folio, by the
+heirs of Blaeu, at Amsterdam, in 1679.
+
+The three first tomes contain the _Commentary on the Holy Scriptures_.
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. § 14. B. 6. § 11.
+
+The fourth volume contains divers theological pieces.
+
+_De Veritate Religionis Christianæ._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. §
+14. B. 6. § 9.
+
+_Ordinum Hollandiæ & Westfrisiæ pietas ab improbissimis multorum
+calumniis, præsertim vero a Sibrandi Luberti Epistolâ, quam
+Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi scripsit, vindicata._ See the life of
+Grotius, B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Bona Fides Sibrandi Luberti._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Ordinum Hollandiæ & Westfrisiæ decretum pro pace ecclesiarum, munitum
+S. Scripturæ, Conciliorum, Patrum, Confessionum, & Theologorum
+testimoniis._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 4. & 17.
+
+_Oratio_ IX. _cal. Maii habita in senatu Amstelodamensi, versa è Belgico
+sermone per Theodorum Schrevelium._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 6.
+
+_Defensio decreti pro pace ecclesiarum._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2.
+§ 16.
+
+_De Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra._ See the Life of Grotius,
+B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Defensio fidei Catholicæ de satisfactione Christi, adversùs Faustum
+Socinum Senensem._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Conciliatio dissidentium de re predestinatoriâ atque gratiâ opinionum._
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Disquisitio, an Pelagiana sint illa dogmata, quæ nunc sub eo nomine
+traducuntur._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Philosophorum veterum sententiæ de fato, & de eo quod est in nostrâ
+potestate._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 16.
+
+_Commentarius ad loca quædam Novi Testamenti de Antichristo._ See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12.
+
+_Appendix ad Commentationem de Antichristo._ See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. § 12.
+
+_Dissertatio de Coenæ administratione ubi Pastores non adsunt._ See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12.
+
+_Dissertatio an semper communicandum per symbola._ See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 6. § 12.
+
+_Explicatio trium utilissimorum locorum N.T. in quibus agitur de fide &
+operibus._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12.
+
+_Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam; quo tractatu continentur Bulla Pii Papæ
+IV. super formâ juramenti professionis fidei exhibitâ invictissimo
+Imperatori Carolo V. in comitiis Augustanis, 1530. Georgii Cassandri
+Consultatio de articulis Religionis inter Catholicos & Protestantes
+controversis. Hugonis Grotii Annotata ad Consultationem Cassandri,
+ejusdem disquisitio de dogmatibus Pelagianis, ejusdem baptizatorum
+institutio & de eucharistiâ; denique Syllabus auctorum, qui de
+conciliatione controversiarum in religione scripserunt._
+
+_Animadversiones in Andreæ Riveti animadversiones._ See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 2. § 12.
+
+_Votum pro pace ecclesiasticâ, contra examen Andreæ Riveti._ See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12.
+
+_Rivetiani apologetici discussio._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 12.
+
+_De summo sacerdotio._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 5. § 12.
+
+_De dogmatis, ritibus, & gubernatione Ecclesiæ Christianæ._
+
+_De dogmatis quæ reipublicæ noxia sunt aut dicuntur._
+
+_M. Annæi Lucani Pharsalia, ex emendatione & cum notis H. Grotii. Lug.
+Bat._ 1614. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 5.
+
+_Dicta poëtarum quæ apud Joannem Stobeum extant, emendata & Latino
+carmine reddita ab Hugone Grotio: accesserunt Plutarchi & Basilii Magni
+de usu Græcorum poëtarum. Parisiis_, 1622. See the Life of Grotius, B.
+2. § 14. B. 3. § 6.
+
+_Apologeticus eorum, qui Hollandiæ, Westfrisiæ, & vicinis quibusdam
+nationibus ex Legibus præfuerunt ante mutationem anni_ 1618. _Parisiis_,
+1622. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 3. § 4.
+
+_De Jure Belli ac Pacis Libri tres._ _Parisiis_, 1625. The best edition
+of this celebrated work is that published at Amsterdam, in 1720, by John
+Barbeyrac, who has translated it so happily. At the end of this edition
+he subjoined a small tract of Grotius: _De equitate, indulgentiâ, &
+facilitate, liber singularis._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 3. § 9.
+
+_Excerpta ex tragoediis & comediis Græcis, tùm quæ extant, tùm quæ
+perierunt: emendata & Latinis versibus reddita ab Hugone Grotio, cum
+notis & indice auctorum ac rerum. Parisiis apud Nicolaum Buon_, 1626.
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 3. § 6.
+
+_Grollæ obsidio, cum annexis anni_ 1627. _Amstelodami, apud Guillelmum
+Blaeu_, 1629. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 14.
+
+_Euripidis Tragoedia Phenissæ, emendata ex manuscriptis, & Latina facta
+ab Hugone Grotio. Parisiis_, 1630. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14.
+B. 3. § 7.
+
+An Introduction to the Laws of Holland, in Dutch. Hague, 1631. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 2. § 14. B. 6. § 14.
+
+_C. Cornelius Tacitus, ex J. Lipsii editione, cum notis & emendationibus
+H. Grotii. Lugduni-Batavorum, ex officinâ Elzevirianâ_, 1640. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 3.
+
+_Florum sparsio in Jus Justinianeum, & in loca quædam Juris Civilis.
+Parisiis_, 1642. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 10.
+
+_De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio prior. Parisiis_, 1642. See
+the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 13.
+
+_De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio altera, adversùs
+obtrectatorem opaca bonum quem fecit barba. Parisiis_, 1643. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 13.
+
+_Hugonis Grotii quædam hactenùs inedita, aliaque ex Belgicè editis
+Latinè versa, argumenti theologici, juridici, politici. Amstelodami_,
+1652.
+
+_Consilium juridicum super iis, quæ Nassavii in Juliacum & Geldriam
+competere sibi dicunt._
+
+_Epistola ad Car. V. an Provinciæ Foederati Belgii inferendæ sunt
+imperio Germanico._
+
+_F. Thomæ Campanellæ Philosophiæ realis pars tertia, quæ est de
+politicâ, in aphorismos digesta._
+
+_De pace Germaniæ epistola ad clarissimum virum N.P. An supposititia sit
+dijudicet sagax lector._
+
+_Hugonis Grotii responsio ad quædam ab utroque judicum consessu objecta,
+ubi multa disputantur de jure summarum potestatum in Hollandiâ
+Westfrisiâque, & Magistratuum in oppidis._ See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. § 14.
+
+_Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, & Longobardorum; ab Hugone Grotio partim
+versa, partim in ordinem digesta, cum ejusdem prolegomenis, ubi regum
+Gothorum ordo & chronologia cum elogiis; accedunt nomina appellativa cum
+explicatione. Scriptores sunt Procopius, Agathias, Jornandes, B.
+Isidorus, Paulus Warnefridus. Amstelodami_, 1655. See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 6. § 7.
+
+_Annales & Historiæ de rebus Belgicis, ab obitu Philippi regis usque ad
+inducias anni 1609. Amstelodami, anno_ 1657. See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. § 8.
+
+_Hugonis Grotii Epistolæ, quotquot reperiri potuerunt. Amstelodami_,
+1687. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. § 15.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A.
+
+Adamus exsul, a tragedy, 19.
+
+Aligre, keeper of the seals, Grotius flatters himself with being
+protected by him, 114
+  The services which he accordingly receives from him, ibid.
+
+America, Grotius's treatise of the origin of its inhabitants, 275.
+
+Amsterdam, that city favours the Gomarists, and declares against a
+toleration, 50
+  Deputation sent to it on this subject, ib. et seq.
+
+Anne of Austria, queen, is declared regent during the minority of her
+son Lewis XIV., 230
+  Gives Grotius an audience, 231.
+
+Anthologia, Grotius purposes to publish an edition of that
+collection, 247
+  The several indexes he would have to it, 249
+  The printing of it begun, but stopt, 250
+  Where the original of this work is to be found, 251
+  The time employed by the author in it, ibid.
+
+Antichrist, Grotius's book on that subject, 269
+  It occasions him many enemies, 270
+  Made a great noise among the enemies of the Romish Church, 271
+  The offence which it gave to the reformed, 272
+  A mistake of the author in this book, ibid.
+
+Aratus, Grotius's edition of his Phoenomena, 16
+  Commended, ibid
+  A copy of this edition collated by Nicholas Heinsius, who added some
+    notes, 18.
+
+Ardenne, battle of, 158.
+
+Arminians, their conference with the Gomarists in presence of the states
+of Holland, 41
+  Their remonstrance to the states, ibid
+  By whom it was drawn up, 45
+  A summary of their doctrine, 45
+  Acknowledge the civil magistrate to be judge of ecclesiastical
+    disputes, 46
+  Persecuted by prince Maurice, 59
+  Refuse to receive the synod of Dort, 60
+  Their protest against that assembly, ibid
+  Are condemned in it, 61
+  The pretexts they make use of against that synod, ibid
+  Favoured by prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, 107.
+
+Arminius, his dispute with Gomar, 39 et seq.
+  His doctrine concerning predestination and grace, ibid
+  He is complained of to the synod of Rotterdam, 40
+  Presents a petition to the states of Holland and Westfriesland, ibid
+    et seq.
+  His death, 41
+  Grotius's Elogium of him, ibid.
+  Method proposed by him for a reunion of christians, 307.
+
+Arnaud, his relation concerning Grotius's death, 241.
+
+
+B.
+
+Bacon, Lord, the reading of his Works gave Grotius the first hint of
+compiling a system of natural law, 110.
+
+Baillet, his judgment of Grotius's poems, 20
+  Of his annals of the Low Countries, 258.
+
+Balzac, what he said of Grotius's poems, 20
+  His esteem for that learned man, 328.
+
+Bannier, Marshal, his brother first put it into Grotius's head to enter
+into the Swedish service, 136.
+
+Barberin, Cardinal Francis, what he found fault with in Grotius's book
+of war and peace, 113.
+
+Barbeyrac, his commendation of Grotius's treatise of the rights of war
+and peace, 100 et seq.
+  Character of his translation of that book, 111
+  His judgment of John de Felda's notes against it, 111, 112
+  Defects observed by Barbeyrac in it, 113.
+
+Barlæus, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7.
+
+Barnevelt, grand pensionary of Holland, his firmness in opposing the
+earl of Leicester's designs, 9
+  Contributes to the nominating count Maurice of Nassau captain general,
+    ibid
+  Sent ambassador to Henry IV., 10
+  Success of his negotiation, ibid.
+  Grotius's connection with him, 29
+  The report it gave rise to, ibid
+  His behaviour in the dispute between the Arminians and Gomarists, 40,
+    46, et seq.
+  He and Grotius have the direction of the states conduct in this
+    affair, 44
+  Decree proposed by him to the states, 49
+  Rise of count Maurice's hatred to him, 50
+  Wants to resign his employments, 55
+  Arrested by count Maurice, 58
+  Crimes of which his enemies accuse him, 59
+  Is brought to his tryal, 62
+  Excepts against his judges, ibid
+  His condemnation, and its grounds, 63
+  The court of France interests itself in his behalf, ibid
+  His death and elogium, 65.
+
+Baudius, his opinion of Grotius's poetical talents, 19
+  A candidate for the place of historiographer of the United Provinces,
+    which he yields to that learned man, 21
+  Scazon written by him in honour of Grotius, 327.
+
+Bayle, his opinion of Grotius's project for reuniting the religions,
+  302.
+
+Berthier, father, the jesuist, his information concerning the original
+manuscript of Grotius's Anthologia, 251
+  What he says of his translation of the _Supplicantes_ of Euripides,
+    278.
+
+Bignon, Jerom, advocate general, his observation to Grotius concerning
+his Annals of the Low Countries, 258
+  His opinion of the treatise of the truth of the christian religion,
+    262
+  Cannot bear to hear Grotius accused of socinianism, 324
+  His esteem for him, 330.
+
+Bishops, their authority favoured by Grotius, 288 et seq.
+  He says they were established by Christ, ibid.
+
+Blondius, his ill treatment of Reigersberg, 317
+  How threatened by Grotius on that account, ibid.
+
+Boissise, Thumeri de, on what occasion nominated ambassador from France
+to Holland, 63
+  Success of his negotiation, 64
+  Receives Grotius at his arrival in France, 89.
+
+Bossuet, his summary of the Arminian doctrine, 45
+  Accuses Grotius of favouring Socinianism, 319
+  Allows that he did not deny Christ's divinity, 320.
+
+Bouhier, the president, his mistake concerning the year of Grotius's
+birth, 4.
+
+Boutillier, superintendant of the finances, makes Grotius offers of
+service, 126
+  His conference with him concerning the treaty concluded in France with
+    the envoys of the allies, 147.
+
+Boze, a collection of Grotius's letters in cipher in his cabinet, 282
+
+Brandanus, Grotius's chaplain, 157
+  His character, ibid
+  Is turned away by Grotius, 158.
+
+Briet, father, a jesuit, what he says of Grotius's disposition to turn
+Roman Catholic, 301.
+
+
+C.
+
+Calvin, spoken of by Grotius with the greatest indignation, 287
+  His equivocal expressions concerning the Eucharist, 293.
+
+Calvinists, Grotius disapproves of their sentiments on the Eucharist,
+and reproaches them with their contradictions, 292
+
+Capella, Martianus, Grotius's edition of that author, 13
+  The nature of his work, and its character, 13, 14
+  Its use, 15.
+
+Carleton, the english ambassador in Holland, demands that Grotius should
+be punished for writing the book of the Freedom of the ocean, 67.
+
+Casaubon, Isaac, his commendation of Grotius's edition of Capella, 15
+  What he says of his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, 17
+  Translates into Greek verse Grotius's Prosopopoeia of the town of
+    Ostend, 19
+  His commendation of his Christus patiens, ibid.
+  His opinion of his talents for poetry, ibid.
+  Henry IV. has thoughts of making him his librarian, 22
+  Difficulties that design meets with, ibid
+  Is nominated Librarian, ibid
+  Grotius contracts a great friendship with him, 31
+  His esteem for that learned man, 32
+  His thoughts of the re-union of the roman catholics with the
+    protestants, 33
+  The last testimony of his sentiments for Grotius, 33
+  Commends his Apology against Sibrand Lubert, 84
+  What Grotius says of Casaubon's resolution to turn Roman Catholic, 286
+  His opinion of the Roman Catholics of France, ibid.
+
+Casaubon, Meric, his esteem for Grotius, 332
+  His elogium of Grotius in the Preface to Hierocles of Providence and
+    Fate, ibid.
+
+Caumartin, is made keeper of the seals, 94.
+
+Cerisante, nominated agent from Sweden at the court of France, 231
+  His character and birth, 232, 233
+  His adventures, ibid
+  Is dismissed by the queen of Sweden, 233
+  His disputes with Grotius, ibid.
+
+Charenton, the ministers of, refuse to receive Grotius into their
+communion on his first arrival in France, 90
+  His discussions with them when he returned in quality of ambassador
+    from Sweden, 154
+  Send a deputation to him, 155.
+
+Charles I. of England, invites Grotius into that kingdom, 187.
+
+Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, purposes to put himself at the head of
+the Weymarian army on the duke of Weymar's death, 215
+  Goes into France, and is arrested, 216
+  Is conducted to Vincennes, 217
+  Princes who interest themselves in procuring his liberty, 217
+  He comes out of prison on certain conditions, ibid.
+
+Chavigny, his negotiations with Grotius, 159
+  Treats with him concerning a truce that was proposed, 201
+  Another negotiation between them concerning the elector Palatine's
+    discharge, 218
+
+Christenius, John, his satisfaction on seeing Grotius when he was in
+France, 331
+  Esteem with which he speaks of him, ibid.
+
+Christian IV. King of Denmark, his offers to Grotius to draw him into
+his service, 131.
+
+Christina, queen of Sweden, state of affairs at her accession to the
+throne, 92
+  Her right to the crown disputed, ibid
+  Approves of Grotius's nomination to the French embassy, 169
+  Honours paid by her to Grotius at his return to Sweden, 237
+  Her present to him at his departure, 238
+  Accused of shortening that learned man's days, 243
+  Purchases several of his manuscripts after his death, 279
+  Her compliment to his widow on the death of her husband, 332.
+
+Church, Grotius's thoughts of her infallibility, and the submission due
+to her, 297.
+
+Clement, St. publication of his epistle, 297
+  Grotius's thoughts of it and of the second letter ascribed to him,
+    ibid.
+
+Clerc, Le, his relation of the manner of Grotius's death, 241
+  Gives hopes of his publishing an edition of that learned man's
+    Anthologia, 250
+  His opinion of his commentary on the Scriptures, 269.
+
+Colomiez, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the truth of the
+christian religion, 267
+  Elogiums of Grotius related by him, 329
+  His own opinion of him, ibid.
+
+Condé, prince of, Grotius dedicates his Capella to him, 15
+  Is entirely in Grotius's interest, 93
+  Renews his acquaintance with him on his arrival in France in quality
+    of ambassador from Sweden, 145
+  Their conversation together, 200.
+
+Contra-remonstrants. See Gomarists.
+
+Cornets, Cornelius, who he was, 1
+  His marriage with Ermengarda de Groot, 2
+  A branch of his family in Provence, ibid
+  His children, ibid.
+
+Corraro, the Venetian ambassador at Paris, Grotius's complaint against
+him, 184
+  How the affair was made up, ibid.
+
+Crellius, answers Grotius's book against Socinus, 321
+  That learned man's letters to Crellius on this subject, 322.
+
+Crusius, a Swedish lord, his quarrel with Schmalz, 206.
+
+
+D.
+
+D'Avaux, acts against Grotius, 173
+  his Negotiation with Salvius for a renewal of the alliance between
+    France and Sweden, 228.
+
+Daube, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the rights of war and peace,
+113.
+
+Dead, Grotius's opinion of praying for them, 294.
+
+Desmarets writes with great bitterness against Grotius's treatise on
+Antichrist, 272
+  His answer to him, ibid.
+
+Desnoyers, secretary at war, treats with Grotius about a truce, 204.
+
+De Vic made keeper of the seals, 93
+  Grotius flatters himself with being favoured by him, ibid
+  Services which De Vic doth that learned man, 94
+  His death, ibid.
+
+D'Or, Francis, enters into Grotius's service as his chaplain, 158
+  Who he was, ibid
+  Turns Roman Catholic, and not censured by Grotius, 288.
+
+Dort, Synod of, its convocation, 55
+  the holding of that assembly, 60
+  It proscribes the Arminians, 61.
+
+Douza, John, his Elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7.
+
+Du Maurier, ambassador from France to Holland, 35
+  Grotius gives him a method of study, ibid
+  He sends Grotius a recommendation for France, 88
+  Gives him false hopes of a return to his country, 117.
+
+Du Maurier, the son, his account of the circumstances attending
+Grotius's death, 241
+  His criticism of his letters, 280.
+
+Du Moulin, Lewis, what he says to Grotius's advantage, 333.
+
+Duncomius, what he writes Vossius concerning Grotius, 332.
+
+Dupuis, Henry, congratulates Grotius on his escape out of prison, and
+makes him an offer of his services, 81, 82.
+
+Dupuis, Mess. visit Grotius on his arrival at Paris, 90
+  His great intimacy with them, 317.
+
+Duræus, minister of the church of Sweden, seconds Grotius's project of
+pacification, 305
+  Obstacles to the execution of his design, 306.
+
+Du Vair, keeper of the seals, his esteem for Grotius, 92
+  Letter to him assuring him of his friendship, ibid
+  His death, 92
+  Compliments Grotius on his good intention of forming a coalition of
+    all christians, 303.
+
+
+E.
+
+Elizabeth Queen of England takes the United Provinces under her
+protection, 8
+  Her treaty with them, ibid.
+
+English, their dispute with the Dutch concerning the Greenland fishery,
+29
+  Were the first who disputed with cardinal Richelieu the privileges of
+    the cardinalship, 170
+  Their broil with the Swedes about precedency, 184.
+
+Episcopius, is deposed by the synod of Dort, 61
+  What Grotius writes to him concerning the Eucharist, 291
+  Regards that learned man as his oracle, 329.
+
+Estrades, an anecdote related by him of prince Henry Frederic of Nassau,
+107
+  Is displeased with Peter Grotius pensionary of Amsterdam, 348.
+
+Eucharist, Grotius is at first prejudiced against the opinion of the
+Romish church concerning this sacrament, 291
+  His thoughts of it afterwards, ibid.
+
+Euripides, most esteemed by Grotius of all the tragic poets, 278
+  Several of his pieces translated by him, ibid.
+
+
+F.
+
+Fabricius, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Scriptures, 269.
+
+Felda, John de, his notes against Grotius's treatise De jure belli et
+pacis, 111.
+
+Freiras, Francis Seraphin, his answer to Grotius's treatise of the
+freedom of the Ocean, 26.
+
+
+G.
+
+Gettichius, his opinion of Grotius's writings concerning Antichrist,
+271.
+
+Gilot, James, his praise of Grotius when a boy, 7.
+
+Gomar, rise of his dispute with Arminius, 39
+  His doctrine concerning predestination and grace, 40
+  Is summoned to appear before the magistrates, ibid
+  What he says there, ibid.
+
+Gomarists, their conference with the Arminians in presence of the States
+of Holland, 41
+  On what occasion they were called Contra-remonstrants, 45, 46
+  Are favoured by the people, 46
+  Disturbances raised by them, ibid
+  Their complaint against the edict published by the States, 49
+  Separate from the communism of the Arminians, 50.
+
+Goths, Grotius writes their antiquities, 252
+  The plan and design of this work, ibid
+  Its publication, 255.
+
+Grasvinkel, Theodore, who, 112
+  undertakes a defence of Grotius's treatise of war and peace, ibid.
+
+Gronovius, suspected by Grotius of having availed himself of his notes
+on Tacitus, 246.
+
+Groot, Cornelius de, his birth, 2
+  His employments, 2, 3
+  His death, 3
+  Leaves several Pieces in MS., ibid.
+
+Groot, Diederic de, origin and signification of his name of Groot, 1
+  Marries his daughter to Cornelius Cornets, 2.
+
+Groot, Ermengarda de, who she was, 1, 2
+  Her marriage with Cornelius Cornets, ibid
+  Her children, 2.
+
+Groot, Hugo de, his birth, 2
+  How he distinguished himself, ibid
+  His death, ibid
+  His children, ibid.
+
+Groot, John de, studies under Justus Lipsius, 3
+  That learned man's esteem for him, ibid
+  His works, ibid
+  His employments, 4
+  Verses by Heinsius in his praise, 4
+  His marriage and children, ibid
+  His death, ibid
+  Assists his son Grotius in the edition of Martianus Capella, 15
+  His verses on his son's marriage, 21
+  Translates into dutch, in conjunction with him, his book of the
+    antiquities of the Batavi, 28
+  Directs his grandson Diederic Grotius's studies, 352.
+
+Grotius, Cornelia, Grotius's eldest daughter, her marriage with viscount
+Mombas, 357.
+
+Grotius, Cornelius, son of Hugo, his studies, 338
+  Enters into the high chancellor Oxensteirn's service, 339
+  Goes to serve under the duke of Weymar, 339
+  His fickleness, ibid
+  His death, 341.
+
+Grotius, Diederic, son of Hugo Grotius, distinguishes himself by his
+studies, 352
+  Enters into the duke of Weymar's service, 353
+  Diverted by his father from entering into the Dutch service, ibid
+  Goes to serve under marshal Bannier, and is made prisoner, 354
+  Obtains his liberty, ibid
+  Serves under marshal Turenne, 355
+  The duke D'Anguien's esteem for him, ibid.
+  His death, ibid.
+
+Grotius, Frances, Grotius's youngest daughter, her birth and death, 356.
+
+Grotius, Francis, brother of Hugo Grotius, verses by the latter on his
+death, 361.
+
+Grotius, Hugo, whence he derived the name of Grotius, 1
+  his family and ancestors, ibid
+  Æra of his birth, 4
+  Great hopes given by him in his childhood, 5
+  Writes elegiac verses at eight years of age, 6
+  The good education he receives, ibid
+  Rise of his connection with Utengobard the clergyman, ibid
+  His studies at Leyden, his masters, and the progress he makes, ibid
+  His first journey to France, 11
+  Honours he receives from Henry IV., ibid
+  Takes the degree of Doctor of Laws, ibid
+  His correspondence with the president de Thou, 11, 12
+  His elogium of that magistrate after his death, 13
+  Pleads his first cause, ibid
+  His edition of Martianus Capella, ibid
+  The praise this work procures him from the Learned, 15
+  His management with the booksellers, ibid
+  Translates into latin the Limneu[Greek: retichê] of Stevin, 16
+  Publishes an edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, 16
+  Compliments he received on it from several men of learning, 17
+  Cultivates poetry, 18
+  His prosopopoeia of the town of Ostend, ibid
+  His tragedies, and their success, 19
+  Opinion of the learned concerning his poetical talents, ibid
+  Edition of his poems, 20
+  His own thoughts of them in the latter part of his life, 21
+  Nominated Historiographer of the United Provinces, ibid
+  Henry IV. has thoughts of making him his librarian, 22
+  Applies to the bar, 23
+  His method of pleading, ibid
+  Takes a dislike to this occupation, ibid
+  Appointed advocate general of the provinces of Holland and Zealand,
+    23, 24
+  His marriage, 24
+  His book of the freedom of the ocean, ibid
+  His own thoughts of this work, 26
+  His book De antiquitate Reipublicæ Batavicæ, 27
+  Nominated pensionary of Rotterdam, 28
+  Contracts an intimacy with Barnevelt, 29
+  Makes a voyage to England, about the Greenland fishery, 29
+  Nominated commissioner in this affair, 30
+  Is graciously received by king James I., 31
+  The great friendship he contracts with Casaubon, ibid
+  His esteem for that learned man, ibid
+  A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to
+    Grotius's opinion, 33, 34
+  The method of study sent by him to Du Maurier, 35
+  His elogium of Arminius, 41
+  He declares for his doctrine, ibid
+  The remonstrance of the Arminians drawn up in concert with him, 45
+  He and Barnevelt have the sole direction of what the States do in this
+    affair, 47
+  Rise of count Maurice's enmity to him, 50
+  Deputed by the States to the town of Amsterdam, 50
+  His speech on that occasion, 51
+  The bad success of his negotiation throws him into a fit of illness,
+    53, 54
+  His scheme for a coalition proves ineffectual, 54, 55
+  Deputed to Utrecht, 56
+  Arrested by order of prince Maurice, 58
+  The crimes he is accused of by his enemies, 59
+  His prosecution, and sentence, 66
+  Rotterdam interests itself for him in vain, ibid
+  Hard-heartedness and rage of his enemies, 66 et seq.
+  His condemnation, and its grounds, 68
+  Confutes them, and complains of his sentence, 72
+  Irregularity of his sentence, 73
+  Is removed to the fortress of Louvestein, 74
+  His employment in prison, 75
+  Makes his escape, 78
+  His Apology for the States of Holland against Sibrand Lubert, 79
+  Publishes another work concerning predestination and grace, 84
+  Prints the decree of the States, and its defence, ibid
+  His treatise De imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra, 85
+  Writes against Socinus, 86
+  Censure it draws upon him, ibid
+  Publishes a tract, proving that the Arminians are not Pelagians, 87
+  His work on destiny, ibid
+  He arrives at Paris, 89
+  Ill offices which the States do him by their ambassadors in France,
+    ibid
+  Has no reason to speak well of the ministers of Charenton, 90
+  Epigrams occasioned by his arrival in France, 91
+  The court grants him a pension, 93
+  A report spread of his going to change his religion, 95
+  His employment at Paris, 96
+  His opinion of the eloquence of the advocates of those times, 96
+  Publishes his Apology, 97
+  Its contents, 98
+  It is condemned by the States, who proscribe the author, 99, 100
+  His uneasiness on this subject, 100
+  Taken by the French king under his protection, 101
+  The connections he still keeps up in Holland, 102
+  Corresponds by letters with prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, 102
+  Publishes his Stobeus, 103,
+    and his extract of the Greek tragedies and comedies, 104
+  Begins his work De jure belli ac pacis, 105
+  Is taken ill, 106
+  Publishes a translation of Euripides's Phoenissæ, 106
+  Writes in vain to prince Henry Frederic of Nassau to obtain leave to
+    return to Holland, 107
+  Publishes his treatise De jure belli ac pacis, 108
+  Purposes to leave France, 113
+  A place offered him in Denmark, which he refuses, 115
+  His conference with cardinal Richelieu, by whom great hopes are given
+    him, 116
+  Grotius returns to Holland, 118
+  Gains an important law-suit, 120
+  Disgusts he receives, 121
+  Is again outlawed by the States, 121
+  Leaves Holland, and goes to Hamburg, 125
+  Refuses a pension from France, 127
+  His thoughts on the education of children, 129
+  His first acquaintance with Salvius, 130
+  Is courted by several princes, 131
+  Is desirous of a reconciliation with Holland, 133
+  The high Chancellor Oxensteirn sends for him, ibid
+  His veneration for the great Gustavus, ibid
+  Goes to Oxensteirn at Francfort, 136
+  Is nominated ambassador from Sweden to France, ibid
+  His public declaration that he ought no longer to be looked on as a
+    Dutchman, 137
+  His journey to and arrival in France, 141
+  Objections made to his nomination, 142
+  His public entry into Paris, 143
+  His first audience of the king, 144
+  Renews his acquaintance with the Prince of Condé, 145
+  His conference with Boutillier and father Joseph concerning the treaty
+    concluded in France with the envoys of the allies, 147
+  Another conference on the same subject with cardinal Richelieu, 150
+  His discussions with the ministers of Charenton, 154
+  Resolves to have divine service celebrated in his own house, 156, 157
+  His several journeys to court, and negotiations with the ministers,
+    158 et seq.
+  His audiences of the cardinal, 162, 164, 167
+  Abstains from visiting his eminence, 170
+  Becomes odious to the court, 172
+  Accused of being a pensioner of France, 174
+  Disgusts he receives, 175
+  Is uneasy about the payment of his salary, 178
+  The Venetian ambassador contends with him for precedency, 179
+  Opposes the Swedes sending plenipotentiaries to the congress of
+    Cologn, 181
+  His dispute with Godefroy concerning the right of precedency between
+    France and Sweden, 182
+  Another dispute with the Venetian ambassador, 183
+  His explanation with the earl of Leicester in relation to the
+    precedency of England and Sweden, 186
+  Several audiences which he has of the king, 189
+  Compliments the queen on her pregnancy, 196
+  His conversation with the prince of Condé, 200
+  His negotiation with Chavigny concerning the truce that was proposed,
+    ibid
+  Smalz's bad behaviour to him, 204
+  Is in great danger of his life, 207
+  His compliments to the king and queen on the birth of the Dauphin, 210
+  His esteem for the duke of Weymar, 215
+  Labours to obtain the elector Palatine's liberty, and succeeds, 218
+  He negotiates the exchange of marshal Horn for John de Vert, 225
+  The share he has in the renewal of the alliance between France and
+    Sweden, 228
+  His small regret for the death of cardinal Richelieu, 230
+  Visits not cardinal Mazarine, 231
+  His audience of the queen mother, ibid
+  The regency of Sweden are instigated against him, 232
+  The distaste he takes to his embassy, ibid
+  Desires be recalled, which request is readily granted, 233, 234
+    The gracious letter queen Christina writes to him on that subject,
+      234
+  His departure for Stockholm, 235
+  Honours he receives by the way, 236
+  His reception in Sweden, 237
+  He asks leave to retire, ibid
+  His departure from Stockholm, ibid
+  Anecdote concerning his last audience of the queen, 238
+  Conjectures to which his departure gave rise, 238
+  His arrival at Rostock, and his death, 239
+  Reports spread in relation to it, 241
+  His epitaph by himself, 244
+  His portrait, ibid
+  His embassy did not interrupt his literary labours, 244
+  He again cultivates Poetry, 245
+  His notes on Tacitus, 246
+  On Statius, ibid
+  On Lucan, ibid
+  His Anthologia, 247
+  His prodigious readiness at writing, 251
+  His history of the antiquity of the Goths, 252
+  The account he gives of this work to the high chancellor, ibid.
+  His annals of the Low Countries, 256
+  His treatise of the truth of the christian religion, 259
+  Is accused, on account of this book, of Socinianism, 260
+  His defence, ibid
+  His Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum, 263
+  His Commentary on the scriptures, 264
+  His esteem for father Petau, 266
+  His writings on Antichrist, 269
+  The many enemies they stir up against him, 270
+  His treatise of faith and good works, 273
+  His Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam, ibid
+  Expects his reward from posterity, ibid
+  His writings against Rivetus, 274
+  His other theological works, ibid
+  His treatise of the origin of the Americans, 275
+  His history of the siege of Grolla, 277.
+  His Introduction to the laws of Holland, ibid
+  His other writings, ibid
+  His translation of the Supplicantes of Euripides, 278
+  Manuscripts he left at his death, ib. et seq.
+  His Letters, and their praise, 279
+  Why censured, and for what esteemed, 280, 281
+  His circumspection with regard to the news he wrote to the high
+    Chancellor, 281
+  His sentiments in relation to the Jesuists, 282, 288
+  His veneration for antiquity, ibid
+  Leans towards the Roman Catholics, 284
+  His elogium of pope Urbin VIII., ibid
+  His disesteem of the reformers, ibid
+  Disapproves of the separation of the protestants, 286
+  Indignation with which he speaks of Calvin, 285, 287
+  Is a partisan of the Hierarchy and the pope's supremacy, 288
+  Entertains hopes of reuniting christians, 290
+  His sentiments concerning the Eucharist, 291
+  A kind of formula proposed by him in relation to it, 292
+  Justifies the decision of the council of Trent concerning the number
+    of sacraments, 294
+  His sentiments on several other controverted points, ibid.
+  His fondness for the works of the apostolic fathers, 297
+  What order of Monks he most esteemed, 299
+  In what manner he speaks of the council of Trent, ibid
+  What has been said of his disposition to turn Roman Catholic, 300
+  His connections with father Petau, ibid
+  His religion problematical, 301
+  His project of reuniting all christians, 302
+  Proposes to Lewis XIII. to pacify the differences which prevailed in
+    Christendom, 304
+  What encouraged him in this project, 306
+  Flatters himself with being supported by cardinal Richelieu, 307, 312
+  His letter on this subject to baron Oxensteirn, 307
+  Communicates to his father his project of a coalition, 309
+  The shortest way which he proposed of bringing it about, 310
+  Entertains hopes of success, 311
+  His connection with father Petau on this occasion, 313
+  The enemies which this design raised up to him, 314
+  It embroils him with Salmasius and several others, ibid
+  He becomes suspicious and peevish, 317
+  Is accused of socinianism, 318
+  His vindication from this charge, 319
+  His letters to Crellius, 321
+  Is accused of being a Semi-pelagian, 325
+  Other accusations brought against him, ibid.
+  Elogiums and opinions of the learned concerning him, 326
+  Medals struck in honour of him, 337
+  His regard for the church of England, 338
+  Plan of study sent by him to William Grotius, 357
+  Altercation between them, 360.
+
+Grotius, William, prints his brother's poems, 20
+  Grotius directs his studies, 357
+  His verses on the Decalogue, 358
+  The confidence which his brother places in him, ibid
+  His marriage, 359
+  Is a successful pleader, ibid
+  His Lives of the advocates, ibid
+  Refuses the place of pensionary of Delft, ibid.
+  The East India Company chuse him for their advocate, 360
+  His altercation with his brother, 360
+  His book on the Law of Nature, 361
+  The merit of this work, ibid.
+
+Grotius, Mary, second daughter of Grotius, her death, 356
+  Grotius's letter to his father on that occasion, ibid.
+
+Grotius, Peter, advice given him by his father with regard to his method
+of pleading, 23
+  What he relates concerning his father's Annals of the Low-Countries,
+    259
+  His bad state of health while a child, and his studies, 341
+  His uncertainty what course of life to follow, 344
+  Applies to the study of the law, 346
+  Uneasiness which his irresolution gives his father, ibid
+  His marriage, 347
+  The edition which he purposed to publish of his father's works, ibid
+  Enters into the service of the elector Palatine, 348
+  Is nominated pensionary of Amsterdam, ibid
+  Rise of his displeasure against France, ibid.
+  Goes ambassador to Stockholm, 349
+  His great knowledge of men, 349
+  Is made pensionary of Rotterdam, and nominated ambassador from
+    Holland to France, 350
+  Success of his embassy, ibid
+  Involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, 351
+  Arrested and acquitted, ibid
+  His death, 352
+  His elogium by Vicquefort, ibid.
+
+Gustavus, king of Sweden, Grotius great veneration for that prince, 133
+  His esteem for Grotius, 135
+  Purposes to engage him in his service, ibid
+  Gives orders before his death for employing him in the Swedish
+    ministry, ibid
+  The value he set upon his treatise of War and Peace, ibid.
+
+
+H.
+
+Heemskerke, Elselinga, her family, and marriage with Hugo de Groot, 2
+  Her children, ibid.
+
+Heinsius, Daniel, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7
+  His Aristarchus Sacer, 264
+  The rival and secret enemy of Grotius, ibid
+  Ill success of his commentary on the New Testament, 266
+  Grotius's management of him, ibid.
+  Verses by Heinsius to be put under Grotius's picture, 330.
+
+Heinsius, Nicholas, 18, 351.
+
+Henry IV., the reception given by him to Grotius, 11.
+
+Hoffman, calls Grotius the Phoenix of his age, 334.
+
+Holland, the counts of, who was the first, 27
+  Their power and authority, ibid.
+
+Holland, the states of, their first regulation with regard to the
+Arminians and Gomarists, 41
+  They declare for a toleration, 46.
+  Their edict on this subject, 47
+  Authorise the magistrates of the towns to raise troops, 49
+  Deputation sent by them to the town of Amsterdam, and its success, 50,
+    57
+  Vain scheme prepared by them for a re-union, 54
+  Afraid of the holding of a national synod, why, 55
+  Deputation sent by them to Utrecht, on what occasion, 56
+  Consent to the holding of the synod of Dort, 60
+  Their complaints against the imprisonment of Barnevelt, and the rest,
+    61
+  They are accused of favouring Socinianism, 82
+  Their apology by Grotius, ibid.
+
+Holland, the grand pensionary of, his office, and power, 29.
+
+Hoogerbetz, pensionary of Leiden, deputed to Utrecht, on what occasion,
+56
+  Arrested by order of prince Maurice, 58
+  Is condemned to perpetual imprisonment, 73
+  Is removed to the fortress of Louvestein, 74
+  He comes out of prison, 107
+  His death, ibid.
+
+Horn, Marshal, made prisoner at the battle of Norlinguen, 139, 225
+  Grotius negotiates his exchange for John de Vert, 225.
+
+Houteville, the Abbé de, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the truth
+of the christian religion, 263.
+
+Huet, his thoughts of the project of reuniting christians, 302.
+
+
+I.
+
+James I. king of England, the gracious reception he gives Grotius, 31
+  He approves of the project of that learned man and Casaubon for a
+    coalition of the Protestants and Roman Catholics, 33
+  Does not disapprove, upon the whole, of the edict published by the
+    States in the dispute between the Arminians and Gomarists, 49
+  What he finds fault with in it, ibid
+  Assistance given by him to his nephew the elector Palatine, 215.
+
+Jeannin, the president, writes a letter to Grotius, inviting him to
+France, 88
+  His friendship for him, 93.
+
+Images, Grotius's thoughts on the use of Images in churches, 294.
+
+Joseph, Father, a Capuchin, cardinal Richelieu's confident, 147
+  Confers with Grotius on the treaty concluded in France with the
+    ambassadors of the allies, ibid
+  Another conference between Grotius and the Cardinal, at which father
+    Joseph was present, 159
+  Confers with Grotius concerning the subsidies, 161
+  A warm opposer of Grotius, 173
+  Wants to be treated as a minister, ibid.
+
+Jurieu, his account of the circumstances attending Grotius's death, 241.
+
+
+L.
+
+Laet, John de, attacks Grotius's book on the origin of the Americans,
+275
+  Grotius's answer, and Laet's reply, 277.
+
+Laurent, James, Grotius advises him to read the works of Vincent de
+Lerins instead of Calvin's Institutions, 285
+  Reproaches Grotius with changing sides, 299.
+
+Ledenberg, secretary of the city of Utrecht, arrested by order of prince
+Maurice, 57
+  Makes away with himself in prison, 60.
+
+Lehman, his elogium of Grotius, 334.
+
+Leicester, earl of, made governor and lieutenant general of the United
+Provinces, 9
+  Makes a bad use of his power, ibid
+  Sent ambassador extraordinary to France, 171
+  ordered not to visit cardinal Richelieu, ibid
+  His conference with Grotius, concerning the precedency of the English
+    and Swedes, 186
+  Solicits the elector Palatine's liberty, 217
+  Negotiation with Grotius on that subject, 218.
+
+Limneu[Greek: retichê], the design of that work, and its author, 16
+  Translated by Grotius into latin, ibid.
+
+Linchovius, hinders Peter Grotius from being made Greffier of Amsterdam,
+347.
+
+Lipsius, Justus, John de Groot studies under him, 3
+  Lipsius's esteem for him, ibid
+  Letter which he writes to him, ibid
+  His commendation of Grotius's edition of Aratus, 17
+  His opinion of the tragedy entitled Adamus exsul, 19.
+
+Lewis XIII. in vain solicits a pardon for Barnevelt and his associates,
+63
+  Grants Grotius a pension on his arrival in France, 94
+  Out of regard to him takes under his protection such as were condemned
+    in Holland, 94
+  Takes Grotius under his special protection, 101
+  The treatise of war and peace dedicated to him, 109
+  Grotius proposes to him the pacification of the differences among the
+    churches, 304.
+
+Lewis XIV. the confederation which he expresses for Peter Grotius, 349.
+
+Low Countries, Grotius's Annals of the, 256
+  Baillet's opinion of this book, 258.
+
+Lubert, Sibrand, writes against Vossius and the States of Holland, 82
+  Is confuted by Grotius, ibid
+  His answer to this confutation, 84.
+
+Lusson, preceptor to Grotius, 6.
+
+Lusson, William de, his endeavours to serve Grotius, 126
+  The latter's acknowledgments to him, 127.
+
+
+M.
+
+Malherbe, translates into French verse Grotius's Prosopopoeia of the
+town of Ostend, 19.
+
+Mallet, what he says in his book on atheism of Grotius's religion, 325.
+
+Manassah Ben Israel, Grotius's particular esteem for that Jew, 264
+
+Mazarine, cardinal, made prime minister, 230, 231
+  Grotius does not visit him, ibid.
+
+Meibomius, his elogium of Grotius, 334.
+
+Menage, his epigram on the diversity of sentiments concerning Grotius's
+religion, 302
+  In what terms he speaks of that learned man's merit, 327.
+
+Menagiana, anecdote related in it concerning Grotius's last audience of
+queen Christina, 238
+  What it says of his death, 241
+  And of father Petau's thoughts of Grotius's disposition to turn
+    Catholic, 301.
+
+Mercoeur, the duke de, styled by Grotius the most learned of all the
+princes, 144
+  His adventures, ibid.
+
+Meursius, his high commendation of Grotius when very young, 7, 326.
+
+Mombas, John Barthon viscount of, driven out France, 349, 357.
+  Marries Cornelia, Grotius's eldest daughter, and is obliged to leave
+    Holland, 357.
+
+Morhof, calls Grotius the phoenix of his age, 334.
+
+
+N.
+
+Nassau, prince Henry Frederic of, corresponds by letters with Grotius,
+102
+  Succeeds count Maurice his brother in the post of Stadtholder, 107
+  He enters not into the projects against the Arminians, ibid
+  Approves of the proceedings of the states general against Grotius,
+    123.
+
+Nassau, count Maurice of, rise of his hatred against Grotius and
+Barnevelt, 50
+  Declares for the Gomarists, ibid
+  The project of re-union rejected by him, 55
+  Causes Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz to be arrested, 58
+  Persecutes the Arminians, 59
+  Is offended at the court of France for protecting Barnevelt and the
+    other prisoners, 64.
+
+
+O.
+
+Ocean, contents of Grotius's treatise on the freedom of the ocean, 24
+  The several answers to it, 26.
+
+Oldemburg, his elogium of Grotius, 334.
+
+Orange, William prince of, his death, 8
+  What confusion it occasions in the United Provinces, ibid.
+
+Ostend, Prosopopoeia of that town, written by Grotius, 18
+  The great character of this piece, ibid.
+
+Overchie, Alida, her marriage with John de Groot, 4
+  Her family, ibid
+  Her death, ibid.
+
+Oxensteirn, high Chancellor of Sweden, sends for Grotius, 133
+  Is his patron at Gustavus's court, 135
+  Nominated regent of Sweden during the minority of queen Christina,
+    ibid
+  Opposes the treaty made with France by the envoys of the allies, 147
+  His journey to France and arrival at court, 151
+  Makes a new treaty with the french king, 153
+  His satisfaction with Grotius's preface to his history of the
+    antiquity of the Goths, 255.
+
+Oxensteirn, Benedict, a relation of the high Chancellor, sent to France
+by king Gustavus, 134
+  Esteem which he conceives for Grotius, ibid.
+
+
+P.
+
+Patin, Guy, what he says of the manner of Grotius's death, 242
+  His elogium of that learned man, 333.
+
+Patiniana, what it says of Grotius's pretended inclination to judaism,
+325.
+
+Pau, ambassador from Holland to France, at a loss how to behave to
+Grotius, 144
+  The ill offices which he doth him, 173
+
+Petau, Father, Grotius's esteem for him, 266
+  Sends him his commentary on the Gospels, ibid
+  His connection with Grotius, 300
+  Says mass for his soul, 301
+  The account he gives of his first acquaintance with that learned man,
+    313.
+
+Peyresc, Nicholas, visits Grotius on his arrival at Paris, 90
+  Sets him about writing the treatise of war and peace, 108
+  Services which he did him when compiling his annals of the Low
+    Countries, 259
+  His esteem for him from his youth, 327.
+
+Pontanus, Isaac, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7, 326.
+
+Pope, Grotius maintains and proves his supremacy, 288.
+
+Provinces, United, state of their affairs at Grotius's birth, 7
+  Embassy sent by them to Henry III. of France, ibid
+  refuse to make peace with Spain, 10
+  Embassy sent by them on that subject to Henry IV., ibid
+  Refuse the truce offered them, 11
+  Nominate Grotius to be their historiographer, 21
+  See Dutch.
+
+Puffendorf, allows that little remained to be said after what Grotius
+had written of war and peace, 110.
+
+
+Q.
+
+Quistorpius, John, minister of Rostock, assisted Grotius at his death,
+239
+  Relation which he gives of it, ibid.
+
+
+R.
+
+Reigersberg, Grotius's brother-in-law, troubles which Grotius's enemies
+endeavoured to stir up to him, 119
+  Blondius's ill treatment of him, 317.
+
+Reigersberg, Mary, her birth, 24
+  Her marriage to Grotius, and her elogium, ibid
+  Is denied permission to continue with him, even to see him, or speak
+    with him during his imprisonment, 59, 66
+  Obtains liberty to see him in his prison at Louvestein, 74
+  The means she made use of to obtain his liberty, 78
+  Is confined, but afterwards discharged, 80, 81
+  Comes to her husband at Paris, 93
+  Her journey to Zealand, and return, 105
+  Goes to her husband at Francfort, 136
+  Waits on the french queen to compliment her on her pregnancy, 196
+  Her answer to Salmasius's slanders against her husband, 337
+  Professes the religion of the church of England, 338
+  Her death, ibid.
+
+Religion, Grotius first composes in Dutch verse his treatise of the
+truth of the christian religion, 76
+  Afterwards publishes it in latin, 259
+  The general approbation, and several translations of this work, 259,
+    260
+  Accusation brought against the author on account of it, 260
+  A new edition of it with additions, 262
+  The opinion of the learned concerning this performance, ibid.
+
+Remonstrants, see Arminians.
+
+Renaudot, publishes an article in his Gazette which gives offence to
+Grotius, 186.
+
+Richelieu, cardinal, seems to blame the conduct of Mess. de Luynes with
+regard to Barnevelt's death, 66
+  Nominated prime minister, 116
+  Confers with Grotius, ibid
+  Gives him great hopes, ibid
+  His stratagem to make the Swedes comply with his desires, 149
+  Is unwilling the high Chancellor should come to France, 151
+  Makes a new treaty with him, 153
+  The English dispute the privileges of his cardinalship, 170
+  He purposes to take Brisac out of the duke of Weymar's hands, 213
+  His uneasiness at not gaining that prince, ibid
+  Is suspected of contributing to cut him off, 214
+  The death of the cardinal, 230
+  Gives orders that Grotius's works may be printed without passing the
+    examination of the censors, 266
+  Grotius flatters himself without reason that the cardinal will favour
+    his project of re-uniting christians, 312
+  The cardinal ranks Grotius among the three most learned men of his
+    age, 330
+
+Rights of war and peace, the author's view in writing this book, 109
+  Barbeyrac's commendation of it, 110
+  Translations of it, 110, 111
+  Its defects, 112
+  Put into the Index Expurgatorius at Rome, 113.
+
+Rivetus, how he treats Grotius with regard to his writings in favour of
+a coalition, 274
+  Grotius's answer, ibid.
+
+Ruarus, his opinion of Grotius's writings on Antichrist, 271
+  His judgment of Grotius's scheme for a coalition, 316.
+
+
+S.
+
+St. Chaumont, the marquis, sent ambassador from the French king into
+Germany, 164
+  Is disliked by Grotius, ibid
+  Is ordered to demand Grotius's recall, 172.
+
+Saints, Grotius's opinion of the invocation of Saints, 295.
+
+Salvius, vice-chancellor of Sweden, the esteem he conceives for Grotius,
+135
+  Advantageous report which he makes of him to the high chancellor,
+    ibid.
+
+Sandes, translates Grotius's tragedy, entitled Christus Patiens, into
+English verse, 19.
+
+Sarrau, his friendship for Grotius, 315
+  Rise of their quarrel, ibid
+  Rank which Sarrau assigns Grotius in the republic of letters, 316, 332
+  How he speaks of him after his death, 332.
+
+Salmasius, his opinion of Grotius's poems, 20
+  Speaks with contempt of his treatise of the rights of war and peace,
+    111
+  His character, ibid
+  He communicates to Grotius his corrections of the Anthologia, 247
+  A coldness between him and Grotius, 285
+  Rise of their difference, 315
+  In what manner he spoke of Grotius during their friendship, 334
+  The letter, in which he cruelly treats that learned man's memory, 335
+  The answer of Grotius's wife to it, 337.
+
+Scaliger, Joseph, is looked upon as the dictator of the republic of
+letters, 6
+  Directs Grotius's studies, ibid
+  Engages him to publish a new edition of Martianus Capella, 4
+  His encomium of Grotius's edition of the Phoenomena of Aratus, 17
+  His testimony in Grotius's favour, with regard to the Prosopopoeia of
+    the town of Ostend, 18
+  His thoughts of his poetical talents, 19.
+
+Schmalz, 202
+  Ill offices which he does Grotius, 204
+  Grotius complains of him to the High Chancellor, ibid
+  Schmalz's quarrel with Crusius, 205
+  He continues to injure Grotius, 206
+  His return to Sweden, ibid
+  Sequel of his adventures, 207.
+
+Scriptures, holy, studied by Grotius at all times, 97
+  His commentary on them, 264
+  Opinion of the learned concerning it, 268 et seq.
+
+Seguier, chancellor, the affront he put upon Grotius, 175, 227
+  The difficulties he throws in his way with regard to the printing his
+    commentary on the New Testament, 267.
+
+Selden, his Mare clausum, on what occasion it was composed, 26
+  The instance he gives of the rage of Grotius's enemies against him,
+    67.
+
+Servien, secretary at war, is visited by Grotius, 160
+  Promises him his good offices in the affairs he recommended to him,
+    161.
+
+Sibrand, See Lubert.
+
+Silleri, chancellor, his irresolution, 100
+  Grotius thinks of dedicating his Stobæus to him, 104.
+
+Simon, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Bible, 268
+
+Sophomphaneus, a tragedy by Grotius, 19, 130.
+
+Soul, Grotius falsly accused of disbelieving its immortality, 326.
+
+States General, entirely devoted to prince Maurice, 55
+  Convene the synod of Dort, ibid
+  Disband the new levies, 56
+  The placard issued by them in relation to the imprisonment of
+    Barnevelt and the others, 58
+  The ill offices they do Grotius by their ambassadors on his arrival at
+    Paris, 89
+  Condemn his Apology, and proscribe him, 95
+  The new ordinance which they publish against him, 123.
+
+Statius, Grotius's notes on that poet, 246.
+
+Stobeus, the subject and use of his work, 103
+  Grotius gives a new edition of it, ibid
+  A copy of it found with notes in Grotius's hand writing, 104.
+
+Swedes, state of their affairs when Grotius entered into their service,
+137
+  Their defeat at the battle of Nordlinguen, 139
+  The assistance they received from Lewis XIII., ibid
+  Discussions between them and France, 146
+  The difficulties they make about the treaty concluded with that crown
+    by the envoys of the allies, 147
+  Grotius diverts them from sending plenipotentiaries to the congress at
+    Cologn, 181
+  Their dispute with the English for precedency, 184
+  Consternation into which they are thrown by the death of the duke of
+    Weymar, 215
+  Renew their alliance with France, 228.
+
+
+T.
+
+Tacitus, Grotius's notes on that historian, 246.
+
+Thou, the president de, Grotius's esteem and veneration for him, 11
+  Their correspondence together, 12
+  The friendship which that magistrate expresses for Grotius, ibid
+  Grotius's elogium of him, 13
+  His approbation of Grotius's edition of Martianus Capella, 15
+  commends his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, 17.
+
+Thou, Francis de, son of the president, generously gives Grotius the use
+of his library, 105
+  His visit to him on his arrival in France in the character of Swedish
+    ambassador, 141.
+
+Trent, council of, its decision concerning the number of sacraments
+defended by Grotius, 293
+  Respect with which he spoke of that council, 299.
+
+
+V.
+
+Valois, M. what he says of Grotius's connection with father Petau, and
+his disposition to turn Roman Catholic, 300.
+
+Vassor, character of that historian, 281
+  His judgment of Grotius's letters, ibid.
+
+Venice, its ambassador disputes with Grotius for precedency, 179
+  another discussion between them, 183
+
+Vert, John de, made prisoner by the duke of Weymar, 194
+  Is exchanged for marshal Horne, 227.
+
+Voëtius, attacks Grotius's treatise of the truth of the christian
+religion, 260
+  Grotius's opinion of his criticism, ibid.
+
+Vondel, a famous Dutch poet, translates Grotius's tragedy of Joseph into
+Dutch, 19
+  His conjectures concerning Grotius's departure from Stockholm, 238.
+
+Vossius, Gerard, his encomium of Grotius on occasion of his edition of
+Martianus Capella, 15
+  His opinion of the tragedy of Joseph, 19
+  His thoughts of his poetical talents, 20
+  Grotius gives him an account of his studies while in prison, 75
+  His commendation of Grotius's Apology against Sibrand Lubert, 84
+  The pains he took to keep Grotius in Holland, 122
+  His letter, containing that learned man's reasons for returning
+    thither, 124
+  The value he set upon Grotius's notes on Lucan, 246
+  Grotius complains of his too great timidity, 270
+  His poem in honour of Grotius, 328.
+
+Vossius, Isaac, inherits his father's esteem for Grotius, 248
+  Offers him his service for his literary commissions, 249
+  Superintends the printing of the Anthologia, 250.
+
+Urbin VIII., 180
+  His elogium by Grotius, 284
+  Gives the cardinals the title of Most eminent, 334.
+
+Utengobard, prepares the remonstrance delivered to the States by the
+Arminians, 45
+  The esteem with which he speaks of Grotius, 328.
+
+Vulcanus Bonaventura, his encomium of Grotius on occasion of his edition
+of Aratus's Phoenomena, 17.
+
+
+W.
+
+Wallæus, Antony, letters written to him by Grotius, concerning his
+religious sentiments, 282, 283.
+
+Weymar, duke of, confidence which he placed in Grotius, 215
+
+Wicquefort, his encomium of Grotius, 333
+  In what manner he speaks of Peter Grotius his son, 352.
+
+Witt, the grand pensionary de, advises Peter Grotius to prefer the place
+of pensionary of Rotterdam to that of ambassador at the court of France,
+350.
+
+
+
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+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned Hugo Grotius, by Jean Lévesque de Burigny</title>
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+<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned
+Hugo Grotius, by Jean Lévesque de Burigny</h1>
+<pre>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at <a href = "https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre>
+<p>Title: The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned Hugo Grotius</p>
+<p>       Containing a Copious and Circumstantial History of the Several Important and Honourable Negotiations in Which He Was Employed; together with a Critical Account of His Works</p>
+<p>Author: Jean Lévesque de Burigny</p>
+<p>Release Date: April 12, 2005  [eBook #15606]</p>
+<p>Language: English</p>
+<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
+<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF THE TRULY EMINENT AND LEARNED HUGO GROTIUS***</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>E-text prepared by Frank van Drogen, Lisa Reigel,<br />
+    and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1><span class="u">THE</span></h1>
+
+<h1><span class="u">LIFE</span></h1>
+
+<h1>Of the truly <span class="u">EMINENT</span> and <span class="u">LEARNED</span></h1>
+
+<h1><span class="u">HUGO GROTIUS</span>,</h1>
+
+<h3><span class="u">CONTAINING</span></h3>
+
+<h3>A Copious and Circumstantial History of the several</h3>
+
+<h3>Important and Honourable Negotiations</h3>
+
+<h3>In which he was employed;</h3>
+
+<h4><span class="u">TOGETHER WITH</span></h4>
+
+<h4>A <i>Critical</i> Account of his <span class="u">WORKS</span>.</h4>
+
+<h4><i>Written originally in French</i>,</h4>
+
+<h4>By <span class="u">M. DE BURIGNY</span>.</h4>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h4><span class="u">LONDON</span></h4>
+
+<h5>Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand; J. WHISTON and</h5>
+
+<h5>B. WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head; and L. DAVIS, at</h5>
+
+<h5>Lord Bacon's Head, both in Fleet-street.</h5>
+
+<h4>M DCC LIV.</h4>
+<p><a name="Page_ii"></a></p>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="Page_iii"></a><a name="Preface"></a><span class="u">THE</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span class="u">AUTHOR'S</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span class="u">PREFACE.</span></h2>
+
+
+<p><i>It were to be wished that such a celebrated Genius as</i> Grotius <i>had
+found an Historian equal to his fame: for in this high rank we can by no
+means place those who have contented themselves with giving a
+superficial account of his Life, and a catalogue of his Works. M.</i>
+Lehman, <i>to whom we owe</i> Grotius's Ghost revenged, <i>is much fuller than
+any that went before him; yet he is far from having taken in all that
+deserves to be known of that illustrious writer, the two most
+interesting Distinctions of whose Life have been entirely neglected by
+all who have spoken of him; I mean his Negotiations, and his sentiments
+in matters of Religion.</i></p>
+
+<p>Gaspar Brandt <i>and</i> Adrian Cattenburg <i>have indeed published a long Life
+of</i> Grotius; <i>but the</i> Dutch <i>language, in which they wrote, is so
+little known, that their book cannot be of general use; with a view to
+which we have made choice of a more universal language, to communicate
+farther light concerning this excellent man, whom every one speaks of,
+tho' few with any certainty.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>His being one of the most learned Authors that ever wrote, was not our
+sole motive for compiling his Life: <a name="Page_iv"></a>for if we consider him only in that
+light, and with regard to the excellent treatises with which he has
+enriched the Republic of Letters, perhaps others may be found to compare
+with him. But his Life was so diversified, and filled with so many
+revolutions, that what regards literature is not the most curious part
+of it; greatly differing, in this respect, from the generality of men of
+letters, whole Lives are only the histories of their works. Besides</i>,
+Grotius's <i>prudence on all occasions, his modesty in prosperity, his
+patience in adversity, his steadiness in his duty, his love of virtue,
+his eagerness in the search of truth, and the ardent desire which he
+constantly maintained for uniting Christians in one Faith, distinguish
+him so advantageously from most other Scholars, that his Life may be
+proposed as a model to all who make profession of literature.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>It is divided into six Books. The first presents us with the brightest
+genius ever recorded, of a Youth, in the history of the republic of
+letters. The second contains all that is worth being known of the
+disputes between the</i> Gomarists <i>and</i> Arminians; <i>the part</i> Grotius
+<i>took in them; his disgrace, and the manner of his escape out of prison.
+The third relates his transactions at</i> Paris, <i>and his retreat to</i>
+Hamburg, <i>where he continued till the great Chancellor</i> Oxensteirn <i>sent
+for him, to employ him in the important and honourable post of
+Ambassador from</i> Sweden <i>to the Court of</i> France. <i>The fourth and fifth
+Books give a detail of his Negotiations; which have never yet been
+published. We have been accustomed to consider</i> Grotius <i>only as a
+Scholar; his embassy is known but by report: we shall see, however, that
+he was employed in affairs of the greatest importance; that he succeeded
+in several; that he gave excellent counsels to the ministry; and that he
+always conducted himself with zeal, firmness, and integrity.</i></p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_v"></a><i>The sixth and last Book gives an account of such of his Works as we had
+not occasion to mention before; and examines particularly his
+theological sentiments, and his project for a coalition of Christians,
+and bringing them to unite in one creed.</i></p>
+
+<hr style='width: 45%;' />
+
+
+<h3><i>Advertisement by the Editor.</i></h3>
+
+<p>The Abb&eacute; RAYNAL<a name="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>, a judicious French writer, gives the following
+character of this work.</p>
+
+<p>"M. de BURIGNY hath executed his Plan with abundance of erudition, and
+an astonishing depth of enquiry. He has introduced nothing but facts
+well supported, or theological discussions delivered with the greatest
+conciseness and accuracy. Such readers as aim at amusement only, will
+think the author too minute in some places; those who are desirous of
+information will think otherwise. The most valuable part of this work
+is, in our opinion, the just and concise idea which it gives of
+<i>Grotius's</i> several Writings."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois, an. 1752.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="Page_vi"></a><span class="u">APPROBATION.</span></h2>
+
+<p>By Order of my Lord <span class="u">CHANCELLOR</span>, I have read the <i>Life of
+<span class="u">GROTIUS</span></i>. This History, which gives us a pleasing Idea of the
+Extent of the Human Mind, farther informs us, that <i><span class="u">GROTIUS</span></i> died
+without reaping any Advantage to himself from his great Talents. For the
+rest, I think it deserves to be made public on account of its relation
+to Literature, and to the general History of <i>Europe</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="ptextright">
+DE MARSILLY
+</div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="Page_vii"></a><span class="u">THE</span></h2>
+
+<h2><span class="u">TABLE</span></h2>
+
+<h3><span class="u">OF</span></h3>
+
+<h2><span class="u">CONTENTS.</span></h2>
+
+<table summary = "Table of Contents">
+<tbody>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td class="center"><a href="#BookI"><span class="u">BOOK</span> I.</a></td>
+  <td class="tdright">Page</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecI">I.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's Origin: The Marriage of Cornelius Cornets with Ermengarda de Groot</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecII">II.</a></td>
+  <td>He has a Son named Hugo de Groot,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_2">2</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecIII">III.</a></td>
+  <td>Life of Cornelius de Groot,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_2"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecIV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td>Life of John de Groot,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecV">V.</a></td>
+  <td>Birth of Grotius,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_4">4</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecVI">VI.</a></td>
+  <td>Great hopes conceived of him when a boy,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecVII">VII.</a></td>
+  <td>State of affairs in the United Provinces,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecVIII">VIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Embassy from the States to Henry IV. of France; Grotius accompanies the Ambassadors; is very graciously received by the king,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecIX">IX.</a></td>
+  <td>His mortification at not having seen M. de Thou; he writes to him; and keeps up an intimate correspondence with him till his death,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecX">X.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius gives an edition of Martianus Capella,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXI">XI.</a></td>
+  <td>Publishes the Limneu[Greek: retich&ecirc;],</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_16">16</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a name="Page_viii"></a><a href="#BkISecXII">XII.</a></td>
+  <td>Publishes the Phoenomena of Aratus,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_16"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXIII">XIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Cultivates the study of poetry,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_18">18</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXIV">XIV.</a></td>
+  <td>The States nominate him their historiographer,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_21">21</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXV">XV.</a></td>
+  <td>Henry IV. of France intends to make him his librarian</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_22">22</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXVI">XVI.</a></td>
+  <td>Commences Advocate; dislikes this employment</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXVII">XVII.</a></td>
+  <td>Is nominated Advocate General,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXVIII">XVIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Marries,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_24"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXIX">XIX.</a></td>
+  <td>His treatise of the Freedom of the ocean is published,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_24"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXX">XX.</a></td>
+  <td>Prints his book De antiquitate Reipublic&aelig; Batavic&aelig;,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXXI">XXI.</a></td>
+  <td>Is made pensionary of Rotterdam,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXXII">XXII.</a></td>
+  <td>Voyage to England: dispute concerning the Fishery,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXXIII">XXIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's intimacy with Casaubon,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXXIV">XXIV.</a></td>
+  <td>A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to Grotius's opinion,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkISecXXV">XXV.</a></td>
+  <td>Sends Du Maurier a method of study,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td class="tdcenter"><a href="#BookII"><span class="u">BOOK</span> II.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecI">I.</a></td>
+  <td>Dispute between Arminius and Gomarus,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecII">II.</a></td>
+  <td>Remonstrance of the Arminians,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecIII">III.</a></td>
+  <td>The troubles increase,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecIV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td>The edict of the States,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecV">V.</a></td>
+  <td>The States grant the Magistrates of the Towns permission to levy soldiers; which highly displeases the prince of Orange,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecVI">VI.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius is deputed by the States to Amsterdam; falls ill through chagrin,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecVII">VII.</a></td>
+  <td>The project of reunion proves fruitless,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecVIII">VIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Prince Maurice disbands the new levies,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecIX">IX.</a></td>
+  <td>Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz taken into custody,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecX">X.</a></td>
+  <td>The synod of Dort,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_60">60</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecXI">XI.</a></td>
+  <td>Barnevelt's trial,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecXII">XII.</a></td>
+  <td>The fruitless solicitations of the French court in favour of the Prisoners: Barnevelt's execution,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecXIII">XIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Trial and condemnation of Grotius,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecXIV">XIV.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius is carried to the fortress of Louvestein, his occupations,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_74">74</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIISecXV">XV.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius escapes out of prison,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_78">78</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top">XVI.</td>
+  <td>His writings on occasion of the disputes in Holland,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td class="tdcenter"><a name="Page_ix"></a><a href="#BookIII"><span class="u">BOOK</span> III.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecI">I.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius arrives at Paris, where he is well received,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_88">88</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecII">II.</a></td>
+  <td>State of the French ministry: Du Vair's letter to Grotius: the court grants him a pension,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_91">91</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecIII">III.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's occupations at Paris,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecIV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius publishes his Apology: it is condemned in Holland: the French king takes him again into his protection,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecV">V.</a></td>
+  <td>He still maintains great connections in Holland; corresponds with Prince Henry Frederic of Nassau,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecVI">VI.</a></td>
+  <td>He publishes his Stobeus, and the Extracts from the Greek Tragedies and Comedies,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecVII">VII.</a></td>
+  <td>Goes to Balagni; is seized with the dysentery; publishes the Phoeniss&aelig; of Euripides,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_105">105</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecVIII">VIII.</a></td>
+  <td>The death of Prince Maurice; Frederic is made Stadtholder; Grotius writes to him,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecIX">IX.</a></td>
+  <td>Publishes his treatise, De jure Belli &amp; Pacis,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_108">108</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecX">X.</a></td>
+  <td>Has thoughts of leaving France,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecXI">XI.</a></td>
+  <td>Returns to Holland,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecXII">XII.</a></td>
+  <td>Is obliged to leave Holland,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_120">120</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIIISecXIII">XIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Goes to Hamburg,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_125">125</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td class="tdcenter"><a href="#BookIV"><span class="u">BOOK</span> IV.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecI">I.</a></td>
+  <td>The High Chancellor Oxensteirn invites Grotius to him: the high esteem in which the latter held the King of Sweden,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_131">131</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecII">II.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius is appointed Ambassador from Sweden to the court of France,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecIII">III.</a></td>
+  <td>Situation of the Swedes affairs,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecIV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius sets out for France, makes his entry into Paris, and has an audience of the King,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecV">V.</a></td>
+  <td>Discussions between France and Sweden,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a name="Page_x"></a><a href="#BkIVSecVI">VI.</a></td>
+  <td>Arrival of the High Chancellor in France: a new treaty,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecVII">VII.</a></td>
+  <td>Disputes between Grotius and the ministers of Charenton,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecVIII">VIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's several journeys to court, and his negotiations with the French ministry: abstains from visiting cardinal Richelieu,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecIX">IX.</a></td>
+  <td>Uneasiness given Grotius,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_179">179</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecX">X.</a></td>
+  <td>Dispute for precedency with the Venetian Ambassador,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_180">180</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecXI">XI.</a></td>
+  <td>Is of opinion that the Swedes ought not to send plenipotentiaries to Cologn,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkIVSecXII">XII.</a></td>
+  <td>Disputes with the Venetian Ambassador,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top">XIII.</td>
+  <td>Quarrel between the English and Swedes for precedency,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_184"><i>ib.</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td class="tdcenter"><a href="#BookV"><span class="u">BOOK</span> V.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecI">I.</a></td>
+  <td>Different audiences which Grotius has of the French King,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_189">189</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecII">II.</a></td>
+  <td>Conversation between the prince of Cond&eacute; and Grotius,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_200">200</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecIII">III.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's negotiations in relation to the truce which was proposed: misconduct of Schmalz,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_200"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecIV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius is in great danger of his life,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecV">V.</a></td>
+  <td>Divers audiences of the king and queen,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_209">209</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecVI">VI.</a></td>
+  <td>The death of the duke of Weimar</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_214">214</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecVII">VII.</a></td>
+  <td>The elector Palatine is arrested in France; Grotius obtains his liberty,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_215">215</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecVIII">VIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius obtains the exchange of marshal Horn for John de Vert,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_225">225</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecIX">IX.</a></td>
+  <td>Renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_228">228</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecX">X.</a></td>
+  <td>Deaths of cardinal Richelieu and the French king; the regency of Anne of Austria,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecXI">XI.</a></td>
+  <td>Cerisante is sent to France; Grotius demands to be recalled,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_231">231</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecXII">XII.</a></td>
+  <td>He sets out for Stockholm, and applies to the queen to obtain his dismission,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_235">235</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVSecXIII">XIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's death,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td class="tdcenter"><a name="Page_xi"></a><a href="#BookVI"><span class="u">BOOK</span> VI.</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecI">I.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's embassy does not interrupt his literary labours,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_244">244</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecII">II.</a></td>
+  <td>He again applies to the cultivation of poetry,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_245">245</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecIII">III.</a></td>
+  <td>His notes on Tacitus,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecIV">IV.</a></td>
+  <td>&mdash;&mdash; notes on Statius,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_246"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecV">V.</a></td>
+  <td>&mdash;&mdash; notes on Lucan,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_246"><i>ibid</i></a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecVI">VI.</a></td>
+  <td>&mdash;&mdash; Anthologia</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_247">247</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecVII">VII.</a></td>
+  <td>Antiquities of the Goths,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_252">252</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecVIII">VIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Annals and history of the Low Countries</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecIX">IX.</a></td>
+  <td>Treatise of the truth of the christian religion,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_259">259</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecX">X.</a></td>
+  <td>Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top">XI.</td>
+  <td>Commentaries on the Bible,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_264">264</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXII">XII.</a></td>
+  <td>Treatises on Antichrist, and other theological pieces,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_269">269</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXIII">XIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Of the origin of the people of America,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_275">275</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXIV">XIV.</a></td>
+  <td>Other printed pieces or Manuscripts of Grotius,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_277">277</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXV">XV.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's letters,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_279">279</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXVI">XVI.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's sentiments in religion very distant at first from those of the Roman Catholics,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_282">282</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXVII">XVII.</a></td>
+  <td>His attachment to antiquity.</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_283">283</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXVIII">XVIII.</a></td>
+  <td>Leans towards the Roman Catholics,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXIX">XIX.</a></td>
+  <td>Is a partisan of the Hierarchy,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXX">XX.</a></td>
+  <td>His sentiments concerning the Eucharist,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_291">291</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXXI">XXI.</a></td>
+  <td>His sentiments concerning the seven Sacraments,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_293">293</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXXII">XXII.</a></td>
+  <td>Grotius's sentiments concerning several other points controverted between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXXIII">XXIII.</a></td>
+  <td>His project for reuniting all Christians,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXXIV">XXIV.</a></td>
+  <td>Is accused of Socinianism,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_318">318</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXXV">XXV.</a></td>
+  <td>Opinions concerning Grotius</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_326">326</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="top"><a href="#BkVISecXXVI">XXVI.</a></td>
+  <td>An account of his family,</td>
+  <td class="tdright" valign="bottom"><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td><a href="#Bibliography">A Catalogue of Grotius's Works</a></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+  <td></td>
+  <td><a href="#Index">Index</a></td>
+</tr>
+</tbody>
+</table>
+
+<h3><i><span class="u">END</span> of the</i> <span class="u">TABLE</span> <i>of</i> <span class="u">CONTENTS</span>.</h3>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p><a name="Page_xii"></a><span class="u">BOOKS</span> printed for A. MILLAR in the Strand; Messieurs WHISTON and
+WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head, and L. DAVIS, at Lord Bacon's Head, both in
+Fleet-street.</p>
+
+<p><span class="u">QUARTO</span>, Just Published, Printed on a fine Paper, illustrated with
+Maps and Copper-plates, Price One Pound ten Shillings bound, The Second
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+
+<p>1. An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea: With
+the Author's Journal of Travels from England through Russia into Persia;
+and back through Russia, Germany, and Holland. To which are added, The
+Revolutions of Persia during the present Century; with the particular
+History of the great Usurper Nadir Kouli. By <span class="u">JONAS HANWAY</span>,
+Merchant.</p>
+
+<p>2. Tables of ancient Coins, Weights and Measures, explained, and
+exemplified in several Dissertations. By JOHN ARBUTHNOT, M.D. Fellow of
+the Royal Society, and of the College of Physicians. The second Edition.
+To which is added, An Appendix, containing Observations on Dr.
+Arbuthnot's Dissertations on Coins, Weights, and Measures, by BENJAMIN
+LANGWITH, D.D. Price 18 s. bound.</p>
+
+<p><span class="u">OCTAVO</span>.</p>
+
+<p>3. The Life of the Most Reverend Dr. John Tillotson, Lord Archbishop of
+Canterbury, compiled chiefly from his Original Papers and Letters. By
+THOMAS BIRCH, D.D. The second Edition, enlarged. Price 5 s.</p>
+
+<p>4. Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Mr. WILLIAM WHISTON, M.A.
+containing also Memoirs of several of his Friends. Written by HIMSELF.
+The three Parts compleat, in Two Volumes. Price 9 s.</p>
+
+<p>5. The Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle, Esq; with an Account of his
+great Improvements in Natural Philosophy. By THOMAS BIRCH, D.D. Price 5
+s.</p>
+
+<p>6. The Life of Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England. By Mr. MALLET.
+Price 3 s. 6 d.</p>
+
+<p>7. Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, 3 Vol. Price 15 s. 6 d. By JOHN
+JORTIN, M.A. Rector of St. Dunstan's in the East.</p>
+
+<p>N.B. The second and third Volumes may be had separate.</p>
+
+<p>8. Discourses concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion. By JOHN
+JORTIN, M.A. The Third Edition, Price 3 s. 6 d.</p>
+
+<p>9. Mr. Whiston's Sacred History of the World, from the Creation to the
+compleat Establishment of Christianity under the Emperor Constantine the
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+Wherein also the Completion of the Prophecies in the Old Testament are
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+Histories. In Six large volumes Octavo. Price One Guinea bound.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="BookI"></a><a name="Page_1"></a><span class="u">BOOK</span> I.</h2>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecI">I.</a> The learned and illustrious Writer whose Life we undertake to give,
+derived the name of Grotius from his great-grandmother, married to
+Cornelius Cornets. This was a Gentleman of Franche-Compt&eacute;, who travelled
+into the Low-Countries about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and
+coming to Delft, got acquainted with a Burgomaster who had an only
+daughter: He took a liking to her, asked, and obtained her in marriage.</p>
+
+<p>The name of this magistrate was Diederic de Groot, or Diederic the
+Great; his family was of the first distinction in the country; and had
+produced several persons <a name="Page_2"></a>of great merit<a name="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>. It is said the name of
+Great was given to one of Diederic's ancestors, above four hundred years
+ago, for a signal service done his country; and it has been observed<a name="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+that all who bore the name of De Groot distinguished themselves by their
+zeal for the public.</p>
+
+<p>Diederic de Groot had several important employments, in which he
+acquitted himself with great honour. The name of his only daughter was
+Ermengarda de Groot: Her father, on giving his consent to her marriage,
+insisted that the children should bear the name of De Groot; and
+Cornelius Cornets agreed to it in the marriage contract. There were
+several branches of the Cornets: one settled in Provence, as we are
+informed by<a name="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Grotius.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Acad. Leid. ed. 1614.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Vita Grotii ap. Batesium, p. 420.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Ep. 264. ad Peyresc. p. 91.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecII">II.</a> Cornelius Cornets had by his marriage with Ermengarda de Groot a son
+named Hugo de Groot, distinguished by his knowledge of the Greek and
+Latin, and his skill in the Hebrew. He died in 1567, fifth time
+Burgomaster of Delft. He married Elselinga Heemskerke, of one of the
+ancientest noble families in Holland, and by her had two sons,
+Cornelius, and John de Groot.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecIII">III.</a> Cornelius de Groot, eldest son of Hugh, was born at Delft on the
+25th of July, 1544. He studied with much success at the University of
+Louvain, at that time very famous. The Greek and Hebrew he knew
+perfectly, and was well acquainted with the Mathematics. The Platonic
+Philosophy pleased him extremely, and he retained a liking to it all his
+life: he had read all the books of the sect, had commented their works,
+and knew them almost by heart.</p>
+
+<p>The Law wholly took him up afterwards: he went to study it at the
+faculty of law at Orleans, the most celebrated for that science, and
+took the degree of Licentiate. Returning home he followed the Bar; some
+time after, he was nominated Counsellor and <a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a>Echevin: William prince of
+Orange made him Master of Requests.</p>
+
+<p>The University of Leyden being founded in 1575, Cornelius de Groot
+resigned his post in the magistracy, to follow his ruling inclination of
+being useful to youth; and did not think it beneath him to accept of a
+Professor's place in the new University: he first taught Philosophy, and
+was afterwards made Law-professor; an employment that pleased him so
+much, he preferred it to a seat in the Grand Council at the Hague, which
+was several times offered him, but which he constantly refused. His
+reputation was so great, the Grand Council often consulted with him on
+affairs of importance. Six times he was honoured with the dignity of
+Rector, a place of great honour and authority: the members of the
+University, and all who are enrolled in the Rector's book, depend on his
+jurisdiction; before him their causes, civil and criminal, are brought,
+and from his sentence there is no appeal: a revisal of it is all that
+can be demanded. Cornelius de Groot died without issue in the year 1610,
+on the same day of the month of July on which he was born. He left
+several Law Tracts which have never been printed.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecIV">IV.</a> John de Groot, brother to Cornelius and second son of Hugh, studied
+under the famous Justus Lipsius, who esteemed him much: in some letters
+of that learned man to John de Groot he speaks of him with great
+commendation. There is one, written in 1582, in which Lipsius tells him,
+"You have loved the Muses, they have loved you, they will love you, and
+I too with them will love you." We have still preserved by his son<a name="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> a
+translation in verse, made by him in his youth of some Greek verses of
+Palladas. He also wrote a Paraphrase on the Epistle of St. John; which
+Hugo Grotius mentions in one of his Letters<a name="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_4"></a>Four times he was Burgomaster of Delft, and Curator of the University of
+Leyden: this last was a place of great consequence at that time. There
+are only three Curators in the University of Leyden; one is taken from
+the body of the nobility, and nominated by them; the two others are
+chosen by the States of the Province from among the cities of Holland,
+or the Courts of Justice.</p>
+
+<p>The Curators with the Burgomasters of Leyden have the direction of
+whatever regards the welfare and advantage of the University; they chuse
+the Professors, and have the care of the finances and revenues for
+payment of their salaries.</p>
+
+<p>John de Groot filled the place of Curator with great dignity and honour.
+Daniel Heinsius wrote some verses in his praise, in which he styles him
+the Apollo and Protector of the Muses.</p>
+
+<p>This dignity did not hinder him from taking the degree of Doctor of
+Laws. In the remaining part of his life he attached himself to the Count
+of Hohenloo, who made him his Counsellor.</p>
+
+<p>In 1582 he married Alida Averschie, of one of the first families in the
+Country; by whom he had three sons and a daughter. He died in the month
+of May 1640. In the same year his wife lost her eyesight; she lived till
+the beginning of the year 1643<a name="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Stob&aelig;us, Tit. 98. p. 413.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Ep. xxii. p. 751.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Ep. 499. p. 898. Grotii Ep. 638. p. 948.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecV">V.</a> Of the marriage of John de Groot with Alida Averschie was born the
+celebrated Hugo de Groot, better known by the name of Grotius: he was
+the first fruit of their coming together. Almost all who have mentioned
+his birth<a name="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> fix it on the tenth of April 1583. The President Bouhier
+pretends they place it a year too late; and that he was born on the
+tenth of April 1582. To prevent the authority of such a learned man,
+which has already seduced several writers, <a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a>from misleading others, we
+shall shew that by departing from the general opinion he has fallen into
+an error. Grotius writes to Vossius on Easter Sunday 1615<a name="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>, that on
+that day he reckoned thirty-two years: He dates another letter<a name="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> to
+Vossius the twenty-fifth of March 1617; Easter-eve, "which, he observes,
+begins my thirty-fifth year." April 11, 1643, he says he had completed
+sixty years<a name="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>. On Easter-day 1644 he reckons sixty-one years<a name="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>. He
+acquaints us in his Poems<a name="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>, that he was fifteen when he went first to
+France: he went there in 1598; and speaking of Easter 1614 he informs
+us<a name="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> he was then one-and-thirty. From all these different calculations
+it is manifest that Grotius was born in 1583.</p>
+
+<p>It must be owned, however, that the proof on which the President Bouhier
+builds his opinion, would be decisive, if there were no error in the
+text of a<a name="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> letter written by Grotius to his brother, April 14, 1640,
+in which he says, "I have completed my fifty-eighth year:" but the other
+passages of Grotius just cited demonstrate that the editors of this
+letter, instead of <i>incepi</i>, I have begun, read <i>implevi</i>, I have
+completed: which Grotius could not have written without contradicting
+himself.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Athen&aelig; Batav&aelig;, p. 205. Life of Grotius prefixed to his
+works. Le Clerc, Hist. de Hollande, l. 12. t. 2. See the critical
+Remarks on Bayle's Dict. ed. 1734.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Ep. 55. p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Ep. 95. p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Ep. 648. p. 952.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Ep. 697. p. 965.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Page 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Poemata, p. 217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Ep. 491. p. 896.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecVI">VI.</a> It was therefore on the tenth of April in the year 1583, that
+Grotius was born, at Delft. It was Easter-Sunday that year: and he
+always observed the anniversary of that feast as his birth-day<a name="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>He came into the world with the most happy dispositions. Nature bestowed
+on him a profound genius, a solid judgment, and a wonderful memory.
+Several authors report<a name="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> that being employed to review some regiments
+he retained the name of every soldier. He was but eight years old, when,
+in 1591, he wrote some elegiac verses, very pretty for <a name="Page_6"></a>that age:
+afterwards he thought them not good enough to publish. M. le Clerc
+informs us, that he had seen a copy of them in the possession of a very
+able man, who purposed to write the life of Grotius.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing contributed more to his amazing progress, than the excellent
+education he received. He was so happy, as to find in his own father a
+pious and able governor, who formed his mind and his morals. He did not
+confine himself to making his son a man of learning, he purposed making
+him a good man. The young Grotius, like Horace, has celebrated his
+gratefulness for so good a father in some verses still extant. He often
+declared in the course of his life,<a name="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> that he could never sufficiently
+acknowledge his obligation to his father and mother for the principles
+of piety they instilled into him. We learn from his letters<a name="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>, that
+his preceptor was one Lusson, whom he calls an excellent man; and seems
+to have been greatly affected with his death: which is all we know of
+him.</p>
+
+<p>He was scarce past his childhood<a name="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> when he was sent to the Hague; and
+boarded with Mr. Utengobard, a celebrated clergyman among the Arminians,
+with whom he kept up the most tender friendship till his death, in
+return for the care he had taken of his education. Before he was twelve,
+he was sent to the famous university of Leyden to perfect himself: and
+continued there three years with the learned Francis Junius, who was so
+kind to superintend his behaviour. Joseph Scaliger, the ornament of the
+university of Leyden, who enjoyed the most brilliant reputation among
+the learned, and whom his worshippers regarded as the Dictator of the
+republic of Letters, was so struck with the prodigious capacity of young
+Grotius, that he condescended to direct his studies. In 1597 he
+maintained public theses in Mathematics, Philosophy, and Law with the
+highest applause. Hence we may judge with what ardour he applied to
+study. He tells <a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a>us himself that he spent a part of the night in it.<a name="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>
+The device which he adopted<a name="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> shews that he had reflected on the
+swiftness of time, and the necessity of employing it well.</p>
+
+<p>The reputation of this learned youth spread every-where; and learned men
+spoke of him in their works as a prodigy. So early as the year 1597
+Isaac Pontanus calls him a young man of the greatest hopes; Meursius, in
+1599, declared he had never seen his equal. James Gilot, in a letter
+written from Paris to Meursius in 1601, affirmed the capacity of young
+Grotius bordered on prodigy; the famous Poet Barl&aelig;us said the childhood
+of Grotius astonished all the old men. Daniel Heinsius maintained that
+Grotius was a man from the instant of his birth, and never had
+discovered any signs of childhood. He was scarce eleven when John Dowza
+bestowed the highest encomiums on him in some verses that might deserve
+to be copied entire: he can scarce believe that the great Erasmus
+promised so much as the young Grotius: and foretels that he will soon
+excel all his cotemporaries, and be fit to be compared with the most
+esteemed of the Antients.</p>
+
+<p>At this early age, Grotius ventured to form plans, which required very
+great learning; and he executed them to such perfection, that the
+Republic of Letters was struck with astonishment. But as he did not
+publish these works till after his return from France, we shall defer
+giving an account of them till we have first spoken of his journey
+thither, and displayed the situation of affairs in Holland, in whose
+government Grotius had soon a share.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Ep. 490. p. 895.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Borremansius. Crenius Anim. Hist. t. 1. p. 20. Du
+Maurier.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Ep. 490, p. 895.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Ep. 500. p. 884.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Apol. c. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> In natalem patris, p. 199.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Hora ruit.</i></p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecVII">VII.</a> He came into the world precisely at that time when the affairs of
+the United Provinces were in the greatest disorder. It was the year<a name="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>
+that the duke of Anjou wanted to surprize Antwerp; and that the
+<a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a>greatest lords, in despair of being able to resist the formidable power
+of the king of Spain, were seeking to obtain a pardon. To add to their
+distress, William prince of Orange, the greatest support of the infant
+Republic, was murdered the year following, 1584, at Delft. His talents,
+his experience, and his reputation were the principal resource of the
+Malcontents. The confusion, in which he left affairs, grieved him so
+much, that his last words were, <i>Lord, have pity on this poor people</i>.
+Every thing was prepared, when he died, for proclaiming him Count of
+Holland. The provinces of Zealand and Utrecht did not oppose it: only
+the cities of Amsterdam and Goude made some difficulty: however, the
+thing was so far advanced, that the States of Holland sent a deputation
+to those two cities, to acquaint them, if they refused any longer to
+give their consent, the States would nevertheless consummate the affair.
+The deputation had been gone a month, when the prince was assassinated
+on the tenth of July.</p>
+
+<p>The States in this kind of anarchy requested Henry III. of France to
+receive them for his subjects; but the embarrassments the League gave
+him hindered his accepting their offer. On his refusal they had recourse
+to Queen Elizabeth, who concluded a treaty with them, by which she
+engaged to furnish five thousand foot, and a thousand horse, under an
+English general, and to pay these troops during the war on condition of
+being reimbursed when it was over: and it was stipulated that for
+security of the payment some towns, particularly Flushing in Zealand,
+and the Brille in Holland, should be put into her hands, to be restored
+to the States when the money was repaid. The Queen of England at the
+same time published a manifesto, setting forth, that the alliance
+between the Kings of England and the Sovereigns of the Low Countries was
+not so much between their persons as between their respective States:
+from whence she concluded that, without violating her alliance with the
+<a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a>King of Spain, she might assist the people of the Low Countries
+oppressed by the Spaniards.</p>
+
+<p>The Earl of Leicester was appointed to command the succours sent by the
+Queen to Holland. The States, to express their gratitude to England,
+declared him Governor and Captain-General of the United Provinces. No
+sooner did he see himself invested with this great power, than he began
+under-hand to form projects destructive of the liberty of the country he
+came to defend: it has been said, he designed to make himself Sovereign
+of the Provinces of which he was only Governor. He soon became odious to
+every one; and after a campaign, in which he performed no considerable
+exploit, returned to England to take measures for facilitating the
+execution of his ambitious designs.</p>
+
+<p>The States, who had no longer any confidence in him, gave, in 1587, the
+command of their own army to Count Maurice of Nassau, son of the Prince
+of Orange. He was then only eighteen: but he quickly justified by many
+signal successes the hopes they had conceived of him. The Earl of
+Leicester, returning to Holland, resolved to employ force to accomplish
+his design of making himself Sovereign: he wanted to get possession of
+several places at once; but his scheme for surprizing Leyden being
+seasonably discovered, all correspondence between the States and him was
+entirely broken off. The Queen recalled him, and sent in his room Lord
+Willoughby, who was to command only the English. The States thereupon
+appointed Count Maurice of Nassau Captain-General: the Grand Pensionary
+Barnevelt, who had distinguished himself by his firmness in opposing
+Leicester, contributed greatly to this nomination.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Ann. Grotii L. 4. p. 81.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecVIII">VIII.</a> The United Provinces had bravely defended their liberty for
+several years: it was a subject of astonishment to all Europe, that such
+a small State should be able to resist the formidable power of King
+Philip II. <a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a>Henry IV. having triumphed over the League, had nothing more
+at heart than the restoring peace and order to his kingdom that had been
+exhausted by a long series of misfortunes, and found it impossible to
+bring about this without making peace with Spain. He communicated his
+intentions to the Dutch<a name="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> above a year before there was any talk of
+negotiating: for though he had not been their adviser to take up arms,
+he wished they might make their peace at the same time he did: but the
+States would have no peace on the conditions on which Spain pretended to
+grant it: the French king's resolution, of consequence, put them in a
+great consternation, because they foresaw the whole force of Philip II.
+was coming to fall on them. They took a resolution to send to Henry, in
+1598, Count Justin of Nassau and the Grand Pensionary Barnevelt, to
+intreat him to continue the war, and not make a separate peace.</p>
+
+<p>The Dutch Ambassadors, in conjunction with Lord Cecil, Ambassador from
+England, omitted nothing to determine the King to conclude a new treaty
+of perpetual alliance with Holland and England against Spain. The King
+prayed them to consider, that the state of his affairs required him to
+make peace; but, for the rest, it would not hinder him, in case the
+Queen of England and the States did not chuse to be comprehended in the
+treaty, from doing them service; that the peace itself would enable him
+to assist them with money, without leaving Spain any room to complain,
+as he could pretend that he only repaid what money they had lent him in
+his greatest wants.</p>
+
+<p>The congress of Vervins, already begun, was still continued. Henry
+sincerely desired a general peace: and accordingly ordered Mess. de
+Bellievre and de Silleri, his plenipotentiaries, to obtain from the
+Archduke Albert a truce of four months between Spain and Holland; hoping
+that means of reconciliation <a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a>might be found in that interval. The
+Archduke at first refused it: and this denial had well nigh broke off
+the congress: he consented at last to a truce of two months: but the
+Dutch would not accept it, finding the term too short. The only
+advantage which the States drew from this embassy was a promise from the
+King to assist them, in four years, with two millions nine hundred
+thousand florins; as Barnevelt informs us.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, who had a strong inclination to see France, seized the
+opportunity of the Dutch ambassadors journey: he accompanied the Grand
+Pensionary, for whom he had the highest esteem, and justly regarded as
+one of the principal supports of the infant Republic.</p>
+
+<p>The learned Youth was advantageously known in France before. M. de
+Buzanval, who had been ambassador in Holland, introduced him to the
+King, by whom he was graciously received: that great prince presented
+him with his picture and a gold chain. Grotius was so transported with
+this present, that he caused a print of himself, adorned with the chain
+given him by Henry, to be engraved. He gives the history of this Embassy
+in the seventh book of his <i>Annals</i>: but is so modest not to mention
+himself. He reflects, however, with pleasure, in some part of his<a name="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>
+Poems, on the honour he had of speaking to such a great King. "I had the
+honour to kiss the hand of that Hero, who owes his kingdom only to his
+valour."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius took advantage of this journey to get himself created Doctor of
+Laws.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Mem. de Bellievre &amp; de Silleri, T. 2. p. 348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> In Pasch. 1612.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecIX">IX.</a> After having been near a year in France, he returned to Holland. He
+had the greatest pleasure in his journey: one thing only was wanting to
+his satisfaction, a sight of the celebrated M. de Thou, the person among
+all the French whom he most esteemed. He had fought to get acquainted
+with that great man; but did not succeed. As soon as he returned <a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a>to
+Delft, he wrote him<a name="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> that he had been a year in France; had the
+pleasure of seeing a fine kingdom, a great king, very valuable noblemen,
+but had the mortification of not seeing him; that he would endeavour to
+repair this misfortune by his letters; and that he took the liberty to
+present him with a book he had just dedicated to the Prince of Cond&eacute;.</p>
+
+<p>This Letter was extremely well received by the President; and from that
+time to the death of M. de Thou, notwithstanding the disproportion of
+their age and fame, a most intimate correspondence subsisted between
+them.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius sent him, July 4, 1600,<a name="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> the <i>Epithalamium</i> he had written on
+the Marriage of King Henry IV. with Mary of Medicis. Mention was made in
+it of the Massacre on St. Bartholomew's day: this was an invidious
+subject; but the author, after consulting Scaliger, thought he could not
+dispense with recalling the remembrance of that horrid scene. He was in
+doubt whether he ought to publish this piece: he asked the President de
+Thou's advice; and till he had his answer, shewed the verses to none.
+Whether it was that M. de Thou advised him to suppress them, or that he
+took this step of himself<a name="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> because there were several facts in the
+<i>Epithalamium</i> not strictly true, it is not to be found in the
+collection of his <i>Poems</i>. He intended to dedicate some Work to the
+President, as a public testimony of his profound esteem for that
+excellent Magistrate, whom he regarded as the greatest Man of his
+age<a name="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>M. de Thou soon perceived the great merit of young Grotius; and had the
+highest affection for him<a name="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>. They corresponded by Letter whilst the
+President lived: Grotius sent him memoirs<a name="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> for his <i>History</i>, and
+hints relating to the lives and deaths of illustrious men in the United
+Provinces.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a>It was a thing infinitely pleasing, and at the same time extremely
+honorable to a youth between seventeen and eighteen, to be most
+intimately connected with one of the greatest men of his time, already
+advanced in years, who filled a post of much eminence, and whom all
+Europe beheld with admiration. The friendship and esteem of such a
+personage is the highest encomium.</p>
+
+<p>M. de Thou gave Grotius, towards the end of his life, sincere proofs of
+the concern he took in his quiet and welfare. That great Historian, who
+had experienced the fiery zeal of some Divines, beheld with pain his
+friend engaging in controversies which would render him odious to a
+powerful party. As if he had foreseen what was soon to happen, he
+advised him to drop these dangerous disputes. Grotius wrote him in
+answer, that he had entered into them only through necessity, to serve
+his Country and the Church; that he thought himself obliged to obey
+those who wished he would write on those matters; that, for the rest, he
+would avoid, for the future, all disputes which were not absolutely
+necessary. This Letter is the last we have of the valuable
+correspondence between those illustrious men: the President de Thou died
+soon after. Grotius wrote his <i>Elogium</i> in verse, addressed to Francis
+Augustus de Thou his son, and in this Poem, which was composed at the
+time he escaped from Antwerp to go to Paris, he appears to regret much
+that he had not the felicity to see his illustrious Father. It is looked
+on as one of the best Grotius ever wrote.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Ep. 1. p. 1. April 1, 1599.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Ep. 2. p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Ep. 3. p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Poemata, p. 262. Ep. 24. p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Ep. 1581. p. 711. Ep. 325. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Ep. 3. p. 1. Ep 4. p. 1.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecX">X.</a> Grotius, who had resolved to follow the Bar, pleaded his first cause
+at Delft in the year 1599, at his return from France. The study of law
+and poetry employed one part of his time; he spent the other in
+publishing the works he had prepared for the press. The first he gave to
+the public was <i>Martianus Capella</i>. This is one of those obscure
+authors, who are commonly not read till we have nothing else to learn:
+the title of his work is, <i>Of the marriage of Mercury and <a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a>Philology, in
+two books; to which are annexed seven other books on the liberal arts</i>.
+The author was an African, and his style, like that of most authors of
+his nation, obscure and barbarous; which makes it not easy to be
+understood. Before this there was no good edition of his works. John
+Grotius had put into his son's hands a manuscript of Capella: Hugo
+shewed it to Scaliger; and this learned man, whose counsels were
+commands to the young Grotius, engaged him to study that author, and
+publish a new edition of him.</p>
+
+<p>Though Grotius was then but fourteen, the difficulty of the undertaking
+did not discourage him: he read all the works that had relation to the
+matters Capella treated of; and at length acquitted himself of the task
+enjoined him by Scaliger with such abilities and success, as, to use Mr.
+Baillet's words, astonished the whole world.</p>
+
+<p>The work appeared in 1599. It would have been published before, but for
+his journey to France, and some delays occasioned by the bookseller.
+Grotius also informs us, that he would have printed it sooner, had he
+been less taken up with the study of the law.</p>
+
+<p>To judge of Grotius' labour it will be sufficient to read what he says
+in the preface. "We have collated <i>Capella</i> with the several authors who
+have treated the same subjects: in the two first books with those who
+have written of the sentiments of the ancient Philosophers, Apuleius,
+Albricus, and others too tedious to name, on Grammar we have compared
+him with Grammarians: what he has said on Rhetoric, with Cicero and
+Aquila; on Logic, with Porphyry, Aristotle, Cassiodorus, Apuleius; on
+Geography, with Strabo, Mela, Solinus, Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on
+Arithmetic, with Euclid; on Astronomy, with Hygin, and the rest who have
+treated that subject; on Music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius, Bo&euml;thius."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a>Rightly to understand <i>Capella</i> requires an acquaintance with all the
+Sciences. The principal use of his book is to shew how far the knowledge
+of the Ancients extended. Grotius, when in France, had often the honour
+of paying his court to the young Prince of Cond&eacute;, at that time
+presumptive heir of the crown: he was so well pleased with his genius,
+and learning, which was above his years, that he dedicated his <i>Capella</i>
+to him. The dedication is dated December 29, 1598.</p>
+
+<p>Men of the greatest learning publickly expressed their surprise to see a
+child of fifteen produce a work that would have done honour to the most
+celebrated Man of Letters. Scaliger made a very high encomium on the
+young author in some fine verses which are much to Grotius' honour. The
+President de Thou was very well pleased with <i>Capella</i>. <a name="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>Casaubon
+declared that whatever high idea he might have of Grotius' labour, the
+success exceeded his hopes. <a name="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>Vossius, in fine, after assuring Grotius
+that he had very happily restored <i>Capella</i>, compares the editor to
+Erasmus; and affirms that the whole world could not produce a man of
+greater learning than Grotius<a name="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The more we consider this work, the greater difficulty we have to
+believe it to have been executed by a boy. We would sometimes be
+inclined to think the great Scaliger had a hand in it; but this is only
+a conjecture: that Grotius was assisted by his father is very certain;
+he tells us so himself.</p>
+
+<p>Some perhaps will be glad to know how Grotius managed with the
+booksellers: for even little details that relate to famous men yield a
+pleasure. He never took money for the copy, though, he tells us, some
+people of good fortune were not so delicate: but he asked a hundred
+books on large paper handsomely bound, to make presents to his friends;
+it <a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a>being unjust, he said, that while he served the public and enriched
+the booksellers, he should injure his own fortune.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Ep. Gr. 3. p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Ep. Caus. 1030.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> De Hist. Lat. lib. 3</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXI">XI.</a> The same year, 1599, Grotius published another work which discovered
+as much knowledge of the abstract sciences in particular, as the edition
+of <i>Martianus Capella</i> did of his learning in general.</p>
+
+<p>Stevin, Mathematician to Prince Maurice of Nassau, had by his orders
+composed a small treatise for the instruction of pilots in finding a
+ship's place at sea. He formed a table of the variations of the needle,
+according to the observations of Plancius, a famous geographer, and
+added directions how to use it.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius translated into Latin this work, which he could not have
+understood without knowing the Mathematics, and particularly Mechanics;
+Statics, and the art of working a ship, and of finding her place at sea,
+being branches of that science.</p>
+
+<p>This translation he dedicated to the Republic of Venice by a letter
+dated April 1, 1599; in which he says, that having been in France about
+a year before, with the Ambassadors of the States, he there saw Signior
+Contarini, Ambassador of Venice; that a comparison happening to be made
+in conversation between the Republics of Holland and Venice, he
+immediately resolved to dedicate to the Venetians the first work he
+published that might be agreeable, or worthy to be presented to them;
+that an opportunity now offer'd of fulfilling this resolution, and that
+he dedicated to them the translation of Stevin's work because Prince
+Maurice had recommended it to the colleges of the Admiralty to be
+studied by all officers of the Navy; and as the Republic of Venice
+attentively cultivated Navigation, this book might be as useful to her
+as to Holland.</p>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXII">XII.</a> The year following, that is to say, 1600, Grotius published the
+Treatise which Aratus, of Sola in Cilicia, composed in Greek on
+Astronomy, two hundred and some odd years before the birth of <a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a>Christ.
+It is known by the name or the <i>Ph&aelig;nomena of Aratus</i>. The title fully
+shews what Grotius gives in this book. It contains the Ph&aelig;nomena of
+Aratus in Greek with Cicero's Latin interpretation, the places where
+Cicero's Translation is wanting being supplied; a Translation of the
+same Ph&aelig;nomena, ascribed to Germanicus; the fragment of Aratus's
+Prognostics, and the forms of the constellations as found in a
+Manuscript; with Remarks upon the whole, the Paraphrase of Festus
+Avienus, and marginal notes.</p>
+
+<p>This work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West Friesland: the
+author in the dedication promises them others more considerable. The
+book is a prodigy of science and erudition: it discovers a great
+knowledge of Physics, and especially of Astronomy. The Latin verses made
+by Grotius to supply those of Cicero that were lost, are not inferior to
+the lines of that great man, in the opinion of the Abb&eacute; d'Olivet, an
+excellent judge, who likewise thinks the supplement a very good
+commentary on Aratus's work. The corrections made by Grotius in the
+Greek are most judicious; and his notes shew he had read several of the
+Rabbi's, and had some tincture of the Arabic.</p>
+
+<p>Scaliger<a name="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>, M. de Thou, and Lipsius, speak of this edition with the
+highest praise. Lipsius, in thanking Grotius for his Aratus, says that
+notwithstanding his childhood he looks on him as his friend: he
+congratulates him, that, tho' so very young, he had by force of genius
+and labour accomplished what few could do in the flower of their
+age<a name="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Casaubon<a name="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> tells us, every one was surprised at such an extraordinary
+production. Bonaventura Vulcanus, who took occasion from Grotius's
+publishing this book, to write his elogium in verse, says in the
+conclusion, that Apollo had opened to him his sanctuary, and that he was
+himself an Apollo.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a>Grotius's modesty would not permit him to leave us ignorant that he had
+been assisted by his Father in this work. It may be proper to observe,
+that a library in Germany contains a copy of Grotius's edition of the
+Ph&aelig;nomena of Aratus, collated with an ancient manuscript by the learned
+Nicholas Heinsius, who has added some Notes<a name="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Ep. Scal. 375. Ep. Gr. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Ep. Lips. ad Belgas, Cent. 3. p. 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Ep. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Fab. Bib. Gr. lib. 3. c. 18.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXIII">XIII.</a> These grave and profound studies did not hinder Grotius from
+cultivating Poetry. He had made some verses in his childhood which were
+thought very pretty: he continued this manner of writing in the midst of
+his greatest occupations, and with such success, that he was looked on
+as one of the best Poets in Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The Prosopopoeia<a name="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> in which he makes the city of Ostend speak, after
+being three years besieged by the Spaniards, is reckoned one of the best
+pieces of verse since the Augustan age. Public fame gave it at first to
+Scaliger because he was considered as the greatest poet of that time.
+The celebrated Peyresc<a name="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> hinted it to that learned man, who made
+answer, he was too old not to be the aversion of the Virgins of Helicon;
+and that the verses were not written by him, but by Grotius, a most
+accomplished youth. Notwithstanding this declaration, Mathieu, in the
+<i>Life of Henry IV.</i> ascribes them to Scaliger. They were thought so
+excellent, several men of learning set about translating them into
+French, particularly Du Vair, afterwards <a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a>Keeper of the Seals; Rapin,
+grand Provost of the Constabulary, and Stephen Pasquier. Malherbe
+himself, the Oracle of the French Parnassus, did not think it beneath
+him to put this Epigram into French verse: and Casaubon translated it
+into Greek.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius did not confine himself to writing small pieces of verse: he
+rose to tragedy. We have three written by him. The first was called
+<i>Adamus exsul</i>. He sent it to Lipsius, who liked it<a name="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>; and it was
+printed at Leyden in 1601. The author was afterwards dissatisfied with
+it, and would not suffer it to appear in the collection of his Poems
+published by his brother<a name="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>. <i>Christus patiens</i> was his second tragedy.
+It was printed at Leyden in 1608, and much approved. Casaubon greatly
+admires its poetic fire<a name="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>. Sandes translated it into English verse;
+and dedicated it to Charles I. It was very favourably received in
+England; and in Germany it was proposed as the model of perfect Tragedy.</p>
+
+<p>The subject of his third Tragedy was the story of Joseph; and its title
+<i>Sophomphaneas</i>, which, in the language of Egypt, signifies the Saviour
+of the world. Vossius assures Meursius it is the most perfect thing in
+its kind the age has produced<a name="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>: Vondel, a celebrated poet of Holland,
+translated it into Dutch: and Grotius expressed a high sense of Vondel's
+friendship, in condescending to translate his works, when he could write
+much better of his own<a name="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The most learned critics, many of whom were good versifiers, agreed that
+Grotius excelled in Poetry. Scaliger acknowledged his epigrams were
+admirable<a name="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>. Casaubon being informed that Grotius had written some
+verses on the death of Theodore Beza, says, "he heard with infinite
+pleasure that so great a man had his elegy written by so great a
+poet<a name="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>." Baudius calls him the darling friend of the Muses, and
+<a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a>acquaints us that Scaliger thought some of his small poems equal to the
+best of the ancients<a name="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>. Gerard Vossius speaks of him as the greatest
+poet of his age, and the prince of poetry. In fine, M. Baillet, who had
+examined the many opinions given of Grotius, assures us, that all who
+read his poems approved of them; that those of fine taste, and who could
+judge of epigrams, found many of his admirable, some discovering the
+subtilty of his genius, and the fertility of his imagination; others,
+the happy turn which he could give to his thoughts and expressions.</p>
+
+<p>Even his enemies did not presume to deny him the praise of an excellent
+Poet; and Salmasius, in a letter written with design to lessen Grotius's
+reputation, and dictated by jealousy, injustice, and spleen, allows
+however he was a great Poet. "But," he adds, "every one in this country
+prefers Barl&aelig;us; and many, even Heinsius." Balzac, who in other things
+did justice to Grotius, wished he had employed his poetic talents only
+on proper subjects. "I never saw," says he, "the Swedish Ambassador, but
+I have long esteemed his genius: and if he had not put the <i>Institutes</i>
+into verse, and published some other pieces of the same nature, I should
+esteem him still more." But it is proper to observe that these were the
+amusements of his childhood, and never intended to be made public.
+Grotius had a meaner idea of his poetical talents, than even the rivals
+of his glory. "As to merit in poetry (he writes to the President de
+Thou) I yield it to every one."</p>
+
+<p>It was William Grotius who published the collection of his brother's
+poems. Some of them, and these not the best, had been printed before in
+Germany very incorrect: which induced William to look over his brother's
+papers, extract the poems, and publish them with those already printed.
+This Collection is dedicated to Vandermile, son-in-law of the Grand
+Pensionary Barnevelt, Deputy to the States<a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a> General, Curator of the
+university of Leyden, and the great friend of Hugo Grotius. The
+dedication is dated September 1, 1616. A Letter of Grotius, written the
+14th of December in the preceding year, informs us he was very averse to
+his brother's project. He foresaw that he would one day be reproached
+with this edition; which accordingly happened, particularly when,
+endeavouring to reconcile the two Religions, he incurred the hatred of
+Rivet and some other ministers, who seeking to destroy his reputation,
+declaimed against his epithalamiums, and found fault with his
+introducing the false divinities in the manner of the ancient poets, and
+his speaking of war rather as a zealous citizen, than a pacific
+Christian. These reproaches touched him: and in the latter part of his
+life he wished only his sacred poems had been preserved<a name="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. But,
+notwithstanding the peevishness of those Divines, Grotius's Poems had a
+great run, were printed in England, and several times reprinted in
+Holland.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a>
+</p>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span>Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis,<br /></span>
+<span>Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruin&aelig;<br /></span>
+<span>Nunc quoque fata timent, alieno in littore resto.<br /></span>
+<span>Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem.<br /></span>
+<span>S&aelig;vit hiems pelago, morbisque furentibus &aelig;stas;<br /></span>
+<span>Et nimium est quod fecit Iber crudelior armis.<br /></span>
+<span>In nos orta lues: nullum est sine funere funus;<br /></span>
+<span>Nec perimit mors una semel. Fortuna, quid h&aelig;res?<br /></span>
+<span>Qua mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes?<br /></span>
+<span>Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto<br /></span>
+<span>Qu&aelig;ritur, et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Gassendi's Life of Pyresc, lib. 2. p. 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Ep. 99. Feb. 3, 1602.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Ep. 87. ad Vossium, p. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Casaub. Ep. 597. p. 313.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Ep. 313. p. 317.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Ep. 527. p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Scaligerana p. 178. ed. 1695.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Ep. 1089.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Ep. Baudii, 100. Cent. 3. Scal. Poemata, p. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Discus. Apolog. Rivetiani, p. 740. Ep. 504, p. 885. Ep.
+558. p. 924. Ep. 664. p. 956. Ep. 736. p. 974.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXIV">XIV.</a> The United Provinces still bravely maintained their liberty against
+the efforts of Spain, who since the peace of Vervins had collected her
+whole force against them. The glory they acquired by this illustrious
+defence determined them to make choice of an Historian who might
+transmit with dignity to after-ages the signal exploits of this
+memorable war. Several learned men made great interest for the place;
+among others Baudius, the famous Professor of Eloquence in the
+university of Leyden: but the States thought young Grotius (who had
+taken no step to obtain it) deserved the preference: and what is still
+more singular, Baudius himself did not find fault with their choice,
+because he looked upon Grotius to be already a very great man.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a><a name="BkISecXV">XV.</a> His high reputation was on the point of procuring him, about the
+same time, a very honourable settlement in France. King Henry IV.
+sensible that he ought to have a man of the greatest merit at the head
+of his Library, had, at the recommendation of M. de Villeroi, while
+Gosselin his librarian was yet living, fixed upon Casaubon, who at that
+time had the greatest name for literature. This affair was carried on
+mysteriously: The King desired to see Casaubon in private: he told him,
+that he intended to make him his librarian; and that Gosselin could not
+live above a year; adding, with the frank and noble air which so well
+became that great Prince: "You shall see my fine books, and tell me what
+they contain; for I don't understand them myself."</p>
+
+<p>Gosselin lived three years after this conversation, till 1603. The
+Jesuits being informed Casaubon was to be set over the King's Library,
+represented to his majesty the inconveniences of confiding a treasure of
+that nature to the most obstinate of all heretics. This made some
+impression on the king: nevertheless he was afraid of a clamour were it
+known that he refused an employment promised to a Protestant on account
+of his religion. He consulted with some persons; and they advised him to
+send to Holland for Grotius, whom he knew, and appoint him his
+librarian; which would make the Public ascribe the change to some
+private discontent, and not to religion. Casaubon, apprised of what was
+doing, remained perfectly quiet: but the President de Thou, thinking the
+King's honour concerned in keeping his word, warmly solicited in his
+favour, and, after the affair had been suspended some weeks, Casaubon
+was at length nominated. Grotius had had no part in this whole
+proceeding: accordingly Casaubon was so far from being offended with
+him, that, writing to Daniel Heinsius, December 29, 1603, he assures him
+if the place could have made Grotius's fortune, he wished he had<a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a> got
+it, because he loved him, and admired his prodigious genius.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXVI">XVI.</a> Grotius was at that time principally employed as an Advocate. He
+tells us that to make himself master of the forms of law, he carefully
+studied the practical part, transcribing precedents of Petitions,
+Prosecutions, and Defences. He pleaded his first cause when he was but
+seventeen, with universal applause, which he maintained whilst he
+continued at the Bar. We learn the method he followed in his pleadings
+from a letter to his son Peter advising him to imitate it. "That you may
+not, says he, be embarrassed by the little order observed by those
+against whom you speak, mind one thing, of which I have found the
+advantage. Distribute all that can be said on both sides under certain
+heads, which imprint strongly in your memory; and whatever your
+adversary says, refer it to your own division, and not to his<a name="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>."
+Grotius's great attention was to avoid prolixity and confusion in his
+pleadings<a name="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The employment of an advocate, though he acquired infinite honour by it,
+did not however please him. The reasons of his dislike we have in a
+letter to Daniel Heinsius, dated July 21, 1603. "Besides that law-suits
+are improper for a peaceable man, what doth he derive from them? They
+procure him hatred from those against whom he pleads, small
+acknowledgments from his clients, and not much honour with the Public.
+Add to this, that the time spent in things so little agreeable, might be
+employed in acquiring others much more useful. I should have been a
+better philosopher, more master of the Greek, better acquainted with the
+manners of the Ancients, with the Poets, and Philologists, if I had
+practiced less as an Advocate."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Ep. 1134. p. 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Ibid.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a><a name="BkISecXVII">XVII.</a> His brilliant success at the Bar, which he treats as ungrateful,
+procured him, however, a very considerable promotion. The place of
+Advocate-general of the Fisc for Holland and Zealand becoming vacant, it
+was unanimously conferred on Grotius. This is an employment of great
+distinction and authority, the person invested with it being charged
+with the preservation of the public peace and the prosecution of
+offenders. It was in 1607 he took possession of this important office,
+which he filled with so much reputation, the States augmented his
+salary, and promised him a seat in the Court of Holland.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXVIII">XVIII.</a> John Grotius, on his son's being made Advocate-general, began to
+think of a wife for him; and fixed upon Mary Reigersberg, of one of the
+first families in Zealand, whose father had been Burgomaster of Veer:
+the marriage was solemnised in July, 1608. The greatest encomium of the
+new-married lady is, that she was worthy such a husband as Grotius. The
+most perfect harmony subsisted between them, and Grotius held her in the
+highest esteem<a name="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>. This alliance gave occasion to a number of poems.
+John Grotius wrote his son's Epithalamium; Daniel Heinsius composed a
+Poem on that subject, which, in the opinion of Grotius, was the best of
+the kind that ever had been written. Grotius himself celebrated his
+nuptials in some Latin verses, approved of by Scaliger, and translated
+them into Dutch: he also wrote some in French on that occasion.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Ep. 423. p. 876.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXIX">XIX.</a> At the time of his marriage he was employed in a work of great
+importance, which was not published till the year following. This was
+his <i>Freedom of the Ocean, or the Right of the Dutch to trade to the
+Indies</i>; dedicated to all the free nations of Christendom, and divided
+into thirteen Chapters. The author shews in the first, that by the law
+of Nations navigation is free to all the world: In the second, <a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a>that the
+Portuguese never possessed the sovereignty of the countries in the
+East-Indies with which the Dutch carry on a trade: In the third, that
+the donation of Pope Alexander VI. gave the Portuguese no right to the
+Indies: In the fourth, that the Portuguese had not acquired by the law
+of arms the sovereignty of the States to which the Dutch trade: He shews
+in the fifth, that the ocean is immense and common to all; that it is
+absurd to imagine that those who first navigate a sea ought to be judged
+to have taken possession of it; that a vessel which cuts the waves of a
+sea, gives no more right to that sea, than she leaves marks of her way
+in it; that, besides, the Portuguese are not the first who sailed in the
+Indian sea, since there are facts which demonstrate it was neither
+unknown to the Ancients, to the Spaniards, nor to the Carthaginians, nor
+even to the Romans. The sixth chapter proves, that the right of
+navigation in that sea cannot belong exclusively to the Portuguese by
+virtue of Alexander VI's donation, because donation cannot take place in
+things which enter not into trade; and that, besides, the Pope is not
+master of the sea. In the seventh chapter it is shewn, that the Eastern
+sea, or the right of navigation in it, cannot belong to the Portuguese
+by prescription, since prescription being only by the civil law it
+cannot operate against the law of nature, by virtue of which, navigation
+in that sea is free to all the world; that, moreover, prescription doth
+not take place in things that cannot be alienated, such as the sea, the
+use of the sea, and things common to all men: add to this, that the
+opposition of other nations, and their navigation in that sea would have
+hindered the prescription. It is proved in the eighth, that by the law
+of nations the commerce between nations is free, and cannot be
+prohibited without injustice. In the ninth it is shewn that the trade to
+the Indies doth not belong to the Portuguese, exclusive of other
+kingdoms, because they first took possession of it, since the title of
+first occupant takes place only in <a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a>that which is corporeal. The tenth
+proves, that the Pope could not grant the Portuguese an exclusive trade
+to the Indies: the eleventh, that this trade does not belong to them by
+prescription: the twelfth, that nothing is more unjust than the claim to
+an exclusive trade set up by the Portuguese. The author concludes his
+work with the thirteenth chapter, exhorting the Dutch to continue their
+trade to the Indies in time of war, of truce, or of peace.</p>
+
+<p>This work was printed without Grotius's knowledge, and published without
+his consent. He appears not to have been quite satisfied with it: "My
+intention (says he in a letter to Camerarius, May 20th, 1637) was good;
+but the work favours too much of my want of years." They wrote against
+him in Spain: "I know (he writes his brother, April 1, 1640) that a
+treatise was written some time ago, at Salamanca, against mine <i>Of the
+Freedom of the Ocean</i>, but it was suppressed by the King of Spain."
+Another appeared, in 1625, at Valladolid, entitled, <i>De justo imperio
+Lusitanorum Asiatico</i>, by one Francis Seraphin de Freiras. <i>The Freedom
+of the Ocean</i> was refuted in England by the famous Selden in his work
+entitled <i>Mare clausum, seu de dominio maris</i>. Grotius thought the
+Spanish author's book not ill done, and deserving of an answer<a name="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>; and
+was pleased with the politeness shewn him by Selden<a name="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>. But at the time
+these Answers appeared Grotius was so dissatisfied with the Dutch, he
+did not think himself obliged to employ his time for people void of
+gratitude. "Let them seek among my Judges (said he by way of irony on
+their ignorance) for one to answer the Spaniard<a name="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>." As to Selden's
+book, Grotius seemed not to mind it; he looked on himself as no longer
+concerned in the controversy. "I wholly forget what I have been, says
+he, when I see those to whom I have done so great <a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a>services, remember me
+only to hurt me." These sentiments of an indifference bordering on
+hatred he did not entertain till after the Dutch had done every thing to
+make him uneasy, as we shall see in the sequel.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Ep. 144. p. 796.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Ep. 364. p. 858.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Ep. 144. p. 796.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXX">XX.</a> The year after the publication of the treatise <i>Of the Freedom of
+the Ocean</i>, Grotius printed his work <i>De antiquitate reipublic&aelig; Batav&aelig;</i>,
+divided into seven chapters. In the first the author shews what is an
+aristocratical government: In the second he gives the history of the
+ancient Batavi, whose government, he says, was aristocratical, under the
+command of a head, who was sometimes styled King. He explains, in the
+third, the state of the Republic of the Batavi in the time of the Roman
+empire; and building on a passage of Tacitus he pretends they were
+allies, and not subjects of the Romans. In the fourth he enquires into
+the government of the Batavi after the fall of the Roman empire; from
+which &aelig;ra till the establishment of the Counts of Holland we know very
+little of that nation. The author treats, in the fifth chapter, of the
+government of Holland in the time of the Counts. The first elected to
+that dignity was named Diederic, of Friesland, and was Count of the
+whole nation: He was not a vassal of the Empire, and, as Philip of
+Leyden observes, he was Emperor in his County. He was not so absolute as
+a Monarch, and though the Dutch in chusing their Counts generally
+followed the order of primogeniture, they never set up a Prince without
+first requiring of him an oath, to conform to the laws: so that he
+reigned rather by the consent of the people, than by right of
+succession. The power of the Counts was limited by law; and the taxes
+were always imposed by the States. In the sixth chapter the author shews
+that Philip II. King of Spain, endeavouring to change their form of
+government, occasioned the grand war which procured Holland her liberty.
+Grotius explains, in his seventh and last chapter, the form of
+government established <a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a>in Holland after the Dutch threw off the Spanish
+yoke. The work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West-Friesland,
+March 16, 1610.</p>
+
+<p>The States were extremely pleased with it: they returned their thanks to
+the author, and made him a present<a name="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>. He afterwards added notes,
+serving for proofs of the several facts: these were carried away with
+his other papers at the time of his arrest; but the Elzevirs, intending
+to publish a new edition of it, acquainted Grotius, who was at pains to
+get the notes returned; and they are now printed at the end of the
+Elzevir edition. His love to his country led him to advance several
+things in this work, which he afterwards owned to be mistakes<a name="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>; in
+particular, that the Batavi had always been free, and not subject to the
+ancient Franks<a name="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>While this book was in the press, Grotius, and his father, who commonly
+assisted him in his writings, translated it into Dutch<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Apolog. C. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Ep. 635. p. 947.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Grotii manes, Conringius, Pope, p. 947.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Ep. 662. p. 834.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXXI">XXI.</a> Elias Oldenbarnevelt, Pensionary of Rotterdam, and brother to the
+Grand Pensionary of Holland, dying in 1613, the city of Rotterdam
+offered that important place to Grotius, whose name was so famous,
+foreigners sought to draw him to them by offers of honours and lucrative
+posts, which love to his Country made him constantly reject. It was some
+time before he yielded to the desires of Rotterdam. By the ferment of
+mens minds he foresaw that very great commotions would speedily shake
+the Republic; this made him insist with the gentlemen of Rotterdam that
+he should never be turned out of his place of Pensionary: and on their
+promising accordingly, he accepted the employment, which gave him a seat
+in the assembly of the States of Holland, and afterwards in that of the
+States General.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a>Hitherto Grotius had had very little connection with the Grand
+Pensionary; but from this time contracted an intimate friendship with
+him, which gave him the greater pleasure as he was most desirous of the
+counsels of a man of so much experience, who had been himself nine years
+Pensionary of Rotterdam, and above thirty years Grand Pensionary of
+Holland (in which employment he had done his Country most essential
+services) and who was famous not only in Holland, but in foreign
+countries, for his many embassies, and acknowledged prudence and
+abilities.</p>
+
+<p>The great intimacy between them gave rise to a report, that the Grand
+Pensionary, who was sensible of Grotius's great merit, and who loved
+him, designed to have him made Grand Pensionary. We have this particular
+from Grotius himself<a name="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, who assures us he never desired that high
+office, the rather as his health would not then permit him to discharge
+the many functions belonging to it. For by the Grand Pensionary the
+States see, hear, and act; and though he has no deliberative voice, and
+is the lowest in rank, his influence is the greatest. He manages
+Prosecutions, receives Dispatches, and answers them, and is as it were
+Attorney-General of the States: before he be called to be
+Grand-Pensionary, he is nominated Advocate of the States.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Apol. C. 19.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXXII">XXII.</a> There was at that time a high dispute between the English and
+Dutch concerning the right of fishing in the northern seas. Two vessels
+had sailed from Amsterdam to Greenland to kill walrus, a sea-animal,
+larger than an ox, with the muzzle of a lion, the skin covered with
+hair, four feet, and two large teeth in the upper jaw, flat, hard, and
+so white that in colour and value they equal those of the elephant: some
+even give them the preference, because, besides their exceeding
+whiteness, they are not subject to grow yellow. These two vessels having
+caught twenty-two <a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a>walrus, were met by some English vessels bound to
+Russia, who hail'd them, and demanded whether they had pasports from the
+King of Great Britain to fish at Greenland? The Dutchmen answered, that
+the Sea was free, and they had pasports from Count Maurice their
+Stadtholder. "That is not enough, said the English<a name="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>: and to let you
+know that that sea belongs to the King our master, if you will not give
+us instantly the walrus you have taken, with your boats, nets, and
+instruments for killing them, we'll send you to the bottom." The two
+Dutch vessels, unable to resist, were obliged to obey. Returning to
+Holland, they made their complaint; and the affair being laid before the
+States, it was resolved that Grotius, who had written on the subject and
+was more master of it than any one, should be sent to England to demand
+justice: But, says the <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i>, he found the old proverb
+true: The strongest are masters of the sea, and such never care to make
+restitution: so that he could obtain no satisfaction.</p>
+
+<p>This denial of justice from the English determined the Dutch not to go
+to Greenland for the future without a force sufficient to revenge
+themselves on the English, or to have nothing to fear from them.</p>
+
+<p>The dispute growing serious, to prevent any acts of hostility, and to
+know on what grounds they went, a conference was held in 1615 between
+the Commissaries of England and Holland, in which the debate turned
+chiefly on the whale-fishery. Grotius, who was one of the Commissaries
+from the Province of Holland, gives the history of this conference in a
+Letter to Du Maurier, dated at Rotterdam, June 5, 1615. The Dutch
+Commissaries put the English to silence, by demonstrating, that neither
+the land nor the sea of Greenland belonged to them, and that they had no
+right to hinder the Dutch to navigate and <a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a>catch whales in that sea, of
+which none could claim the property. That the land did not belong to
+them, because till the year 1596 no mortal had set foot on it; that the
+Dutch discovered it the year before, and gave it the name it still
+retains, as may be seen in all the modern geographers, on the globes,
+and carts. The English wanted to reply that Hugh Willoughby discovered
+it in 1553: but the Dutch shewed even by the Journal of his voyage, that
+setting out from Finland he landed on the Island which bears his name,
+at a great distance from Greenland; that he died of hunger and cold,
+with all his companions, on the coast of Lapland, where the Laplanders
+found him, next summer, and from whence his Journals were sent to
+England. The English, not knowing what to answer, said, it was a high
+indignity to their master, to dispute a right of which he had hitherto
+been in peaceable possession; and that their instructions imported, they
+should break off the conference unless the Dutch would acknowledge
+England's claim to Greenland. What was still more diverting (continued
+Grotius) they added, that they had not then their titles, but would shew
+them to Caron, the Dutch Agent in England, and, they flattered
+themselves, on seeing them, he would yield the point. They like better
+(adds he in the conclusion) to deal with him, than dispute with us,
+because they will take his silence, as they have done already, for
+submission.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois, an. 1613.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXXIII">XXIII.</a> If Grotius had ground to be dissatisfied with the
+disingenuousness and injustice of the English Ministry in his
+negotiation concerning the Fishery, he had at least reason to be pleased
+with the politeness of King James, who, Casaubon informs us, gave
+Grotius a most gracious reception, and was charmed with his
+conversation. But the greatest pleasure he received by this voyage was
+the intimate friendship he contracted with Casaubon. They knew one
+another before by character, and highly esteemed each other. They were
+made to be intimate friends: in both the <a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a>most profound erudition was
+joined with the most perfect probity. They had still another sympathy to
+knit faster the band of this union: both ardently wished to see all
+Christians united in one faith and desired nothing more, than to be
+employed in that great work. They have left behind them testimonies of
+the satisfaction they found in each other's acquaintance. "For my part,
+says Grotius in a letter to John Frederic Gronovius<a name="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>, I reckon it one
+of the greatest felicities of my whole life to have been loved by a man
+as illustrious for his piety, his probity, and his candor, as for his
+extensive learning. It was by his counsels or those of persons he
+approved that I conducted myself in the most difficult times."</p>
+
+<p>"I respect no less, says he in another letter, his frankness and his
+probity, than his uncommon erudition. His letters sufficiently prove
+what great friendship he had for me."</p>
+
+<p>We find in fact that they contain evidences of the highest esteem for
+Grotius. To Daniel Heinsius he writes, April 13, 1613, "I am very well;
+and cannot say enough of my felicity in enjoying the friendship of such
+a great man as Grotius. O that incomparable man! I knew him before: but
+fully to comprehend the excellency of his divine genius, one must see
+him, and hear him converse. His countenance speaks probity, and his
+discourse discovers the deepest learning and the most sincere piety.
+Think not that I only am his admirer; all learned and good men entertain
+the same sentiments for him, particularly the King."</p>
+
+<p>Casaubon writes to the President de Thou, April 20, 1613, to acquaint
+him what pleasure he had received by seeing Grotius. "I must let you
+know, says he, that I have seen here Hugo Grotius. He is a man of
+admirable probity and learning<a name="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a>They had long conversations together on religion. Casaubon ardently
+desired a reunion of the Protestants with the Roman Catholics:<a name="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> and
+would have set about it, had he staid longer in France, as he informed
+Descordes, who repeated it to Grotius. He greatly respected the opinions
+of the ancient church<a name="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>, and was persuaded its sentiments were more
+sound than those of the Ministers of Charenton. Grotius and he had
+imparted their thoughts to each other before the voyage to England: for
+Casaubon congratulates him, January 8, 1612, on his desiring nothing but
+peace and a coalition; and communicated Grotius' sentiments to King
+James; who approved of them. This shews that Grotius thought it was
+wrong to depart from the discipline and forms of the ancient church:
+Casaubon was of the same mind; and his Letter to M. de Thou is a
+demonstrative proof that these two excellent men did not differ in
+matters of Religion. "I esteem him highly, says he<a name="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>, on account of
+his other great qualities; for he judges of the modern subjects of
+religious controversy like a learned and good man; and in his veneration
+for antiquity agrees with the wisest."</p>
+
+<p>The last Letter which we have from Casaubon to Grotius comprehends all
+these sentiments in few words<a name="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>: "I heartily pray God to preserve you
+ever: and as long as I live, I shall hold you in the highest esteem, so
+much am I taken with your piety, your probity, and your admirable
+learning."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Ep. 1168. p. 530.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Ep. 883 p. 531.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Ep. Grotii 610.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Ep. Grotii 613.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Ep. 531.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Ep. 890.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkISecXXIV">XXIV.</a> After his return from England, Grotius happened to be one day at
+the Assembly of the States of Holland and West-Friesland when an affair
+of consequence was under consideration. The States had granted
+commissions to several Privateers, some of which made depredations on
+the friends of the Republic, and, afterwards quitting the country,
+scowered <a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a>the seas, refusing to return though summoned. Some people of
+Pomerania who had been ill used by these Corsairs, applied to the States
+for redress. The Question therefore was, Whether the States were
+answerable for the act of those privateers, either as having employed
+bad men in their service, or neglected to require security from them on
+giving them commissions. Grotius' advice being asked, his opinion was,
+that the States were only bound to punish the offenders, or deliver them
+up, if taken; and, for the rest, to make satisfaction to the sufferers
+out of the effects of the pirates. We learn from himself on what he
+grounded his opinion<a name="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>. The States, said he, were not the cause of
+those unjust practices, nor had any part in them: so far from it they
+have prohibited, by express ordonnances, the injuring of our friends.
+They were not obliged to ask security from the privateers, since,
+without granting formal commissions, they might permit all their
+subjects to plunder the enemy, as was formerly practised; and the
+permission they granted to those privateers was not the cause of the
+damage they did to our allies, since any private person may, without
+such permission, fit out vessels, and sail on a cruize. Besides, it was
+impossible to foresee that these privateers would turn out wicked; and
+there is no taking such precautions as to employ only honest men. When a
+prince's troops, whether by sea or land, contrary to his order, injure
+his friends, he is not responsable for it; as appears from what has been
+acknowledged by France and England. To make one answerable for the acts
+of those who are in his service, even when no fault of his gave any
+occasion to them, would be to decide the question not by the law of
+nations, but by the civil law; and even the rule is not general in the
+civil law.</p>
+
+<p>The States were determined by this opinion.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> De jure belli et pacis, lib. 2. c. 17. &sect; 20.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a><a name="BkISecXXV">XXV.</a> The multitude of affairs with which Grotius was oppressed, and the
+continual journeys he was obliged to make, left him no time for
+cultivating Polite Literature. In the midst of his occupations Du
+Maurier, the French Ambassador in Holland, and his particular friend,
+having resolved to begin a course of study, applied to Grotius for
+directions. We shall here give an extract from his answer<a name="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>, because
+it may be of use to grown persons desirous of acquiring literary
+accomplishments.</p>
+
+<p>He shortened his method as much as he could out of regard to Du
+Maurier's age, dignity, and affairs. He advises him to begin with Logic,
+not that of Aristotle, which is too long, and contains many things of no
+great use: an abridgment was sufficient, such as Du Moulin's, the most
+esteemed at that time. "But your assistant, says he, must read the best
+that has been written on the subject, and communicate to you what is
+most remarkable: much may be learnt in an hour or two spent in this
+manner." The same method he would have observed in the other sciences,
+and even with regard to books; that is to say, the person under whom Du
+Maurier studies must read the best writers on every subject; and extract
+what is most essential, to be repeated to him. After Logic he directs
+him to the study of Physics, which he would not have carried too far;
+and recommends some plain and short abridgement: he could think of none
+at that time but <i>Jacch&aelig;us</i>. He is of opinion, that as in Logic the
+rules of syllogism are chiefly to be attended to, so in Physics the
+enquiry into the nature and functions of the soul is of most importance.
+After Physics he advises him to proceed to Metaphysics, of which he
+might get some notion from Timplerus' book, which is neither long nor
+obscure. The study of Moral Philosophy is to be begun with Aristotle,
+whose books to Nicomachus are the best. "Your reader, says he, must give
+you in <a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a>a small compass what the ablest interpreters have said. It is
+also necessary to be acquainted with the sentiments of the different
+sects of Philosophers; for without that knowledge you will be much at a
+loss in reading the Ancients, and profit little by them." To unbend
+after this serious study, some other short and agreeable books that have
+a relation to it may be read: such as <i>Ecclesiasticus</i>, the <i>Wisdom of
+Solomon</i>, <i>Theognis</i>, <i>Phocilides</i>, the <i>Golden Verses ascribed to
+Pythagoras</i>, <i>Epictetus's Enchiridion</i>, <i>Hierocles</i>, and the
+<i>Commentaries of Arrian</i>; not omitting the <i>Characters of Theophrastus</i>.
+What the Poets have written on Morality may also be perused; with some
+select Tragedies of Euripides, <i>Terence's Comedies</i>, and <i>Horace's
+Epistles</i>. Young people and grown persons admire different things in
+these writings: the beauty of the style pleases the first: the others
+learn by them to know men. To these works may be added <i>Cicero's
+Offices</i>, a piece not enough esteemed, purely because it is in the hands
+of every one; some of <i>Seneca's Epistles</i>, the Tragedies that go under
+his name; and the best of Plutarch's smaller pieces. After having gone
+through <i>Aristotle's Politics</i>, the excellent extract by Polybius of
+Republics is to be read; with the <i>Harangues of Mec&aelig;nas and Agrippa to
+Augustus</i>, in Dion; and <i>Sallust's Letter to C&aelig;sar</i>. <i>Plutarch's Lives
+of Pericles</i>, <i>Cato</i>, <i>the Gracchi</i>, <i>Demosthenes</i>, <i>and Cicero</i>, must
+not be omitted: much may be learned too from <i>Cicero's Letters to
+Atticus</i>, if they were translated by one well acquainted with the Roman
+History of that period.</p>
+
+<p>After this would be the proper time for reading <i>Aristotle's Rhetoric</i>:
+for, as is well remark'd by that great man, who possessed all the arts
+and sciences in an eminent degree, from Morals and Politics must the
+arguments be drawn that are to convince mens understandings; that is to
+say, it is impossible to be truly eloquent without extensive knowledge.
+The better to perceive the use of the precepts it would be <a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a>proper to
+read with attention some Orations of Demosthenes and Cicero,
+particularly those which relate to public Affairs, such as the
+<i>Philippics</i>, the <i>Olinthiacs</i>, the Oration <i>pro lege Manilia</i>, that
+against the <i>Agrarian Law</i>, and some others. The next thing, to be
+applied to is <i>Jus publicum</i>, that is to say, the knowledge of the
+different forms of government, the Conventions between Nations, and, in
+fine, whatever regards Peace and War. The treatises of Plato and Cicero
+<i>On Laws</i> shew in what manner the principles of this law are to be
+deduced from morality. It will not be unprofitable to read likewise, or
+at least to run over the second book of <i>St. Thomas Aquinas</i>, especially
+what he says of Justice and Laws: The <i>Pandecta</i>, particularly the first
+and last book, the first and the three last books of <i>Justinian's
+Codex</i>, point out the use to be made of those principles. The Lawyers
+who have best handled the questions relating to the Law of Nations and
+<i>Jus publicum</i>, are Vasqu&egrave;s, Hotoman, and Gentilis. After the
+acquisition of these several branches of knowledge, the study of History
+will be extremely useful, by the application which may be made of the
+examples to the precepts. History is to be begun with an abridgement of
+universal history; such as <i>Justin</i>, <i>Florus</i>, and the abridgement of
+<i>Livy</i>. But in reading History a man ought to please his own taste: for
+they all contain many useful things: and we retain best those we read
+with pleasure. In general, we ought not to begin with the most ancient,
+but with such as, being nearer our own times, have greater relation with
+what we know already: we may afterwards go back to what is more distant.
+It is proper to observe, that there is more advantage to be reaped from
+reading the Greek historians who have written the history of Rome, than
+the Latin, who have treated the same subject; because Foreigners give
+more attention to the public manners and customs, than the Natives.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a>M. du Maurier received this Letter with the highest satisfaction; he
+permitted several copies to be taken of it, and it was printed by the
+Elzevirs in 1637, in a collection of several Methods of Study, under the
+title of <i>De omni genere studiorum recte instituendo</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius acquaints us<a name="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> that it was published with out his consent.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Ep. 54. p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Ep. 740. p. 976.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="BookII"></a><span class="u"><a name="Page_39"></a>BOOK</span> II.</h2>
+
+
+<p><br />Grotius has hitherto appeared to us chiefly as a Man of Learning: we are
+now going to consider him entering into the affairs of the Republic,
+wholly employed in restoring the peace of his country, and receiving for
+the reward of his pacific intentions an imprisonment, which would in all
+probability have been perpetual, had not the ingenious friendship of his
+wife with great address procured his liberty. But as the occasion of
+these events was the warm dispute kindled in the United Provinces
+concerning Grace and Predestination, we must resume things a little
+higher.</p>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecI">I.</a> In the year 1608, while the truce between the Spaniards and the
+United Provinces was negotiating, Arminius, an eminent Professor in the
+University of Leyden, departing from the rigid sentiments of Calvin,
+publickly taught, that God, foreseeing Adam's sin, had resolved to send
+his only Son into the world to redeem mankind; that he had ordained
+Grace to all to whom the Law should be preached, by which they might
+believe if they would, and <a name="Page_40" id="Page_40"></a>persevere; that this grace offered to all
+men was of such a nature, that not only it might be resisted, but men
+actually did often resist it; and that God had only chosen or reprobated
+those, who, he foresaw, would embrace or reject the grace offered them.</p>
+
+<p>Gomar, another Professor in the University of Leyden, warmly opposed
+this doctrine; maintaining, that by an eternal and irreversible decree
+God had predestinated some to everlasting life, and others to eternal
+damnation, without regard to their actions; that the grace given to the
+Elect was so powerful, they could not resist it; and that Jesus Christ
+did not die for the Reprobate.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of Arminius was directly opposite to that of Calvin:
+accordingly it met with great opposition; and he was accused before the
+Synod of Rotterdam, in which Gomar's party prevailed.</p>
+
+<p>Arminius, who knew that the Magistrates were as warm for him, as the
+Clergy and Professors were against him, presented a petition to the
+States of Holland and West-Friesland, praying that the Grand Council
+might take cognisance of this dispute. His adversaries maintained that a
+theological contest ought to be judged by a church judicature:
+Arminius's petition, however, was granted, and Gomar obliged to appear
+with him before the Magistrates, who promised to have the affair
+speedily discussed in a Synod; and forbad, in the mean time, the
+advancing any thing contrary to the Holy Scriptures, the Confessions of
+faith, and Catechism. The Grand Council reported to the States, that the
+whole dispute was about some obscure questions concerning Grace and
+Predestination.</p>
+
+<p>Barnevelt happening to say he thanked God that the fundamental points of
+Religion were not in question, Gomar, who was present, obtaining leave
+to speak, said, among other things, he would be very sorry to appear
+before God with Arminius's sentiments.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41"></a>The dispute still continuing with much bitterness, in 1611 the States of
+Holland ordered the principal Ministers of the two parties to appear
+before them: Twelve accordingly attended, six Arminians and six
+Gomarists, and disputed in presence of the States on Predestination, the
+Death of Christ, the necessity and nature of Grace and Perseverance. The
+States heard them, but would determine nothing, only recommended to them
+to live in peace. But the consequence of this conference was like that
+of all other disputes, especially in matters of religion, mens minds
+were the more inflamed and provoked.</p>
+
+<p>Arminius died on the 19th of October, 1609, some time before this
+conference; and Grotius made his elogium in verse. He had hitherto
+applied little to these matters, and even, writing to Rutgersius,
+December 24, 1609, he ingenuously owns, he did not understand a great
+part of them, because they were foreign to his profession. He had no
+inclination to offend Gomar in commending Arminius: he speaks with great
+moderation of their disputes, and doth not even affirm that the
+sentiments of Arminius were the only true ones: but entering afterwards
+into a more strict examination of those points, he was convinced that
+the idea we ought to have of God's goodness and justice, and even the
+earliest tradition of the church, favoured Arminius's system, and
+contradicted that of Gomar: and in these sentiments he persevered till
+his death.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecII">II.</a> The partisans of Arminius, desirous to efface the bad impressions
+which Gomar's discourses and those of his adherents had made on the
+minds of the public, met privately, and drew up a Remonstrance, dated
+January 14, 1610, which they addressed to the States of Holland, setting
+forth, that they did not believe, like their adversaries.</p>
+
+<p>1. "That God, by an eternal and irreversible decree, had predestinated
+men, whom he did not consider as created, and still less as culpable,
+some <a name="Page_42" id="Page_42"></a>to everlasting life, and others to everlasting death, without
+regard to their good or evil actions, from his mere good pleasure, for
+the praise of his Mercy, or his Justice, or, as others say, to manifest
+his saving grace, his wisdom, and his absolute power: And that God has
+also, by an eternal and immutable decree, preordained the proper methods
+of executing his will, by which those who are predestinated to salvation
+are saved in a necessary and inevitable manner, so that it is impossible
+they should perish; and such as are predestinated to eternal death (who
+are the greater part of mankind) are necessarily and inevitably damned,
+so that they cannot be saved.</p>
+
+<p>2. "That God, according to others, willing from all eternity to make a
+decree for electing some men and rejecting others, considered the human
+race not only as created, but also as fallen and corrupted in Adam and
+Eve our first parents, and thereby deserving of the curse; and that he
+resolved to deliver by his grace some men from this fall and damnation,
+for the manifestation of his mercy, and to leave others, both young and
+old, and even the children of those who are in the Covenant, and died in
+their infancy, by his just judgment, under the curse, for the
+manifestation of his justice; and this without any regard to the
+repentance or the faith of the first, or the impenitence and unbelief of
+the others. They pretend that for the execution of this decree God makes
+use of means by which the Elect are necessarily and inevitably saved,
+and the Reprobate necessarily and inevitably damned.</p>
+
+<p>3. "That accordingly Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, did not die
+for all men, but for those alone who were chosen in the first or second
+manner, as he was only appointed Mediator for the salvation of the
+Elect, and of no others.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43"></a>4. "That in consequence of this the Spirit of God and of Christ works so
+efficaciously in the Elect, that they cannot resist it; but must be
+converted, believe, and be necessarily saved: That this irresistible
+grace and strength is given to the Elect alone, and not to the
+Reprobate, to whom God not only refuses this irresistible grace, but
+even denies them necessary and sufficient grace for their conversion and
+salvation, though they be called and solicited to accept it, without
+compulsion, externally, by the revealed will of God; but the inward
+strength necessary to conversion and faith is nevertheless denied them,
+by the secret will of God.</p>
+
+<p>5. "That those who receive true and justifying faith by this
+irresistible power, cannot totally or finally lose it, even when they
+fall into gross sins; but are guided and supported by this irresistible
+strength, so that they cannot totally or finally fall away, or perish."</p>
+
+<p>The Arminians afterwards added their own sentiments on these matters,
+comprehended in five articles. They declare their belief,</p>
+
+<p>1. "That God, by an eternal and immutable decree, in Jesus Christ his
+son, before the world was created, resolved to save in Jesus Christ, on
+account of Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ, those from among
+mankind fallen in sin, who by the grace of the Holy Spirit believe in
+his same son Jesus, and through the same grace continue in the faith and
+obedience to the end; and on the contrary, to leave under sin, and
+wrath, and to condemn the obstinate and unbelieving, as having no part
+in Christ; according to what is said <i>St. John</i> iii. 36.</p>
+
+<p>2. "That accordingly Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, died for
+all and every man; and by his death on the cross has merited for all
+reconciliation with God, and remission of sin; in such manner,
+<a name="Page_44" id="Page_44"></a>nevertheless, that no one can partake of them but Believers, according
+to the words of Jesus, <i>St. John</i> iii. 16. 1 <i>St. John</i> ii. 2.</p>
+
+<p>3. "That Man hath not saving faith of himself, and by the strength of
+his own free will; since while in a state of sin and apostacy he cannot
+of himself think, desire, or do that which is truly good, which is what
+is chiefly meant by saving faith; but it is necessary that God in Jesus
+Christ, and by the Holy Spirit, regenerate and renew him in his
+understanding and affections, or in his will and all his powers; that he
+may know the true good, meditate of it, desire, and do it. <i>St. John</i>
+xv. 5. That to this grace of God is owing the beginning, the
+progression, and accomplishment of all good; in such manner that even
+the Regenerate, without this antecedent, of preventing, exciting,
+concomitant, and co-operating grace, cannot think that which is good,
+desire, or practise it, nor resist any temptation to evil; so that all
+the good works or actions he can conceive, spring from the grace of God:
+that as to what regards the manner of operation of this grace, it is not
+irresistible, since it is said of several, they resisted the Holy
+Spirit. See <i>Acts</i> vii, and other places.</p>
+
+<p>5. "That those who by a lively faith are engrafted into Christ, and
+consequently made partakers of his quickening spirit, are furnished with
+sufficient strength to be able to combat and even overcome Satan, sin,
+the world, and their own lusts; and all this, as is carefully to be
+observed, by the assistance of the grace of the Holy Spirit; and that
+Jesus Christ succours them by his Spirit in all temptations, reaches to
+them his hand (provided they be willing to engage, ask his assistance,
+and are not wanting to themselves) supports and strengthens them so,
+that they cannot be led away by any wile or violence of Satan, or
+snatched out of Christ's hands, as he says himself, <i>St. John</i> x. <a name="Page_45" id="Page_45"></a><i>My
+sheep shall no man pluck out of my hands.</i> For the rest, if it be asked
+whether these may not, through negligence, let go the confidence which
+they had from the beginning, Heb. iii. 6, cleave again to the present
+world, depart from the holy doctrine which was delivered, make shipwreck
+of a good conscience? (2 Pet. i. 10. Jude iii. 1. Tim. i. 19. Heb. xii.
+15.) This must be previously examined, with more care, by the
+Scriptures, to be able to teach it with full assurance to others."</p>
+
+<p>Such is the Arminians Confession of Faith, to which they gave the name
+of Remonstrance, and thence were styled Remonstrants. It was drawn up by
+Utengobard, Minister at the Hague, and signed by forty-six Ministers. It
+was probably made in concert with Grotius, the intimate friend of
+Utengobard, and at that time wholly employed in the subjects which were
+disputed by the Arminians and Gomarists.</p>
+
+<p>To resume in few words the doctrine of the Arminians, we shall say with
+Bossuet<a name="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>, their principles were, That there is no absolute election,
+nor gratuitous preference, by which God prepares for certain chosen
+persons, and for them alone, the infallible means of bringing them to
+glory; but that God offers to all men, and especially to those to whom
+the gospel is preached, sufficient means to convert themselves; which
+some make use of; and others not, without employing any other for the
+Elect, than for the Reprobate: so that election is always conditional,
+and a man may come short of it by failing in the condition: from whence
+they conclude, first, that justifying grace may be lost totally, that
+is, without any degree of it being left; and lost finally, that is,
+without its ever being recovered: secondly, that there can be no
+assurance of salvation.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Hist. des Variations, Lib. xiv. 12. 30.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecIII">III.</a> This remonstrance not satisfying the Gomarists, they opposed to it
+a contra-remonstrance, which <a name="Page_46" id="Page_46"></a>gained them the name of
+Contra-Remonstrants. As these disputes gave the States a good deal of
+uneasiness, they enjoined the Divines to deliver their thoughts of the
+most proper means to put an end to them. The Remonstrants proposed a
+Toleration; the Contra-Remonstrants, a national Synod, in which they
+were sure of a majority. Both these opinions were laid before the
+States, who declared for a toleration: this was the cause gained to the
+Arminians; but the Gomarists were favoured by the People, and grew very
+factious. The Grand-Pensionary, imagining that by making themselves
+masters of the election of the ministers, the States would insensibly
+appease these troubles, proposed the revival of an obsolete regulation,
+made in the year 1591, by which the magistrates and consistory were each
+to nominate four persons, who should chuse a Minister, to be afterwards
+presented to the body of Magistrates, who might receive or reject him.</p>
+
+<p>This motion was agreed to by the States, to the great mortification of
+the Contra-Remonstrants: they complained that the States had exceeded
+their power. Hence arose a grand contest who ought to be Judge in
+ecclesiastical matters. The Arminians said it belonged to the Civil
+Magistrate to decide them: the Gomarists maintained that the clergy
+alone had that power. They separated themselves from the communion of
+the Remonstrants<a name="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>, took possession of the churches by force, stirred
+up seditions, wrote libels, and deposed the Arminian Ministers. In other
+churches the Contra-Remonstrants were driven out as madmen and rioters.
+These violences gave rise to schisms, some joining the old Ministers,
+and others the new.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this time of confusion Grotius was nominated Pensionary of
+Rotterdam, and ordered to go over into England. It is imagined<a name="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> he
+had secret <a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"></a>instructions to get the King and the principal divines of
+the kingdom to favour the Arminians, and approve of the States conduct.
+He had several conferences with his Majesty on that subject. At his
+return to Holland he found the divisions increased. Barnevelt and he had
+the direction of the States proceedings in this matter; and he was
+appointed to draw up an edict which might restore tranquility. It was
+approved by the States, and is as follows.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Grot. Apolog. Cap. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Le Vassor, L. 4. p. 477.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecIV">IV.</a> "Whereas great dissentions and disputes have arisen in the Churches
+of this Country, on occasion of different explanations of some passages
+of Holy Writ, which speak of Predestination and what relates to it; and
+these contentions having been carried on with so much heat, that some
+Divines have been accused of teaching directly, or at least indirectly,
+that God has created some men to damn them; that he has laid certain men
+under a necessity of sinning; that he invites some men to salvation to
+whom he has resolved to deny it; other Divines are also charged with
+believing that mens natural strength or works may operate their
+salvation. Now these doctrines tending to the dishonour of God and the
+Christian reformation, and being contrary to our sentiments, it has
+appeared to us highly necessary, from a regard to the honour and glory
+of God, and for the peace and harmony of the state, to condemn them. For
+these causes, after having weighed the matter, and long examined it with
+much conscience and circumspection, employing the authority which
+belongs to us as rightful Sovereign, and agreeable to the example of the
+Kings, Princes, and Cities which have embraced the Reformation, we have
+ordained, and by these presents ordain, that in the interpretation of
+the passages of Scripture above-mentioned every one give diligent heed
+to the admonition of St. Paul, who teaches that no one should desire to
+know more than he ought; but to think soberly, according as God has
+dealt to every man the measure of faith; and agreeable to <a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"></a>what the Holy
+Scriptures every-where set forth, that salvation is of God alone, but
+our destruction is of ourselves. Wherefore in the explanation of the
+Scripture, as often as occasion shall offer, the Pastors shall declare
+to the people, and instil into the minds of all under their care, that
+men are not indebted for the beginning, the progress, and the completion
+of their salvation, and even of faith, to their natural strength, or
+works, but to the sole grace of God in Jesus Christ our Saviour; that we
+have not merited it; that God has created no man to damn him; that God
+has not laid us under a necessity of sinning, and that he invites no man
+to be saved, to whom he has resolved to deny salvation. And, though in
+the universities, in conversation, and in those places where the
+Scriptures are expounded, passages may be treated of which relate to
+predestination and what depends on it, and it may come to pass, as hath
+happened formerly, and in our own times, to learned and good men, that
+persons may give into these extremes and absurdities which we disapprove
+and have forbidden; our will is, that they be not proposed publicly from
+the pulpit to the people. But as to those who in relation to such
+passages only believe and teach that God hath from all eternity chosen
+to salvation, from the mere motion of his will, through Jesus Christ our
+Saviour and Redeemer, those who by grace which they have not merited,
+and by the operation of the Holy Spirit, believe in Jesus Christ our
+Lord, and by free grace given them persevere in the faith to the end, we
+will that they be not molested on that account, nor pressed to embrace
+other sentiments, or teach other doctrine; for we judge these truths
+sufficient for salvation; and proper for the instruction of Christians.
+We moreover ordain, that all Pastors, in expounding the other articles
+of the Christian faith, make use of explanations agreeable to the word
+of God, to what is commonly received in the reformed churches, and what
+has been taught in those of this country, which <a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"></a>we have maintained and
+protected, and now maintain and protect; that they exercise Christian
+charity; and that they avoid greater divisions: for in this manner, we
+judge, they ought to act for the good of the State and the Church, and
+the restoration of her tranquility."</p>
+
+<p>This Edict was too favourable to the Arminians not to give great offence
+to the Contra-Remonstrants. They complained that it misrepresented their
+sentiments<a name="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> in order to render them odious, and that not only it
+wanted the approbation of the Cities, but had not even been sent to
+them: from whence they concluded that no regard was to be paid to it.</p>
+
+<p>The States were very desirous that the King of Great Britain and the
+English Bishops should be satisfied with the manner in which they had
+explained themselves in the Edict: they were the more anxious as they
+had reason to believe James unfavourable to the Arminians<a name="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>. However
+the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of England
+allowed the doctrine of the Edict to be orthodox, and equally distant
+from Manicheism and Pelagianism: the only thing which gave the King some
+pain, was, to see the Civil Magistrate assume a right of making decrees
+in matters of religion<a name="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Vossius, Ep. 3. p. 5. Pres. Vir. Epist. p. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Ep. Casaub. 933. Grot. Apolog. C. 6. Ep. Gr. 28, 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Ep. Caus. 863.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecV">V.</a> This Edict served but to increase the troubles, by driving the
+Gomarists, against whom it was levelled, into despair. The riots which
+had already happened, and which they hourly apprehended, made the Grand
+Pensionary Barnevelt propose to the States of Holland, that the
+magistrates of the Cities of the Province should be impowered to raise
+troops for the suppression of the rioters, and the security of their
+towns. Dort, Amsterdam, and three others of the most favourable to the
+Gomarists, protested against this step, which they regarded as a kind of
+declaration of <a name="Page_50" id="Page_50"></a>war against the Contra-Remonstrants. Barnevelt's motion
+was, nevertheless, agreed to, and on the fourth of August, 1617, the
+States issued a placard accordingly.</p>
+
+<p>This fatal decree occasioned the death of the Grand Pensionary and the
+ruin of Grotius, by incensing Prince Maurice of Nassau against them, who
+looked upon the resolution of the States, taken without his consent, as
+derogatory to his dignity of Governor and Captain General.</p>
+
+<p>He had entertained a mortal enmity for several years against the Grand
+Pensionary<a name="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>, who concluded the truce in 1609 without his concurrence.
+Hitherto he had stifled his revenge for want of a proper opportunity of
+executing it; but it blazed openly on occasion of this decree of the
+States, which he considered as Barnevelt's act. He accused him of
+labouring to diminish his authority: found fault with the Edict: that
+was made to engage the two parties to live in peace; declared publicly
+for the Gomarists, assisted at divine service only in their churches,
+and forbad the soldiers to obey the States when they would employ them
+to appease the riots. Some towns, however, levied men in consequence of
+the States decree, whether they suspected their garrisons, or thought
+there was no other way to suppress the enterprises of the rioters. The
+Contra-Remonstrants seeing themselves powerfully protected by Prince
+Maurice, separated from the communion of the Arminians in 1617.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Grot. Hist. l. 17.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecVI">VI.</a> Amsterdam, almost as powerful singly as all Holland, favoured the
+Gomarists, and disapproved of the Toleration which the States wanted to
+introduce. These resolved therefore to send a Deputation to that city,
+in order to bring them over to their sentiments. The Deputies were
+Grotius, Adrian Mathenes, Hugo Musius, and Gerard Deich. April 21, 1616,
+they received their instructions to go to<a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"></a> Amsterdam; on the morrow they
+left the Hague, and arriving the same day at Amsterdam, sent to desire
+the oldest Burgomaster to assemble the Town Council: they were told, the
+Council would meet the 23d at three in the afternoon. They employed this
+interval in removing a calumny spread by the Contra-Remonstrants, that
+they were sent to change the religion. One of the City-Secretaries
+waited on them to conduct them to the Council Chamber, and being come
+there, Grotius, as spokesman, said, "That Sovereigns had a right to
+watch over the proceedings of the Church; that the States had no
+intention but to protect the reformed religion; that they ardently
+desired the city of Amsterdam would agree with them in all that might
+relate to the government of the Church and mutual toleration; that the
+revival of the regulation of 1591, which gives the Magistrates a right
+to chuse the Ministers, after being examined and found well affected to
+the reformed religion, was of great service, by preventing the troubles
+which followed the elections; of which there were several recent
+instances: that mutual toleration was necessary when the difference in
+opinion regarded only points not fundamental; that it had always been
+practised by the reformed churches from the time of Calvin's
+reformation; that it was more necessary in the doctrine of
+Predestination, as this was a matter of great difficulty; that the first
+reformers, though of different sentiments, tolerated one another; that
+Bullinger and Melancton were tolerated by Beza and Calvin; that James I.
+King of Great Britain, had advanced in his writings, that the two
+opposite opinions concerning Predestination might be maintained without
+danger of damnation; that Gomar himself declared Arminius had not erred
+in fundamental points; that after the conference in 1611, the Ministers
+of the two parties promised to the States of Holland to live in peace;
+that the points controverted were not necessary to salvation, that they
+were very difficult, that they never had been <a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"></a>determined, either in the
+ancient, or the reformed church; that the decisions of the councils held
+in the church on occasion of Pelagianism enjoined only a belief, that
+men are corrupted and have need of grace, and that the beginning of
+grace is from God; that even the church of Rome permitted the Doctors of
+different parties to dispute on these points; that it was not necessary
+to call a synod to examine them, because the authority of a Sovereign is
+sufficient in matters where only the preventing of schism for things
+unnecessary to salvation, is in question; that the Sovereign has a right
+to suppress disorders that arise in the church; that the business was
+not a change of religion, but the hindrance of schism; that the King of
+Great Britain and the Canton of Bern had justified the use of this right
+by examples; that if the utility of a synod to inform the Sovereign what
+he ought to do on such occasions should be maintained, it were easy to
+answer, that it is not necessary to assemble a synod to know that men
+must tolerate one another when their opinions differ concerning points
+not necessary to salvation; that this was a truth acknowledged by
+Calvin, Beza, Whittaker, Junius, Casaubon, Du Moulin, in fine by the
+most famous Ministers, whose authority is at least equivalent to that of
+a synod; that as the question was not about a point of heresy, there was
+reason to apprehend the division would be increased by calling a synod,
+so great was the ferment of mens minds; that, besides, the moderate
+party in such synod would not be the most numerous; that perhaps the
+Ecclesiastics would seek to diminish the sovereign authority; that they
+might make decisions which could not be enforced without throwing the
+Republic into the greatest confusion; that therefore, previous to the
+convocation of a synod, mens minds ought to be prepared by gentle
+methods; that the decree made in 1614 by the States of Holland, to which
+the city of Amsterdam made some difficulty of submitting, was neither
+partial, nor <a name="Page_53" id="Page_53"></a>injurious to the reformed churches; that it was resolved
+on after mature reflexion, and was in itself agreeable to sound
+doctrine; that the reasonable men among the Contra-Remonstrants had
+nothing to apprehend, since the deposition of some Ministers was
+entirely owing to their attempts to introduce schism; that the
+Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, not differing in essential points,
+ought to tolerate one another, and agree on what they should preach;
+that if a Toleration were not admitted, they must depose such as would
+not submit to the decision that might be given, or introduce two
+churches, either of which steps would trouble the State, whereas a
+Toleration would restore tranquility and union, and favour the
+assembling of an impartial synod that might labour with success to
+restore peace to the church."</p>
+
+<p>The Senate, after hearing this Speech, made answer, that they would take
+it into consideration: and on the twenty-fifth of April the Burgomasters
+visited the Deputies, and told them, they would send to the States of
+Holland to acquaint them with their sentiments. Grotius, who perceived
+his discourse had not gained the Senate, replied, that if the Senate
+would mention their difficulties, the Deputies of the States would
+endeavour to resolve them. The Burgomasters answered, that the Senate
+did not intend to grant them a new audience; adding, that as there was
+reason to apprehend some alteration in religion, it was their opinion,
+that in the present circumstances a synod ought to be assembled; and
+that the city of Amsterdam could not receive the Edict of 1614, without
+endangering the Church, and risking the ruin of her trade. The Deputies
+wanted to answer, but were refused to be heard. Grotius drew up in
+writing an account of all that passed in this deputation, and presented
+it to the States at his return<a name="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>. <a name="Page_54" id="Page_54"></a>He flattered himself for a while
+with the hopes of some good effect from his deputation<a name="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>: and the
+disappointment chagrined him so much, that he was seized with a violent
+fever, which had well nigh carried him off. It appeared plainly by the
+blood taken from him that melancholy was the occasion of his disorder.
+He was removed to Delft<a name="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>, where he found himself better. As he was
+forbid to do anything which required application, he wrote to Vossius
+that he was very desirous to see him for a few days, or at least a few
+hours; that it would be the means of restoring his health, since
+conversation with true friends is the best remedy against melancholy. He
+employed the time of his recovery in examining himself on the part he
+had acted in the present disputes; and the more he reflected on it, the
+less reason he found for blushing or repentance. He foresaw the danger
+he incurred; but his resolution was taken, not to change his conduct,
+and to refer the event to Providence.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Grotius delivered his speech in Dutch. It was translated
+into Latin by Theodorus Schrivelius, and printed in the third tome of
+his theological works.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Ep. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Ep. 83.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecVII">VII.</a> The States of Holland, wholly employed in seeking ways to compound
+matters, had come to a resolution on the twenty-first of February, 1617,
+that certain wise and learned men should be chosen to draw up a Rule or
+Formula, to which the Ministers of the two parties should be obliged to
+conform; that nothing should be advanced in it contrary to the doctrine
+of the reformed Churches; that it should be shewn to Prince Maurice,
+and, after having his opinion, presented to the States, that they might
+examine what was most for God's honour, the people's safety, and the
+Nation's tranquillity.</p>
+
+<p>In consequence of this resolution Grotius prepared a writing to be
+presented to Prince Maurice, importing, That the States were desirous
+the ministers should teach a doctrine agreeable to that of the Reformed
+Churches, and that those who departed from it should be proceeded
+against in the way of Church Censure, or <a name="Page_55" id="Page_55"></a>even by the Civil Magistrate;
+that the five Articles of the Remonstrants doctrine should be examined
+in a Synod of Holland, and the decision carried to a Synod of all the
+Provinces; that previous to its meeting, the Sovereignty of each
+Province in things sacred should be settled; that no definition should
+be fixed without an unanimous content; that if they could not agree they
+should endeavour to convene a General Council of the Reformed Churches;
+that in the mean time a severe Edict be published against rioters and
+the authors of defamatory libels; that the ministers be charged not to
+treat one another abusively; that after the holding of the Council they
+should examine what was proper to be added to the Union of Utrecht
+concerning the authority of the Provinces in matters of Religion.</p>
+
+<p>This project did not please the Prince: he wanted a national Synod, of
+which the States of Holland were afraid, because they foresaw the
+Contra-Remonstrants would have more power in it than the Arminians, who
+would consequently be condemned by it; and that instead of forwarding
+the peace, it would increase the confusion and disorder.</p>
+
+<p>The States-General, entirely devoted to Prince Maurice, determined, in
+spite of the States of Holland, to convoke a national Synod in Holland
+itself, at Dort. The Provinces of Holland, Utrecht, and Overyssel
+protested against this resolution: Barnevelt was so thunderstruck by it,
+that he wanted to resign his place of Grand Pensionary: But Holland, who
+needed more than ever the counsels of such an experienced Minister,
+sending a Deputation to beseech him not to abandon the Republic in times
+of so much difficulty<a name="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>, he thought it his duty to yield to the
+intreaties of his masters, and resumed the functions of his office.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Grotii manes, p. 78.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"></a><a name="BkIISecVIII">VIII.</a> Prince Maurice of Nassau, however, who saw with the utmost
+displeasure several Cities, agreeable to the permission granted them by
+the particular States, levy a new Militia without his consent, engaged
+the States-General to write to the Provinces and Magistrates of those
+Cities, enjoining them to disband the new levies, which were styled the
+Attendant Soldiers: but the particular States, who looked on themselves
+as sovereigns, and the Cities, who thought themselves obliged to obey
+only the orders of the States of their Province, paid no attention to
+the Letters of the States General<a name="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>. The Prince considering this
+conduct as a Rebellion, concerted with the States-General that he should
+march in person with the troops under his command, to get these soldiers
+who were levied irregularly, disbanded; that he should depose the
+Arminian magistrates, and turn out the Ministers of their party.</p>
+
+<p>The Prince accordingly set out, accompanied by the Deputies of the
+States-General, in the year 1618. Beginning with the Province of
+Gueldres, he removed from the Senate of Nimeguen all who were known or
+suspected to favour Arminianism; and turned out the Ministers, obliging
+them instantly to leave the town. At Overyssel he met with no
+opposition. In Arnheim there was a numerous garrison of Attendant
+Soldiers; but the Prince having intelligence in the place, got into it
+by night: and the soldiers seeing themselves betrayed, laid down their
+arms. Some Senators were deposed, and the Secretary of the Council
+banished the City.</p>
+
+<p>The States of Holland, knowing that the Prince was to treat Utrecht in
+the same manner, sent thither Grotius, and Hoogerbetz, Pensionary of
+Leyden. Their instructions bore, first that they should consider and
+resolve on some method of opposing the commission given by the
+States-General to Prince Maurice: <a name="Page_57" id="Page_57"></a>secondly, that they should consult in
+what manner the union between the particular States of the Provinces
+might be strengthened, for their mutual aid and assistance.</p>
+
+<p>The Magistrates of Utrecht, in consequence of the advices given them,
+doubled the guards at the gates, and armed all the militia they could
+assemble. Grotius and Hoogerbetz promised that the States of Holland
+would not abandon them on this occasion when their sovereignty was at
+stake: they also brought Letters from the States to the principal
+officers of the ordinary garrison, tending to persuade them that it was
+their duty to obey the States of Utrecht, who paid them, and to resist
+the Stadtholder.</p>
+
+<p>Every thing seemed ready for enabling the city to make a vigorous
+resistance: the Burghers had taken up arms, and the Attendant Soldiers
+were posted in the principal quarters of the town. These dispositions
+did not divert the Prince from his design of seizing it. The old
+garrison, from a jealousy of the new, declared for him; this occasioned
+a mutiny: some of the Burghers left the interest of the city, which
+being unprovided of good officers, the Prince and the Deputies of the
+States found means to enter, and reduce it. The Prince being now master
+of the town, disbanded the Attendant Soldiers, made Ledenberg, Secretary
+of the States, and some Senators, prisoners, and turned out of their
+places those who had distinguished themselves by their resistance,
+putting in their room such as he could depend on. The States-General at
+the same time published an Ordonnance at the Hague for disbanding the
+new levies. Grotius, who was returned to Rotterdam, finding resistance
+would only occasion new troubles, advised the city even before receiving
+the Ordonnance of the States-General, to dismiss the Attendant Soldiers.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> La Neuvill's Hist. of Holland. B. iii. c. 5.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecIX">IX.</a> The Prince of Orange's revenge was not yet satisfied: that was the
+name Maurice went by after <a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"></a>the death of his brother Philip William,
+which happened at Brussels February 21, 1618. The destruction of the
+Grand Pensionary he had resolved on. In an extraordinary assembly of
+eight persons, who called themselves the States-General, he got an
+Ordonnance passed, without any previous information, as Grotius
+complained afterwards; importing, that Barnevelt, Grotius, and
+Hoogerbetz should be taken into custody.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly on the 29th<a name="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> of August, 1618, as Barnevelt was in the
+court of the Castle of the Hague<a name="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> returning home from the Assembly of
+the States of Holland, one of the Prince of Orange's guards, attended
+with some soldiers, commanded him, in the name of the States-General, to
+follow him: He was carried to a room in the Castle, and there confined.
+The Prince had sent to acquaint Grotius and Hoogerbetz that he wanted to
+speak with them: they immediately came, and were arrested.</p>
+
+<p>The same day was published the following Placard: "Messieurs the
+States-General desire to acquaint all persons, that to avert the great
+peril which threatened the United Provinces, and restore and establish
+in the said Provinces harmony, peace, and tranquillity, they have caused
+to be imprisoned John de Barnevelt, Advocate-General of Holland and West
+Friesland, Romulus Hoogerbetz, and Hugo Grotius, it having been
+discovered and made manifest that they were the first authors of the
+insurrection at Utrecht, and of an attempt which would have been not
+only highly prejudicial to the country and Province, but to several
+other Cities. For these causes they have ordered, that the said three
+persons be arrested and confined in the Castle of the Hague, till they
+give an account of the administration <a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"></a>of their offices." This Placard
+was without any signature.</p>
+
+<p>A report was at the same time spread by the prisoners enemies, that
+Barnevelt and Grotius received money from the Spaniards to deliver up to
+them the United Provinces; that they took money in 1609 to conclude the
+truce; that they fomented the disputes in order to disunite the
+Provinces; and that they had engaged to introduce into Holland the
+public exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion.</p>
+
+<p>It is said that Barnevelt had notice of the resolution taken to
+apprehend him; that he talked of it to his friends; and told them he was
+so secure in his innocence, he did not fear to take even his enemies for
+judges, if any should dare to attack his conduct. It was represented to
+him, that there were seasons of fanaticism and fury, in which innocence
+was sacrificed to the violence of powerful enemies: but the testimony of
+a good conscience hindered his attending to these remonstrances.</p>
+
+<p>A few days after Grotius' arrest, his wife presented a petition, praying
+that she might have leave to stay with her husband till the end of the
+process. This grace was refused: she was not even permitted to see him;
+and having asked to speak to him in presence of his guards, they were so
+hard-hearted, as to deny even this slight favour.</p>
+
+<p>Some days after these imprisonments, the Prince of Orange and the
+Deputies of the States-General made a tour through the towns of Holland.
+They had the power in their hands, and the Arminians were in the
+greatest consternation. The Prince met with no opposition to his
+designs: he deposed such magistrates as were relations or friends of the
+three illustrious prisoners, putting in their place others that were
+wholly devoted to him; and obliged some towns to receive a garrison,
+particularly Rotterdam. The Arminians had hitherto been the more
+powerful party there<a name="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>, <a name="Page_60" id="Page_60"></a>and had excluded the Contra-Remonstrants from
+preaching in the great Church: but the Prince took that church from
+them, and gave it, with all the rest, to the Gomarists, leaving only two
+to the Arminians. He placed a garrison of an hundred men in the town and
+turned out and banished the Ministers who had distinguished themselves
+by their zeal for Arminianism, such as Vorstius, Utengobard, and
+Episcopius. Ledenberg, Secretary of Utrecht, hearing of these violences,
+was so terrified, that he made away with himself in prison.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Du Maurier says the three prisoners were arrested the 22d
+of August; others assure us it was the 24th. La Neuville, Le Clerc. But
+it is evident from what Grotius says himself, Ep. 104, that it was the
+29th.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Le Clerc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois, an. 1617.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecX">X.</a> The warmest opposers of a National Synod being disabled from giving
+any further obstruction, the States-General proceeded to the holding of
+it. The States of Holland, who in May, 1618, had renewed their protest
+against the convocation of a National Synod, frightened by the violences
+exercised against the three illustrious prisoners, at last gave their
+consent; and it met at Dort.</p>
+
+<p>It was opened on the fifteenth of November, 1618, in the name of the
+States-General, who assisted at it by their Deputies; and was composed
+of about seventy Contra-Remonstrants, with only fourteen Arminians. John
+Bogerman, Minister of Leewarden in Friesland, was chosen President, and
+had with him four assessors; all five declared enemies of the Arminians.
+On the tenth of December the Remonstrants brought in a long Writing,
+containing their reasons for not acknowledging the Synod, as being an
+illegal assembly where the parties made themselves Judges, contrary to
+the laws of equity and the Canons of the Church. They further shewed,
+that most of those who composed the pretended synod were guilty of the
+schism complained of; that it was publickly notorious they were their
+declared enemies, and consequently incompetent judges. They afterwards
+proposed twelve conditions, without which they could not acknowledge the
+authority of the Synod, nor submit to any of its decisions. This paper
+put the Synod into a very ill <a name="Page_61" id="Page_61"></a>humour. Next day the Arminians giving in
+a protest, it was censured, and a decree of the Deputies of the
+States-General ordered that the Synod should proceed, without regarding
+the protest.</p>
+
+<p>The Arminians wanted to leave Dort; but an order from the States-General
+obliged them to stay. Their five articles were condemned; and Episcopius
+and the other Arminian ministers deposed, and declared guilty of
+corrupting religion, breaking the unity of the Church, and occasioning
+great scandal. The Synod's sentence was approved by the States-General
+on the second of July, 1619. The same day the Arminian Ministers who had
+been detained at Dort, were banished, or imprisoned: they were deprived
+of their employments, and the effects of several were confiscated. They
+continued to assert the irregularity of this Council; and the Bishop of
+Meaux observes, that they employed the same arguments which the
+Protestants use against the Roman-Catholics concerning the Council of
+Trent.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecXI">XI.</a> The Prisoners were not brought to their trial till after the rising
+of the Synod of Dort. Their confinement had caused great murmuring in
+the Province of Holland: for not only all honest men were persuaded of
+their innocence; but it was also evident that the sovereignty of the
+province of Holland had been openly violated. On the 29th of August,
+1618, under the first surprise that an event of this nature must
+occasion, when it was mentioned in the Assembly of the States-General,
+the Deputies of the Province of Holland expressed great concern; they
+complained the rights of Holland had been invaded; adding, that they
+would ask their constituents what was to be done in such a melancholy
+and singular occurrence. The City of Rotterdam and some others made loud
+complaints: They acknowledged that if the three Prisoners were guilty of
+treason, or of unlawful correspondence with the Spaniards, they ought to
+be prosecuted; but maintained that <a name="Page_62" id="Page_62"></a>they could not be legally tried but
+by the States of Holland, who alone were their Sovereigns. The Prince of
+Orange and the States-General found no way of putting a stop to the
+opposition of such Magistrates as were zealous for their Country, or
+friends to the Prisoners, but by deposing them. Nothing now remained to
+obstruct the Prince of Orange in his projects of revenge: The States of
+Holland, not being in a situation to hinder these violences, unwillingly
+left the management of this affair to the States-General: but were so
+much persuaded of the injustice done them, and the invasion made on
+their Sovereignty, that in the end of January 1619<a name="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>, notwithstanding
+the change of Deputies, they passed a Decree, importing that what had
+been done in the imprisonment of the Grand Pensionary, and the
+Pensionaries of Rotterdam and Leyden, should not be made a precedent for
+the future.</p>
+
+<p>The States-General, desirous of making an end of this affair, on the
+nineteenth of November, 1618, nominated twenty-six Commissioners, chosen
+from among the Nobility and Magistrates of the Seven Provinces, who were
+ordered to repair to the Hague to try the Prisoners. The Decree
+appointing these Judges mentioned that the Accused were taken into
+custody to secure the tranquillity of the Republic, to hinder the ruin
+of Religion and the destruction of the Union, and prevent disturbance
+and bloodshed: they were represented as ambitious men, who sought by
+secret practices to embroil the State: And to give some appearance of
+satisfaction to Holland, it was said in the Decree, that the
+States-General had issued it without prejudice to the rights of the
+Provinces. Care was taken to chuse for Judges the declared enemies of
+the Prisoners. Barnevelt objected to them; representing that he could
+not be tried by the States-General: but no regard was paid to his
+exceptions. <a name="Page_63" id="Page_63"></a>Thus he was obliged to answer before incompetent judges,
+who were notoriously known to have sworn his ruin. He entered a protest,
+that his answering before them should not be construed an approbation of
+their infringement of the jurisdiction of Holland.</p>
+
+<p>In fine, after many iniquitous steps, which will be more particularly
+mentioned in Grotius' trial, Barnevelt was condemned to be beheaded. The
+principal grounds<a name="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> of his condemnation were, That he had disturbed
+religion; that he had advanced that each Province in its own
+jurisdiction might decide in matters of religion, without the other
+Provinces having a right to take cognizance of it; that he diverted the
+King of France from sending the Reformed ministers of his Kingdom to the
+Synod of Dort; preferred the interests of the particular States of
+Holland and West Friesland to those of the States-General; made use of
+the name of the States of Holland and West Friesland for holding
+conventicles and unlawful assemblies; occasioned the insurrection at
+Utrecht; authorised the levying of the Attendant Soldiers; slandered
+Prince Maurice, accusing him of aspiring to the sovereignty of the
+United Provinces; and that he received large sums from foreign Princes,
+which he concealed from the State.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Grotius, Apology, c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> La Neuville, lib. 3. c. 16.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecXII">XII.</a> Lewis XIII. who had an affection for the United Provinces, with
+which he was connected by their common interest, beheld the domestic
+troubles of Holland with concern. The Prisoners, especially Barnevelt,
+whose merit was well known at the Court of France, were held by him in
+particular esteem. When he heard of their arrest he nominated Thumeri de
+Boissise his Ambassador extraordinary to Holland, ordering him to repair
+thither, immediately, and join Du Maurier the Ambassador in ordinary, in
+soliciting the States-General in favour of the Accused, and labouring to
+restore the public tranquillity.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64"></a>December 12, 1618, they presented to the States-General a Writing from
+the King, asking that the prisoners might have justice done them; that
+their judges might be persons impartial and dispassionate; that the
+States would rather chuse mild, than rigorous measures: "And, said the
+Ministers, his Majesty will take for a high offence the little regard
+you pay to his counsels, his prayers, and his friendship, which for the
+future will be as much cooled as it was heretofore warm in your
+interest."</p>
+
+<p>The States made answer on the nineteenth of December following, that
+they would act with all the lenity and clemency which justice and the
+safety of the State would permit; and that they hoped the King would
+leave it to their prudence.</p>
+
+<p>The French Ambassadors continued their solicitations<a name="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>; but the answer
+made them March 23, 1619, must have left them no hope: it represented
+the Prisoners as turbulent men, suspected of very heinous crimes, and
+almost convicted of conspiring against the Republic, and projecting and
+attempting to destroy the Union and the State. This answer was certainly
+concerted with Prince Maurice, who was highly offended that the King of
+France should interest himself so much to save men whom he looked on as
+his declared enemies. Boissise quitted Holland, leaving Du Maurier alone
+to act in favour of the Accused. On Monday morning, May 13, 1619, the
+Ambassador was informed, that sentence had been passed the Day before,
+and that Barnevelt was to be executed that day. He went immediately to
+the Assembly of the States to get the execution suspended, but was
+refused audience: he wrote to the States, conjuring them by the regard
+they ought to have for the King his master, not to spill the blood of a
+Minister who had served them so faithfully; and, if they would not
+pardon him, to confine him to one of his country <a name="Page_65" id="Page_65"></a>houses, his friends
+being bound for him; or banish him the country for ever. This Letter had
+no effect: their resolution was taken to destroy him. When the Grand
+Pensionary was informed of his sentence, he seemed less moved at it,
+than for the fate of Grotius and Hoogerbetz: he asked if they also were
+to die? adding, It would be great pity: they are still able to do great
+service to the Republic. The scaffold for his execution was erected in
+the court of the Castle at the Hague, facing the Prince of Orange's
+apartments. He made a short speech to the people, which is preserved in
+the <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i>: "Burghers, said he, I have been always your
+faithful countryman: believe not that I die for treason; but for
+maintaining the Rights and Liberties of my Country." After this Speech
+the executioner struck off his head at one blow. It is affirmed that the
+Prince of Orange, to feast himself with the cruel pleasure of seeing his
+enemy perish, beheld the execution with a glass. The people looked on it
+with other eyes: for many came to gather the sand wet with his blood, to
+keep it carefully in phials: and the croud of those who had the same
+curiosity continued next day, notwithstanding all they could do to
+hinder them.</p>
+
+<p>Thus fell that great Minister, who did the United Provinces as much
+service in the cabinet, as the Princes of Orange did in the field. It is
+highly probable that the melancholy end of this illustrious and
+unfortunate man, to whom the Dutch are partly indebted for their
+liberty, was owing to his steadiness in opposing the design of making
+Prince Maurice Dictator. But this is a question discussed by several
+writers<a name="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>, and foreign to our subject.</p>
+
+<p>The French ministry discovered no resentment at the little attention
+paid by the States General to Lewis's solicitations. There is reason to
+think Barnevelt would have met with less cruel treatment, or at least
+<a name="Page_66" id="Page_66"></a>that France would not have passed it over so easily, had Cardinal
+Richelieu, who was soon after Prime Minister, been then in place: for a
+book<a name="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> ascribed to him censures the conduct of Messieurs de Luines,
+who were in power at that time, with regard to this affair.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Apology, c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> See Du Maurier, Le Vassor, La Neuville, Le Clerc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Hist. de la mere &amp; du fils, t. 2. p. 380.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecXIII">XIII.</a> Grotius's trial did not come on till five days after Barnevelt's
+execution. September 3, 1618, the fourth day after he was arrested, the
+Burgomasters of Rotterdam presented a petition to the Prince of
+Orange<a name="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>, setting forth, that they had heard with great grief that
+Grotius, Counsellor and Pensionary of Rotterdam, being at the Hague at
+the assembly of the States, was arrested by order of the States General;
+and representing to his Excellency that it was a breach of privilege, by
+which no Deputy could be arrested during the sitting of the States; and
+as they stood in need of Grotius's assistance and counsels, praying that
+he, as Governor of Holland and West-Friesland, would prevail with the
+States General to set him at liberty, and put him in the same situation
+he was in before his imprisonment, promising to guard him at Rotterdam
+or elsewhere, that he might be forthcoming to answer any charge brought
+against him by the States General. The Prince gave only for answer, that
+the affair concerned the States General. Their petition having had no
+effect, on the 10th of September, 1618, the city of Rotterdam sent a
+deputation to the States of Holland, praying that Grotius and the other
+persons accused might be tried according to the custom of the country.
+But the States themselves were under oppression.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's wife petitioned<a name="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> for leave to continue with her husband
+whilst his cause was depending; but this favour was denied her. On his
+falling ill, she again pressed to be allowed to visit him, they had the
+cruelty to hinder her: she offered not to speak to him but <a name="Page_67" id="Page_67"></a>in presence
+of his guards; this was also refused. Thus all the time of his
+confinement at the Hague, no one was permitted to see him, even when he
+lay dangerously ill.</p>
+
+<p>We may judge to what length his enemies carried their blindness and
+fury, by the following passage related by Selden<a name="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>. When Grotius was
+arrested, some who bore him ill-will, prevailed with Carleton,
+Ambassador from Great Britain at the Hague, to make a complaint against
+his book <i>Of the Freedom of the Ocean</i>: the Ambassador was not ashamed
+to maintain that the States ought to make an example of him, to prevent
+others from defending an opinion that might occasion a misunderstanding
+between the two nations. Carleton and his advisers were the dupes of
+this contemptible step: the States General paid no regard to his
+complaint. The proposal was shameful in itself. Could they think that it
+would be made a crime in Grotius to have written a book, dictated by his
+love to his country, and deserving a recompence from the States to whom
+it had been of great use in the dispute with England concerning the
+right of navigation?</p>
+
+<p>At the first examination which Grotius underwent, he answered<a name="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> that
+he was of the Province of Holland, Minister of a city of Holland; that
+he had been arrested on the territories of Holland; that he acknowledged
+no judges but that province, and was ready to justify all he had done.
+He maintained that the States General had no jurisdiction over him, and
+consequently could not nominate his Judges. He alledged also the
+privilege of the citizens of Rotterdam and demanded permission to set
+forth his reasons before the States of Holland and the States General;
+and that the validity of his objections might be determined by Judges of
+Holland. All these things were denied him. They insisted that he should
+plead: he protested against this violence; but this did not <a name="Page_68" id="Page_68"></a>hinder them
+from proceeding against him, in contempt of all forms. He had been
+allowed the use of pen and ink<a name="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>, but, after his first examination,
+they were taken away.</p>
+
+<p>The rigour and injustice, with which he and the other prisoners were
+treated, are scarce conceivable. He tells us, that when they knew they
+were bad, they chose that time to examine them; that they did not give
+them liberty to defend themselves; that they threatened, and teazed them
+to give immediate answers; and that they would not read over to them
+their examinations. Grotius having asked leave to write his defence,
+they allowed him for that purpose only five hours, and one sheet of
+paper. He was always persuaded, that if he would own he had
+transgressed, and ask pardon, they would set him at liberty: but as he
+had nothing to reproach himself with, he would never take any step that
+might infer consciousness of guilt. His wife, his father, brother, and
+friends approved of this resolution<a name="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>On the 18th of May, 1619, the Commissioners pronounced sentence against
+him, which we shall give at length.</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas<a name="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> Hugo Grotius, who was Pensionary of the Magistrates of
+Rotterdam, and at present a prisoner before the Commissaries appointed
+by the States General to try him, has acknowledged without being put to
+the torture.</p>
+
+<p>That he ventured to endeavour to overturn religion, to oppress and
+afflict the Church of God, and for that end advanced heinous things
+pernicious to the Republic, particularly, that each Province has singly
+a right to decree in matters of religion, and that the others ought not
+to take cognizance of the disputes which arise on this subject in a
+particular province; that against order, and the custom of the reformed
+churches, he endeavoured to get opinions received <a name="Page_69" id="Page_69"></a>which are contrary to
+the doctrine of those churches, without being sufficiently examined;
+that he opposed the convocation of a National Synod in the name of the
+States General, though it was judged by the King of Great Britain,
+Prince Maurice, the majority of the nation, and the principal persons of
+the province of Holland, a necessary and certain remedy for the
+disorders which had crept into religion; that he advanced the convening
+a synod would be prejudicial to the right of sovereignty belonging to
+the province of Holland, unless the whole or the greater part of the
+province would consent to it.</p>
+
+<p>That he held private meetings with the Deputies of some towns, with
+design to procure a majority in the assembly of the States of Holland.</p>
+
+<p>That without the orders of the States of Holland, Utrecht, and
+Overyssel, he ventured to make an act in the name of those provinces, in
+the house of John Barnevelt, protesting against what the Deputies of the
+other provinces might do, and declaring they would be the cause of the
+disorders that the Synod might produce; which act he read in the
+assembly of the States of Holland without being required, and carried it
+to the assembly of the States-General.</p>
+
+<p>That he made eight Deputies of the cities send back the letter of the
+States-General for the convocation of the Synod.</p>
+
+<p>That he wrote to the King of France in the name of the States of
+Holland, informing him that the name of the States-General was falsly
+made use of in the Letters for convoking the Synod, and desiring his
+Majesty not to suffer his subjects to attend the Synod, and to protect
+Holland against the other provinces.</p>
+
+<p>That, by the counsel of Barnevelt, he bestirred himself to get Ministers
+to come to the Synod who were of the new opinion.</p>
+
+<p>That he embroiled the Republic in order to get every thing passed
+according to his fancy and caprice.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70"></a>That he assisted in so far changing the form of government, that those
+who complained of oppression were not admitted to be heard, and the
+Magistrates of cities disobeyed the orders they received.</p>
+
+<p>That by the advice of John Barnevelt he held private meetings with the
+Deputies of some towns, whose deliberations were carried to the States
+of Holland, to serve for the model of their resolutions.</p>
+
+<p>That he was concerned in the odious decree of the 4th of August, 1617,
+permitting the cities of Holland to raise new troops for their defence,
+and to require of them an oath of fidelity to those cities.</p>
+
+<p>That he gave it as his opinion, the city of Rotterdam should raise those
+soldiers.</p>
+
+<p>That he also advised the city of Delft to raise them; that he wanted to
+lay the expence of these new levies on the Generality.</p>
+
+<p>That he asserted these new soldiers were not obliged to obey the
+States-General, if their orders were contrary to those of the cities.</p>
+
+<p>That he sent back the French auxiliaries in order to employ the money
+assigned for their subsistance in paying the new soldiers.</p>
+
+<p>That he pretended these soldiers ought to serve even against the
+States-General and against Prince Maurice.</p>
+
+<p>That he wanted to prevail with the cities to make a new union.</p>
+
+<p>That he held conferences with a foreign Ambassador.</p>
+
+<p>That he was concerned in the deputation sent to the Brille to oppose
+Prince Maurice.</p>
+
+<p>That, on the 14th of May, 1618, he made an act with eight Deputies of
+cities, by virtue of which they were permitted to oppose what the
+States-General might do for accelerating the holding of the Synod; which
+act they wanted to get approved by the States of Utrecht; that he
+endeavoured to divert the Deputies of Utrecht from disbanding their new
+troops <a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"></a>agreeable to the intention of the States of that province, by
+promising them assistance.</p>
+
+<p>That he accused the States-General, as well as Prince Maurice, of evil
+designs.</p>
+
+<p>That he maintained, they ought to be resisted, and the revenue and
+forces of the State employed against them.</p>
+
+<p>That he said the disbanding the new soldiers would increase the boldness
+of the Disaffected, and the disorders in the State; that the ordinary
+troops were not sufficient; that the members of the province of Holland
+would abundantly succour such as did not obey the States-General; that
+he suffered himself to be deputed to Utrecht to offer his assistance to
+the States and the City; that this deputation was ordered only by a few
+Nobles, three Deputies of Cities, and some Deputies to the States of
+Holland, who had no instructions on that subject from their
+Constituents.</p>
+
+<p>That his acknowledged design, and that of those deputed to Utrecht, was
+to engage the States to require the ordinary soldiers to obey the States
+of Utrecht, in prejudice of the obedience due to the States-General.</p>
+
+<p>That he carried Letters of Barnevelt, which had not been read in the
+assembly of the States of Holland, declaring, that the soldiers ought to
+obey the States, and oppose whatever might be done against them.</p>
+
+<p>That he had combined with Ledemberg in the measures to be taken for
+preventing the new soldiers from being disbanded by the States of
+Utrecht.</p>
+
+<p>That he spoke against the States-General and against Prince Maurice in
+the assembly of the States of Utrecht; that he assisted the States of
+Utrecht in preparing their answer to Prince Maurice and the States
+General, by which they refused to acknowledge these Deputies as sent by
+the States-General, though they were in fact; that he held a conference
+with the Bailly of the city of Utrecht on the measures to be taken for
+resisting Prince Maurice if he should <a name="Page_72" id="Page_72"></a>come to Utrecht to disband the
+new soldiers; and that he endeavoured to prevail with the States of
+Utrecht to have recourse to open force on this occasion.</p>
+
+<p>That he wanted to make the ordinary garrison oppose the Deputies of the
+States-General when their orders were contrary to those of the States of
+Utrecht; threatening to stop their pay if they did otherwise.</p>
+
+<p>That he advised the Bailly of Utrecht to obey only the Deputies of
+Holland or the States of Utrecht.</p>
+
+<p>That he conferred with the said Bailly on the means of hindering Prince
+Maurice from introducing soldiers into Utrecht; which might have
+occasioned much bloodshed in the city, and put the Prince and the
+Republic in the greatest danger; and which gave rise to dissentions and
+new treaties, contrary to the union of the provinces: whence the public
+order in Church and State was disturbed, the finances of the State
+exhausted, divisions arose between the States-General and the Provinces,
+and the union was on the point of being broke.</p>
+
+<p>For these causes the Judges appointed to try this affair, administring
+justice in the name of the States-General, condemn the said Hugo Grotius
+to perpetual imprisonment; and to be carried to the place appointed by
+the States-General, there to be guarded with all precaution, and
+confined the rest of his days; and declare his estate confiscated.
+Hague, May 18, 1619."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, who enters into an examination of this sentence, charges it
+with many falsities: he maintains<a name="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> that it makes him say several
+things which he constantly denied: and that he never acknowledged
+himself guilty. What is mentioned in the sentence concerning the
+deputation to Utrecht, he shews to be palpably false<a name="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>. On the 20th of
+July, 1618, he acquaints us, certain Deputies to the States of Holland
+<a name="Page_73" id="Page_73"></a>wanted to go home; that the assembly was summoned for the 24th; that
+some Deputies were indeed absent that day, but the Curators of the
+Republic of those Cities, agreeable to the order they had received,
+supplied their place; that the assembly was composed of the Deputies of
+Harlem, Delft, Leyden, Amsterdam, Goude, Rotterdam, Alcma&euml;r, and the
+Nobles; that the Deputies of the other cities were summoned; that their
+absence could not stay the proceedings of the rest; that, excepting the
+Deputies of Amsterdam, all the others agreed to the deputation sent to
+Utrecht; that it was thrice approved; and that the Deputies at their
+return received the thanks of the States, who defrayed the expence of
+their journey.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius complains that he was not examined on the tenth part of the
+facts specified in his sentence, that his examination was not read over
+to him; in fine, that he was no ways reprehensible, since in all he did,
+he exactly followed the orders of the States of Holland, or those of the
+city of Rotterdam<a name="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>, as the States and the City allowed; and that if
+he was to be tried, it ought to be by Judges of Rotterdam, according to
+the privileges of that city. Hoogerbetz was also condemned to perpetual
+banishment. The body of Ledemberg, Secretary of the States of Utrecht,
+who, as hath been said, put an end to his life in gaol, was affixed in
+the coffin to a gibbet. Moerbergen, Counsellor of Utrecht, had only his
+country-house, for his prison, because, suffering himself to be moved by
+the tears of his wife and children, he made a kind of submission
+bordering on those which they wanted to draw from Hoogerbetz and
+Grotius.</p>
+
+<p>The Judges who condemned them were so ignorant of the laws, that they
+decreed penalties which are only enacted against persons convicted of
+high treason, yet omitted mentioning in the sentence that Grotius was
+guilty of that crime. They were told of this<a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"></a> irregularity, and saw they
+were in the wrong: to remedy it, they declared, a whole year after the
+trial, without rehearing the cause, that their intention was to condemn
+Grotius and his accomplices as guilty of high-treason; which step was
+the more irregular<a name="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>, as delegated judges cannot, by law, add to
+their sentence after it is passed. This addition deprived Grotius's wife
+of the liberty of redeeming, at a moderate price, her husband's estate;
+a privilege which the law allows in all cases but those of treason. His
+estate was therefore confiscated: but by this he was no great loser. At
+that time he was very far from being rich: his father being alive, what
+properly belonged to him was only the savings of his salary and his
+wife's fortune.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Hug. Grotii votum, p. 664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Apol. c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Mare clausum l. 1. p. 198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Apol. c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Apol. c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Ibid. c. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Ibid. c. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Dedication of his Apology.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Apol. c. 13. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Hug. Grotii votum, p. 669.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Ep. Gr. 161.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecXIV">XIV.</a> In consequence of the sentence passed against Grotius, the
+States-General ordered him to be carried from the Hague to the fortress
+of Louvestein near Gorcum in South Holland, at the point of the island
+formed by the Vahal and the Meuse; which was done on the 6th of June,
+1619; and twenty-four sols per day assigned for his maintenance, and as
+much for Hoogerbetz: but their wives declared they had enough to support
+their husbands, and that they chose to be without an allowance which
+they looked on as an affront. Grotius' father asked permission to see
+his son; but was denied. They consented to admit his wife into
+Louvestein, but if she came out, she was not to be suffered to go back.
+In the sequel it was granted her that she might come abroad twice a
+week.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius became now more sensible than ever of the advantages men derive
+from a love of the Sciences. Exile and captivity, the greatest evils
+that can befal Ministers of ordinary merit, restored to him that
+tranquillity to which he had been for some years a stranger. Study
+became his business and consolation. <a name="Page_75" id="Page_75"></a>From the time he was a prisoner at
+the Hague<a name="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>, whilst he had the use of pen and ink, he employed
+himself in writing a Latin piece on the means of accommodating the
+present disputes. This treatise was presented to Prince Maurice; but it
+did not mollify the indignation he had conceived against the
+Remonstrants. Grotius maintained in it, as he had done often before,
+that notwithstanding difference of opinion in some points relating to
+grace and predestination, a mutual toleration ought to take place, and
+no separation be made.</p>
+
+<p>We have still several of his letters written from Louvestein, which
+acquaint us in what manner he spent his time. He gave Vossius an account
+of his studies. In the first of those Letters, without date, he observes
+to him that he had resumed the study of the Law, which had been long
+interrupted by his multiplicity of business; that the rest of his time
+he devoted to the study of Morality; which had led him to translate all
+the Maxims of the Poets collected by Stob&aelig;us, and the fragments of
+Menander and Philemon. He likewise purposed to extract from the Comic
+and Tragic Authors of Greece what related to Morality, and was omitted
+by Stob&aelig;us, and to translate it into free verse, like that of the Latin
+Comic writers. With regard to his translation of the fragments of the
+Greek Tragic authors, he intended that the verses of his Latin
+translation should resemble those of the original, excepting in the
+chorus's, which he would put into the verse that best suited him. He was
+in doubt whether he ought to print these additions with Stob&aelig;us, and
+asks Vossius's opinion whether he should place them at the end, or
+entirely new-mould that collection. Sundays he employed in reading
+treatises on the truth of the Christian religion, and even spent some of
+his spare hours in this study: on other days, when his ordinary labour
+<a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"></a>was over, he meditated some work in Flemish on religion. The subject
+which he liked best at that time was Christ's love to mankind: he no
+doubt intended to confute the extravagant opinions of the Gomarists. He
+purposed also to write a Commentary on the Sermon on the mount.</p>
+
+<p>Time seemed to pass very fast amidst these several projects. December
+15, 1619, he writes Vossius, that the Muses, which were always his
+delight, even when immersed in business, were now his consolation, and
+appeared more amiable than ever. He wrote some short Notes on the New
+Testament: these he intended to send to Erpenius, who was projecting a
+new edition of it; but a fit of illness obliged him to lay them
+aside<a name="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>. When he was able to resume his studies, he composed in Dutch
+verse his treatise <i>Of the Truth of the Christian Religion</i>, and sent it
+to Vossius; who thought some places of it obscure. It makes no mention
+of the Trinity or Incarnation, because, the authority and authenticity
+of the sacred Books once proved, these great points ought to be held
+demonstrated. Those who since Grotius have written against infidelity
+with greatest success, have followed his example. Sacred and profane
+authors employed him alternately. In the end of the year 1620<a name="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> he
+promises his brother to send him his observations on Seneca's Tragedies:
+These he had written at Vossius's desire<a name="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>. He acknowledges his
+conjectures are sometimes very bold; but is not so attached to them, but
+he will submit them to Vossius, and leaves them entirely to him. We have
+seen that Du Maurier employed his best offices for Barnevelt and
+Grotius. From the time they were arrested all correspondence between the
+Ambassador and Grotius was probably cut off till the beginning of 1621;
+for it is not till the fifteenth of January that year, he returns him
+his thanks<a name="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>. He says it is impossible for him to express his
+obligations <a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"></a>to the Most Christian King, to his wife Council, and to Du
+Maurier in particular, for the pains they took to assist him in his
+misfortunes; that tho' their intentions had not the effect which might
+have been hoped for, it gave him great consolation to find persons of
+such importance interest themselves in his troubles. He calls his
+conscience, as the judge he most respected, to witness, that all he
+intended was the prevention of schism; that he never had a thought of
+making any innovation in the Republic; that he only purposed the
+supporting the rights of his Sovereigns, without invading the legal
+authority of the States-General; that such as were in the secret of
+affairs knew that his whole crime was refusing to comply with the
+caprices of those who wanted to rule according to their fancies; and
+that he chose rather to lose his estate and his health, than to ask
+pardon for a fault he had never committed.</p>
+
+<p>Du Maurier losing his lady about this time, Grotius writes him, February
+27, 1621, a very handsome consolatory letter, in which he deduces with
+great eloquence every ground of support that Philosophy and Religion can
+suggest in that melancholly event. The only method he took to unbend and
+recreate himself, was to go from one work to another. He translated the
+<i>Phoeniss&aelig;</i> of Euripides: wrote his <i>Institutions of the Laws of
+Holland</i> in Dutch: and composed some short Instructions for his daughter
+Cornelia<a name="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> in the form of a Catechism, and in Flemish verse,
+containing an hundred and eighty-five Questions and Answers: it was
+printed at the Hague in 1619. The author afterwards translated it into
+the same number of Latin verses for the use of his son: it is added in
+the later editions of his Poems. He wrote also, while under confinement,
+a Dialogue in Dutch verse between a father and a son, on the necessity
+of silence, explaining the use and abuse of <a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"></a>Speech, and shewing the
+advantages of taciturnity. In fine, he collected, when in prison, the
+materials of his <i>Apology</i><a name="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Apolog. Pref.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> Ep. 126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Ep. 23. p. 761.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Ep. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Ep. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Mem. Litt. de la Gr. Bretagne, t. xi. p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Ep. 144.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIISecXV">XV.</a> Grotius had been above eighteen months shut up in Louvestein, when,
+on the eleventh of January, 1621<a name="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>, Muys-van-Holi, his declared
+enemy, who had been one of his judges, informed the States-General, that
+he had advice from good hands their prisoner was seeking to make his
+escape: some persons were sent to Louvestein to examine into this
+matter; but notwithstanding all the enquiry that could be made, they
+found no reason to believe that Grotius had laid any plot to get out.</p>
+
+<p>His wife however was wholly employed in contriving how to set him at
+liberty. He had been permitted<a name="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> to borrow books of his friends, and
+when he had done with them, they were carried back in a chest with his
+foul linen, which was sent to Gorcum, a town near Louvestein, to be
+washed. The first year his guards were very exact in examining the chest
+when it went from Louvestein; but being used to find in it only books
+and linen, they grew tired of searching, and did not take the trouble to
+open it. Grotius' wife observing their negligence, purposed to take
+advantage of it. She represented to her husband that it was in his power
+to get out of prison when he pleased, if he would put himself in the
+chest that carried his books. However, not to endanger his health, she
+caused holes to be bored opposite to the part where his face was to be,
+to breathe at; and made him try if he could continue shut up in that
+confined posture as long as it would require to go from Louvestein to
+Gorcum. Finding it might be done, she resolved to seize the first
+favourable opportunity.</p>
+
+<p>It soon offered. The Commandant of Louvestein<a name="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> going to Heusden to
+raise recruits, Grotius' wife made <a name="Page_79" id="Page_79"></a>a visit to his lady, and told her in
+conversation, that she was desirous of sending away a chest full of
+books, for her husband was so weak, it gave her great uneasiness to see
+him study with such application. Having thus prepared the Commandant's
+wife, she returned to her husband's apartment, and in concert with a
+valet and a maid, who were in the secret, shut him up in the chest. At
+the same time, that people might not be surprised at not seeing him, she
+spread a report of his being ill. Two soldiers carried the chest: one of
+them, finding it heavier than usual, said, There must be an Arminian in
+it: this was a kind of proverb that had lately come into use. Grotius'
+wife, who was present, answered with great coldness, There are indeed
+Arminian books in it. The chest was brought down on a ladder, with great
+difficulty. The soldier insisted on its being opened, to see what was in
+it; he even went and informed the Commandant's wife that the weight of
+the chest gave him reason to think there was something suspicious
+contained in it, and that it would be proper to have it opened. She
+would not; whether it was that she was willing to wink at the thing, or
+through negligence: she told him that Grotius' wife had assured her
+there was nothing but books in it; and that they might carry it to the
+boat. It is affirmed that a soldier's wife who was present, said there
+was more than one example of prisoners making their escape in boxes. The
+chest however was put into the boat, and Grotius' maid, who was in the
+secret, had orders to go with it to Gorcum, and put it into a house
+there. When it came to Gorcum, they wanted to put it on a sledge; but
+the maid telling the boatman there were some brittle things in it, and
+begging of him to take care how it was carried, it was put on a horse,
+and brought by two chairmen to David Dazelaer's, a friend of Grotius,
+and brother-in-law to Erpenius, having married his sister<a name="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>. <a name="Page_80" id="Page_80"></a>When
+every body was gone, the maid opened the chest. Grotius had felt no
+inconvenience in it, though its length was not above three feet and a
+half. He got out, dressed himself like a mason, with a rule and a
+trowel, and went by Dazelaer's back-door, through the market-place to
+the gate that leads to the river, and stept into a boat which carried
+him to Valvic in Brabant. At this place he made himself known to some
+Arminians; and hired a carriage to Antwerp, taking the necessary
+precautions not to be known by the way: it was not the Spaniards he
+feared, for there was then a truce between them and the United
+Provinces. He alighted at Antwerp at the house of Nicholas Grevincovius,
+who had been formerly a Minister at Amsterdam; and made himself known to
+no body but him. It was on the 22d of March, 1621, that Grotius thus
+recovered his liberty.</p>
+
+<p>In the mean time it was believed at Louvestein that he was ill; and to
+give him time to get off, his wife gave out that his illness was
+dangerous; but as soon as she learnt by the maid's return that he was in
+Brabant, and consequently in safety, she told the guards, the bird was
+flown. They informed the Commandant, by this time returned from Heusden,
+who hastened to Grotius's wife, and asked her where she had hid her
+husband? She answered he might search for him: but being much pressed
+and even threatened, she confessed that she had caused him to be carried
+to Gorcum in the book chest: and that she had done no more than kept her
+word to him, to take the first opportunity of setting her husband at
+liberty. The Commandant in a rage went immediately to Gorcum, and
+acquainting the Magistrate with his prisoner's escape, both came to
+Dazelaer's, where they found the empty chest. On his return to
+Louvestein the Commandant confined Grotius's wife more closely: but
+presenting a petition to the States-General, April 5, 1621, praying that
+she might be discharged, and Prince Maurice, <a name="Page_81" id="Page_81"></a>to whom it was
+communicated, making no opposition, the majority were for setting her at
+liberty. Some indeed voted for detaining her a prisoner; but they were
+looked on as very barbarous, to want to punish a woman for an heroic
+action. Two days after presenting the petition, she was discharged, and
+suffered to carry away every thing that belonged to her in Louvestein.
+Grotius continued some time at Antwerp. March 30, he wrote to the
+States-General that in procuring his liberty he had employed neither
+violence nor corruption with his keepers; that he had nothing to
+reproach himself with in what he had done; that he gave those counsels
+which he thought best for appeasing the troubles that had arisen before
+he was concerned in public business; that he only obeyed the Magistrates
+of Rotterdam his masters, and the States of Holland his sovereigns; and
+that the persecution he had suffered would never diminish his love to
+his Country, for whose prosperity he heartily prayed.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's escape exercised the pens of the most famous poets of that
+period. Barl&aelig;us wrote some very good verses on it<a name="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>: and also
+celebrated his wife's magnanimity<a name="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>. Rutgersius composed a poem on
+his imprisonment, in which he places the day of his arrest among the
+most unfortunate for the Republic<a name="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>. Grotius himself wrote some
+verses on his happy deliverance, which were translated into Flemish by
+the famous poet John Van Vondel. He made also some lines on the chest to
+which he owed his liberty, and in the latter part of his life was at
+great pains to recover it<a name="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Henry Dupuis, a learned man settled at Louvain, being informed that
+Grotius was at Antwerp, sent him <a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"></a>a very handsome letter, to signify to
+him the share he took in the general joy of all good men, and offered
+him his house, and all that a true friend could give<a name="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>: but Grotius
+chose rather to come to France, agreeable to the advice of Du Maurier
+and the President Jeannin; the latter assuring him he might depend on
+the King's protection, the esteem of men of the greatest consideration,
+and his friendship.</p>
+
+<p>But previous to the account of his journey to Paris it will be proper to
+say something of the writings that appeared relating to the disputes
+which divided the church and state.</p>
+
+<p>Among the Ministers who opposed the Arminians Sibrand Lubert was one of
+the most zealous and in greatest reputation. This man was a Professor in
+the university of Francker: he wrote against Worstius, who was suspected
+of Socinianism; and insinuated that the States of Holland favoured that
+heresy. He also complained of their renewing the law of 1591, concerning
+the election of ministers, and their opposing the convocation of a
+National Synod. The States, incensed at his presumption, employed
+Grotius to write their Apology, which he published in 1613.</p>
+
+<p>In this work he undertakes to shew that the Arminians have very
+different sentiments on grace from the Pelagians; that they join with
+the Greek and many Latin Fathers in their opinion about Predestination;
+that the Reformed did not always entertain such rigid sentiments,
+particularly Melancton, inferior to none in learning or piety; that
+since the rise of the disputes Arminius and Gomar had declared in
+writing, there was no difference between them in fundamentals; that
+after the dispute of those two Divines in presence of the States, it was
+determined that the two opinions might be tolerated; that since the
+death of Arminius <a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"></a>twelve Ministers of the two parties having been
+heard, the States recommended to them mutual toleration and charity.</p>
+
+<p>He afterwards proves that the Synod was not necessary; that it could be
+of little use, because mens minds were too much inflamed; that as it
+could not be assembled in the present circumstances, it belonged to the
+States to find out ways of accommodating these disputes, which did not
+regard fundamental articles; and that Socinus had no defenders in
+Holland. He afterwards treats of the power which he ascribes to the
+Sovereign in matters ecclesiastic, and his authority in convoking
+Councils. He says the Sovereign has a right to judge in Synods, either
+in person or by his commissioners, and to judge Synods themselves; in
+proof of which he advances what passed in the first Councils; and
+regards as acts of jurisdiction and examination all that has been done
+by Princes for maintaining good order and polity. He is of opinion that
+public acts, even those which regard the doctrine of the Church, ought
+to proceed only from the Prince: he relates what Princes have done, at
+the solicitation of Bishops, for the assembling of Councils, as proofs
+of the Sovereign's authority over Councils; and omits nothing in
+antiquity that favours the authority of the Civil Magistrate in matters
+ecclesiastical, and especially in what regards elections: he shews that
+too much precaution, cannot be taken against the presumption of the
+reformed Ministers, who want to intermeddle with State Affairs, bringing
+with them their caprices and passions. "Upon the whole (he says in the
+conclusion) the more I read Church history, the more evident it appears
+to me, that the evils we complain of are the same which have been
+complained of in all past ages."</p>
+
+<p>This account of the work is sufficient to shew that the author, with
+much erudition, was strangely <a name="Page_84" id="Page_84"></a>misled: if the proofs he makes use of are
+susceptible of different interpretations, he has not sufficiently
+unravelled their ambiguity and intent. It was received with great
+satisfaction by the Magistrates of Holland<a name="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>: and the States returned
+him public thanks on the 31st of October, 1613, in very honorable terms.
+Casaubon<a name="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> and Vossius<a name="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> speak of this book with the highest
+commendation: but the Gomarists were greatly dissatisfied with it<a name="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>.
+Bogerman wrote some notes on it, serving to confute it; which were
+suppressed. Sibrand's friends complained that the author had dipt his
+pen in gall, and not in ink: and Sibrand himself wrote an answer, to
+which Grotius replied in some short remarks, exposing the false
+citations, the errors, and abusive language of his adversary.</p>
+
+<p>Sibrand's work was condemned by the States: but five years after, June
+28, 1618, on the imprisonment of Grotius, the States revoked the
+condemnation. Grotius's desire to bring about an union of sentiments led
+him, in 1613, while in England, to compose a small treatise, entitled,
+<i>A Reconciliation of the different Opinions on Predestination and
+Grace</i>. This piece contains a display of the Arminian system, which he
+endeavours to place in the most favourable light<a name="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The Edict which Grotius prepared by desire of the States<a name="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>, ordering
+the two parties to tolerate each other, having been warmly attacked by
+the Contra-Remonstrants, Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of
+passages justifying it against their censures. He afterwards wrote a
+defence of that decree, in which he complains of the schismatical spirit
+of the Gomarists; proves that the States did all that depended on them
+to reconcile mens minds: maintains, against an anonymous writer, to whom
+he gives the name of <i>Lucifuga</i>,<a name="Page_85" id="Page_85"></a> that it is false the Remonstrants gave
+the draught of that Edict; asserts, on the contrary, that several things
+are omitted in it, which they wished to be inserted, and which had even
+an appearance of reason and justice; and sets forth the moderation and
+equity of the Edict upon the whole. Grotius did not finish this work;
+but on occasion of the dispute concerning the power of Sovereigns in
+things sacred; he composed a very considerable treatise. He had already
+handled this subject in a tract on the Piety of the States of Holland:
+he examines it more thoroughly in this, proceeding on the same
+principles. It is certain that this book may be read with some
+profit<a name="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>, that it contains many curious things, but some others also
+that are very bold, and very false. Such as are acquainted with the just
+rights of the two powers will never grant to Grotius, that the Sovereign
+has a right to judge in councils, to alter their decisions, and to
+depose the Ministers of the Church. Most of the proofs on which he
+builds consist of ambiguous passages, which he strains to his opinion by
+forced explanations. This work discovers rather the great lawyer, than
+the exact divine; and, what is singular, the author is afraid he has not
+granted enough to the Civil Magistrate, and been too favourable to the
+claims of the Clergy. He knew, however, that it would not please the
+King of Great Britain; and the Bishops of that kingdom were of opinion
+he had given too much authority to the Secular Power in things sacred:
+It is probable the Letter sent by the States of Holland and
+West-Friesland, in 1618, to King James I. was written by Grotius: it is
+his style and sentiments. The States, who foresaw that the troubles
+would still go on increasing, begin with a short recital of the rise of
+these disputes; they afterwards desire his Majesty to examine whether in
+the present circumstances a Synod<a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"></a> would be of use, and whether there
+was not reason to apprehend it might occasion a schism: they ask the
+King to grant them his protection, and promise to employ their authority
+in supporting truth, and driving away error.</p>
+
+<p>Endeavours being used to render the Remonstrants odious by accusing them
+of Socinianism; Grotius, to shew that his sentiments were very different
+from those of Socinus, attacks him in a treatise, entitled, <i>A Defence
+of the Catholic Faith concerning the Satisfaction of Christ, against
+Faustus Socinus</i>. This work was read with great applause by all who did
+not profess an open enmity to the author; and many of the reformed
+Divines allowed that the subject had never been handled with more
+learning and strength of argument. It was approved of by several learned
+men in Germany and England, particularly the famous Overal, Bishop of
+Litchfield and Coventry.</p>
+
+<p>We find in this treatise, as in all those of Grotius, many learned
+discussions, which prove his profound knowledge of sacred and profane
+antiquity. In treating of the expiatory sacrifices of the Pagans, he
+examines with great depth of learning the custom of sacrificing men,
+which obtained in all nations.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's enemies were very active in depreciating the merit of this
+work. Herman Ravespenger, Professor at Groningen, attacked it with so
+much rudeness, that Balthasar Lydius, who, however, was not of the
+Arminian party, told him his criticism was wretched, and he was ready to
+answer it. The Gomarists, far from recovering from their prejudices,
+took occasion from the book of the Satisfaction of Christ to accuse the
+author of Semi-pelagianism. He did not think it worth while to defend
+himself against an anonymous author<a name="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>, because in his book of the
+Piety of the States of Holland he had spoken of Semi-pelagianism as a
+very grievous error. <a name="Page_87" id="Page_87"></a>Afterwards he enquired in an express treatise,
+whether the Arminians were Pelagians, and fully cleared them of teaching
+that heresy.</p>
+
+<p>It was during these contests, that he collected <i>The sentiments of the
+Greeks and Romans on fate and man's power</i>. He translated all that he
+found in the Ancients on this subject; and first published it at Paris
+in 1624.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Le Clerc Hist. lib. 9. p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Du Maurier.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Grotii manes, p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Ep. 196.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Pr&aelig;st. Vir. Epist. p. 655.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Grotii manes, p. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Ibid. p. 204. He compared Grotius to Moses, Observat.
+Hallens. 15. l. 7. p. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Ep. 720 p. 670.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> He wrote also some lines on the chest, in which Grotius
+was confined.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Burman's Collection of Letters, let. 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Ep. 925.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Ep. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Ep. Utengobardi. Pr&aelig;st. Vir. Ep. p. 383.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> It is printed among his theological works.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> See above, &sect; IV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> L'Abb&eacute; Longlet, Catalogue des Auteurs du Droit
+Canenique, p. 175.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Ep. 19. p. 760.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="BookIII"></a><span class="u"><a name="Page_88"></a>BOOK</span> III.</h2>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecI"></a>Grotius was at no loss what country to chuse for his asylum. As he was
+invited by the men of learning in France, and sought after by the
+virtuous Ministers whom Lewis XIII. honoured with his confidence, he
+gave the preference to Paris, where he had already many friends. Du
+Maurier, the French ambassador in Holland, sent him from the Hague to
+Antwerp several letters of recommendation to persons in France: the
+President Jeannin<a name="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> wrote him, that he might depend on the king's
+protection, who was informed by many good men that he had been unjustly
+condemned in his own country; promising him, at the same time, the
+friendship of the men of greatest distinction in France, and assuring
+him he would do him all the service that lay in his power. Grotius,
+therefore, set out for Paris with confidence. He would not ask an
+escort<a name="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> though he was not without apprehension of some violence from
+the Dutch; but chose rather to travel in disguise and by bye-roads.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"></a>He arrived at Paris on the 13th of April, 1621, at night. The King was
+at Fontainbleau. Boissise, who had been Ambassador Extraordinary in
+Holland at the time of Barnevelt's trial, had not followed his Majesty;
+but waited for Grotius at Paris, to direct him how to act. He assured
+him that the King bore him much good-will, that he did not doubt his
+Majesty would in a little time give him effective proofs of it, and
+advised him to continue at Paris till his friends did something for him.
+Grotius visited M. de Vic, and the President Jeannin, who received him
+with the greatest marks of friendship, and repeated what Boissise had
+already said. The States-General, in the mean time, ordered their
+Ambassadors to do him every ill-office; a commission which they executed
+with the greatest zeal. They did all they could to destroy his
+reputation, but it was too well established to be shaken. The revenge he
+took was by speaking of his Country like a zealous citizen; and by
+seeking every occasion to serve her: this gained him the applause of the
+King, who could not help admiring the greatness of his proceeding.</p>
+
+<p>When the Dutch Ambassadors saw that the French Ministry were favourably
+disposed towards Grotius, and that in all appearance the King would
+speedily give him public marks of his esteem, they spread a report that
+he had applied to the French Ministry, to use their influence with the
+States-General for obtaining his pardon: they added, that the Ministry,
+after praising the good disposition he was in, assured him the King
+suffered him in France only because he knew these were his sentiments,
+and that the way to obtain a pension from the Court was by seeking to
+recover the favour of the States-General.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, informed of these reports, publicly declared he never
+acknowledged that he had failed in any part of his conduct whilst in
+place, and that his conscience bore him witness he had done nothing
+<a name="Page_90" id="Page_90"></a>contrary to Law. In a Letter<a name="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> to Du Maurier he speaks of this
+slander as what gave him great uneasiness. "An atrocious lye has been
+spread, which vexes me extremely: it is reported that I being at liberty
+have asked pardon, which I absolutely refused to do, even when it would
+have saved me from ignominy, imprisonment, and the loss of my estate."</p>
+
+<p>There was yet another sort of people of whom Grotius had no reason to be
+very fond<a name="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>: these were the Ministers of Charenton. They had received
+the decisions of the Synod of Dort, and held the Remonstrants in
+abhorrence: they would not therefore admit Grotius into their Communion.
+But excepting these few all the French strove who should shew him
+greatest civilities. Messieurs du Puis and Peyresc<a name="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> made haste to
+visit him as soon as they heard of his arrival. May 14, 1621, he writes
+to Du Maurier that he had as much pleasure at Paris, as he had chagrin
+in prison; that the Great gave him on all occasions marks of their
+esteem, and the men of learning anticipated his wishes. The only thing
+that troubled his joy for his happy escape was the thought of having
+left in prison a wife to whom he had so great reason to be
+attached<a name="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>: this grieved him so much, as he afterwards declared,
+that, had they kept her still in prison, he would have surrendered
+himself to his persecutors, rather than have been separated from her for
+ever.</p>
+
+<p>The famous Peyresc took occasion to say, that by Grotius's arrival at
+Paris the Dutch had made amends to France for having formerly carried
+away from it the great Scaliger: this thought gave rise to two Latin
+Epigrams<a name="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Pr&aelig;st. Vir. Epist. p 656.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Ep. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Ep. 147.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Du Maurier, p. 409.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Ep 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Ep. 164.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a>
+</p>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1">Gallia, Scaligerum dederas male sana Batavis:<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Grotiadem reddit terra Batava tibi.<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Ingratam expertus patriam venerandus uterque est:<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Felix mutato erit uterque solo.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+<p>
+Ep. Grot. 401. p. 868.
+</p>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1">Gallia magnanimis dedit exorata Batavis<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">D&icirc;s geniti &aelig;ternum Scaligeri ingenium:<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Fallor an humanis male dura Batavia Gallis<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Scaligerum magno reddidit in Grotio.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+<p>
+Buchner. Vind. Grot. p. 237.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"></a><a name="BkIIISecII">II.</a> The Constable De Luynes had the management of public affairs when
+Grotius came to France; Silleri was Chancellor, and Du Vair keeper of
+the Seals. This last had a particular esteem for Grotius, and employed
+all his credit to engage the King to make him a present till he should
+assign him a pension: He writes him a Letter, assuring him that he might
+depend on his friendship, which deserves to be copied entire.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, Ingenuous and generous minds, such as yours, think themselves
+obliged by small favours. I have always, that is, ever since I heard of
+you, admired your excellent disposition and uncommon learning; and have
+since lamented your misfortune in suffering for your too great love to
+the liberties of your Country, and the favour you shewed to those who
+were beginning to bring back the truth to it: I have done all that my
+situation and my master's service would permit to alleviate your
+misfortunes, and procure your deliverance. It has pleased God you should
+owe it entirely to him, and not to the interposition of earthly powers,
+that being freed from worldly cares, you might employ the many rare
+talents, with which he has intrusted you, in advancing the work most
+agreeable to him, which is the common peace of Christendom, by reuniting
+the members which are separated from their spiritual mother, by whom
+they or their fathers were conceived. And forasmuch as I see so many
+honourable men hope for it from you, I cannot but rejoice with them, and
+encourage by my applauses your happy career. I promise myself, the King,
+whose liberality for the present only supplies your necessities, will
+then reward your <a name="Page_92" id="Page_92"></a>virtues and merit; and give them honourable employment
+in the affairs of state, in the management whereof you have acquired
+great knowledge and dexterity. I shall never be the last to promote what
+may be agreeable to you, and shall always highly value, as I now do, the
+friendship of such an extraordinary personage; offering all you can
+desire of him who is, Sir, yours most affectionately to serve you. G. Du
+Vair, Bishop of Lisieux. Camp at St. John d'Angeli, June 13, 1621."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius answers this obliging Letter on the 24th of June following<a name="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>.
+He owns he was always a lover of Learning; but modestly acknowledges
+that his friends, by engaging him too early in the study of the law and
+public business, retarded the progress which he might otherwise have
+made. He hopes, with God's grace, that no worldly motives shall induce
+him to act or speak against his conscience; and that if he has the
+misfortune to be deceived, God will graciously enlighten him, or pardon
+him for his good intention: and prays for the return of peace among
+Christians, without prejudice to truth. "Some thousands, says he, of
+whom I am one, most sincerely wish for such a desirable event; in the
+mean time, if I can be of any use, you may command me. Though indeed the
+more I consider myself, the more I see I have no merit but that of good
+desires; but I will shew you by my obedience, that I have at least
+inclination."</p>
+
+<p>Du Vair died at Tonneins, August 3, 1621, six weeks after receiving
+Grotius's Letter. This was a great loss to him: but it would have been
+advantageously repaired, had the Seals, agreeable to the wishes of the
+Public, been given to the President Jeannin, the most esteemed
+Magistrate in the kingdom for his excellent talents and virtue. He had
+the highest friendship for Grotius, who ardently <a name="Page_93" id="Page_93"></a>wished that great man
+might receive the reward of the signal services he had done the State:
+"But, he writes to Du Maurier<a name="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>, those who know the court, dare not
+flatter themselves with so much good luck." While the seals were vacant
+the Constable De Luynes did the office of keeper: they were at length
+given, not to the President Jeannin, but to De Vic, who had on all
+occasions given Grotius proofs of his friendship. He made profession of
+an esteem for men of learning; Casaubon held him in great veneration,
+and Grotius flattered himself that he would be his friend. "His
+behaviour to Casaubon, says Grotius to Du Maurier<a name="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>, proves his love
+to learning; and before he left Paris he gave me some evident marks of
+his good-will."</p>
+
+<p>It had been determined in the King's Council to do something for
+Grotius; but it was long before this resolution had its effect. Du
+Maurier had written to all his friends warmly to solicit the issuing of
+the warrant for the sum granted him: it was sent at length, but there
+was no money in the treasury. The King was absent, and when he returned
+to Paris, the thing, it was said, would be done. The Prince of Cond&eacute;
+openly interested himself for him. What made Grotius uneasy was, that on
+the promises made him he had hired a house. His wife came to Paris in
+October, 1621<a name="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>, and their expences so much exceeded the small
+revenue which he had still left, that he wrote to Du Maurier, December
+3, 1621, that if something were not done for him soon, he must seek a
+settlement in Germany, or hide himself in some corner of France. He asks
+a recommendation to the Chancellor De Silleri: "and as he is somewhat
+slow, it would be proper (says he) to refresh the Marquis de Puysieux's
+memory." The King returned to Paris January 30, 1622. Grotius was
+presented to him by the Chancellor and the Keeper of the seals in the
+<a name="Page_94" id="Page_94"></a>beginning of March<a name="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>: the Court was very numerous. His Majesty
+received him most graciously, and granted him a pension of three
+thousand livres. He was much obliged to the Prince of Cond&eacute; and the
+Keeper of the Seals on this occasion. The King did not only confer marks
+of his favour on Grotius; but on his account protected all who were
+persecuted by the States; and by his Letters Patent, dated at Nantes,
+April 22, 1627, takes such as were condemned in Holland under his
+protection as if they were his own subjects; willing, that in case of
+death, their children and heirs should succeed, and that their effects
+should not be liable to be escheated.</p>
+
+<p>De Vic dying on the second of September, 1622, his death filled Grotius
+and the Dutch Refugees in France with the greater concern, as the seals
+were given to Caumartin, a professed enemy of the Protestants. As soon
+as Grotius thought himself settled, he looked out for a better house,
+intending to go the length of five hundred livres a year; but Tilenus
+took half of it: its situation was in the Rue de Cond&eacute;, opposite to the
+Prince's hotel: He probably made choice of that quarter, to be more at
+hand to pay his court to the Prince, with whom he had been in friendship
+above twenty years, and who had on all occasions given him marks of his
+esteem and protection. Tilenus's wife was very desirous of a coach;
+Grotius thought one equipage would serve both; but he was against
+setting it up immediately, in order to avoid an expence which perhaps he
+could not support. What farther restrained him was, that though the King
+had granted him a pension with the best grace that could be, and Marshal
+Schomberg, superintendant of the Finances<a name="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>, had ordered it to be
+paid quarterly, and one payment to be advanced on demand, he could not
+however come at the money. They had forgot to put it on the Civil
+List<a name="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>, and the <a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a>Commissioners of the Treasury found daily some new
+excuse for delaying the payment. He imagined<a name="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> those who raised the
+difficulty hoped by that means to make him turn Roman Catholic. A report
+that he was not far from changing his religion had reached Holland<a name="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>.
+It gave Vossius some uneasiness, and he wrote to him, acquainting him of
+this report, and begging that he would do nothing to give it
+countenance. Grotius removed his fears, assuring him he might make
+himself easy; for he might have avoided, he says, the grievous sentence
+passed upon him, and since his sentence would not have remained so long
+in captivity, and might also hope for greater honours than his country
+could bestow, if he would change sides. It is more probable that, the
+bad state of the finances of the kingdom, or the greediness of the
+Commissioners, were the only obstructions to his payment. He had at
+length reason to be satisfied: by the solicitations of powerful friends,
+who interested themselves for him, he received his pension; and it was
+paid as grants were paid at that time, that is to say, very slowly, till
+Cardinal Richelieu, who bore him ill-will, gave private orders to
+prevent his enjoying the benefit of the King's favour: which obliged
+Grotius to leave France, as we shall see in the sequel.</p>
+
+<p>He sustained a heavy loss in April by the death of the President
+Jeannin. This worthy Magistrate had so much acquired the esteem of the
+Dutch by the great services he did them when the truce was concluded
+with Spain in 1619, that all good men in Holland would have his picture.
+Grotius received from him testimonies of the greatest friendship, and
+regretted him most sincerely.</p>
+
+<p>In a Letter to his brother William Grotius, dated April 23, 1623,
+"Whilst I am now writing this, says he, I receive the melancholy news of
+the President Jeannin's death: it is a great loss to good <a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"></a>men, to the
+King's business, and to me in particular."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Ep. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Ep. 156.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Ep. 171.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Ep. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Ep. 29. p. 763.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Ep. 175 p. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Ep. 32. p. 764.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Ep. 37. p. 765.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> Ep. 158. p. 60.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecIII">III.</a> The pains which he was obliged to take, and the trouble he
+underwent at the beginning of his new settlement at Paris, did not
+diminish his passion for literature. April 23, 1621, he informs Vossius
+that the irksomeness of his solitary manner of life was relieved by his
+daily conversations with men of the greatest abilities. He writes to
+Andrew Schot from Paris, July 8, 1621, that, delivered from public
+business which never leaves the mind at ease, and from that croud whose
+conversation is contagious, he spent the greatest part of his time in
+prayer, reading the Scriptures, and the ancient interpreters.</p>
+
+<p>He enters into a detail of his studies in a letter to Vossius, September
+29, 1621, "I persist, says he, in my respect for sacred antiquity: there
+are many people here of the same taste. My six books in Dutch will
+appear soon (this was his treatise on the Truth of the Christian
+Religion, in Dutch verse) perhaps I shall also publish the Disquisition
+On Pelagianism, with the precautions hinted to me by you and some other
+learned men. In the mean time, I am preparing an edition of Stob&aelig;us; and
+to render it more perfect I collate the Greek Manuscripts with the
+printed copies." He sometimes attended the courts of Justice to hear the
+Advocates plead, that he might judge of their talents and eloquence. To
+be applauded for eloquence at that time, says the Abb&eacute; D'Olivet, an
+Advocate was to say almost nothing of his cause; make continual
+allusions to the least-known passages of antiquity, and have the art of
+throwing a new kind of obscurity upon them, by, making his speech
+consist of a string of metaphors. This fault shocked Grotius much. He
+gives an account to his brother of the impression made upon him by the
+studied harangues which were delivered at Martinmas term 1622, by M.
+Servin and the First President: they were wholly taken from Greek and
+Latin <a name="Page_97" id="Page_97"></a>authors. "Such, says Grotius, is the eloquence in fashion: it is
+much disliked by men of sound judgment." The celebrated Patru first
+attempted, and accomplished the reformation of this bad taste.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's ardour for study did not prevent his employing a part of his
+time in reading the Scriptures and books of Theology. The Ministers of
+Charenton persisting in their refusal to receive him into their
+communion unless he would renounce his opinions, he resolved to have
+prayers read at home to his family.</p>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecIV">IV.</a> Notwithstanding the inveterate enmity of the Dutch, which pursued
+him even to the French court, Grotius still preserved a sincere love to
+his Country. He wrote to his father and brother-in-law that he was
+continually soliciting all his friends in its favour; that no injuries
+should ever make him cease to love it; and that he stifled every thought
+of revenge as utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel.</p>
+
+<p>He did not however think this disposition ought to hinder him from
+labouring to manifest to the world the innocency of his conduct, and
+that of those who were condemned with him.</p>
+
+<p>He had even collected when in prison some materials for his apology: the
+President Jeannin advised him to finish it while the facts were fresh in
+his memory, and he might print it at a favourable opportunity.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius followed this advice, and his Apology in Dutch was finished in
+the beginning of the year 1622. If it had appeared only in that language
+it could not have been read out of Holland; but as he intended that
+wherever he was known, that is to say, throughout all Europe, every one
+might be enabled to judge of the regularity of his conduct, he
+translated it into Latin: He was also desirous of having it done into
+French, that it might be printed at the same time in the three
+languages: but he could not find a French translator. He expected that a
+work, which set in <a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"></a>the clearest light the injustices and prevarications
+of men in place, would increase their hatred to him: but this
+consideration did not restrain him from publishing it, because he was
+persuaded the laws of God and of nature allowed every man unjustly
+accused to justify himself.</p>
+
+<p>His Apology was soon translated into Latin, for it was published at
+Paris in the year 1622. In the dedication to the people of Holland and
+West Friesland the Author explains his reasons for so long delaying his
+vindication. During his nine months confinement at the Hague he could do
+nothing in it; when removed to Louvestein he wanted several necessary
+pieces; since his happy escape he was much busied; besides it required
+time to range the several parts of his defence in proper order. The work
+is divided into twenty Chapters: in the first he shews that each of the
+United Provinces is sovereign and independent of the States-General,
+whose authority is confined to the defence of the Provinces: in the
+second, that each Province is possessed of the Sovereignty in matters
+ecclesiastical, and that this sovereignty resides in the particular
+States of the Province: in the third and fourth, that the different
+opinions about Predestination ought to be tolerated: in the fifth, that
+the convocation of a Synod in the situation of affairs at that time must
+have been attended with great danger; that the assembling of the Synod
+of Dort was illegal, since it was done without consent of the Province
+of Holland: in the sixth, he sets forth the measures taken by the States
+of Holland to restore tranquillity; in the seventh, the reasonableness
+of the regulation of 1591 relating to the share which the Magistrates
+ought to have in the nomination of the Ministers of the Gospel; in the
+eighth, that the approbation of the majority ought to be looked upon as
+a decision: the excesses of the Contra-Remonstrants are particularised
+in the ninth: the tenth and eleventh justify the province of Holland in
+relation to the raising a <a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"></a>new militia, which were called Attendants.
+The informality of his arrest is displayed in the thirteenth Chapter;
+Grotius there shews that he and the others arrested at the same time had
+only executed the orders of their Superiors and Sovereigns; that those
+who arrested him had no power to do it; that the States-General had no
+authority over the subjects of the Provinces; that they were a party in
+the dispute; that the persons arrested were members of the States of
+Holland, and were arrested in the Province of Holland, where the
+States-General had no jurisdiction. The fourteenth Chapter exposes the
+want of formality in the proceedings from the time of their arrest to
+the nomination of their judges. The fifteenth Chapter points out the
+want of formality in the nomination of the judges: and proves the
+extravagancy of making it a crime in them to maintain the rights of the
+States their Sovereigns, agreeable to the express orders they received.
+The sixteenth Chapter explains the informality committed after the
+Judges were nominated. The seventeenth displays the irregularity of the
+sentence passed upon them. The eighteenth gives a detail of the wrongs
+done to them after the Sentence. The nineteenth Chapter contains several
+remarks all tending to shew the irregularity of the sentence. The Author
+concludes this work, with a Prayer, imploring the Divine Goodness to
+pardon his enemies, and protect his Country. He farther prays that the
+Prince of Orange may merit the love of the People over whom he is
+governor; and that God may give himself grace to support with patience
+the persecution he suffers, that it may be meritorious to him in the
+other world.</p>
+
+<p>The Apology was sent to Holland as soon as published: it incensed the
+States-General the more, as they could not give a reasonable answer to
+it. The approbation it met with throughout Europe would not suffer them
+to remain silent; this would have confirmed all the disagreeable truths
+which the necessity <a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"></a>of a just defence obliged Grotius to advance: thus
+destitute of any good arguments, they had recourse to authority, and
+made themselves judges in their own cause. They proscribed the Apology,
+and condemned it as slanderous, and tending to asperse by falshoods the
+sovereign authority of the government of the Provinces, the person of
+the Prince of Orange, the States of the particular Provinces, and the
+towns themselves; and therefore forbad all persons to have it in their
+custody on pain of death. The <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i> mentions this in the
+following terms. "The Apology is prohibited; and all persons of what
+quality soever are forbid to have it in their possession on pain of
+death; thus making Grotius as it were a prey to any person who shall
+apprehend him."</p>
+
+<p>These menaces gave him uneasiness: he consulted the French Ministry, his
+friends and protectors, how to behave in this situation, and what was to
+be done to prevent the consequence which might result from the
+proscription: he had several conferences on this subject with the
+Chancellor de Silleri and the President Jeannin. The Chancellor, who was
+naturally irresolute, contented himself with blaming the rigour of the
+edict, and making general offers of service. The President Jeannin was
+of opinion he should write a letter to a friend, shewing the injustice
+of the proscription: others advised him to despise these vain threats,
+and publish a new edition of the <i>Apology</i> in which he might put the
+Authors of the Edict to confusion: some were of opinion he ought to
+complain to the States-General themselves; but others represented there
+would be danger in having recourse to this last expedient, as he might
+seem by it to acknowledge their authority. Against writing to the
+particular States of the Provinces there was one great objection,
+namely, the certainty of drawing upon himself a new proscription,
+because the power was in the hands of his greatest enemies. Those who
+wished to see <a name="Page_101" id="Page_101"></a>him pass the rest of his days in France thought he should
+get himself naturalized a Frenchman, because the King by that would
+necessarily become his protector: they farther represented that this
+formality would qualify him to hold a place in France.</p>
+
+<p>What kept him in suspense was to know whether he should put himself
+under the protection of the parliament, or ask a safe-conduct from the
+king. In the beginning of the year 1623<a name="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> he seemed resolved to
+present a petition to the Parliament, and afterwards write to the
+States-General. He was in doubt whether to write to the Prince of
+Orange; at length he took the most proper step, which was to apply to
+the King. He presented a petition to his Majesty to be protected against
+the above-mentioned Edict, "which imported that he should be apprehended
+wherever found;" these are the terms of the <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i>; "and his
+Majesty took him into his special protection, the letters for that
+purpose being issued at Paris, Feb. 26, 1623."</p>
+
+<p>Although the greatest part of the Roman Catholics would have found
+nothing amiss in his <i>Apology</i>, yet many of them in the Low Countries
+were scandalized that he had not spoken of religion as they would have
+spoken: and it was condemned at Antwerp as dangerous to be read<a name="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>This work was never answered. Some years after its publication<a name="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> a
+report being spread that a private person had written against the
+Apology without being employed by the States-General, Grotius desired
+his brother to enquire into it. It is probable this news was without
+foundation: at least we know nothing of that work. The malevolence of
+those who were then in place made no change in Grotius's affection to
+his country: in the height of the new persecution he wrote to his
+brother that he would still labour to promote the interest of Holland;
+and that if the United <a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"></a>Provinces were desirous of entering into a
+closer union with France, he would assist them with all his credit: for
+the public interest was not to be sacrificed to the resentment of
+injuries received from a few<a name="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Ep. 46, p. 768.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Ep. 102. p. 784.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Dec. 20, 1630.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Ep. 50. p. 759, 769.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecV">V.</a> Though the Prince of Orange had taken care to leave none in place but
+such as were entirely devoted to him, and consequently declared enemies
+of the Remonstrants, Grotius still preserved many faithful friends who
+ardently desired his return. He had scarce been a month at Paris when
+they wrote to him that there were some hopes of his being recalled: but
+he rightly judged that they were without foundation. He even writes to
+his brother-in-law, Reigersberg, that he looked on that rumour as an
+artifice of his enemies, who sought by it to engage him to silence,
+which they intended to take advantage of to propagate their calumnies.
+He was not duped by it, since, as we have just mentioned, it did not
+hinder him from writing his Defence, and publishing it to the world.
+Among those who preserved a friendship for him, there was one whom it
+would seem he had no reason to count upon: this was Prince Frederic
+Henry of Nassau, brother to the Prince of Orange, and who after the
+death of Maurice was himself Stadtholder. They maintained a
+correspondence by letters even at the time when the people of Holland
+were most exasperated against Grotius; and by a Letter from that Prince,
+which is still remaining, we may judge that Grotius did him good service
+at Paris; and that Frederic Henry was greatly disposed to serve him.
+This Letter deserves to be copied entire: it is dated August 4, 1622.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, I thank you for the good offices you have done me with some of the
+King's Council, and beg of you to continue them both with these, and
+with others, as you shall think proper; assuring you that I shall
+acknowledge your friendship on all <a name="Page_103" id="Page_103"></a>occasions where I can serve you;
+being bound to it by the friendship which you have ever shewn to me. I
+have asked your brother-in-law Mr. Reigersberg to write to you
+particularly about an affair in which I should be glad to have your
+opinion: you will oblige me much by sending it, as you have already done
+by the memorial you remitted to me; for which I sincerely thank you. I
+could wish to be of use in your affairs in this Country, and would
+labour in them most chearfully: but you know the constitution of things
+is such, that neither I, nor your other friends, can serve you agreeably
+to our wishes. I would fain hope that time will bring about some change,
+and that I shall see you again here esteemed and honoured as your great
+qualities deserve; which will give me no less pleasure than I received
+from your regaining your liberty. In the mean time, I wish you, while at
+a distance from your country, all the satisfaction, prosperity, and
+happiness which you can desire. This I pray God to grant, and to me an
+opportunity of shewing by my actions that I am yours most affectionately
+to serve you, Henry de Nassau."</p>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecVI">VI.</a> The year after the publication of the Apology, that is to say, in
+1623, Nicholas Buon printed at Paris Grotius's improvements and
+additions to Stob&aelig;us. This author, as is well known, extracted what he
+thought most important in the ancient Greek writers, and ranged it under
+different heads comprehending the principal points of Philosophy. His
+work is the more valuable as it has preserved several fragments of the
+Ancients found no where else. Grotius when very young purposed to
+extract from this author all the maxims of the poets, to translate them
+into Latin verse, and print the original with the translation. He began
+this when a boy; he was employed in it at the time of his arrest, and
+continued it as an amusement, whilst he had the use of books, in his
+<a name="Page_104" id="Page_104"></a>prison at the Hague. He tells us that when he was deprived of pen and
+ink he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an invective against
+tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at that time in
+Holland. On his removal to Louvestein he resumed this work, and he
+finished it at Paris. He made several happy corrections in the text of
+Stob&aelig;us, some from his own conjectures or those of his friends, others
+on the authority of manuscripts in the king's library, which were very
+politely lent him by the learned Nicholas Rigaut, librarian to his
+Majesty.</p>
+
+<p>Prefixed to this book are Prolegomena, in which the author shews that
+the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims agreeable to the
+truths taught in Holy Writ. He intended to dedicate this book to the
+Chancellor Silleri: he had even written the dedication; but his friends,
+to whom he shewed it, thought he expressed himself with too much warmth
+against the censurers of his <i>Apology</i>. They advised him therefore to
+suppress it; and he yielded to their opinion. It may be observed in
+reading the royal privilege that the present title of the book is
+different from what it was to have had. To these extracts from the Greek
+Poets translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of
+Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of the Poets; giving the
+Greek text with a Latin translation. Fabricius informs us, that in the
+Library of the College of Leyden there is a copy of the Geneva edition
+of Stob&aelig;us, in the year 1609, with several notes in Grotius's own hand.
+Three years after the publication of his Stob&aelig;us, Grotius printed a work
+which may be looked upon as a continuation of it; being an extract of
+the Comedies and Tragedies of the Greeks: the text is translated into
+Latin verse. In this work he inserted only such maxims as he thought
+best worth preserving. He began it, as we have observed, when a prisoner
+at Louvestein. The learned Fabricius very judiciously remarks, that it
+is to be regretted he did not mention <a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"></a>the places of the Ancients from
+whence he took these extracts.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecVII">VII.</a> After having lived a year in the noise of Paris he was desirous of
+enjoying for some time the quiet of the country. The President de Meme
+offered him one of his seats, Balagni near Senlis. Grotius accepted it,
+and passed there the spring and summer of the year 1623. In this castle
+he began his great work<a name="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> which singly would be sufficient to render
+its author's name immortal; I mean the treatise <i>Of the rights of war
+and peace</i>, of which we shall speak more fully elsewhere. He had with
+him his family and four friends; and was visited by the most
+distinguished men of learning, among others Salmasius and Rigaut. He had
+all the books he could desire: Francis de Thou the President's son, who
+succeeded to his father's library, one of the best in Europe, gave him
+the free use of it. Grotius, who knew the President de Meme to be a most
+zealous Roman Catholic, was careful to regulate his conduct in such a
+manner that the President might never repent his favouring him with the
+use of his house: he gave directions that while he was at Balagni no
+butchers meat should be brought to table on Fridays or Saturdays; he
+received none of the Dutch refugee Ministers there; no psalms nor hymns
+were sung; in fine, he would have no public nor even private exercise of
+the Protestant Religion performed; and would see only those whom he
+could not decently refuse. From Balagni he sometimes made excursions to
+St. Germain, where the court was, in order to cultivate the friendship
+of the ministry. Having learnt that the President de Meme wanted to
+reside himself at Balagni, he quitted it, and retired to Senlis in the
+beginning of August: in October he came back to Paris.</p>
+
+<p>His wife's affairs obliging her to make a journey to Zealand, she set
+out for that province in the summer 1624. In her absence Grotius was
+seized with a violent <a name="Page_106" id="Page_106"></a>dysentery. October 18th, 1624, he writes to his
+brother that he had been three weeks confined to his bed, and four times
+blooded. The news of his illness threw his wife into a fever. As soon as
+it was abated she set out for Paris without waiting the return of her
+strength. The pleasure of seeing her again and the care she took of him
+wrought a wonderful change in Grotius: in fine, after two months
+dangerous illness he began to mend, and in a little time was perfectly
+recovered, so that he was never in better health than in the beginning
+of the year 1625.</p>
+
+<p>His illness did not hinder his studies: in this last he was employed
+about the <i>Phoeniss&aelig;</i> of Euripides. A part of his translation of this
+Tragedy had been lost when he was a prisoner at the Hague: he did it
+over again while confined by his dysentery, and put the last hand to the
+whole. It was not published till 1630. He dedicated it to the President
+de Meme. The preface confirms that he did this work in prison; that
+after his serious studies it served him for amusement and even
+consolation, for he was of Timocles's opinion, that Tragedies might
+serve to alleviate the idea of our misfortunes by carrying our
+reflexions to the vicissitude of human affairs; and begs some indulgence
+to a work done partly in prison and partly during illness. The
+translation is in Latin verse such as the ancient tragic writers used.
+In the preface Grotius enters into an examination of Euripides's
+tragedy. He shews that the time of twenty-four hours has been exactly
+kept to; that the unity of place is observed; that the manners are good;
+that it contains many useful maxims, and is upon the whole very well
+written.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Ep. 56. p. 770. Ep. 57. p. 771.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecVIII">VIII.</a> The Prince of Orange, Maurice de Nassau, falling ill in November,
+1624, died after six months indisposition, at the age of fifty-eight, on
+the 23d of April, 1625. This event raised the hopes of Grotius's
+friends: they flattered themselves that his return to his Country would
+no longer meet with any obstacle. <a name="Page_107" id="Page_107"></a>Prince Frederic Henry succeeded his
+brother as Stadtholder. He had not entered into the malevolent projects
+formed by Maurice against the Arminians. The Count D'Estrades has given
+us some anecdotes on this subject, which we shall relate on his
+authority. He assures us that, being one day <i>t&ecirc;te &agrave; t&ecirc;te</i> with Prince
+Henry Frederic in his coach, he heard him say that he had much to do to
+keep well with his brother Maurice, who suspected him of secretly
+favouring Barnevelt and the Arminians. "He told me (these are the Count
+D'Estrades words) that it was true he kept a correspondence with them to
+prevent their opposing his election in case his brother should die, but
+that as it imported him to be on good terms with his brother, and to
+efface the notion he had of his connection with the Arminians, he made
+use of Vandermyle, one of his particular friends and Barnevelt's
+son-in-law, to let the cabal know that it was necessary for him to
+accommodate himself to his brother, that he might be better able to
+serve them: which Barnevelt approved of."</p>
+
+<p>Hoogerbetz's situation, who, as we have seen, was condemned with
+Grotius, received some alleviation by the change of the Stadtholder.
+Four months after the death of Prince Maurice he was allowed to come out
+of Louvestein, and to reside at a country-house, upon condition of not
+leaving the country on pain of forfeiting twenty thousand florins, for
+which his friends and children were bound. "It is asserted (says the
+author of the <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i>) that this liberty was granted him
+without any acknowledgment of his fault, and without asking pardon." He
+did not enjoy it long, for he died three weeks after he was discharged.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's father, who knew his son was esteemed and even loved by the
+new Stadtholder, advised him to write to that Prince. He obeyed his
+father: but informed him that he was determined not to do a mean thing
+to procure his return. It was from mere<a name="Page_108" id="Page_108"></a> complaisance that he wrote to
+the Prince, for he owns to his brother he had very little hopes of
+success from his letter: he was even desirous that his correspondence
+with the Prince might be kept a secret, lest its being publicly known
+should vex his Highness. The enemies of the Remonstrants would, no
+doubt, have been greatly offended with the Stadtholder, had they
+discovered that he was favourably inclined to the Arminians: and the
+Prince's authority was not yet sufficiently established to free him from
+the necessity of keeping measures with so powerful a party. Grotius's
+conjectures were but too true: and all that he and his friends could do
+to procure his return was absolutely fruitless.</p>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecIX">IX.</a> He was now at the height of his glory by the prodigious success of
+his admirable book <i>Of the rights of war and peace</i>, which a celebrated
+writer<a name="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> justly styles a master-piece. He began it in 1623 at
+Balagni, and in 1625 it was published at Paris. It was the famous
+Nicholas Peyresc, the Mec&aelig;nas of his age and the ornament of Provence,
+who engaged Grotius to handle this subject. He writes to that worthy
+magistrate, Jan. 11th, 1624. "I go on with my work <i>Of the law of
+nations</i>: if it may be of use to the world it is to you posterity will
+owe the obligation, since you made me undertake it, and assisted me in
+it." In the preliminary discourse he sets forth his motives for treating
+this subject. "Many strong reasons determined me to write at this time.
+I have observed in all parts of the Christian world such an unbridled
+licentiousness with regard to war as the most barbarous nations might
+blush at: they fly to arms without reason, or on frivolous pretexts; and
+when they have them once in their hands they trample on all laws human
+and divine, as if from that time they were authorised, and firmly
+resolved to stick at no crime." Thus it was from a principle <a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"></a>of
+humanity that he composed this great work; and, as he writes to
+Crellius<a name="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>, to shew how unbecoming it was for a Christian and a
+reasonable man, to make war from caprice: which was too much practised.
+In the dedication of this book to the King the author observes, that
+Lewis XIII. like a propitious constellation, not satisfied with
+relieving the misfortunes of princes and protecting nations, had
+graciously supported him under his afflictions. He presented his book to
+the King and the principal nobility; who, he writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>,
+received it very graciously, but made him no return. He imagined it was
+because he had handled in it several points of divinity: and the court
+would not shew any favour to heterodox works, in which such questions
+were discussed: but the favourable reception it met with from all Europe
+sufficiently made up this loss.</p>
+
+<p>It will not be expected that we should make an analysis or enter into an
+examination of the treatise <i>On the rights of war and peace</i>: that would
+be a subject for a large work. We shall only observe that those who
+would study the law of nations cannot read this book too often: they
+will find in it the most agreeable learning joined to the strongest
+reasoning. The whole is not equally correct: but what large work is not
+liable to the same censure? Besides, we must consider that it has the
+glory of being original in its kind<a name="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>, and the first treatise that
+reduced into a system the most excellent and useful of all sciences.</p>
+
+<p>It is divided into three books; to which is prefixed a preliminary
+discourse treating of the certainty of law in general, and containing a
+plan of the work.</p>
+
+<p>The first book enquires into the origin of the rights of war and its
+different kinds, as also the extent of the power of Sovereigns: he
+explains in the second the nature and extent of those rights, whether
+public or private, whose violation authorises the taking up arms: <a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"></a>in
+the third he treats of all that relates to the course of the war and the
+treaties of peace which put an end to it.</p>
+
+<p>The celebrated translator of Grotius and Puffendorf assures us that
+Grotius took the hint of attempting a system of natural law from Lord
+Bacon's works; and certainly, he adds, none was more proper for such an
+undertaking. A clear head, an excellent judgment, profound meditation,
+universal learning, prodigious reading, continual application to study
+amidst many distractions and the duties of several considerable places,
+together with a sincere love to truth, are qualities which cannot be
+denied to that great man without wronging our own judgment and giving
+room to suspect us of black envy or gross ignorance. It is said that he
+designed at first to give his book the title, of <i>The law of nature and
+of nations</i>; but afterwards preferred that which it now bears, <i>Of the
+rights of war and peace</i>. Never book met with such universal
+approbation: Commentaries have been written upon it by many learned men,
+and it has been publicly read at Universities. Though M. Barbeyrac
+thinks Puffendorf's book much more useful, he is at the same time
+persuaded that if Grotius had not led the way, we should not yet have
+had any tolerable system of natural law: "and, he adds, if Puffendorf
+had been in Grotius's place, and Grotius in Puffendorf's, the treatise
+<i>Of the rights of war and peace</i> would in my opinion have been much more
+defective; and that <i>Of the law of nature and nations</i> much more
+perfect." Puffendorf himself owns that there remained few things to be
+said after Grotius.</p>
+
+<p>Though the Latin language was at that time more used than at present,
+the principal nations of Europe wanted to have this work in their mother
+tongue. Grotius, on examining the Dutch translation, found the
+translator often wilfully deviating from the true sense of the original.
+The Great Gustavus caused it to be translated into Swedish: a
+translation of it into <a name="Page_111" id="Page_111"></a>English was preparing in the year 1639: Mr.
+Barbeyrac thinks it was not finished in Grotius's life-time, but there
+have been two English translations of it since his death. It was first
+translated into German in 1707 by Mr. Schutz. The Leipsick journalists
+speak of this translation as very correct. There are two in French; one
+by Mr. Courtin, which that of Barbeyrac has totally eclipsed, and most
+justly: for never did a great author meet with a translator more worthy
+of him. Mr. Barbeyrac possessed all the necessary qualifications for
+executing properly such a difficult translation as that of the treatise
+<i>Of the rights of war and peace</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This so excellent and highly esteemed work was however severely
+criticised by one of the most learned men of the last century.
+Salmasius, who had been Grotius's admirer, and who in the latter part of
+his life did all he could to destroy his reputation, never spoke of <i>The
+rights of war and peace</i> but with the greatest contempt: which was the
+more shocking; as, in his dispute with the English on the right of
+Kings, he every where copies Grotius, and when he departs from him is
+sure to blunder: with which Bo&euml;clerus has justly reproached him.</p>
+
+<p>We cannot deny Salmasius profound learning; but he was a man swayed by
+his humour, often judged from passion and jealousy, had too high an
+opinion of himself and too much contempt for others, and in fine found
+fault with whatever was not his own thought, as the learned Gronovius
+remarks.</p>
+
+<p>He ventured to advance, some time after Grotius's death, that a
+professor of Helmsted had undertaken to prove that every page of
+Grotius's book contained gross blunders; and he speaks it in such a
+manner as gives room to think he was of the same opinion. This Professor
+was called John de Felde; he published his notes against Grotius in
+1653. Had the great Salmasius been still alive, I believe, says M.
+Barbeyrac, that with all his secret jealousy against the author
+<a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"></a>censured, he would have found himself greatly disappointed in his
+expectations from John De Felde's project: never was any thing so
+wretched. One would be surprised a Mathematician could reason so ill,
+did not other much more signal examples clearly demonstrate that the
+knowledge of the Mathematics does not always produce justness of thought
+in matters foreign to that science. We find here a man who seeks only
+for censure, and knows not what he would have: he fights with his own
+shadow, and for the most part does not understand the thoughts of the
+author he attacks; and when he does understand them draws the most
+groundless consequences that ever were heard of. His gloomy and
+unhappily subtle mind cannot bear the light which Grotius presents to
+him. The embroiled ideas and distinctions of his Peripatetic philosophy
+form round him a thick cloud impenetrable by the strongest rays of
+truth. This is Barbeyrac's judgment of him. Felde met with some
+partisans of Grotius who confuted him: Theodorus Graswinckel, Advocate,
+his relation and friend, undertook his defence; and the redoubled
+efforts of the Helmsted Professor did not lessen his book in the esteem
+of the public. Not that the work is perfect; this, his admirers and
+those who were most disposed to do him justice, frankly own.</p>
+
+<p>His general principles touching natural law are very solid; but they are
+too intricate, and it requires deep meditation to unfold them. He does
+not sufficiently shew the chain of consequences to be deduced from them,
+and applied to particular subjects; which gave certain authors of little
+penetration, or candour, occasion to say, that after laying down his
+principles he makes no use of them, and builds his decisions on a quite
+different thing. He might have prevented these rash censures by
+enlarging somewhat more, and pointing out on each head the connection of
+the proofs he makes use of, with the general principles from whence they
+are drawn.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113"></a>With regard to the law of nations, which he considers as an arbitrary
+law in itself, but acquiring the force of a law by the tacit consent of
+nations, Barbeyrac observes that in the sense he understands it, and has
+endeavoured to establish its obligation, it has been shewn to be
+insufficiently grounded: yet the questions which he builds upon it make
+a great part of his work.</p>
+
+<p>It has been thought that his style is too concise; that he often
+expresses himself but by halves; that he supposes many things which
+require great study, passes over subjects of importance, and handles
+others which he might have omitted; such as questions relating rather to
+Divinity, than the science of Natural Law: in fine, it has been said
+that the desire of shewing his learning hurt him: and a very judicious
+Magistrate<a name="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> justly observes, that by displaying less learning he
+would have appeared a greater Philosopher. Notwithstanding all these
+defects, it is universally acknowledged to be one of the finest works
+that ever was written.</p>
+
+<p>When this book appeared at Paris, Cardinal Francis Barberin, who resided
+there as Legate from his uncle Pope Urbin VIII. hearing it much spoken
+of, was curious to see it; and read it with attention. It is said he was
+shocked at first that the author, in speaking of the Popes, did not give
+them the titles which they are wont to receive from Roman Catholic
+authors; but was otherwise well pleased with the book. The reading of it
+had been permitted at Rome two years, when on the 4th of February, 1627,
+it was put into the <i>Index Expurgatorius</i>, with his <i>Apology</i> and
+<i>Poems</i><a name="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Bayle.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Ep. 280. p. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Ep. 91. p. 782</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Barbeyrac's Preface.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> M. Daube, Essais sur les principes du Droit, Preface, p.
+6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Ep. 183. p. 798.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecX">X.</a> In the mean time Grotius began to grow tired at Paris: his pension
+was ill paid, and his revenue insufficient to keep him decently with a
+wife and a numerous family. July 12, 1623, he writes to his <a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"></a>brother,
+"Pensions are no longer paid here, which embarrasses me greatly. If any
+Prince, such as the King of Denmark or the Elector of Saxony, would
+employ me, and offer me a handsome salary, it would be worth my notice.
+At present nobody thinks of me, because they imagine I am employed by a
+great King. I have lost some powerful friends: those who are now in
+power wish me well; but they have too much business on their hands, and
+I don't love to importune."</p>
+
+<p>M. D'Aligre being made Keeper of the Seals, Grotius flattered himself
+that it would be an advantage to his affairs. "He is a good man, says
+he, and I shall be well recommended to him. I shall go to see him when
+he is less harrass'd with visits; and try whether his friendship can be
+of use to me. However (he writes to his father and brother, Jan. 21,
+1624) if any thing favourable should offer in Denmark or the Maritime
+Towns, I would consider of it." He made a visit to the new Lord Keeper,
+and received a promise of more than he hoped for: but he began to build
+no longer on compliments: he wished his friends would try to get him a
+settlement in the North; but would not have it known that he set them
+on. Some advised him to go to Spires, where there was an Imperial
+Chamber, and follow the profession of an Advocate: the writings there
+were all in Latin, the Roman law was followed, and the Augsburg
+confession the religion professed. January 26, 1624, he begs of his
+father to inform himself of the manner of living in that country, for he
+must soon come to some resolution.</p>
+
+<p>In the mean time hopes were given him of his pension<a name="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>: though no
+pensions were paid, the Keeper of the Seals promised that he would take
+particular care of him; and was in fact as good as his word: one of the
+first things he did was to speak to the King in <a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"></a>favour of Grotius<a name="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>,
+and to obtain an order for the payment of the greatest part of the
+arrears owing to him. However he still pressed his father and brother to
+seek out a settlement for him<a name="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>. Feb. 16, 1624, he wrote to them that
+he persisted in his resolution of going to some town of the Augsburg
+confession, where he might live cheap, and wait for better times. "The
+state of the kingdom, says he, makes me uneasy; and I have no prospect
+of a certainty for myself. These negotiations must be managed with
+precaution and secrecy, lest the knowledge of them should lessen the
+consideration in which I am held. It is sufficient that those who wish
+me well know that I am not so fixed here but I can come away if any
+thing better offers." In the mean time the Keeper of the Seals and the
+Ministry heaped civilities on him<a name="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>; they spoke of him to the King,
+and at length he received three thousand Francs, part in money, and part
+in bills.</p>
+
+<p>There were at that time Dutch Ambassadors in France, who carried their
+malice so far as to tell the King he could not be too much on his guard
+against Grotius, who carried on a private correspondence with the
+Spanish Ambassadors. He received information of this from one of his
+friends. The foul calumny stung him with indignation; and though he did
+not think it deserved to be confuted, he wrote of it to the Lord Keeper,
+and in a letter on this subject to Du Maurier he calls God to witness,
+that he had never seen any of the Spanish Ambassadors, and that there
+was not a man in the United Provinces who wished better to his Country.</p>
+
+<p>He had an offer of being Professor of Law in Denmark<a name="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>, but the
+character of the Danes made him averse to that country: besides, he
+thought the places he had already filled did not permit him to <a name="Page_116" id="Page_116"></a>become a
+Professor in a College; as to the Salary, he was satisfied with it.
+While he was in suspense what he should do, the King nominated Cardinal
+Richelieu Prime Minister. His Eminence had a mind to be particularly
+acquainted with Grotius, and asked him to come to his house at Limours:
+he was introduced by Marshal de Fiat. We are ignorant of what passed at
+this interview: all we know is that the Cardinal, purposing to restore
+the navy and trade of the nation, talked of these matters to Grotius;
+who acquainted his brother with his visit to the Cardinal in a letter
+dated May 21, 1626.</p>
+
+<p>It is highly probable the Cardinal proposed to Grotius to devote himself
+entirely to him: that minister protected none but such as professed an
+absolute submission to his will in all things. He gave Grotius so great
+hopes that he thought he might write to his father, "If I would forget
+my country, and devote myself wholly to France, there is nothing which I
+might not expect."</p>
+
+<p>But there is room to imagine the proposals made to him by the Cardinal
+were inconsistent with his principles; and he was not a man to act
+against his conscience on any consideration. This sacrifice was the more
+praise-worthy as he really loved France: he mentioned it in confidence
+to Du Maurier. "I am extremely sorry, says he, that I can be of no use
+to France, where I have found a safe asylum: but I think it my duty to
+adhere to my former sentiments<a name="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>."</p>
+
+<p>Thus the Cardinal being displeased with Grotius's reservations, his
+pension was unpaid, either for that reason or on account of the bad
+state of the finances. Grotius was greatly perplexed: "A man must have
+lived at Paris at his own expence, as I have done for eighteen months
+(he writes to his brother, July 17, 1626) to know what it costs. I
+should be <a name="Page_117" id="Page_117"></a>extremely glad that you would inform yourself at your
+conveniency, whether there be any hopes from the Hans towns, and
+particularly Hamburg or Rostock." Sept. 19, 1626, he opens his mind to
+Du Maurier: "This is the second year since they have ceased all regard
+for me, and put in practice whatever might serve to depress a man of the
+greatest steadiness." It was precisely since Cardinal Richelieu became
+the Arbiter of France that Grotius was thus treated. The disgrace of the
+Chancellor D'Aligre deprived him of all remains of hope: the Seals were
+given to Marillac, who professed an open enmity to all that was
+Protestant. Learning was no merit with him if joined to heterodoxy. He
+gave a public proof of his zeal<a name="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> when the parliament of Dijon
+petitioned the King that Salmasius might be permitted to exercise the
+office of Counsellor, which his father offered to resign in his favour:
+the Keeper of the Seals warmly opposed it, declaring that he would never
+consent to a Huguenot's acquisition of the office of Counsellor in any
+parliament of France. Grotius was patient for some time longer; for he
+liked Paris, and there were many persons in that city whose conversation
+gave him infinite pleasure: He told the celebrated Peyresc<a name="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>, he was
+so strongly attached to France on his account, that he would not leave
+it till his patience was worn out; and he wrote to his great friend Du
+Maurier, that he was resolved never to quit France till it deserted him,
+that all the world might be forced to own he could not have acted
+otherwise.</p>
+
+<p>In fine, having lost all hopes of pleasing the Ministry, he began to
+think in good earnest of retiring into some other Country. January 4,
+1630, he writes to his brother, "I am wholly taken up with the thoughts
+of settling in some part where I may live more commodiously with my
+family." The first <a name="Page_118" id="Page_118"></a>condition that he required was liberty of
+conscience. Some advised his going to Rome, because Pope Urbin VIII. was
+a great Poet, and loved men of learning<a name="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>. He thought the proposal
+very ridiculous, and joked on it to his brother. December 27, 1630, he
+writes to him, "It is not reasonable that I should be always in
+suspense. I shall leave this country too late, but I shall certainly
+leave it soon." What heightened his embarrassment was his uncertainty
+where to go. He writes to his brother, April 4, 1631, "I must speedily
+come to a resolution: provisions become every day dearer, and the
+payment of my Pension more uncertain: would it be proper to return to my
+Country by stealth, and with so little hopes, after doing her so great
+service? My Countrymen have not the same sentiments for me that I have
+for them."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Ep 64. p. 773.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Ep. 65. p. 773.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> Ibid. 67. p. 774.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Ibid. 68. p. 774. 69. p. 775. 7. p. 775.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Ibid. 79. p. 778.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Ep. 149. p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Ep. 267 p. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Ibid. 201. p. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Ep. 85. p. 780.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecXI">XI.</a> In fine, upon mature consideration, trusting to the good-will of his
+friends, and the protestations of friendship from the Prince of Orange,
+he ventured to return to Holland. He had always secretly wished to be
+restored; but, however ardent this desire might be, he was incapable of
+purchasing his restoration by any acts of meanness. They had discovered
+his inclination; and in 1623 a rumour spread that he was seeking to be
+reconciled to the States-General. He was sensible this report had
+reached Du Maurier, and therefore wrote to him on the 24th of
+September<a name="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> that there was nothing in it; that the times were not
+favourable, and that the publication of his <i>Apology</i> put an obstacle in
+the way of his return. Du Maurier was of the same opinion<a name="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>, and no
+body had better opportunities of knowing the disposition of mens minds
+and the situation of affairs.</p>
+
+<p>However in the year following Du Maurier began to entertain better
+hopes. Being come back from Holland to France, he wrote to Grotius that
+his affairs <a name="Page_119" id="Page_119"></a>went on so well, he might flatter himself with the prospect
+of returning: but this agreed ill with other advices received by
+Grotius; and he wrote to Du Maurier, July 30, 1624, that he consulted
+his ancient friendship more than the situation of affairs; that his
+enemies were so powerful he did not see there could be any hopes for
+him; and that he was endeavouring to provide himself with patience to
+support perpetual banishment and the inconveniences annexed to that
+unhappy situation.</p>
+
+<p>One would imagine the death of Prince Maurice must make a speedy
+revolution in Grotius' favour: the friendship with which he was honoured
+by Prince Frederic Henry gave his friends ground to hope for it; but he
+himself was of a different opinion. July 31, 1625<a name="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>, he wrote to his
+father that his return was an affair of great consequence, which perhaps
+must not be mentioned at present. He sent his wife into Holland in the
+spring 1627<a name="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>, that she might enquire herself how matters stood. She
+found many friends<a name="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>; but as she was convinced of her husband's
+innocence, and knew that in all Holland there was not a man capable of
+labouring so effectually for the interest of his Country, she imagined
+they ought to make the first advances, ask him to forget what was past,
+and pray him to return. This was to suppose the return of the Golden
+age; and experience ought to have informed her better. She would not
+therefore have recourse to petitions and entreaties to obtain Grotius'
+return, lest they should be taken for some acknowledgment of a fault.
+This encreased the malevolence of his enemies, and they fought to
+revenge themselves on his brother-in-law Reigersberg, to whom they
+wanted to make a crime of his corresponding with Grotius by letters; but
+their malice was ineffectual, because the calumnies to which they had
+recourse were too easily confuted. However his <a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"></a>friends bestirred
+themselves in his favour: of which Grotius being informed, he begged of
+them to promise nothing in his name, that there might be no ground to
+imagine he solicited leave to return. "For (he writes to his brother)
+that is what my enemies want, that they may reproach me with asking
+pardon for my pretended faults." The endeavours of his friends were
+fruitless; and his brother wrote to him (February 21, 1630) that there
+was no hope of success.</p>
+
+<p>If they did not obtain his return they at least made him gain a cause of
+consequence. He reclaimed<a name="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> his effects which were confiscated,
+grounding on the privilege of the Burghers of Delft; and his demand was
+granted. He says neither favour nor solicitations had any influence in
+his gaining this suit; and that he owed it to the incontestable right of
+which the town of Delft was long in possession.</p>
+
+<p>Though the information received from his brother of the inefficacy of
+his friends solicitations might have made him forget his country<a name="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>,
+he resolved to regulate his conduct by his wife's advice, who had been
+on the spot. On her return from Holland she told him it was necessary he
+should go thither. He immediately wrote to his brother that on his
+wife's information he resolved to go to see him and his father and
+mother; and that they would consult together what was best to be done
+for his advantage. He adds, that if after so long patience he still
+found his Country ungrateful, he had received advantageous proposals
+from more than one quarter, where he might live with ease and honour. He
+set out for Holland in the month of October, 1631.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Ep. 199. p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> Ep. 200. p. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Ep. 98. p. 783. 99. p. 783. and 100. p. 784.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Ep. 148. p. 797.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Ep. 223. p. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Ep. 261. p. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Ep. 278. p. 838.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecXII">XII.</a> The sentence passed against him was still in force. His friends,
+afraid of his being arrested, as he had no safe-conduct, advised his
+concealing himself: this step appeared to him shameful and timid. <a name="Page_121" id="Page_121"></a>He
+wrote to his brother on the nineteenth of November, 1631, that he would
+rather retire than conceal himself; and that by not appearing in public
+he had lessened the opinion of his innocence, and at the same time the
+courage of his friends.</p>
+
+<p>He came to Rotterdam<a name="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>, where he imagined he would be safest,
+because, having filled the post of Pensionary with much honour, he was
+greatly beloved in the town. He took it ill that the Magistrates did not
+make him the first visit after the signal services he had done the city;
+and hesitated whether he should go to see them: one of them sent his son
+to acquaint him that it was not perhaps prudent, after the sentence of
+condemnation passed upon him, to appear in public. Grotius made answer,
+that he had such a good opinion of the gratitude of the Burghers of
+Rotterdam, he was persuaded he had nothing to fear among them. The young
+gentleman replied, that in a populous town there might possibly be some
+one who would do him an ill turn to gain the reward. Grotius imagined
+this advice proceeded from the Magistrates jealousy, who were afraid
+that the people would discover too much attachment to him. They spread a
+report that he was not in the Remonstrants sentiments, and that the
+counsels formerly given by him had been frequently disapproved. In the
+mean time he was much embarrassed in what manner to behave, and
+consulted the most able lawyers on the subject, who refused to take any
+fee from him. He had no objection to writing to the States-General,
+provided the letter contained nothing to the disadvantage of his
+innocence. He met with more difficulties than he imagined: and wrote to
+his brother (November 28, 1631) "I am threatened with a storm; but I can
+live elsewhere, and I leave all to God's disposal."</p>
+
+<p>He left Rotterdam, and came in the end of the year 1631 to Amsterdam,
+where he was extremely <a name="Page_122" id="Page_122"></a>well received<a name="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>. He did not, however, trust
+his stay in the Low-Countries to the success of his negotiation, for he
+wrote to his father, December 10, 1631, "You may say you understand that
+I have taken my resolution to quit this cruel Country." He was not
+satisfied with the Magistrates of Rotterdam: but he spoke extremely well
+of the town of Delft<a name="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>: however no City ventured publickly to protect
+him<a name="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>. His great friend Gerard Vossius did every thing in his power
+to engage all who had any friendship for himself to befriend Grotius,
+and keep him in Holland. We have a letter written by him on that subject
+to Bevovicius, Magistrate of Amsterdam<a name="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>, who was in the interest of
+his friend: he represents to him what dishonour the States would bring
+on themselves by not permitting a man to live in their Country who was
+its greatest ornament, and the wonder of the age. He exhorts him to
+continue his good offices to prevent Amsterdam from disgracing herself
+by opposing that great man's return, and assures him that France,
+Germany, England, and all nations are waiting to see what Holland will
+do on this occasion. "Let us not, says he, have ground to regret the
+loss of a man whom it depends entirely on ourselves to keep."</p>
+
+<p>Vossius's desire to have Grotius continue in Holland was so great, that
+his friend's inflexibility gave him much uneasiness. He wanted him to
+make application to the Prince of Orange, and, after obtaining his
+consent, to write to those in power, asking permission to stay in the
+Country: but this was precisely the step to which Grotius had the
+greatest aversion.</p>
+
+<p>To employ himself till his fate should be determined, he resolved to
+exercise the profession of Consulting Advocate: with this view he
+desired his brother, in a letter dated February 16, 1632, to send him
+what <a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"></a>law books he had, and which he might need for the proper discharge
+of his office.</p>
+
+<p>He could make no use of these books: for the States-General, thinking
+themselves affronted by his boldness in continuing in the Country
+without their leave, and by the repugnance he shewed to ask them pardon,
+on the tenth of December, 1631, issued an Ordonnance enjoining all the
+Bailiffs of the Country to seize his person, and give them notice. No
+body would execute it: which obliged the States to renew it, on the
+tenth of March in the year following, upon pain to those who would not
+obey of losing their places; and with a promise of two thousand florins
+to any one who would deliver Grotius into the hands of justice. There
+were many who interested themselves for him: besides private persons he
+was favoured by the Nobles, the Towns of Rotterdam, Delft, and
+Amsterdam. But the States-General were his Judges and his Adversaries.</p>
+
+<p>We do not find that the Prince of Orange, on whose friendship he had
+some reason to depend, protected him on this essential occasion. The
+intrigues of his enemies diverted him from it. They were at great pains
+to prejudice the Stadtholder against Grotius, by representing that he
+professed an inviolable attachment to the privileges of his Country;
+and, being of Barnevelt's principles, would support them with equal
+firmness; and that the Prince could never agree with him because he
+would always oppose his views. These reasons made an impression on
+Frederic, who being of the same character with all the Princes, of his
+house, wanted, says Du Maurier, to be Prince of Holland. He approved
+therefore of the proceedings of the States-General, who intended to give
+Grotius to understand by their last Ordonnances, that they condemned him
+to perpetual banishment.</p>
+
+<p>It will perhaps be wondered at that a wise man, such as Grotius, would
+hazard a journey to Holland <a name="Page_124" id="Page_124"></a>without succeeding in the projects he had
+formed for obtaining permission to stay there: but on some occasions it
+is prudent to run hazards. The point is whether the appearance of
+success was such as a man of sense ought to build on. He was sensible
+this would be objected to him, and in some of his letters he endeavours
+to justify his return. He writes to Martinus Ruarus, January 19, 1632,
+that he came to Holland at the solicitations of his Friends, who
+imagined time and his services had mollified his enemies; but that
+immediately on his arrival he perceived his well-wishers would find
+great difficulty in bringing them to more moderate sentiments. He
+complains in another letter, written to Du Maurier Feb. 6, 1632<a name="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>,
+that he found a want of courage in good men, and his misfortunes
+prevented them from speaking with freedom.</p>
+
+<p>Vossius explains his friend's reasons for coming to Holland in a letter
+of the thirteenth of February, 1632<a name="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>, to William Laud, Bishop of
+London. "Grotius is returned to his Country by the advice of several
+illustrious men, some of whom are in great place. He has done this
+without the knowledge of such as condemned him twelve years ago to
+perpetual imprisonment, and of those who in that time of trouble
+attained to the highest dignities by deposing such as were in power. All
+these, excepting a few, think it their interest that this great man,
+whose merit they know, should be buried in obscurity; and therefore
+spoke against him with great warmth in the Assembly of the States. He
+had several illustrious friends who stood up for him: the nobility,
+three cities, Rotterdam, of which he was Pensionary; Delft, where he was
+born; and Amsterdam, no less famous for her prudence than her riches.
+Leyden is much against him: because the first Burgomaster was one of his
+Judges: Harlem, <a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"></a>for the like reason, is of the same sentiments. Of the
+other towns some take a middle course: most of them join Leyden;
+especially the smaller towns, in which the preachers have great
+authority. Hence it is uncertain how this affair will end: he has the
+flower of Holland for him; but it often happens with us that the
+Zealots, like the rigid Puritans, by their menaces and clamour bear down
+the honest party, who are more modest. If it should so happen I fear
+much that this great man, fatigued with these squabbles, will of himself
+quit his ungrateful Country: I am the more apprehensive of this as I
+know for certain that some Kings and several Princes are endeavouring to
+draw him to their courts by offers of great honours and a considerable
+salary. If he is destined to live out of his Country, I shall be jealous
+of any place he settles in if it be not Great-Britain, where, I foresee,
+he would be of much service to the king and kingdom." Laud, in his
+answer to this letter, owns<a name="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> that he always looked on Grotius's
+recall as a thing not to be expected: as to the proposal of employing
+him in England, he tells him it was in vain to think of it in the
+present circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius seeing so much opposition, judged it most proper to seek his
+fortune elsewhere; and left Holland.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Ep. 297. p. 847.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Ep. 301. p. 844.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Ep. 304. p. 844.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Ep. 305. p. 844.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Ep. Vossii 38. p. 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Ep. 289. p. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Pr&aelig;st. Vir. Epist. 507. p. 766.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Pr&aelig;s. Vir. Ep. 508. p. 567.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIIISecXIII">XIII.</a> It was on the seventeenth of March 1632 that he set out from
+Amsterdam on his way to Hamburg; but did not take up his residence in
+that City till the end of the year: the fine season<a name="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> he passed at an
+agreeable country-seat, called Okinhuse, near the Elbe, belonging to
+William Morth, a Dutchman.</p>
+
+<p>He had left many friends in France. William De Lusson, First President
+of the Court of Moneys, was <a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"></a>one who adhered to him most steadily: and
+we find by Grotius' letter to him that he was very active to obtain the
+payment of his pension though absent: In a letter whose date is
+false<a name="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>, Grotius informs him<a name="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>, that while he lived he would never
+forget the King's goodness and the gracious reception with which that
+Prince honoured him: and promises to write to Boutillier, Superintendant
+of the finances, as soon as an occasion offered. It is probable this
+Minister had made him an offer of service; for in speaking of him
+Grotius says, "It is very agreeable to me to be approved by a man who in
+such a high station has not lost the taste for polite literature: I wish
+him and his family uninterrupted prosperity, and the art of enjoying
+it."</p>
+
+<p>His wife, who had been in Zealand, came to join him, and the pleasure of
+seeing her again was a consolation under all his troubles. He writes to
+Vossius, August 17, 1632<a name="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>, "Oppressed by the violence of my enemies,
+to which hand shall I turn me, and to whom shall I have recourse, but to
+her who has been the faithful companion of my good and bad fortune; and
+to you who have given me public marks of your attachment in my greatest
+calamities? I have not yet (he adds) come to a resolution in my own
+affair; but as far as I can see I shall have it in my power to chuse. It
+ought not to appear hard to me to live under a Master, when I see that
+after so many efforts for preserving your liberty you have little more
+than the name of it. I am resolved to expose myself to every thing
+rather than stoop to those who have treated me so unworthily after many
+years patience. I value not that man who lays aside all sentiments of
+generosity."<a name="Page_127" id="Page_127"></a> He no doubt means the Prince of Orange, of whom he thought
+he had reason to complain.</p>
+
+<p>He was well pleased with the air of the place where he resided, and met
+with so many Dutchmen<a name="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>, that he did not look upon himself as a
+stranger. He wanted his books; but the learned Lindenbrogius gave him
+access to his library to use it as his own.</p>
+
+<p>When winter came on, he lodged at Hamburg with Van Sorgen, a Merchant,
+who had a regard for men of learning: he was brother to Nicholas Van
+Sorgen an eminent Advocate at the Hague.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the embarrassment of his affairs he tells the First
+President of the Court of Moneys, that he did not pretend to draw money
+from the King of France for the future. "I shall always," says he,
+"retain a most grateful sense of the King's liberality: but it is enough
+to have been chargeable to you when in France. I have never done you any
+service, though I made an offer of myself. But it would not be proper
+that I should now live like a hornet on the goods of other men. I shall
+never forget, however, the kindness of so great a King, and the good
+offices of so many friends."</p>
+
+<p>His wife was gone to Zealand, "to receive," says he, "the remains of our
+wreck, which I am uncertain into what port to carry." He wrote to
+Descordes, to whom he had already spoke his sentiments in several
+Letters, that he most humbly thanked the King for his inclination to
+honour him with his benefactions though absent, and that he was
+extremely sensible of the constant attention of his friends to serve
+him; but that he saw no just reason for accepting the King's favours
+since his departure from France. "I earnestly wish," he adds, "that my
+excuses may be well received: I have no less grateful sense of what is
+offered me than of what was given me: and shall most chearfully testify
+my gratitude for the <a name="Page_128" id="Page_128"></a>favours received from a most excellent King as
+often as occasion offers. In the mean time I pray God to give him a long
+life and vigorous health, and to restore the tranquillity of the
+kingdom, if France be capable of so great a blessing."</p>
+
+<p>There might have been a prudential reason for his declining at this time
+to be a pensioner of France, namely, lest his connexion with that crown
+should hurt his projects of a settlement which were then on the carpet.
+This conjecture is strengthened by what he writes himself to the First
+President of the Court of Moneys, that the Ministers of some Princes
+having asked him whether he were attached to any Court, as was reported;
+he answered, that he would always remember with gratitude the favours
+shewn him in France, but that since he came away he was free and his own
+master: he adds, that several considerable settlements both with regard
+to honour and profit were offered him; "but, says he, I keep always in
+mind the maxim, to deliberate long before coming to a resolution. I hope
+however that my situation will permit me to see France again, and my
+dear friends, and to thank them personally; you, Messieurs de Thou,
+Descordes, Du Puis, Pelletier, whose names will remain engraven on my
+heart wherever fortune carries me." Lusson yielded to his reasons, and
+approved of his disinterestedness<a name="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>He led a dull life at Hamburg. "I am extremely solitary here (he writes
+to his brother August 3, 1633<a name="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>:) even the men of learning keep up no
+correspondence with one another. I might easily support this irksomeness
+if I had my books and papers: for I could employ myself in some work
+that would be useful to the public and no discredit to me: but at
+present without these I am a kind of prisoner."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"></a>The disagreeableness of his situation and the uneasiness of his mind
+were increased by the death of his Landlord after fourteen days
+illness<a name="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>. He was a Merchant of more knowledge and good sense than we
+commonly find in men of that profession. He left some young children, in
+whose education Grotius interested himself. Writing on this subject to
+Vossius, he tells him that his Landlord's two sons were at the Hague
+learning Grammar; that they were beginning to make Themes and Versions;
+that if what they had already learnt were not cultivated, they would
+soon forget it; and that the time which boys spent in their Studies at
+Hamburg was lost, the method of teaching being only fit to make
+blockheads. "Several, he adds, employ preceptors in the education of
+their children; which method answers not expectation. I never approved
+of it because I know that young people learn not but in company, and
+that study languishes where there is no emulation. I also dislike those
+schools when the master scarce knows the names of his scholars, and
+where their number is so great that he cannot give that attention to
+each, which his different genius and capacity may require. For this
+reason I would have a middle course followed: that a master should take
+but ten or twelve, to stay in the house together, and be in one form, by
+which means he would not be overburdened." He begs of him to inform
+himself whether there was not such a house in Amsterdam where he might
+place Van Sorgen's sons. Vossius joined with Grotius in his thoughts on
+education<a name="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The death of his Landlord obliging Grotius to remove, he went to lodge
+with a Dutchman called Ahasuerus Matthias<a name="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>, formerly Minister at
+Deventer, which he left on account of his adhering to Arminianism. The
+return of his wife from <a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"></a>Zealand in Autumn 1633, who had always been his
+consolation in adversity, rendered his life more agreeable. <a name="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>He
+mentions it to Descordes Nov. 13, 1633, and informs him that though
+several settlements were offered him, he had not yet determined which to
+embrace, but would soon come to a resolution. He passed his time in
+writing his Sophomphan&aelig;us, or Tragedy of Joseph<a name="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>, which he finished
+whilst at Hamburg. It is probable that if he had had his Books and
+Papers he would have applied himself to something else at his age: but
+this kind of study was suitable enough to his present situation.</p>
+
+<p>Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden, a great statesman, and a man of
+learning, was then at Hamburg. Grotius made acquaintance with him, and
+saw him frequently. Polite Literature was the subject of their
+conversation. Salvius conceived a great esteem for Grotius, and the
+favourable report he made of him to the High Chancellor Oxenstiern
+determined the latter to invite Grotius<a name="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> to come to him, that he
+might employ him in affairs of the greatest importance, as we shall see
+in the following book.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> Ep. Grotii 245. p. 107. Ep. inter Vossianas 216. p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> This Letter is dated at Hamburgh Feb. 9, 1632. He was
+still in Holland in the month of February. See the Letters written to
+his brother, 308 and following, p. 845.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Ep. 291. p. 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Ep. 298. p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Ep. 299. p. 108, and 300. p. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Ep. 319. p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Ep. 322. p. 848.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Ep. 327. p. 448</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Ep. Grotii 330. p. 119</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Ep. 336. p. 121</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Ep. 331. p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Ep. 337. p. 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Ep. 345. p. 123.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="BookIV"></a><span class="u"><a name="Page_131"></a>BOOK</span> IV.</h2>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecI"></a>When it was known in Europe that Grotius had no longer any connexion
+with the Court of France, the greatest Princes sought to draw to them a
+Man who to the most profound learning and knowledge of public Law joined
+the strictest probity.</p>
+
+<p>In 1629 he was invited into Poland, as we learn from a letter to
+Vossius, dated November 29 that year<a name="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>. Three years after, December
+30, 1632, Ruarus wrote to Grotius from Dantzick, "You have a very great
+name at our Court, and the good odour of it has induced the King to
+order Savasi, who goes as his Ambassador to Holland and England, to
+advise with you. He has not done it, according to what the Secretary of
+the embassy tells me; and I am ignorant of his reason: but this I know,
+that many are labouring to bring you here with a pension from the King.
+I know not what will become of this affair; but I believe it would be
+pushed more briskly, if those who concern themselves in it were not
+persuaded that you <a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"></a>would decline the proposal." Grotius<a name="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> answered,
+that he would readily have waited on Savasi if he had sent him his
+compliments; and that he guessed what it was that hindered him. "When
+your King, he adds, shall be disposed to employ me, and I know in what
+business, I shall not be long in taking my resolution." In the beginning
+of the year<a name="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> 1632 he was flattered with the hopes of being employed
+by England.</p>
+
+<p>Christiern IV. King of Denmark loaded him with civilities when he was at
+Hamburg; and Vossius, who was well informed of every thing that related
+to his friend's affairs, writes to Meric Casaubon, Oct. 25, 1633, that
+the King of Denmark offered Grotius a considerable pension if he would
+enter into his service. Henry Ernestus informed Vossius, that Grotius
+had seen that Prince at Gluckstad, and was extremely well received by
+him: this he had from Grotius himself. He concludes his letter with an
+invective against the Dutch, who were so void of common sense, as to
+refuse the services of so great a man.</p>
+
+<p>It is said that even the King of Spain<a name="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> had thoughts of taking him
+into his service: but this Prince's court suited him ill for many
+reasons easy to be imagined; one of which was that his going to Spain
+would be matter of triumph to his enemies, who would represent it, with
+some degree of probability, as a proof of what they had formerly
+asserted, that Grotius was a private Pensioner of Spain.</p>
+
+<p>The Duke of Holstein and several other<a name="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Princes made him likewise
+advantageous proposals. It was reported that the famous Walstein
+intended to take him into his service. Ruarus<a name="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> wrote about it to
+Grotius, and tells him he could scarce give credit to this news, from a
+persuasion that Grotius would not employ his pen in writing things of
+which no doubt he partly disapproved.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133"></a>His remaining so long without coming to a resolution proceeded, it is
+probable, from his unwillingness to attach himself to any Prince, till
+he despaired of a reconciliation with his Country; of which he was so
+desirous, that above two years and a half after he had been so
+shamefully driven out, he had still thoughts of it. March 8, 1634<a name="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>,
+he writes to his brother, "It is of great importance to me that my
+affair may be no longer protracted, and that I know speedily whether I
+can see my Country again, or must relinquish it for ever." A fortnight
+after he writes to him<a name="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>, "I expect your letters with impatience, to
+know what I have to hope for from my Countrymen. I have been too long
+under uncertainty, and I am afraid of losing in the mean time the
+opportunities which offer elsewhere. I would not however have any thing
+asked in my name directly or indirectly; but if they make any proposal
+of their own accord, I shall be glad to know it."</p>
+
+<p>He ought to have determined himself long before. Convinced at last that
+he must lay aside all thoughts of returning into Holland, he yielded to
+the pressing instances of the High Chancellor of Sweden, who wanted to
+employ him in affairs of importance. Grotius gave the preference more
+readily to this Minister, the greatest man perhaps of his age, because
+he followed Gustavus's plan, for whom Grotius had a singular veneration:
+in January, 1628<a name="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>, he speaks of him as a Prince whose greatness of
+soul and knowledge in civil and military matters placed him above every
+other. March 12, in the same year, he writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>, that
+on every occasion he would do all in his power to serve such a virtuous
+Monarch. On the 28th of April following, he congratulates
+Camerarius<a name="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>, whose father was Ambassador from Sweden, on his serving
+a Prince who merited every <a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"></a>commendation. "The whole universe will not
+furnish his equal in virtue<a name="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>. Men of the greatest merit in this
+country think the brilliancy of this Prince's actions and virtues must
+strike even envy dumb. Happy are they who are under the protection of so
+great a King. He proves the possibility of what appeared incredible in
+the great men of antiquity: he is a witness who gives evidence in their
+favour: he will serve for a master to posterity; and the best lessons in
+the art of war will be taken from his history. He is no less eminent as
+a warrior, than as a statesman<a name="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>; and in him is found all that makes
+a great King. He is the wisest Monarch now reigning, and knows how to
+improve every opportunity to the best advantage, not only when the
+injustice of his enemies obliges him to have recourse to arms, but also
+when he is allowed to enjoy the blessings of peace." The Letters, in
+which he expresses his profound esteem for the Great Gustavus, were all
+written before the month of June, 1630, whilst he resided at Paris and
+had no thought of entering into the Swedish service.</p>
+
+<p>Gustavus had sent to Paris Benedict Oxenstiern, a relation of the High
+Chancellor, to bring to a final conclusion the treaty between France and
+Sweden. This Minister made acquaintance with Grotius, and in a short
+time conceived such a high esteem for him, that he resolved to employ
+his credit to draw him to his Master's court. A report of this spread in
+Holland; and William Grotius wrote about it to his brother, who made
+answer, Feb. 6, 1632, That these reports were without foundation; that,
+besides, he had an aversion to following an army. It was said that King
+Gustavus intended to employ him at the Court of France; and he answered
+his brother on this subject, Feb. 18, 1632, That if this Monarch <a name="Page_135" id="Page_135"></a>would
+nominate him his Ambassador, with a proper salary for the decent support
+of that dignity, the proposal would merit his regard.</p>
+
+<p>This Prince, who was certainly the greatest Captain of his age, had at
+the same time an affection for men of learning. The reading of the
+treatise <i>Of the Rights of War and Peace</i> gave him the highest opinion
+of its author, whom he regarded as an original genius<a name="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>; and he was
+persuaded that one who wrote so well on the Law of Nations must be an
+able Statesman. He resolved to gain him, and to employ him in some
+embassy. The High Chancellor of Sweden, who was of the same opinion with
+his Master, was Grotius's patron at Court.</p>
+
+<p>Gustavus, who looked upon Grotius as the first man of his age, was on
+the point of shewing all Europe how much he esteemed him, when he was
+unhappily slain, on the 6th of November, 1632<a name="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>, in a famous battle
+against the Imperialists, in which the Swedes gained a signal victory.
+Some time before, this great Prince<a name="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>, as if he had had a foreboding
+of his end being near, gave orders for several things to be done in case
+of his death; among others that Grotius should be employed in the
+Swedish Ministry. The High Chancellor Oxenstiern, who governed the
+kingdom during the minority of Queen Christina, the daughter of Gustavus
+Adolphus, thought it his duty and honour to conform to his Master's
+intentions: he therefore pressed Grotius to come to him, promising him
+an employment suited to his merit<a name="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>. Grotius did not yield
+immediately, not only because he had still hopes of being recalled to
+Holland, but also because he was persuaded that one ought to deliberate
+long before taking a resolution which cannot be altered. It may not be
+improper to observe that the book <i>Of the Rights of War and Peace</i> was
+found <a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"></a>in King Gustavus's tent after his death. Grotius also gives us an
+anecdote concerning his entering into the Swedish service which deserves
+to be mentioned, namely, that it was Marshal Bannier's brother, who gave
+him the first hint of preferring Sweden to the other States, by whom he
+was solicited.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Ep. 250. p. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Ep. 336.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Ep. 309. p. 845.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Henry Dupuis. Grotii manes, p. 299. Niceron.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Ep. Vossii, 257. p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Ruari Ep. 36. p. 186.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Ep. 326. p. 849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Ep. 326. p. 849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Ep. 163. p. 801.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> Ep. 170. p. 805.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> Ep. 173. p. 805.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Ep. 184. p. 809. 212. p. 819.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Ep. 215. p. 820. ep. 229. p. 824. &amp; ep. 242. p. 829.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Prefacio Man. Grotii Vir. Grot. p. 300.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> At Lutsen.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Ep. Grotii, 87. p. 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Ep. 344. p. 123. &amp; 346. p. 124.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecII">II.</a> Grotius, on the invitation of the High Chancellor of Sweden, set out
+for Franckfort on the Main where that Minister was. He had no notion
+what they purposed to do with him; but he was quite easy with regard to
+his settlement, being persuaded that a Minister of Oxenstiern's prudence
+and credit would not engage him to take a wrong step: his only anxiety
+was, lest the High Chancellor, whom he looked on as the greatest man of
+his age<a name="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>, and fit to be compared with the most famous in antiquity,
+should entertain too high an idea of his merit, from the advantageous
+testimonies given of it, and lest he should be unable to answer the
+hopes that Minister had conceived of him.</p>
+
+<p>He arrived at Franckfort in May, 1634<a name="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>, and was received with the
+greatest politeness by the High Chancellor, who did not however explain
+his intentions: Grotius wrote to his brother, July 13, 1634, that the
+Chancellor proceeded with great slowness in his affair; but that every
+body assured him he was a man of his word: "If so, he adds, all will go
+well." He wrote for his wife, and she arrived at Franckfort, with his
+daughters and son Cornelius, in the beginning of August. The Chancellor
+continued to heap civilities<a name="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> on him without mentioning a word of
+business: but ordered him to follow him to Mentz; and at length<a name="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>
+declared him Counsellor to the Queen of Sweden and her Ambassador at the
+Court of France.</p>
+
+<p>The authority of Oxenstiern was so great that this kind of nomination
+needed not the Queen's <a name="Page_137" id="Page_137"></a>confirmation: it was not till almost two years
+after<a name="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> that Christina ratified by her letters Grotius's embassy.
+Before their arrival he enjoyed the same honours and prerogatives as if
+the Queen herself had nominated him.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as he could depend upon an establishment, he purposed to make it
+known by some public act that he considered himself no longer as a
+Dutchman. On the 13th of July, 1634<a name="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>, he sent his brother letters
+for the Prince of Orange and the Dutch: but desired him to read them
+first himself, and advise with the Counsellor Reigersberg and Beaumont
+about them. "I have ceased, says he in another place<a name="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>, to be a
+Dutchman since I entered into the service of Sweden; which I have
+sufficiently intimated to the States of Holland. I have written to them,
+but not as their subject. Thus the Spaniards used to act in such cases,
+as Mariana informs us in several places of his History of Spain. When I
+bad adieu to the United Provinces (he writes again<a name="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>) I signified to
+them that I was a member of another nation; that I should give myself
+little trouble about what might be said or thought of it; and that I
+reckoned never to see the Country again." We may judge by these
+expressions that his patience was at length worn out.</p>
+
+<p>He wrote to the City of Rotterdam, which had deferred nominating a
+Pensionary since the sentence passed against Grotius, that they might
+now chuse one, since they ought no longer to look on him as a Dutchman.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Ep. 349. p. 125. &amp; ep. 346. p. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Ep. 330. p. 849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Ep. 352. p. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> Ep. 337. p. 851.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Ep. 577. p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> Ep. 330. p. 849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Ep. 572. p. 958.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Ep. 719. p. 970.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecIII">III.</a> At the time that Grotius entered into the service of Sweden, the
+affairs of that Crown were in a very bad situation. The death of the
+Great Gustavus had made a strange change in them. He left at his death a
+young Princess under age, whose <a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"></a>right was even disputed. Ladislaus IV.
+elected King of Poland on the death of his father Sigismond, set up a
+claim to the Swedish crown, and had a party in the kingdom capable of
+forming a dangerous faction. Sweden was unable singly to support the war
+in Germany; and saw the allies, whom she had hitherto kept on her side
+by her authority and the eclat of her victories, ready to fall off: the
+weaker, in consternation at the death of their leader, wished for peace;
+the more powerful, such as the Dukes of Pomerania, the Elector of
+Brandenbourg, the Dukes of Meklenbourg, and some others, jealous of the
+authority usurped by the Swedes in Germany, would acknowledge them only
+as allies, and not as the head of the Protestant party. The Duke of
+Brunswick was already levying men in his own name, and intended to form
+a separate party composed of the Circle of Lower Saxony. The Elector of
+Saxony carried his views still farther. He wanted to have the supreme
+direction of affairs; and, if thwarted, there was reason to apprehend he
+would soon relinquish the common cause. In this perilous situation the
+Swedes, hardening themselves against danger, trusted to their courage
+and address: and after nominating regents to govern the kingdom during
+Queen Christina's minority, they committed the care of Sweden's
+interests in Germany to Baron Oxenstiern the High Chancellor with an
+almost absolute power.</p>
+
+<p>That great man supported this important charge in the most difficult
+times with a firmness, address, and capacity, which justly made him be
+looked upon as one of the ablest Ministers of Europe. He inspired those
+who were wavering through fear with new Courage; brought back those who
+on private views had detached themselves from the common cause; broke
+the measures of the Duke of Brunswick; suspended the effects of the
+Elector of Saxony's jealousy, and made all the allies sensible that they
+could only find their true interest, their security, and safety, in
+their union. <a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"></a>By this means the bands which knit them together were
+strengthened, and Sweden preserved the principal direction of affairs,
+and almost as much authority as she had in the time of Gustavus. The
+Swedes had lately lost the famous battle of Norlingen in September; and
+Marshal Horne their General was made prisoner. This disaster was
+followed by the peace of Prague, in which the Emperor Ferdinand II.
+engaged the Electors of Saxony and Brandenbourg to unite against the
+Swedes; and it would have been all over with them in Germany, had not a
+power which hitherto faintly seconded them, brought them powerful
+assistance. Lewis XIII. by the advice of his Prime Minister, sent
+Cardinal De la Vallette at the head of an army into Germany; and
+concluded a treaty with the Duke of Weimar, engaging to pay him a
+subsidy of one million five hundred thousand Livres, and the sum of four
+millions yearly for maintaining an army of eighteen thousand men, which
+the Duke obliged himself to furnish, and command under the direction of
+France.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the exact portrait which Father Bougeant gives of the state of
+Germany. Let us hear what a cotemporary author says of it<a name="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>. "Fortune
+smiled on the Imperialists on every side. There was nothing but conquest
+and victories and a happy change of affairs: for in less than a month
+the Swedes, who were become so powerful and formidable, were defeated,
+and entirely dispersed in one battle, and an unheard-of victory gained
+most gloriously with inconsiderable loss on the side of the
+Imperialists. Bavaria was entirely delivered; the Swedes driven out of
+Swabia, the dutchy of Wirtemberg conquered; and almost all Franconia:
+the rivers Ocin and Iser remained free; the Lek, the Danube, the Necker,
+and almost all the Main cleared, with the loss of so many towns and
+<a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"></a>provinces in such a short time, almost deprived the Swedes of a
+retreat; Ulm and Nuremberg refusing them admittance, whereas formerly
+they were welcome, and masters every where."</p>
+
+<p>These descriptions agree with that given by Grotius. Sept. 20, 1634, he
+writes to Du Maurier<a name="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>, "Had I come sooner to the High Chancellor, I
+should have found the times more favourable; but as his great courage is
+most conspicuous in adverse circumstances, it is proper we should
+conform to the example of so great a leader. France is at present the
+sole resource of Germany in her affliction: since the loss of Ratisbon
+and Donavert, and the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the towns are
+all frightened, and it is a great happiness that the conquerors have not
+approached Franckfort: they have divided their army; the King of Hungary
+has led one into Bohemia, and his brother is marched with the other
+towards the United Provinces. France alone is able to restore our
+affairs." The Swedes, in the consternation occasioned by the defeat at
+Norlinguen, were threatened with seeing Franckfort, Mentz, Augsburg,
+Nuremberg, and Ulm fall into the hands of the Imperialists; but by good
+luck they did not take the advantage of their victory. Grotius assures
+us the Swedes were obliged to the King of France for it, who kept the
+projects of the enemy suspended by the apprehension of his declaring
+war. Such was the situation of affairs when Grotius received orders to
+repair to the French Court. It was the most important commission with
+which a Minister could be charged, since the principal resource of the
+Swedes and their allies was in the protection of France; and
+Oxenstiern's nominating Grotius to be the Ambassador who was to
+strengthen the union between Sweden and France is a demonstration of
+that great man's particular esteem for him.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois, an. 1634, p. 621.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> Ep. 354, p. 127 et 355. p. 128.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecIV"></a><a name="Page_141"></a>IV. In the beginning of the year 1635 Grotius set out from Mentz on his
+embassy to France. He was obliged to go a great way about, to avoid
+being surprised by the enemies parties. Beginning his journey in very
+rainy weather, succeeded by a hard frost, he arrived at Metz much later
+than he expected, and indisposed with a cholic occasioned by the great
+cold; which obliged him to continue there some time till he recovered.
+It was five days before he could write to the High Chancellor. January
+30, as soon as his pain abated, he wrote to him that he hoped to be able
+to continue his journey in two or three days, and that the vexation of
+his mind at being hindered from getting so soon as he wished to the
+place of his destination, was greater than the indisposition of his
+body. He was extremely well received by the Commandants of Haguenau and
+Saverne. At the former of those towns he met some waggons going to the
+army with a million of money, which it was said would soon be followed
+by other two.</p>
+
+<p>He left Metz February 2<a name="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>, and was at Meaux the 7th, from whence he
+went to St. Denis. On the 14th he wrote to the High Chancellor, that by
+the advice of his friends he had given the introductors of Ambassadors
+notice of his arrival, that they might pay him the usual honours; and
+that he would write to the Queen of Sweden as soon as he had his
+audience of the King<a name="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>. Francis de Thou, hearing of his arrival, came
+immediately to visit him.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius was suffered to remain long at St. Denis: February 12, he wrote
+to Oxenstiern<a name="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> that Count Brulon, introductor of Ambassadors, had
+been with him to acquaint him that the troubles of the Court had
+hitherto prevented the appointing a day for his entry. In fact, the Duke
+de Puy-Laurens, and some other Lords, accused of giving bad counsels to
+Gaston of France Duke of Orleans, had been just arrested.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142"></a>But Grotius suspected that his entry was deferred for other reasons;
+that they waited for the answers of La Grange and Feuquieres, employed
+by the Court of France in Germany, to know whether the High Chancellor
+would conform to the intentions of the French Ministry, and in
+consequence to proportion the honours to be paid Sweden's Ambassador to
+Oxenstiern's compliance. Count Brulon assured Grotius that in two or
+three days every obstruction to his entry would be removed, and in the
+mean time gave him an invitation to see <i>incognito</i> the ballets and
+entertainments that were to be given the Sunday following, in the King's
+apartments: which the Ambassador thought fit to decline. February
+23<a name="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> Count Brulon came to make Grotius another visit, and asked, who
+sent him into France? Grotius answered, that he was the Queen of
+Sweden's Ambassador, and was nominated to that employment by the High
+Chancellor of Sweden, by virtue of the powers given to his Excellency.
+Brulon said, that the King of Spain had formerly empowered the Duke of
+Mentz to nominate Ambassadors; but they were never regarded as such.
+Grotius replied, that was owing to the war, and a dislike to the duke of
+Mentz; that when the truce between Spain and the United Provinces was
+treating at the Hague, the Ambassadors sent thither by the Arch-Dukes
+were received by the French and English Ministers as Ambassadors of the
+King of Spain; and that if during the late war in Italy Cardinal
+Richelieu, who had very extensive powers, had nominated Ambassadors,
+they would have been every where received in the same manner as those
+sent by the King; that the High Chancellor's powers could not be
+disputed; that they were given him by the whole kingdom; that the King
+of France had already treated as Ambassadors Ministers nominated by his
+Excellency; and that the Ambassadors of the King <a name="Page_143" id="Page_143"></a>of France, in the
+treaty which they made with Oxenstiern, acknowledged this power. Brulon
+declared, that the difficulty did not proceed from any aversion to
+Grotius, whom the King highly esteemed. He repeated this so often, that
+the Swedish Ambassador imagined they wanted to make him quit the service
+of Sweden, and enter into that of France. The Count promised to return
+in three or four days: he did not keep his word; he sent however to
+acquaint Grotius that the Wednesday following, which was the last of
+February, every thing would be ready for his entry; but that he must
+first receive the King's commands who was at Chantilly.</p>
+
+<p>Du Maurier, Son of the Ambassador to Holland, an intimate friend of
+Grotius, pretends, in his <i>Memoirs</i>, that the Swedish Ambassador was
+suffered to remain so long at St. Denis because Cardinal Richelieu, who
+had a dislike to him, was vexed to see him nominated Ambassador to
+France; that he wrote to Oxenstiern, asking him to appoint some other,
+and that the High Chancellor paying no regard to the Cardinal's whim, he
+was obliged to acknowledge Grotius's quality. The Letters of Grotius
+rather contradict than confirm this anecdote, though Du Maurier assures
+us Grotius was fully informed of this secret negotiation.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the 2d of March,
+1635. The Marshals D'Estres and St. Luc were nominated to attend him;
+but, the latter falling ill, Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors,
+supplied his place. They came in the King and Queen's coaches to take
+him up. The coaches of the Venetian, Swiss, and Mantuan Ministers were
+at this entry, together with those of the German powers allied to
+Sweden. The Princes of the Blood did not send their coaches because they
+were not at Paris; Gaston Duke of Orleans was at Angers; the Prince of
+Cond&eacute; had a cause depending <a name="Page_144" id="Page_144"></a>at Rouen; and the Count De Soissons was at
+Senlis with the Court.</p>
+
+<p>Pau, Ambassador from Holland, greatly chagrined to see Grotius in such
+an honourable place, was much embarrassed<a name="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> in what manner to behave:
+he wrote about it to the States-General, and in the mean time sent to
+make him his compliments. The States-General answered, that they
+intended their Ambassadors should shew the same regard to Grotius as to
+the Ambassadors of powers in friendship with them. Pau, not satisfied
+with this, wrote to the particular States of Holland. Grotius was
+informed of it, and seemed little concerned, because, he said, they knew
+little, were very inconstant, and took their resolutions on slight
+grounds.</p>
+
+<p>May 5, the Count de Nancei, Master of the Wardrobe, came to compliment
+him on the part of the King. He told him that his nomination to the
+French Embassy was most agreeable to his Majesty<a name="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>, who wished he
+might long continue in that post. Count Brulon assured him that he had
+orders to present his lady to the Queen, who remained at Paris, whenever
+she pleased: but Grotius thought this ought to be deferred till he had
+seen the King.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius was carried to Court at Senlis on the sixth of March, by the
+Duke De Mercoeur, whom he calls the most learned of all the
+Princes<a name="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>: on the death of his father he became Duke of Vend&ocirc;me, and
+in the end a Cardinal. The new Ambassador was extremely satisfied with
+his reception: the King's guards were under arms<a name="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>: Lewis XIII. spoke
+much to him, and with so great goodness, that he conjectured from it he
+should bring the affairs with which he was entrusted to the desired
+conclusion. His Majesty gave him to understand by his gracious manner,
+<a name="Page_145" id="Page_145"></a>and by his<a name="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> talk, that they could not have sent into France a
+Minister so agreeable to him. He made him be covered in his presence,
+and repeated his civilities on Grotius's presenting to him his son
+Cornelius.</p>
+
+<p>March 8, Grotius sent Queen Christina news of his entry and his audience
+of the King: Next day he wrote to Salmasius: after acquainting him with
+the agreeable revolution in his affairs, he adds, that the first
+formalities of his embassy being over, he hoped to have leisure to
+resume his studies. Salmasius had at that time the greatest esteem for
+Grotius, and on hearing of his being nominated Ambassador to France,
+took occasion to say that Grotius's friends were only sorry the affairs
+of Sweden were not in such a good situation, as might render the embassy
+of so great a man as agreeable as could be desired.</p>
+
+<p>After having an audience of the King, Grotius made his visits to
+Mademoiselle<a name="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>, the Prince of Cond&eacute;, the Count of Soissons, the
+Countess of Soissons the Count's mother, and to his lady the Princess of
+Cond&eacute;. The Prince<a name="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> received him with the greatest politeness, spoke
+to him of their old acquaintance, and next day returned his visit.
+Cardinal Richelieu, before he would see him, wanted to know his
+instructions relating to the treaty lately concluded between France and
+several German Princes, with which the Swedes were dissatisfied. He went
+to his Abbey of Royaumont till Grotius should see Boutillier,
+Superintendant of the Finances, with whom he was to discuss the late
+treaty; and as things passed at this conference the Cardinal was to talk
+to the Swedish Ambassador.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> Ep. 360. p. 130 &amp; 361. p. 610.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> Ep. 362. p. 130.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Ep. 363. p. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Ep. 364. p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> Ep. 374. p. 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Ep. 374. p. 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> Ep. 339. p. 851.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Ep. 367. p. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Ep. 388. p. 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Ep. 370. p. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Ep. 339. p. 851.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecV">V.</a> The subject of the dispute between France and Sweden was this: after
+the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the Swedes and their allies being
+reduced to the last extremity, judged the support of France must be
+<a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"></a>their principal resource. They made no doubt that such an able
+statesman as Cardinal Richelieu would seize every opportunity to abase,
+or at least embarrass the house of Austria, the eternal rival of France.
+James L&aelig;fler and Philip Strect were sent in 1634, by the Protestant
+Princes and States of the Circles and Electoral Provinces of Franconia,
+Suabia, and the Rhine, to solicit succours from the King of France, and
+prevail with him to declare war against the Emperor. They proposed that
+the King should send an army to the Rhine, and advance a large sum of
+money to enable the allies to recruit their army, which was almost
+wholly destroyed. They treated with the Cardinal de Richelieu, who
+endeavoured to avail himself of the situation of affairs and their
+necessities, to make the most advantageous treaty he could for France.
+He offered only five hundred thousand Livres, six thousand foot in six
+weeks, and twelve thousand when they had put France in possession of
+Benfield: but their powers did not extend to the cession of that place.
+However they promised it without making any condition; and had not the
+precaution to stipulate that France should furnish every year the same
+subsidies which she engaged to give King Gustavus by a treaty which was
+renewed at Hailbron. The Cardinal gave them hopes that France would
+declare war against the Emperor; that after the declaration the King
+would keep twelve thousand men in Germany, and a strong army on the
+Rhine; advance immediately five hundred thousand Francs to be divided
+among the army or the allies; nominate a Prince to command the army of
+twelve thousand men, with a lieutenant under him as his collegue; and
+have one to assist in his Majesty's name at the Councils of war.</p>
+
+<p>After signing the treaty L&aelig;fler and Strect returned to Germany in
+December 1634.</p>
+
+<p>When a motion was made in the assembly of the Allies at Worms to ratify
+this Treaty, the High <a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"></a>Chancellor of Sweden opposed it. He maintained
+that it was obscure and ambiguous, and discordant with the private
+treaty made with Sweden. This Minister was chiefly chagrined at Sweden's
+losing the principal direction of affairs in Germany by the nomination
+of a German Prince to be Generalissimo of the allied army. He declared
+that he thought himself obliged to propose his difficulties to the Queen
+of Sweden: and besides would send an embassy to Paris on the subject.
+This then was the business which Grotius had to manage at the Court of
+France. The Commission was the more delicate as Cardinal Richelieu, a
+positive man, absolutely required that the treaty made with the Envoys
+of the German Princes should have its full effect.</p>
+
+<p>It was to confer on this affair that Grotius made a visit to Boutillier,
+Superintendant of the Finances. The Swedish Ambassador represented, that
+the Treaty ought not to be in force till Sweden's ratification of it,
+which could not be expected, as it made void the Treaty of Hailbron.
+This was not what the Cardinal wanted: he commissioned Father Joseph to
+employ all his address to bring Grotius into his measures. The Capuchin
+was the Cardinal's confident, and it was then thought that he was
+destined to succeed him in the Ministry in case of the Cardinal's death.
+March 14, the Superintendant sent to acquaint Grotius that he purposed
+to make him a visit with Father Joseph; but as the Father was taken ill
+he asked him to go with him to the Convent of the Capuchins; that he
+ought to have no reluctance to this, since the Cardinal himself had
+lately visited Father Joseph there when he was ill. Grotius went to the
+convent, and was conducted from thence to the Garden of the Thuilleries,
+where he found Boutillier and Father Joseph. After the usual
+compliments, the Capuchin shewed that the late treaty at Paris was made
+in consequence of a full power given the Ministers of the German
+Princes, and concluded and signed without <a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"></a>any stipulation concerning
+the necessity of ratifying it. Grotius replied, that the High Chancellor
+himself had said the contrary; that the towns who approved of the treaty
+owned the necessity of its being ratified; that a ratification was so
+necessary to give a treaty the force of a law, that that which was
+concluded at Ratisbon, in 1630, by Father Joseph himself, had not its
+full execution because the King did not think proper to ratify it; that
+the Swedes only asked what was just, and would consent that some
+addition should be made to the treaty of Hailbron, if that were proper.
+Grotius was asked, which article of the late treaty Sweden complained
+of? he first mentioned that of the Subsidies, the disposition of which
+was left to the four circles of Germany, though it was on the express
+condition of receiving them that Sweden had engaged in the war: he
+added, that it was unjust to take Benfield from the Swedes without
+giving them an equivalent, since the Germans had given them that place
+as a pledge. The two French Ministers, unable to make Grotius approve of
+the treaty of Paris, had recourse to menaces and caresses: they imagined
+that his instructions bore that he might ratify it provided it was not
+till the last extremity. Grotius saw through their design, and told them
+they deceived themselves. They said, they would write to Sweden to
+complain of the High Chancellor; that the King would no longer treat
+with Grotius as Ambassador; that orders would be sent to the Marquis de
+Feuquieres to complain to Oxenstiern himself of his contempt of a signed
+treaty, and want of due regard to the King. Grotius answered, that the
+Marquis de Feuquieres had already made representations to the High
+Chancellor, without effect, on this subject; that if France would not
+have him for Ambassador, he would be employed elsewhere; that it would
+be in vain to write to Sweden because Oxenstiern's reasons for not
+ratifying the treaty of Paris would certainly be approved there. They
+cooled a <a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"></a>little; and gave him to understand, that an alteration might
+be made in some of the articles, and that the King would consent that
+the Swedes should not be excluded from the chief command, though the
+treaty imported that a Prince should be General. Grotius shewed that
+there were many other articles, which occasioned great difficulty both
+by their ambiguity and their opposition to the interests of Sweden. The
+two Ministers put themselves into a passion, and concluded with
+complaining that they would inform the King and the Cardinal that they
+could settle nothing with Grotius, and that the Swedes made a jest of
+treaties. Father Joseph retiring, the conversation became milder with
+the Superintendant: Grotius shewed that it was the promise of assistance
+from France, which engaged Sweden in such a burthensome war; that the
+High Chancellor had done essential services to the common cause; that if
+the King should drop his alliance with the Swedes, they should be
+obliged to take care of themselves; that France might give subsidies to
+the Germans, but it was just that those promised to Sweden should be
+exactly paid. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this conference in
+a letter of the 15th of March, 1635.</p>
+
+<p>Cardinal Richelieu<a name="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>, to induce the Swedes to conform more to his
+measures, spread a report, and even said himself often, that he was in
+treaty with the Emperor, and the accommodation on the point of being
+concluded: but Grotius, who knew the Cardinal's character, was not duped
+by it; and wrote to the High Chancellor that it was only a stratagem of
+that Minister, and the report ought to make no change in Sweden's
+conduct.</p>
+
+<p>On the 28th of March the Cardinal sending to acquaint Grotius<a name="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> that
+he wanted to confer with him, he immediately waited on his Eminence:
+which shews the inaccuracy of Du Maurier, who assures us that <a name="Page_150" id="Page_150"></a>Grotius
+never saw Cardinal Richelieu whilst he was Minister from Sweden in
+France, because his Eminence gave not the precedence to Ambassadors.</p>
+
+<p>He complimented the Cardinal (with whom he found Father Joseph) in the
+name of the Queen, the Regents of Sweden, and the High Chancellor, and
+delivered to him his Letters of Credence. The treaty of Paris was soon
+brought on the carpet: the Cardinal pretended that it ought to be
+executed without any restriction; he said the King, by assisting the
+Germans with men and money, sufficiently favoured the Swedes; adding,
+that Sweden did not apply the subsidies granted by France to the uses
+agreed on. Grotius made answer, that L&aelig;fler and Strect could not make a
+treaty contrary to the interests of Sweden. Father Joseph added that the
+King was informed that it was he (Grotius) who advised the High
+Chancellor not to ratify the treaty of Paris, giving him hopes that he
+through his friends would obtain one more advantageous. Grotius assured
+him it was a falshood; and that what had been said of the misapplication
+of the Subsidies was a gross calumny. The Cardinal interposing said that
+he perceived Father Joseph and the Swedish Ambassador were not in good
+understanding, and he would endeavour to reconcile them. Grotius sounded
+high the wealth of France, as being more than sufficient to assist the
+Germans without abandoning the Swedes, who had entered into the war
+solely at her felicitation and on her promise of succours. The Cardinal,
+without explaining himself what sum would be given, hinted that Sweden
+must not expect for the future a Subsidy of a million. Father Joseph
+pretended, that he knew from good hands the High Chancellor only wanted
+that article changed which excluded the Swedes from the command in
+chief, and that regard should be had to their interests in concluding a
+peace. The Cardinal said the King would consent to this alteration; but
+that he was surprised the High Chancellor, after giving so <a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"></a>many
+assurances of his satisfaction, should make new demands. Grotius still
+insisted that it was but just to adhere to the treaty of Hailbron, and
+that Sweden, which kept up armies and fleets, had a better claim to the
+King's liberality, than several other Princes to whom the King
+generously gave subsidies.</p>
+
+<p>The Cardinal receiving notice that a Courier was just arrived with
+Letters from the High Chancellor, ordered him to be brought in. He
+presented Oxenstiern's Letters to the Cardinal, who, on reading them,
+was much surprised to find the High Chancellor desirous of coming into
+France to settle all difficulties in a conference. This journey was not
+at all agreeable to the Cardinal: however, as it would have been
+indecent and improper to oppose it, he answered that he would write
+about it to the King, and he did not doubt but his Majesty would consent
+to it; that it would give him the greatest pleasure to see Oxenstiern,
+but if his errand was to set aside the treaty of Paris, he foresaw the
+interview would do more harm than good; and that he would dispatch La
+Grange to the High Chancellor to compliment him, and assure him he must
+not think of concluding a treaty contrary to what had been agreed on
+with L&aelig;fler and Strect.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Ep. 375. p 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Ep. 380. p. 139.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecVI">VI.</a> The King being informed that Oxenstiern, to serve the common cause,
+wanted to come to France, consented to it, and gave orders for his being
+received with great magnificence: the Hotel for Ambassadors
+Extraordinary at Paris was fitted up for him<a name="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>. All business was
+suspended till his arrival<a name="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>: and the King went to Compeigne to be
+nearer Flanders and Germany. The High Chancellor came thither. Grotius
+had purposed to go to meet him as soon as he heard of his being on the
+way; but Oxenstiern not giving him notice what rout he would take, nor
+whether he would come directly to Paris, or alight at Compeigne, Grotius
+remained in suspense till <a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"></a>April 21, that a Courier<a name="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> from the High
+Chancellor brought him word that he had taken the road through the Three
+Bishoprics and Champagne, and desired him to come to him. Grotius set
+out immediately; and met him at Soissons, from whence they came to
+Compeigne. The High Chancellor had two hundred men in his retinue. The
+Count de Soissons was at first nominated to go to meet that
+Minister<a name="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>; it was however the Count D'Alais, Son of the Duke
+D'Angoul&ecirc;me, who went with Count Brulon in the King's coach. They
+proceeded the distance of three leagues, and on their coming up the High
+Chancellor stept with them into his Majesty's coach. He was conducted to
+the Hotel prepared for him, and splendidly entertained at the King's
+expence. On the 26th of April, 1635, he came to Compeigne; and next day
+had an audience of the King, who received him very graciously, and
+expressed a high esteem for him. The visit lasted half an hour: the
+Scots Colonels Hepburn and Leslie were present; and Grotius served as
+Interpreter. He afterwards visited the Queen, and also Cardinal
+Richelieu, who took the right hand of him; he offered it indeed to
+Oxenstiern; but he in civility refused it. They were together at this
+visit three hours, but said not a word of business; nothing passed but
+compliments and mirth, says the <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i>. Both spoke in Latin.
+Two days after, that is to say, on the 29th, the Cardinal returned the
+High Chancellor's visit: his Eminence was booted as if he were returning
+from the country, that this visit, says Puffendorf, might not be looked
+upon as a debt. They conversed long together about business. Oxenstiern,
+like an able Politician, made no mention of the treaty of Paris, nor of
+that of Hailbron: he foresaw that it would draw on discussions which
+might breed ill blood, and hurt the common cause: he only talked of a
+treaty with Sweden. There was some alteration <a name="Page_153" id="Page_153"></a>made in the old one; and
+it was agreed that no peace or truce should be concluded with the
+Austrians without the consent of the two Crowns. The same day, according
+to the <i>Mercure Fran&ccedil;ois</i>, or on the 30th of April, according to
+Puffendorf, the High Chancellor had his audience of leave of the King:
+his Majesty took a diamond ring from his finger, valued at that time at
+ten or twelve thousand crowns, which he gave him, together with a box
+set with diamonds, in which was his Majesty's picture. All the time he
+was at Compeigne, he was served by the officers of the King's kitchen
+with so much splendor and magnificence, that he complained to Grotius of
+the too great expence they were at on his account. He set out from
+Compeigne on Monday the 30th of April for Paris. He wanted to be there
+<i>incognito</i>; and lodged with Grotius<a name="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>; but as soon as his arrival
+took air, the crowd to see him was so great that they could scarce keep
+them from forcing into Grotius's house. Had he been one descended from
+heaven they could not have shewn more eagerness. He staid only two or
+three days at Paris, during which he went to see the Church of Notre
+Dame, the Louvre, the Palace of Luxembourg, and some of the fine Seats
+near the City. He was so well satisfied with the manner in which Grotius
+received him, that he made a considerable present to his lady. She would
+have refused it, if she could have done it with a good grace. Grotius,
+in returning his humble thanks for it to the High Chancellor, told him
+that he owed all he had to his goodness, and that if he could have done
+more, he would have thought himself sufficiently recompensed by the
+honour of lodging so great a man. Oxenstiern went from Paris to embark
+at Dieppe; and Grotius accompanied him a part of the way<a name="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>. As soon
+as the High Chancellor arrived at Dieppe, he wrote Grotius a very
+obliging letter<a name="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>. The Court had prepared vessels at Dieppe, <a name="Page_154" id="Page_154"></a>on
+board which Oxenstiern embarked for Holland, from whence he proceeded to
+Lower Saxony.</p>
+
+<p>This treaty occasioned a difference between the Duke of Weymar and the
+High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>. The Marquis de Feuquieres insinuated to that
+Prince, that Oxenstiern, in treating with France, had shewn no regard to
+the interests of Germany. The fact was most false; for Grotius was a
+witness that the High Chancellor had recommended the affairs of Germany
+to the King with great warmth: it was agreed that neither peace nor
+truce should be concluded but in concert with the Allies; and he had
+ordered Grotius to solicit their affairs, who had in consequence pressed
+the sending the promised succours. It was not probable that Feuquieres
+should of himself venture to talk in this manner, which was enough to
+ruin him: there was therefore reason to suspect that he did it by
+private orders from the Cardinal, that the Duke of Weymar, distrusting
+the Chancellor, might place his confidence in his Eminence. It is
+certain, that notwithstanding what was agreed on at Compeigne, the
+Cardinal had the treaty with L&aelig;fler and Strect still much at heart; and
+Avaugour<a name="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>, the French Minister at Stockholm, was ordered to demand
+its ratification. But he was answered, that those Ministers were not
+sent by Sweden, and exceeded their powers, and that the affair was
+referred to Oxenstiern. After such a formal denial, Avaugour was forced
+to confine his demands to the ratification of the treaty of Compeigne.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Ep. 383. p. 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Ep. 390. p. 142. &amp; ep. 391. p. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Ep. 393. p. 143 &amp; ep. 396 p. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Ep. 387. p. 141.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Ep. 400. p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> Ep. 344. p. 853.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Ep. 408. p. 1, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Ep. 432. p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 8. n. 4.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecVII">VII.</a> Grotius was not only fatigued and embarrassed with State affairs;
+the reformed Ministers gave him uneasiness at a time when he imagined
+they had room to be satisfied with him.</p>
+
+<p>He was at a loss<a name="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> at first how to act with regard to the celebration
+of divine service. March 30, 1635, he wrote to his brother: "You have
+reason to ask <a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"></a>how I must act in the affair of religion; it greatly
+embarrasses me. It would be an odious thing, and might displease the
+High Chancellor, to introduce, by my own authority, a new reformed
+Church: besides, those, to whom I might apply for a Minister, are of
+different sentiments from me. What you propose, that I should hear the
+Ministers of Charenton, since they receive the Lutherans into their
+communion, is not amiss."</p>
+
+<p>We have seen that Grotius, on his arrival at Paris after his escape from
+Louvestein, had room to be dissatisfied with the reformed Ministers,
+who, under pretence of his refusing to receive the Synod of Dort, and
+his attachment to Arminianism, would not communicate with him. The happy
+revolution in his fortune made one in their minds, as he writes to
+Vossius<a name="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>. Immediately on his arrival at Paris in quality of
+Ambassador from Sweden, he was visited by six of the principal reformed
+Ministers, among whom were Faucher, Aubertin, Daill&eacute;, and Drelincourt.
+They were not much attached to the rigid sentiments on Predestination:
+some even seemed to prefer Melancton's system to that of Calvin. Before
+Grotius had determined in what manner he should act with the Ministers
+of Charenton, Faucher, Mestrezat, and Daill&eacute; came on the 2d of August,
+1635<a name="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>, to ask him to join their communion; which, they assured him,
+discovered a greater disposition than ever towards an union among
+Protestants, having lately resolved to admit Lutherans. "They hoped,
+they said, that he looked on their Confession of Faith as consistent
+with Christianity; that they had the same charitable sentiments
+concerning that of the Arminians; that they had not forgot what he had
+formerly said, writing against Sibrand, 'that he wondered whether the
+Contra-Remonstrants would refuse to admit St. Chrysostom and Melancton
+into <a name="Page_156" id="Page_156"></a>their communion, if they should offer themselves;' that they had
+read and approved of his Treatise on the Truth of the Christian
+Religion, and what he had lately written, exhorting Christians to live
+in peace; that they had written to Holland, to make no more difficulty
+about admitting the Remonstrants into their communion; and that the
+Dutch, become more moderate in process of time, would give attention to
+their reasons." Grotius answered, that he was ready to give them public
+proofs of his willingness to join in communion with them, and that it
+was not his fault he had not done this sooner: adding, that if he should
+go into any Country where the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the
+Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into
+their communion, he would make no difficulty of joining with them: which
+the Ministers approved of.</p>
+
+<p>He had not yet determined to go to Charenton on the 23d of August, 1635.
+"I weigh matters (he writes to his<a name="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> brother) that I may do what is
+most agreeable to God, useful to the Church, and advantageous to my
+Family."</p>
+
+<p>This affair seemed almost finished when the Ministers sent to tell
+him<a name="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> that they would willingly receive him, but not as Ambassador
+from Sweden, because that kingdom was of a different persuasion. "I am
+surprised (he writes to his brother) at the fickleness of people, who
+invite the Lutherans to partake with them, and say they cannot receive
+me in quality of Ambassador from Sweden, on account of their differing
+in opinion from that kingdom." To go to sermon as a private man would
+have been no great inconveniency to him<a name="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>, but he could not do this
+without contradicting his principles, which made him look on the Swedes
+as orthodox. He resolved therefore <a name="Page_157" id="Page_157"></a>to have Divine Service celebrated
+for the future in his own house.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident from this recital, which is faithfully taken from
+Grotius's letters, that Du Maurier is mistaken in saying<a name="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>, that the
+Ministers of Charenton, when they knew that Grotius was Ambassador from
+Sweden, deputed one of their number to invite him to their Church; and
+he answered, that having neglected him when a Fugitive he would now
+neglect them when Ambassador.</p>
+
+<p>Not having been able to settle matters with the reformed Ministers, he
+resolved to have Divine Service performed at home. The Lutherans
+attended his Chapel as if he publicly professed their religion. He
+writes to his brother, Dec. 28, 1635<a name="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a>, "We celebrated at my house
+the Feast of the Nativity: the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Count de
+Suarsenbourg, and several Swedish and German Lords assisted at it."</p>
+
+<p>George Calixtus, an eminent Lutheran Minister<a name="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>, procured him
+Brandanus for his Chaplain. This man was a zealous Lutheran: Grotius
+recommended moderation to him, and took him upon condition<a name="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> that he
+should be upon his guard in his Sermons, and never enter into
+controversy in public, either with the Roman Catholics or the Reformed.
+But his zeal carried him away; and seeing his Master's Chapel much
+frequented, he took occasion to rail sometimes against the Papists and
+even sometimes against the Reformed. Grotius was much offended at it,
+not only because it was contrary to agreement, but also because, by
+publicly attacking in his own house the established Church and the
+others who were tolerated, he exposed himself to the hatred of the whole
+kingdom. He several times intimated to Brandanus<a name="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> to behave
+otherwise; but his representations and orders having no effect, <a name="Page_158" id="Page_158"></a>in
+autumn, 1637, he forbad him his Chapel: he kept him however in his house
+till the end of February following. To supply the place of Brandanus he
+pitched upon Francis Dor, who had been deposed at Sedan for his
+adherence to Arminianism, and since lived by keeping a boarding-school,
+and teaching French to young Flemings and Germans on their travels in
+France. It was some time before he could resolve<a name="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> to quit this
+manner of life; but at length accepted of Grotius's offer. They lived in
+good understanding together, because their opinions were almost the
+same.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Ep. 340. p. 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> Ep. 378. p. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> Ep. 350. p. 854.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Ep. 354. p. 856.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> Ep. 358. p. 857.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> Ep. 360. p. 857.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Memoirs, p. 414, 415.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Ep. 363. p. 858.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Ep. 674. p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Ep. 410. p. 872.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Ep. 840. p. 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Ep. 423. p. 879.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecVIII">VIII.</a> Soon after Oxenstiern left the kingdom, the peace of Vervins was
+broken, and the French and Spaniards began that long war which was not
+ended till the Pyrenean treaty. The King went to Chateau-Thierry; and
+the Cardinal followed him, though indisposed. Grotius went to Court on
+the eve of Whitsunday, 1635<a name="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>, as well to solicit the affairs of
+Sweden, as to attend to the interest of their allies. France was at this
+time in great joy on account of the victory at Ardenne, gained by the
+Marshals de Brez&eacute; and de Chatilon over Prince Thomas of Savoy. The
+Marshal de la Force had also gained a great advantage over the Cravats
+in Lorrain: which happy beginning raised the hopes of the French
+exceedingly. It was at this point of time Grotius arrived at Court. He
+went first to Cardinal Richelieu, who was three leagues from
+Chateau-Thierry; but as that Minister had been blooded on Whitsunday, he
+referred the Ambassador to Boutillier the Superintendant. They talked
+about several things: the chief was the payment of the Subsidies.
+Grotius after this conference sending to ask how the Cardinal did, his
+Eminence desired him to wait on the King. Grotius accordingly went to
+compliment his Majesty on the victory of Ardenne, and afterwards begged
+that he would be <a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"></a>pleased to give orders about the money which was
+demanded by the Swedes. The King heard him with great goodness, and
+desired him to give in a state of his demands to Boutillier. At taking
+his leave, Grotius told his Majesty that he should think himself most
+happy if he could do him any service, or promote the common cause. The
+King answered, that he might be of great use in what concerned the
+affairs of Holland. He afterwards related to him what had passed between
+the Marshal de la Force and the Cravats; the news of which, he had just
+received.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius was preparing to visit the Superintendant again, when the
+Cardinal sent to acquaint him, that he should be glad to see him.
+Grotius went: he spoke to his Eminence of the sums due to Sweden before
+the death of King Gustavus, and which Chavigni, Secretary of State for
+foreign affairs, and Boutillier's son, promised the High Chancellor
+should be paid. The Cardinal answered, that his bad state of health and
+greater affairs had made him much a stranger to those particulars; and
+that since the Superintendant and Bullion said they were ignorant of the
+King's intentions on the subject, he must wait Chavigni's return, who
+was expected at Court in a few days.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius after this visit went to the Superintendant, with whom he left a
+memorial of his demands as his Majesty had desired. Boutillier talked in
+the same strain the Cardinal had done concerning the money due to the
+Swedes.</p>
+
+<p>Things being in this situation, Grotius returned to Paris, leaving his
+Secretary at Court, who was to give him notice of Chavigni's return.</p>
+
+<p>The King drawing nearer Paris, Chavigni came back to that city. The
+Swedish Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> sent several times to demand an interview, which
+he eluded; sometimes it was pretended he was gone out; at other times he
+was busy: he once made a positive<a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"></a> appointment with him; but when
+Grotius came to his house, he was gone to wait upon the King at
+Monceaux. At his return he appointed another meeting; Grotius did not
+fail to be there: Chavigni assured him, that some pressing business
+hindered him from conferring with him at that time. The Cardinal
+returning very ill to Ruel, Chavigni went to see him; Grotius followed,
+and pressed him so closely, he could not put him off. Bullion was
+present: Chavigni pretended that there never had been any positive
+promise to pay the arrears of the old subsidies; that he had only said
+from the King, that as far as the situation of affairs would allow, his
+Majesty would endeavour that the High Chancellor should have no reason
+to complain. However Grotius recommended this affair to Bullion as being
+just in itself; and Bullion answered, that he would give as much
+attention to it as the state of the finances would permit. Grotius
+shewed them his letters from Germany, informing him that the body of
+twelve thousand men, which the King engaged to furnish, was in a very
+bad condition, and that even the interest of France required that it
+should be speedily completed. They made answer, that the King intended
+it, and that this army would soon be increased to seventeen thousand
+men.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's pressing solicitations were troublesome to Chavigni<a name="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>, and
+we see that he was afraid of his visits. He sought pretences for delay,
+and even often broke his appointments with so little decency, that
+Grotius complained to the High Chancellor that Chavigni did not shew
+proper respect to the dignity of an Ambassador from Sweden.</p>
+
+<p>The King going to Fontainebleau in summer, 1635<a name="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>, and carrying
+Boutillier with him, whose son was with the Duke of Orleans, Servin,
+Secretary at War, remained at Paris. Grotius went to see him and was
+received with great politeness and friendship.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"></a>He spoke to him of the subsidies; Servien promised his good offices.
+Grotius also recommended to him the interests of the Duke of Weymar, who
+was hard pressed by his enemies: and he received fair promises. Some
+days after, Servien returned his visit<a name="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>. July 20, 1635, Grotius went
+to see the Cardinal at Ruel<a name="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>; and spoke to him of the money owing to
+Sweden. His Eminence owned it; but enlarged much on the great expence
+France was put to for the allies; and wished the Swedish Ambassador
+would confer on this and other matters with Father Joseph, who had an
+apartment at Ruel near the Cardinal's. Grotius saw him, and received
+much satisfaction. The Father said he had always disapproved of the
+delays in the payment of the subsidies; that he would use his endeavours
+to get the promises made to Sweden punctually performed, and to
+perpetuate a good understanding between the two crowns, which would be
+for the interest of both: he added, that the troops intended for
+augmenting the army in Germany were already on their march.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius met with the better reception as the French Court was under some
+uneasiness lest the allies should make a separate peace. The Cardinal
+gave some hints of what he apprehended on this subject: Grotius removed
+his fears in relation to Sweden, and the Cardinal promised that France
+would be faithful to her engagements. Grotius did not lose sight of the
+affair of the subsidies<a name="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>: he went several times to Bullion, on whom
+it partly depended as belonging to his department: but Bullion always
+refused to speak to him under pretence of indisposition or multiplicity
+of business, which did not leave him master of his own time. Grotius
+judging this behaviour equivalent to a positive denial, wrote to the
+High Chancellor, that he thought his Excellency should write to the King
+himself. The answers of the Ministry depended on <a name="Page_162" id="Page_162"></a>the situation of
+affairs<a name="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>: when France had need of Oxenstiern they made fine promises
+to Grotius, who was not duped by them. At last he saw Bullion<a name="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>, who,
+after enlarging much on the King's great expence in maintaining an
+hundred and fifty thousand men, promised to advance two hundred thousand
+Francs; but never issued the order. Lewis XIII. making a progress
+towards Lorain, Cardinal Richelieu was left at Paris with absolute
+power. Grotius had an audience of him in September 1635. He found him in
+a very bad humour. His Eminence said he was well assured the High
+Chancellor was negotiating a separate treaty with the Elector of Saxony;
+that it was vain to make alliances if they were not faithfully observed;
+that for his part he was resolved to adhere to his engagements, and
+chose rather to be deceived than to deceive. Grotius answered, that it
+was true the Elector of Saxony had made proposals to the High
+Chancellor, but his Excellency had written to the Elector himself, had
+told his Envoys, and sent a deputation to inform him, that a separate
+treaty would be injurious to France and the other allies of Sweden: The
+Ambassador added, that he had orders to declare to his Eminence, that in
+case Sweden should be abandoned by France, he must not be surprised if
+the necessity of affairs should oblige the Swedish Ministers to have
+recourse to expedients which were very far from their intention. The
+Cardinal replied, that that was the usual style of such as depart from
+their engagements and treat separately. Grotius assured him that there
+was nothing yet done; that it were to be wished France would send a
+Minister to Oxenstiern to act in concert with him; and that it was time
+to pay the arrears which were still owing to Sweden notwithstanding the
+frequent promises to the contrary, and whose payment Bullion always
+deferred. The Cardinal made no answer to <a name="Page_163" id="Page_163"></a>this article: he asked the
+Ambassador whether he thought the High Chancellor had an inclination to
+return to his own country. Grotius replied, that that illustrious
+minister entertained no thoughts but what were honourable and great, and
+that his principal object was to terminate with dignity the great
+affairs with which he was entrusted. The Ambassador at the same time
+took occasion to thank the Cardinal for the attention which the King and
+his Eminence gave to what passed on the Rhine. The Cardinal intimating
+that he heard the Princes in those parts had a great aversion to
+Oxenstiern, Grotius replied, that it was impossible it should be
+otherwise as things were situated; and that a Foreigner, however great
+his prudence and modesty might be, would be always odious to Princes
+whose authority and dignity he eclipsed. The end of the conference was
+more calm: The Cardinal conducted Grotius to the door of the chamber,
+excusing himself that his health did not permit him to go farther. A
+month after this audience Grotius demanded another of his Eminence,
+which he obtained, after asking it five days successively<a name="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>, at Ruel.
+Grotius gave him to understand that the letters he received from Germany
+ought to make them very uneasy. The Cardinal replied, that he
+apprehended the bad state of affairs was exaggerated in order to excuse
+a separate peace; but that no honourable or lasting one could be made
+but in conjunction, as he desired. His Eminence grew more mild
+afterwards, and promised that the Marquis de St. Chaumont should in a
+little time set out for Germany with very ample powers to act in concert
+with Oxenstiern for the good of the common cause. He desired the
+Ambassador to see Bullion in relation to the subsidies. Father Joseph
+was present at this audience. The Cardinal treated Grotius with more
+respect than he had ever done: he waited on him a little beyond<a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"></a> the
+door of his Chamber, and gave him the upper hand.</p>
+
+<p>Bullion being at Ruel, Grotius went to wait on him: he promised to give
+two hundred thousand Francs, and even to add three hundred thousand more
+as soon as the state of the King's affairs would permit it. The
+Ambassador answered, that was putting off the payment to a long day.
+Bullion represented that the King sent large sums into the Valtoline,
+Italy, Germany, Lorain, Piccardy, and Flanders. All this was very true;
+but the greatest part, Grotius said, remained in the hands of harpies.
+He informed the Chancellor of these conferences in a letter dated at
+Paris, October 12, 1635, which he concludes with saying that the
+fidelity which he owed to the kingdom of Sweden and to his Excellency
+obliged him to observe, that money was very scarce in France, and that
+the way to derive advantage from the peace was to hasten its conclusion.
+The Marquis de St. Chaumont, who was nominated to go to Germany, was not
+liked by Grotius: he was a declared enemy of the Protestants<a name="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>, and
+it has even been said that he was made choice of for the embassy into
+Germany out of compliment to the Court of Rome, who complained loudly of
+the protection given by France to Heretics. St. Chaumont's zeal, which
+was to do him much honour at the Court of Rome, was no merit in Germany,
+where it might even injure the common cause. He set out on his embassy
+without having had any conference with the Swedish Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>, and
+even without visiting him; which seemed contrary to custom and decency.</p>
+
+<p>November 3, 1635, Grotius went to Ruel to see the Cardinal<a name="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> whom he
+found in a very bad humour. His Eminence thought Sweden wanted to make a
+separate peace: he enlarged much on the respect due to the observance of
+treaties, and that there could <a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"></a>never be any necessity for acting
+dishonourably; he added, that the design of Grotius's embassy was a very
+bad one, and that he could only derive dishonour from it, since it had
+led him first to make objections against the treaty of Paris, and
+secondly to acknowledge that the Swedes would not abide by what they had
+agreed on at Compeigne. Grotius answered, that the High Chancellor was
+in the greatest dilemma, surrounded by enemies, and abandoned by his
+allies; that he himself had long solicited the money promised, but could
+never obtain payment; that the sending a French Minister into Germany,
+so often demanded, was agreed to much later than the good of the common
+cause required; and that the High Chancellor desired nothing more than
+to remedy the unhappy situation of affairs. The Cardinal made no answer
+concerning the remedy to be applied; and contented himself with saying
+that these general discourses sufficiently shewed a formed design of
+making a separate peace. He added, that all the Protestants were
+treacherous; which was a reason not only for being on one's guard in
+treating with them, but also for thinking their religion bad. Grotius
+grew warm, and said, that he needed not produce former instances to
+prove the integrity and sincerity of the Protestants, since the High
+Chancellor and the Duke of Weymar had never departed from their
+engagements. The Cardinal pretended that the peace which was just
+concluded between Poland and Sweden, by the mediation of France, put the
+Swedes in condition to continue the war against the Emperor. Grotius
+answered, that it was not yet ratified; that, besides, the cession of
+Prussia, stipulated by this treaty, was very disadvantageous to Sweden,
+because that province not only covered the kingdom, but also yielded a
+rich revenue. The Cardinal seemed to be in some emotion, and said that
+it required a great command of temper to listen patiently to discourses
+that bordered so near on ingratitude. Grotius assured him, that in all
+he <a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"></a>had advanced he exactly followed his instructions. The Cardinal
+seemed displeased with those who had given them; and added that if the
+High Chancellor was not content with the peace between Sweden and
+Poland, it was from private views, because he lost the government of
+Prussia. After this sharp conversation, the Cardinal appeared more calm;
+and said, that he had nothing to do but hear what might be advanced, and
+would not judge till he had seen what was done. Grotius answered, that
+the High Chancellor would always act as a man of honour and a man of
+courage.</p>
+
+<p>November 5, Grotius had an audience of the King, who complained much,
+that after having been at so great expence, to the prejudice of his own
+affairs, on account of the Germans, they should break their treaties.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius went to Ruel on the 14th of December<a name="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>, again to solicit the
+payment of what was due to Sweden. He found there a courier from the
+Marquis de St. Chaumont, who delivered to him some letters he had
+brought with him from the High Chancellor. Grotius suspected that they
+had been opened, for besides their being dirty, the Courier had been
+arrived near a month; and he gave very bad reasons both for the
+condition of the letters, and his not delivering them sooner; he said
+they had fallen into the sea; that he had been at Paris, but could not
+find Grotius's house; and that he had been since kept at Ruel. What made
+Grotius easy, was that these letters were written with so much
+circumspection, had they been intercepted, the reading of them would
+rather have been advantageous than hurtful to Sweden. The French Court's
+fears lest the Swedes should conclude a separate peace made the
+Ministers promise him speedy payment of the arrears of the subsidies:
+Bullion assured him that he would without delay advance three hundred
+thousand Francs at several small payments (which Grotius <a name="Page_167" id="Page_167"></a>disliked) and
+that he had already given orders for paying other two hundred thousand
+Francs: Servien promised that France would make greater efforts next
+campaign, if Sweden would continue the war.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning of 1636<a name="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> Grotius went to see the Cardinal, who
+complained bitterly that Grotius had written to Holland that the affairs
+of France were in a deplorable situation, and the French still on the
+point of making their peace. Grotius assured him it was a pure calumny:
+the Cardinal pretended that it was known to the French Ambassadors at
+the Hague. Grotius assured him these false reports owed their rise to
+the artifices of Pau and A&euml;rsens his declared enemies, that Camerarius
+the Swedish Ambassador in Holland, with whom he corresponded by letters,
+would attest the contrary; that this report was probably occasioned by
+an article inserted in the Brussels Gazette, that his letters had been
+intercepted, representing France as in the greatest declension, of which
+he had never had a thought; and that this was done with design to make
+him lose the friendship of his patrons. He added, that he had forgot his
+Country; that indeed he wished its preservation on account of the
+friends and the small estate he had in it; but that he had given himself
+entirely to Sweden, and was not so ignorant, not to know how much it
+imported Sweden that whilst she was in arms the Dutch should continue
+the war; nor so dishonest, to give counsels contrary to the interest of
+Sweden and of the High Chancellor, to whom he owed every thing; and that
+if his Eminence would put it in his power to do some service to France,
+he would much more chearfully refute these calumnies by his actions,
+than by his words. The Cardinal resumed an air of serenity, said several
+obliging things, and assured him that for the future he would behave to
+him with more openness. He reconducted him a pretty way, politely
+excusing <a name="Page_168" id="Page_168"></a>himself that he did not go farther lest he should be oppressed
+by the croud that wanted to speak to him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>The Duke of Parma arriving about this time at Paris to negotiate
+with the Court of France, great difficulties arose with regard to the
+ceremonial. The Pope's Nuncios, Mazarin, and Bolognetti, and the other
+Ambassadors, would not visit him because they could not agree about the
+manner in which he should receive them: the English and Swedish
+Ambassadors did not even send their Coaches to meet him, because they
+knew that those of the Nuncios would take the precedence. The Duke of
+Weymar came to Paris in spring 1636. Grotius<a name="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>, who was extremely
+circumspect, was in doubt whether he should pay him the first visit: and
+before he determined, he wanted to see what the English Ambassador would
+do. The Duke sent him his compliments, and the Ambassadors coming to an
+agreement to wait first on that Prince<a name="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>, Grotius went to see him,
+and was extremely well received: the Duke returned his visit. As it was
+through the mediation of the Count d'Avaux that the truce of twenty-six
+years between Sweden and Poland was concluded, Queen Christina<a name="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>
+ordered her Ambassador to return her thanks to the King of France.
+Grotius obtained an audience, April 17, 1636, at Chantilly, and gave an
+account of what passed at it in a letter to her Majesty, dated April
+24<a name="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>. Having presented to the King the Queen of Sweden's letter, his
+Majesty assured him, that he interested himself most sincerely in her
+Majesty's health and prosperity; that she might depend upon the
+constancy of these his sentiments; that he had had the conclusion of the
+war between Sweden and Poland the more at heart, as he hoped her Swedish
+Majesty, having no longer any differences with the Poles, would give all
+her attention to the affairs of Germany; that he already saw with
+pleasure his hopes had not been <a name="Page_169" id="Page_169"></a>without foundation: that he would write
+to his Ministers to know how the payment of the subsidies stood; that he
+had always had a good opinion of D'Avaux and therefore employed him in
+affairs of importance, and intended to make farther use of his service.
+Grotius sent the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> a copy of this letter to the
+Queen. He used to send her Majesty the substance of any affair of
+importance without descending to particulars, as Oxenstiern<a name="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> had
+recommended to him.</p>
+
+<p>He had an audience of Cardinal Richelieu<a name="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> in the beginning of May,
+1636: The affairs of the allies were in a good situation. His Eminence
+greatly extolled the High Chancellor: he said what he had done was not
+inferior to the exploits of the great Gustavus; that it was a kind of
+miracle that the Swedes, after being betrayed by their friends, and
+forced into a corner of Germany, should have been able in such a short
+time to penetrate into the heart of the Empire. He assured Grotius, that
+a part of the money due had been paid by St. Chaumont, and that in a
+little time there would not be one sol owing. Afterwards embracing the
+Swedish Ambassador with great cordiality, he begged of him in the name
+of polite learning, which they both professed to cultivate, to do all in
+his power for the advantage of the common cause, especially with the
+English: and, to efface the remembrance of the ill treatment Grotius had
+received, he told him with a smile, that the French were often fools in
+the opinion of other nations, but they soon recovered their right
+senses. This change in the Cardinal proceeded from the Queen of Sweden's
+approving Oxenstiern's nomination of Grotius to be Ambassador in France;
+from the confidence which the High Chancellor placed in him; from Pau's
+having lost his authority in Holland; and from the Prince of Orange's
+having spoken of him in terms of <a name="Page_170" id="Page_170"></a>friendship. The Cardinal magnified the
+preparations made by France at sea, from which great things, he said,
+might be expected if the English would join: he wanted they should be
+given to understand that the French and Swedes would undertake to obtain
+the restitution of the Palatinate to Prince Charles Lewis the King of
+England's nephew, if the English would unite their forces with those of
+France and Sweden. He added that it was unjust in the English to claim
+the Empire of the sea, but that it would be improper for some time
+openly to dispute their pretensions, for fear of preventing their
+joining in the treaty, or on the other hand to acknowledge directly the
+right they assumed.</p>
+
+<p>This was all that passed directly between Cardinal Richelieu and
+Grotius: they never conferred together afterwards. The Swedish
+Ambassador thought he should derogate from his dignity by visiting a
+Minister, who, because he was invested with the Purple, refused to give
+the upper hand to Ambassadors. He resolved therefore to see his Eminence
+no more, but to treat with the other Ministers.</p>
+
+<p>The English were the first who disputed the privileges of the
+Cardinalship. Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England to
+France<a name="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>, would not see Cardinal Richelieu: he sent to tell him that
+he was expressly ordered to visit no one who assumed in his own house
+the precedency of the Ambassadors of Kings. The English had been induced
+to take this step by the representation of the Protestants, that to
+suffer a Cardinal to take the upper hand of an Ambassador was to
+acknowledge the Pope's dignity. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of
+this by a letter of the fourth of September, 1635, where he adds, "I say
+not this as if I thought the English ought to be imitated in every
+thing, but that we may avoid whatever might expose us to contempt: <a name="Page_171" id="Page_171"></a>than
+which nothing, I am persuaded, can be of more prejudice to the interests
+of kings and kingdoms."</p>
+
+<p>He continued, however, to see the Cardinal till the arrival of the Earl
+of Leicester, who came to Paris in spring 1636, as Ambassador
+Extraordinary from the King of England, with orders not to visit the
+Cardinal, because the British Court thought it indecent that Ambassadors
+should yield the precedence to Cardinals; and that it was even contrary
+to the ceremonial of the Court of Spain. "I commend, says Grotius
+writing to the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>, those who defend their rights: I
+dare not however imitate them without orders." He thought it most proper
+therefore not to visit the Cardinal till he knew the High Chancellor's
+intentions. Receiving no orders to continue his visits to him<a name="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>, he
+wholly left them off; and the Queen's Ministry thinking the crown of
+Sweden at least equal in dignity to that of England, approved of his
+conduct. Count d'Avaux was ordered to use his endeavours with the
+Swedish Ministry to write to Grotius that he should continue to visit
+the Cardinal as formerly: D'Avaux spoke of it to Salvius, a
+Privy-Councellor, and Chancellor of the Court, who was with him at
+Hamburg negotiating a new treaty. Salvius answered, that Grotius had
+received orders to conform to the Earl of Leicester's example; that it
+would be absurd that the Minister of such a King as yielded not the
+precedence to any other King, should yield it to a Minister; and, in
+fine, that the dignity of Cardinal was unknown in Sweden.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius informs us in several of his letters, that the English were the
+first who refused to give the Cardinal the upper hand. He writes to the
+High Chancellor, "<a name="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>Chavigni asked, as by chance, whether I would see
+the Cardinal? I answered, that since the English had ceased to visit
+him, I was ordered <a name="Page_172" id="Page_172"></a>not to see him. I have in fact letters on that
+subject from Schmalz. I added, if the Earl of Leicester, who wished so
+well to the common cause, and greatly desired the Cardinal's friendship,
+should find an expedient to reconcile what is due to the dignity, of his
+King to that of the Cardinal, it would be an example for me to follow:
+but (continues Grotius) the Earl of Leicester has assured me that the
+King will not change his resolution: and I dare make no innovation
+without a new order." He writes to Muller<a name="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>, "I have no personal
+dealings with the Cardinal: the Regents of the kingdom must send me
+their orders if they would have me follow the example of the English. If
+they think it improper, they need only speak, it is mine to obey. I have
+no interest in the matter."</p>
+
+<p>We have enlarged so much on this article, because Puffendorf, the author
+of <i>Vindici&aelig; Grotian&aelig;</i>, and Father Bougeant have pretended<a name="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> that the
+Earl of Leicester only followed Grotius's example, in refusing to give
+the upper hand to Cardinal Richelieu; which they would not have advanced
+had they read with attention the Ambassador's letters.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's steadiness in supporting the interest and dignity of the crown
+of Sweden rendered him most odious to the court of France. The Marquis
+de St. Chaumont was ordered to demand his recall. Oxenstiern, who knew
+that it was his great zeal for the service of the Queen his mistress
+that displeased the Cardinal, would not consent to it: he apprised
+Grotius of what was plotting against him, and the Swedish ambassador
+wrote him a long letter on this subject<a name="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>, in which he tells him that
+St. Chamount's demand proved how greatly the Courtiers were changed
+towards him, for he had been extremely well received <a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"></a>by the King at his
+last audience; Madam de Combalet, the Cardinal's niece, assured his wife
+in presence of several persons, that the Cardinal had a high esteem for
+him; and Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, had asked him to wait
+upon the King whenever he pleased, even if he had no business, his
+Majesty would take it extremely well. Grotius was persuaded that the
+ill-offices done him proceeded from Pau the Dutch Ambassador, and some
+Frenchmen. Pau and his accomplices hoped by this persecution to force
+Grotius to seek a reconciliation with the Dutch by some meanness. As to
+the Frenchmen, their dislike to Grotius was occasioned by his opposition
+to their design of abasing the crown of Sweden. "If the dignity of the
+crown of Sweden is to receive any diminution, I would rather, he says,
+it should be by another than by me." Father Joseph was one of the
+greatest opposers of Grotius<a name="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>, who would not visit him because the
+Capuchin had no title; and, besides, the English Ambassadors had
+declared they would not see him. As often as they met, Grotius treated
+him with civility; but the Monk, who had all the Cardinal's confidence,
+wanted to be considered as a Minister.</p>
+
+<p>The Count d'Avaux was also against Grotius. There having been some
+interruption in the payment of the subsidies, the Count said
+publicly<a name="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> it was owing to the Swedish Ambassador in France, who did
+not make his court to the first Minister, though he was known to possess
+all the King's authority; and even refused him the honours paid by the
+other Ambassadors.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, informed of the French Ministry's dislike to him, wrote to the
+High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>, praying him to consider whether it would not be
+better that Sweden should have no Ambassador in France, but only an
+<a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"></a>Agent without a public character, to enquire into what passed, and hear
+what was said to him. The Swedish Ministry judged that the more Cardinal
+Richelieu desired Grotius's removal, the greater reason they had for
+supporting him, since he displeased only by doing his duty too well.
+Grotius was informed of their sentiments, and wrote to Salvius<a name="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>,
+that the justice which the Regents of Sweden did him would serve to
+confirm his steadiness. Father Joseph said<a name="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> publicly, the French
+Ministers desired Grotius's removal, because it was evident to them that
+he opposed the success of the affairs of France. This being repeated to
+Grotius, he answered, that it was of little importance to him whether he
+served Sweden in France or in another kingdom, but that the French might
+be persuaded if a successor were sent he would be of the same opinion.
+He himself informed the High Chancellor of what was plotting against him
+in France; and the Regents of Sweden, notwithstanding this violent
+opposition, wrote to him that they were well satisfied with his good
+services<a name="FNanchor_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The Cardinal's tools endeavoured to render Sweden suspicious of him, by
+insinuating that he was a Pensioner of France. His friends told him one
+day his name was in the list of pensioners. He immediately informed the
+Chancellor of it; adding, that he did not know whether it was done by
+mistake or with a bad design; that having been formerly a Pensioner of
+the King, his name might possibly have been copied from some old list;
+but there was also reason to think it was done with a design to injure
+him: he farther adds, "I can assure your Excellency, before God, that I
+have not received a farthing from the Court of France since I have been
+in the service of Sweden; and that I am determined to accept of only
+what is usually given Ambassadors when they have their audience of
+leave."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"></a>It is probable that his name was put in the list of Pensioners, because
+the Ministry imagined if they could get him to accept of a pension, they
+would more easily bring him to their ends. It is certain they offered
+him one<a name="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>; and when they saw that he absolutely refused it, as not
+thinking he could with decency be a Minister of Sweden and a Pensioner
+of France at the same time, they rightly judged that he would never
+sacrifice the interest of the Crown of Sweden to the pretensions of the
+French Ministers. They sometimes caressed him<a name="FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>, however, because
+they saw him powerfully protected. Feuquieres was ordered to tell him
+they were very well satisfied with him: but he believed these
+compliments were made, that, being less on his guard, they might have a
+better opportunity to hurt him. "For (he writes to Oxenstiern<a name="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a>) I am
+persuaded they would be glad to see me gone, because I absolutely refuse
+the presents they offer me; and suffer not myself to be led by them like
+some other Ambassadors. For this reason they put me in such a situation
+that I must either sacrifice the dignity of the kingdom, or expose
+myself to be hated. I will never do any thing against the honour of
+Sweden; and I will shun, as much as I can, what may render me odious.
+Whatever I may do on such critical occasions, I shall be censured; but I
+rely on the testimony of a good conscience."</p>
+
+<p>They often threw difficulties in his way, hoping that the Regents of
+Sweden, tired out with these disputes, would recall him. We are
+assured<a name="FNanchor_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>, that when he went to see the Chancellor Seguier, one of
+the Cardinal's creatures, Seguier seated himself in the higher place;
+which obliged Grotius to take his chair himself to place it above the
+Chancellor. Besides the vexation which they endeavoured to give him in
+<a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"></a>France, he met with some disgust even from the Swedes. It was intimated
+to him at the Court of France, that the High Chancellor's nomination to
+the embassy of Paris was not sufficient; it must be approved of by the
+Regency of Sweden. This difficulty gave him uneasiness: he writes to
+Schmalz, Feb. 28, 1636<a name="FNanchor_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>, "I know the High Chancellor has authority
+enough to maintain me in the post to which he has raised me; but I think
+I should be better able to defend the interest of the crown, if it were
+made to appear that what the High Chancellor has done for me is approved
+of in Sweden. He is mortal; and besides I find his power of sending
+Ambassadors is sometimes called in question here." Grotius was soon
+after satisfied, the Regency of Sweden confirming his nominations<a name="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Having been some time without receiving letters from the Swedish
+Ministers, it gave him much chagrin, because it disabled him from
+serving them effectually: besides, he looked on it as a want of respect.
+August 31, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>, "Since your
+Sublimity set out for Hamburg, I have received no letter from you, nor
+from any of your attendants: what grieves me is, that not knowing the
+actual state of things, I scarce have assurance to speak to those to
+whom I must recommend the affairs with which I am charged." Eight days
+after, he renewed his complaint in a more bitter tone: "I have desired
+nothing so much, says he, as to give proofs of my zeal and fidelity to
+the kingdom of Sweden, and to your Sublimity, in this embassy: I have
+not yet failed in my duty, and I hope I never shall fail; but it is
+impossible for me to discharge it properly, if I am kept ignorant of
+those things which an Ambassador ought to know. I have no accounts from
+Sweden. If I <a name="Page_177" id="Page_177"></a>have not received letters from your Sublimity since you
+set out for Hamburg, I ascribe your silence to the multiplicity of your
+affairs: but Schmalz has not written to me since; and for some time I
+have had no letter from Camerarius or Grubbius. If they imagine my
+enemies so powerful, that I ought to remain here Ambassador only in
+name, without being let into affairs, and without doing any thing; that
+will not suit me. I am not a man that would be chargeable or a dishonour
+to those who nominated me to my employment. Besides, they are mistaken
+if they think my enemies have so much credit in my native Country; and
+those who know what passes there think as I do. I humbly beg you would
+be pleased to indemnify me for the expences I have been obliged to be
+at, and let me at liberty: wherever I go, it will be a sufficient
+recommendation not to have displeased your Sublimity."</p>
+
+<p>Whilst he was thus tormenting himself without much reason, he received
+two letters from the High Chancellor which made him easy. He thanked him
+for them, assuring him that he desired information of what passed, not
+from any eager desire for news, but to enable him better to fulfil the
+functions of his embassy. Oxenstiern fully satisfied him; and Grotius
+was extremely pleased, in the end of 1635 and the beginning of 1636,
+with the attention paid him by that great minister. Dec. 20, 1635<a name="FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>,
+he writes, "I cannot sufficiently thank your Sublimity for the care you
+have taken of my private affairs and my dignity; it is my duty so to act
+as not to appear unworthy such great and continual favours. God forbid
+that I should want to penetrate into those things which prudence
+requires to be buried in mystery; but as to public matters, I would not
+be the last to know them, and to learn them from strangers." "It <a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"></a>gives
+me great satisfaction (he writes to Oxenstiern's Secretary<a name="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>) that
+the High Chancellor is pleased to remark that I discharge my embassy
+with honour."</p>
+
+<p>Besides the embarrassment which always attends difficult negotiations,
+the trouble of contenting several masters, and the difficulty of
+treating with Ministers to whom one is disagreeable, Grotius, who
+thought it essential to an Ambassador to live with dignity, received
+almost continual uneasiness from the ill payment of his appointments.
+Sep. 14, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>, that the Treasurer
+of Sweden refused to pay his quarter's salary; that the expences of his
+journies were still unpaid, and that he had exhausted all his private
+resources. He repeats in a letter of the 8th of November, 1635<a name="FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>,
+that he had received but one quarter, which was owing even before his
+arrival at Paris; that there were two others due since: that he spared
+no expence in order to live with more dignity; that his journies and the
+furnishing of his house were very expensive; that he could borrow no
+more, and what he had already borrowed, was done on very disadvantageous
+terms. At the end of 1638 there were six quarters owing, amounting to
+twelve thousand rixdollars, besides twelve hundred which he had laid out
+for the service of Sweden. He was desirous of being permitted to pay
+himself out of the subsidies given by France. He represented that his
+expence was considerably increased by the high tax laid on all sorts of
+goods, which made living so dear, that his salary was insufficient for
+supporting his dignity. For two whole years he received no remittance,
+and in the end of May, 1639<a name="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>, there were forty thousand francs owing
+besides what he had laid out on several occasions. His salary was,
+therefore, twenty thousand francs <i>per annum</i>. Salvius ordered one half
+of what was owing <a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"></a>him to be paid out of the subsidies received by
+Sweden from France; but it was long before Grotius got the money: for on
+the 9th of July, 1639<a name="FNanchor_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>, he pressed Salvius very warmly to order
+immediate payment; and went so far as to tell him that if he still left
+him in this perplexity, he would demand to be reimbursed and recalled.
+It was in these critical circumstances that the French Ministry offered
+him a supply, which he refused with great disinterestedness<a name="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Living at Paris growing every day dearer, the Swedish Ambassador, not
+knowing how to support his dignity, took a resolution to ask of the
+Queen of Sweden, Jan. 21, 1640<a name="FNanchor_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>, that, as he was unable to make any
+more advances, and his anxiety about this matter hindered him in some
+measure from attending to her Majesty's more important concerns, he
+might be permitted to pay himself out of the French subsidy. Without
+waiting for an answer he took sixteen thousand rixdollars of it; and
+wrote to the High Chancellor, April 14, 1640<a name="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>, that he was compelled
+to this by necessity, and that it was no more than had been usually done
+by the Ambassadors who resided in France. There is reason to think that
+Oxenstiern, who had a friendship for the Ambassador, found no fault with
+his boldness, as he did not venture on this step till all his resources
+were exhausted.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Ep. 413. p. 150.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Ep. 419. p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Ep. 426. p. 157.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> Ep. 434. p. 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Ep. 436. p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> Ep. 437. p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Ep. 438. p. 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Ep. 468. p. 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Ep. 475. p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Ep. 491. p. 188.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Ep. 475. p. 180. 492. p. 189. 504. p. 194. &amp; 517. p.
+200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Ep. 475. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Ep. 505. p. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Ep. 528. p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Ep. 534. p. 208.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Ep. 556. p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> Ep. 560. p. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Ep. 562. p. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Ep. 577. p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> Ep. 580. p. 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Ep. 581. p. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> Ep. 557. p. 210.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Ep. 585. p. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Ep. 475. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Ep. 598. p. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> Ep. 800. p. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Ep. 1135. p. 513.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> Ep. 226. p. 553.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 11. &sect; 78. Vindici&aelig; Grotian&aelig;, p. 396. Hist.
+des guerres de Vestphalie, t. 1. l. 5. p. 362.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> Ep. 636. p. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Ep. 598. p. 235.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Vin. Grot. p. 394.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> Ep. 690. p. 284. Vin. Grot. p. 378.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> Ep. 716. p. 301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Ep. 739. p. 313.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Ep. 745. p. 317 &amp; 754. p. 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Ep. 636. p. 257. 1263. p. 575. &amp; 1289. p. 583.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Ep. 958. p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Ep. 958. p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 11. &sect; 78. Bougeant, l. 5. p. 362. See Ep.
+1414. p. 645.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Ep. 557 p. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Ep. 585. p. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Ep. 470. p. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> Ep. 528. p. 204.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> Ep. 533. p. 207.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> Ep. 475. p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Ep. 505. p. 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Ep. 1177. p. 533. 1183. p. 536. &amp; 1199. p. 542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> Ep. 1203. p. 544.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Ep. 1263. p. 573. &amp; 1289. p. 583.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Ep. 1308. p. 592.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Ep. 1350. p. 612.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_179a" id="Page_179a"></a><a name="BkIVSecIX">IX.</a> The French Ministry carried their animosity against Grotius so far,
+that, if we may believe the Swedish Historian<a name="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>, they instigated the
+Venetian Ambassador to dispute with him for precedency at the public
+entry of the Ambassador in ordinary from England. The French took the
+part of the Venetians. Grotius imagined they did it to make their court
+to the Pope. He wrote to the High Chancellor, that Father Joseph, who
+had a great desire to be a Cardinal, always favoured such counsels as
+might please <a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"></a>the court of Rome. Besides, the Capuchin fought to make a
+merit with the Cardinal of vexing Grotius, whom they both hated.</p>
+
+<p>About a year after this dispute between the Venetian Ambassador and
+Grotius, when they both were waiting in a hall for the King, the
+Introductors of Ambassadors placed their seats in such manner, that the
+Swedish Ambassador might be dissatisfied. They expected a quarrel, which
+would have afforded them diversion. Grotius disappointed them by chusing
+rather to stand, than take the seat intended for him. It was on this
+occasion he wrote to the High Chancellor, desiring him to consider,
+whether, to avoid all those difficulties, it would not be most expedient
+to have only a Resident at Paris: but Oxenstiern thought his honour and
+duty was the more concerned in protecting Grotius, as his strong
+attachment to the honour and interest of his Masters was the reason of
+his being harrassed.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Puff. l. 8.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecX">X.</a> The war which was at this time ravaging Europe gave the greater
+uneasiness to the Court of Rome, as there was ground to apprehend that
+the success of the Swedes, who were the allies of France, might greatly
+prejudice the Roman-Catholic Religion in Germany. Pope Urbin VIII.
+ardently desired the re-establishment of Peace, and offered his
+mediation for attaining that laudable end. The City of Cologn was chosen
+for the place of holding the conferences. The Pope deputed Cardinal
+Ginetti in quality of Legate and mediator between the Roman Catholic
+Princes; and the Emperor and the King of Spain sent thither their
+plenipotentiaries: all this was done without consulting the Dutch and
+the Swedes. The great point was, to gain their consent, without which
+nothing could be done. The Count de Berlise was ordered to talk with the
+Swedish Ambassador on this head. Accordingly he made him a visit,
+November 12, 1636<a name="FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>, and <a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"></a>after conversing some time asked Grotius
+whether Sweden intended to send plenipotentiaries to Cologn. The
+Ambassador made answer, he concluded from the High Chancellor's letters
+that the President of the kingdom, to whom that matter had been
+referred, would determine it; that the Pope's mediation would be
+objected to; but that difficulty, however, might be got over; and then
+Oxenstiern would chearfully come himself to Cologn, if business
+permitted him, in order to act in concert with the French
+Plenipotentiaries, who, he did not doubt, would be persons of the
+greatest merit.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius was of opinion that the Swedes ought not to accept of the Pope's
+mediation, or send Ministers to Cologn. He wrote a letter about it to
+the High Chancellor, Dec. 12, 1636<a name="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>, in which he acquaints him, that
+talking with Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England, he
+told his Lordship that he foresaw the Protestant Plenipotentiaries would
+suffer many mortifications in a city where the Pope was held in so great
+consideration, and the dignity of Cardinal so much respected.</p>
+
+<p>The Venetian Ambassador, who, agreeably to the intention of his Masters,
+ardently desired that the congress might take place, came to make
+Grotius a visit: he told him that the Protestants apprehensions of ill
+offices from the Pope were without foundation; that he knew from the
+Nuncio that the Legate was ordered to concern himself only with the
+affairs of the Roman Catholic Princes, and had no intention to
+intermeddle with those of the Protestants: he added, that Pessaro, whom
+the Republic of Venice had nominated her Plenipotentiary to the
+Congress, was extremely well affected to the Swedes. Grotius could not
+discover whether the Venetian came of himself, or was sent by the French
+Ministry: he suspected <a name="Page_182" id="Page_182"></a>that Cardinal Richelieu, who wanted him
+[Grotius] out of the kingdom, wished he might go to Cologn.</p>
+
+<p>The learned Godefroy<a name="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>, whom the Court of France nominated to
+accompany and direct the Plenipotentiaries, had several conferences with
+Grotius concerning the peace which they seemed desirous to conclude. The
+Swedish Ambassador gave the High Chancellor an account of them in a
+letter of the 22d of January, 1637. <a name="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>He acquaints him that Godefroy
+himself thought the Swedes ought not to send Plenipotentiaries to
+Cologn. He gave for his reasons, that the whole town hated the Swedes;
+that the Legates had such aversion to the Protestants, that at Vervins
+the Legate declared he would withdraw rather than admit the English
+Ministers to the conferences; and that the disputes, which would
+infallibly arise between the Plenipotentiaries concerning precedency,
+would serve only to sour their minds.</p>
+
+<p>This discourse from one, who was only to speak agreeable to the
+intentions of the French Ministry, made Grotius doubt whether Cardinal
+Richelieu ever sincerely desired peace. Godefroy also insinuated that
+the King of France ought to have the first place after the Emperor, in
+political assemblies. Grotius would not allow this claim: he maintained
+that the rank granted to Princes in Ecclesiastical Councils ought not to
+serve for a rule in Congresses, because in the former regard was only
+had to the time of their embracing Christianity; and that the Archbishop
+of Upsal had proved at the Council of Basil that the Kingdom of Sweden,
+on account of its antiquity and extent, the two most decisive arguments
+that could be used in this matter, ought to take place of all others.
+Godefroy opposing to them the French King's possession of the
+precedency, Grotius, like a zealous Minister of Sweden, maintained, that
+that title could only serve against such as had never <a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"></a>disputed it; that
+in former times the Kings of Sweden had no transactions of this kind but
+in the North, where they never yielded the precedency to any person; and
+that since they had affairs with France, they always treated upon an
+equality. Such were Grotius's pretensions, the validity of which remain
+to be proved.</p>
+
+<p>The minds of the contending parties were not yet disposed to conform to
+the good intentions of the Pope: and the congress of Cologn did not take
+place because the Swedes positively refused to send thither
+Plenipotentiaries<a name="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Ep. 632. p. 277 &amp; 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> Ep. 690. p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Ep. 699. p. 288.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> Ep. 709. p. 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> Ep. 389. p. 865</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecXI">XI.</a> Some time after, the Republic of Venice acted in conjunction with
+the Pope in order to procure peace to Europe. She made an offer of her
+mediation to the Swedes<a name="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>, and engaged to send an Ambassador to
+Cologn, who would be less suspected of partiality than the Pope's
+Legate. The Doge, writing on this subject to the Queen of Sweden, in the
+titles given to her omitted that of <i>most powerful</i>: this gave great
+offence to the Swedes<a name="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>; and the Venetian Ambassador being informed
+of it, came to visit Grotius in order to discuss the point. He told him
+that the Republic had followed the ancient ceremonial in the titles
+given to the Queen; that she gave the King of France only the title of
+<i>most serene and most christian</i>, and to the King of Spain that of <i>most
+serene and catholic</i>, without adding <i>most powerful</i>. Grotius answered,
+that, without presuming to prescribe to the Senate, he would only
+observe, that as the Kings of France and England gave the King of Sweden
+the title of <i>most serene and most powerful</i>, it did not become any
+other Prince, much less a Republic, to treat him with less distinction.
+He added several facts tending to give a high idea of the dignity of the
+Swedish nation. The Venetian promised to write about it to his Masters.
+The Queen of Sweden<a name="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> declared that she would accept of the mediation
+<a name="Page_184" id="Page_184"></a>of the Venetians provided the Republic gave her the honours that were
+due to her. Christina had at length satisfaction<a name="FNanchor_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>, and the Venetian
+Ambassador promised to conform to her intentions.</p>
+
+<p>The name of this Venetian Minister was Corraro. Grotius had reason to be
+dissatisfied with him<a name="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>: he had been to visit him, and the Venetian
+gave him not the title of Excellency, nor the precedency due to an
+Ambassador of Sweden. Grotius determined to cease visiting him for some
+time. One thing, however, embarrassed him: as the Republic of Venice was
+to be mediator for a general peace it was necessary he should confer
+with Corraro: for this reason he wrote to the High Chancellor to know,
+whether, in consideration of the public good, he ought to dissemble his
+grounds of complaint against the Venetian Ambassador. He had not time to
+receive Oxenstiern's answer when Corraro came to visit him<a name="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>, and
+gave him satisfaction; he assured him, that if he had given him any
+offence, it was not from design, but through ignorance and want of
+attention. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this, adding that he
+accepted of Corraro's excuses; that he would go to see him, and do all
+in his power to gain his friendship. Accordingly he visited him some
+days after, and no notice was taken of what had passed, the conversation
+turning wholly on public affairs and the projects of a peace.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Bougeant l. 4. n. 30. Puffendorf l. 10. n. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> Grotii Ep. 851. p. 374.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Ep. 949. p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Ep. 1014. p. 457.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Ep. 947. p. 419.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> Ep. 960. p. 429.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkIVSecXII">XII.</a> There happened at this time a more considerable broil between the
+English and Swedes at Paris. Pau the Dutch Ambassador in France being
+recalled, Oostervich, Ambassador of the United Provinces at Venice, was
+appointed to succeed him<a name="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>. He had been formerly very intimate with
+Grotius; and signified to him by their common friends that he intended
+to renew their ancient friendship, and live with him in that good
+understanding which ought <a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"></a>to subsist between the Ministers of allied
+powers. Grotius made a proper answer to these advances. Oostervich
+preparing to make a public entry into Paris, informed the Swedish
+Ambassador of it, February 16, 1637, by his Secretary, asking him at the
+same time to send his coach to his entry on the second day following,
+according to custom<a name="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a>. Grotius sent to make his compliments to the
+Dutch Ambassador, and to tell him that he would not fail to send his
+coach. He sent it accordingly. There were at that time at Paris an
+Ambassador in ordinary and an Ambassador extraordinary from England, who
+both sent their coaches, with a great number of their attendants. The
+Swedes took the precedency of the English and kept it some time. They
+quarrelled; and swords were drawn. The Swedes were worsted, for the
+English were much more numerous. The Marshal de la Force, who conducted
+the Dutch Ambassador, came to make up the quarrel. The Swedes maintained
+that they ought to have the precedency of the English, because the
+kingdom of Sweden was more ancient than that of England. The Marshal de
+la Force pretended that this question had been decided in the reign of
+Henry III. in favour of the English. The Swedes being unequally matched,
+agreed to the Marshal's proposal, that the coach of the English
+Ambassador in ordinary and that of Grotius should withdraw, without
+prejudice to the rights of Sweden.</p>
+
+<p>On the nineteenth of February the two Ambassadors from England sent to
+Grotius, to know if it was by his order that his attendants had acted
+and spoke in the dispute they had with the English. Grotius answered,
+that he had ordered them to support the dignity of the kingdom of Sweden
+the most ancient and extensive in Christendom; but that he had no
+intention to offend the English; that in the treaties <a name="Page_186" id="Page_186"></a>which Sweden made
+with France there was always one copy in which Sweden was named first;
+that if his people had transgressed in point of form, it was not by his
+order; that the small number he sent to the entry, was a demonstration
+he did not think the quarrel ought to be determined by strength; that as
+to the accommodation, he had no power to make it, nor consequently given
+any order on the subject: that he was desirous of maintaining the good
+understanding between the two kingdoms, and to live well with the two
+English Ambassadors. The Deputies, without making any reply to this
+answer, civilly withdrew.</p>
+
+<p>The quarrel was mentioned in the Gazette of France<a name="FNanchor_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>; and Renaudot,
+in the account he gave, named the English before the Swedes, and spoke
+of the affair as accommodated. Grotius was very angry at this: he sent
+to tell him, to name the Swedes first in another Gazette, and to retract
+what he had said of the accommodation: Renaudot was even threatened,
+that if he did not give this satisfaction to the Swedes, he would be
+made to feel to his cost that Sweden was powerful enough to do herself
+justice. The Gazetteer replied, that he was obliged to obey only the
+King and the Cardinal.</p>
+
+<p>This grand dispute did not hinder<a name="FNanchor_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> the English Ambassador from
+visiting Grotius on public business. The Earl of Leicester<a name="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>,
+Ambassador extraordinary from England, had a long conference with him
+concerning their quarrel: he pretended that what Grotius advanced in
+favour of the precedency of the Swedes, was a thing unheard of. The
+Ambassador from Sweden replied, that the same facts had been already
+maintained in the Council of Basil; and took occasion to set forth the
+extent and antiquity of the kingdom of Sweden. Leicester said, that they
+had been of the same opinion formerly in France, <a name="Page_187" id="Page_187"></a>since they decided
+against the Swedes. Grotius answered, that he much questioned this
+decision, and that at the time it was pretended to be made he did not
+think there was any Ambassador in France from Sweden, which nation was
+little known to those of the South: The English Ambassador wanted to
+avail himself of the Pope's authority in favour of his nation: Grotius
+rejected it. Leicester insisted that England had been converted to
+Christianity before Sweden: Grotius replied, that this was a very bad
+reason for precedency; and the employing it might be a prejudice to the
+Christian religion by hindering the conversion of the Pagans and
+Mahometans.</p>
+
+<p>The King of England was not offended with Grotius on account of this
+dispute; for after it happened Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary
+from King Charles, told him from his Master, that he would be glad to
+see him in England to restore the union between the English and Swedes.
+The Earl of Leicester, who had the affair of the precedency much at
+heart, had another conferrence on that subject with Grotius, of which
+the latter gives an account to the High Chancellor, July 26, 1637. The
+English Minister represented, that as the Danes and Norwegians, whose
+kingdoms were very ancient, yielded the precedency to England, the
+Swedes ought to follow their example. Grotius answered, that he did not
+know how the Danes and Norwegians acted; but their conduct ought not to
+prejudice the rights of Sweden. Leicester asked, how high the antiquity
+of Sweden reached. Grotius answered, that it was older than the most
+ancient annals; that, without going higher, it was sufficient to mention
+the testimony of Tacitus, who speaks of the Swedish nation as very
+powerful by sea and land. Leicester replied, that a long space of time
+had elapsed since Tacitus wrote, in which no mention was made of the
+Swedes. Grotius shewed him that in every age they were spoken of by the
+Germans, French, and English; and that even if <a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"></a>less frequent notice had
+been taken of them, it would not be matter of surprise, since in those
+times the Swedes had no disputes but with the Russians, the Sclavonians,
+the Danes, and Norwegians; that their embracing Christianity late could
+not prejudice the dignity of the kingdom, or the claims of the Swedes.
+The Ambassador of Sweden afterwards asked Leicester what rank the
+English pretended to give the Czar, to whom the Kings of Sweden would
+never yield the precedency. He added, that many people were surprised
+when the truce was negociating at Holland, that the French always
+preceded the English, who contented themselves with a writing,
+signifying that it was without prejudice to their rights. Leicester said
+he did not see how it was possible to assemble a congress of ministers
+of Princes who would all have the first place. Grotius made answer, that
+several expedients might be found to save the claim of each.</p>
+
+<p>This quarrel, from which a rupture between the two nations was
+apprehended, had no bad consequence, and did not even lessen the
+friendship which subsisted between the Ministers of the two kingdoms.
+Lord Scudamore's lady being brought to bed at Paris, the lady of the
+Swedish Ambassador stood godmother<a name="FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> to the child in the month of
+March, 1638, that is, during the height of the quarrel.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> Ep. 718. p. 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> It is surprising that Father Bougeant, after reading the
+DCCXVIII<sup>th</sup> letter of Grotius, should contradict him so manifestly by
+placing this quarrel in 1639. Hist. l. 5. n. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Ep. 719. p. 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Ep. 722. p. 305.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> P. 306. &amp; epist. 395. p. 866.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Ep. 919. p. 406.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="BookV"></a><span class="u"><a name="Page_189"></a>BOOK</span> V.</h2>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecI"></a>Grotius, notwithstanding his resolution to abstain from visiting
+Cardinal Richelieu, often paid his court to the King, and was well
+received. His Majesty returning to Paris after the campaign of 1636,
+Grotius went on the 22d of November<a name="FNanchor_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> to compliment him. The speech
+he made was short, such as Kings love. It is in these terms he speaks of
+it to the High Chancellor, to whom he sent it. He has preserved to us
+the substance of his Majesty's answer. "The King, says he, answered me
+with great goodness, that the success of the Swedes would always give
+him much pleasure; that they began the year well, and the French
+followed their example; that the Spaniards made great efforts, but were
+nevertheless driven out of Picardy and Burgundy; that Cardinal Richelieu
+deserved thanks for what he did in the recovery of Corbia, and that the
+Marshal de Chatillon also behaved well: he concluded with complaining of
+the Germans, who did not observe their treaties."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"></a>The divisions in the court being healed up for some time, by the
+reconciliation of Gaston of France with the King, who was returned to
+Paris, Grotius, at an audience of his Majesty on the 23d of February,
+1637<a name="FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>, complimented him on the restoration of peace in the Royal
+Family. The King assured him that he and his brother were on the best
+terms, and that this reunion gave him the highest satisfaction: he
+promised to make very great efforts against the common enemy, and never
+to separate his interests from those of Sweden. The Ambassador did not
+fail to represent<a name="FNanchor_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> in strong terms to his Majesty all the pains
+taken by the High Chancellor to keep together the allies, who were
+oppressed by such a burthensome war; and took occasion to beseech the
+King to redouble his assistance, that they might extricate themselves
+with honour from so great embarrassments.</p>
+
+<p>The King going in August, 1637, to Chantilli, Grotius went thither<a name="FNanchor_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>
+to compliment him on the success of the Campaign; and at the same time
+recommended to his Majesty the sending a reinforcement of men to the
+Duke of Weymar, who had crossed the Rhine, that so he might be enabled
+to make farther progress, and to keep the German allies of the two
+crowns from joining with their enemies. He assured him recruits were
+raising in Sweden for Marshal Bannier's army, that he might make an
+invasion into Silesia or elsewhere; and that the Swedes had rejected all
+the proposals of peace made to them, because they believed the intention
+of the enemy was to sow division between them and the French. The King
+answered, that he most sincerely wished the prosperity of the Queen his
+sister; and that he would send the Duke of Weymar as many troops as the
+state of his affairs would permit; adding, that the enemy laboured
+<a name="Page_191" id="Page_191"></a>chiefly to divide them, against which they could not be too much upon
+their guard.</p>
+
+<p>September 23, in the same year, 1637, Grotius<a name="FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>, agreeable to the
+orders received from the Queen of Sweden, demanded an audience of the
+King, which he obtained at St. Maur. He represented to his Majesty, that
+the Queen had nothing so much at heart as the success of the common
+cause; and that she hoped her zeal would induce the King to make
+powerful efforts to triumph over their enemies. He gave a particular
+account of what the High Chancellor had done, and the marvelous
+resistance of Marshal Bannier, besieged as it were by five armies,
+against which, however, he could not make head much longer without
+speedy and powerful succours. He assured him that Sweden was making
+numerous levies, but would be obliged to keep a part of her troops at
+home on account of the frequent broils she had with the Poles, the
+Danes, and the Russians. He then enlarged on the interest which France
+had in maintaining the Swedes in Germany; for no sooner would they quit
+it, he said, than the Austrians would turn all their efforts against
+France. He shewed, that, besides being in possession of the Imperial
+crown, the house of Austria was very powerful by the hereditary
+dominions of Hungary, Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia,
+Tirol, Carinthia, Dalmatia, and Croatia, which furnished her with large
+supplies of men and money; that the branch which ruled in Spain had
+dominions in the four parts of the world; that the Emperor knew well
+France was the greatest obstacle to his projects of ambition; that he
+would leave nothing unattempted to destroy a power which gave him so
+much umbrage; that the Emperors, even before the empire came into the
+house of Austria, had always regarded the Kings of France as their
+Rivals and Enemies; that this hatred and jealousy were much increased
+since the <a name="Page_192" id="Page_192"></a>Austrian family obtained the Imperial throne; that it was so
+difficult to make any accommodation with them, they would not consent to
+peace even if the King yielded up his late conquests, since they had the
+assurance to claim the three bishoprics, and to demand that the kingdom
+of Arles, comprehending the three best provinces of the kingdom, the
+dutchy of Burgundy, Provence, and Dauphiny, should be re-annexed to the
+empire. He represented the importance of making great efforts, and
+carrying the war into the enemy's country before their armies should be
+augmented. He beseeched his Majesty to make such a powerful diversion as
+might oblige the Austrians to recall a part of the army sent against the
+Swedes: and shewed that nothing was more easy, since the Duke of Weymar
+had fortified himself beyond the Rhine; that it was only sending him a
+powerful reinforcement, the princes and towns which groaned under the
+Austrian yoke would then be seen joining themselves to the French and
+Swedes; and that the Swedes, no longer so hard pressed, would return
+into the heart of Germany or penetrate into the hereditary estates.
+After this harangue, the Swedish Ambassador presented a letter from the
+Queen, adding that her Swedish Majesty begged of the King to make speedy
+efforts worthy of himself, and he might depend on the Queen's doing all
+that could be expected from a steady and magnanimous Princess. He
+concluded with complimenting his Majesty on the happy success of affairs
+in Italy, the transactions on the Rhine, and the retaking of Capella.
+The King sometimes interrupted him during this long Speech; but it was
+only to approve of what he said, to confirm the facts, and acknowledge
+that his reflections were most judicious. He assured him that he had
+already sent succours to the Duke of Weymar, that he was resolved to
+augment the troops of that Prince in order to enable the Swedes to enter
+Germany; and that Marshal de Chatillon would have already been on <a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"></a>the
+banks of the Rhine if the siege of Ampvillers had not detained him. He
+ended with protesting that it was his earnest desire to be more closely
+united with the Queen his most gracious sister; which his future actions
+would shew. Grotius gave an account of this audience in a letter to the
+Queen of the 26th of September, 1637, a copy of which he sent to the
+High Chancellor. By the letter that he wrote the same day to Oxenstiern
+we are informed, that the Count de Berlise, Introductor of the
+Ambassadors, came to him before he had this last audience of the King,
+to know if he would not first have a conference with Chavigny, Secretary
+of State for foreign affairs, agreeable to the usage of the Ministers
+from England, Venice, and Savoy. Grotius replied, that he understood
+from the English Ministers themselves they did not always observe this
+custom; which Berlise acknowledged. The Ambassador added, that at
+another time he would consider what would be most proper; but, on the
+present occasion, having a letter from the Queen to the King, he thought
+it his duty to give the first notice of it to his Majesty; that he was
+afraid if he acted otherwise the King might be offended; but if, after
+reading it, his Majesty were desirous he should confer with his
+Ministers, he would not fail to wait upon them.</p>
+
+<p>The Swedes being still very hard pressed in Germany, the Queen sent
+fresh orders to her Ambassador at Paris to represent their situation to
+the King. Grotius demanded an audience, which he obtained on the 1st of
+October, 1637, at St. Germains. He assured his Majesty, that it was not
+without reluctance he so frequently laid the necessities of the allies
+before him, and the importance of their being assisted by France, but he
+did it by express order; that he was particularly charged with two
+things; first, to compliment his Majesty on the advantages gained in
+Piccardy and Burgundy; and secondly to solicit him to send speedily a
+powerful force over the Rhine. He <a name="Page_194" id="Page_194"></a>added, that the Queen would not have
+thought this request necessary, had she received the letters in which he
+gave her a particular account of what passed at the last audience he had
+of his Majesty. He beseeched the King to be pleased to give orders that
+the promises, which he had graciously made, might be speedily executed.
+He represented, that if succours were not immediately sent into Germany,
+the Austrians, after vanquishing their enemies, would go and overpower
+the Duchess of Savoy the King's sister, and penetrate into France. He
+afterwards shewed that the Swedish army was in great danger of being
+overwhelmed, if a powerful diversion were not speedily made. After this
+speech, Grotius presented a letter from the Queen, of the 19th of
+August, 1637. Lewis XIII. replied to the Swedish Ambassador, that he was
+determined to fulfil his promises; that he had already sent some troops
+to the Duke of Weymar; that he would speedily send him a farther
+reinforcement, and employ all the forces of his kingdom in defence of
+his sister the Duchess of Savoy.</p>
+
+<p>The Duke of Weymar began the campaign of 1638 in a very brilliant
+manner<a name="FNanchor_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a>: he gained a signal victory over the Imperialists on the 2d
+of March; and, what was very remarkable, all the enemy's generals were
+taken in this engagement, and among the rest the famous John de Vert,
+whose name was become the terror of the Parisians. The King, on
+receiving this important news, immediately sent notice of it to Grotius;
+signifying that he knew no body would receive it with more pleasure.
+March 16<a name="FNanchor_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>, he had an audience of the King, at which he thanked his
+Majesty for sending him the first news of the victory gained in Germany,
+and doing him the justice to believe that it would give him infinite
+satisfaction: he added, that it was a happy prognostic for the rest of
+the campaign: that God had confounded the pride of the Imperialists, who
+publicly gave out that they intended <a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"></a>to come to pillage Paris<a name="FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a>. He
+said he had certain advice by letters from the army, that the enemy's
+generals had been at great pains to provide themselves with maps of
+France, in order to examine at what part they could best enter it. He
+pressed the King to put the Duke of Weymar in a condition, by sending
+him immediately a considerable reinforcement, to make a proper advantage
+of this happy beginning of the campaign; and concluded his compliment
+with good wishes for the King's happiness and that of his posterity, of
+which there began to be then some hope. People flattered themselves the
+Queen was with child; and she was actually in the third month of her
+pregnancy. The King received this compliment with great gaiety: he
+promised to send immediately five or at least three thousand foot to the
+Duke of Weymar, with some horse, under the command of the Count de
+Guebriant. Grotius had a fresh audience of the King on the 19th of
+April, 1638<a name="FNanchor_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a>. He represented to his Majesty, that though the Duke of
+Weymar had begun the year well, he could not make great progress if an
+additional force were not sent him: that by proceeding so slowly in this
+measure, the enemy had got time to recruit their army: and if it were
+not now taken with great expedition, they would lose the fruits of their
+late advantages, and the affairs of the allies suffer much; that her
+Swedish Majesty was in the same disposition with the King, and had no
+other view than to procure an equitable, honourable, and lasting peace;
+that the only way to obtain this great end was by making the most
+powerful efforts: that the Queen, agreeable to his Majesty's desire,
+would accept of the mediation of the Venetians, provided the republic
+would treat her with due respect: that his most Christian Majesty being
+of opinion that a long truce would lead to a peace, the Queen, who was
+sensible of his great prudence, had given her <a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"></a>Ambassador in France full
+power to treat of this affair, and to draw up a plan of it in
+conjunction with such persons as the King should nominate. After this
+speech Grotius delivered to Lewis XIII. a letter from the Queen,
+acquainting him at the same time, that had her Swedish Majesty been
+informed of the Queen's pregnancy, she would undoubtedly have ordered
+him to signify to the King her extreme satisfaction at such important
+news; that he knew the Queen and all the Swedes passionately desired
+that the posterity of St. Lewis, of Henry the Great, and Lewis the Just,
+might long govern France; and that under them the kingdom might flourish
+in piety, increase in power, and be established in justice. The King
+received these good wishes with much satisfaction, and desired Grotius
+to acquaint her Swedish Majesty that the Queen was certainly with child.
+He farther assured him that the Count de Guebriant was already on his
+march to join the Duke of Weymar, and he was going to give orders for
+sending an additional reinforcement, and seconding that Prince's
+efforts. He desired him to press her Swedish Majesty to send numerous
+recruits to her armies: adding, that he hoped the Venetians would do
+nothing derogatory to the dignity of the crown of Sweden; that he would
+attend to that point himself; and would nominate Chavigny to confer with
+him in relation to the truce. Grotius also set forth on this occasion
+what pains the High Chancellor had taken for the advancement of the
+common cause; and the King did justice to the merit of that great
+Minister. The Queen's pregnancy being declared at court, Grotius's lady
+went to make her compliments: on the 8th of May, 1638<a name="FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>, he himself
+waited on her Majesty for the same end: he had demanded an audience for
+this purpose as soon as it was publicly known that she was with child.
+He told the Queen, that, being eager to express his joy, <a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"></a>he could not
+think of waiting for orders from his court, to make his compliment; that
+well knowing the sentiments of the Queen his mistress he could affirm,
+with great certainty, that her Majesty and all her subjects were filled
+with the highest joy; that he had lately met with a Greek inscription in
+honour of a Queen, containing a very short but very emphatical encomium:
+it was said of this Princess, that she was the daughter, sister, wife,
+and mother of a King, yet without any pride in so high elevation: that
+this modesty was the more to be admired in the Queen of France, as she
+was much above the Grecian Queen, and even all other Queens, since she
+was the consort of a King, whose provinces and even towns were
+equivalent to kingdoms; that she had a King for her father, and was
+descended from Kings and Emperors who conquered and long possessed
+kingdoms in the four parts of the world; in fine, that she was sister of
+a most powerful King; that only one thing was wanting to her happiness,
+to be mother not of a King, since France and all the friends of France
+wished that the King might attain to the most advanced age, but of a
+Prince capable of ruling over a great nation; that God had at length
+granted her this felicity, and rendered her fruitful when it was no
+longer expected, as happened formerly to an illustrious woman of the
+same name mentioned in Scripture; that history sacred and prophane
+informs us, that children born at a time when they are no longer
+expected are designed by God for great things; that in reflecting on the
+Queen's pregnancy he attended to what the Naturalists teach, that the
+tumbling of the Dolphin [<i>Fr.</i> Dauphin] predicted the end of the
+tempest, and fine weather; that there was reason to hope peace would
+re-appear in the world at the birth of a Dauphin, which was so
+passionately desired; and what increased this hope was, that at the time
+her Majesty's pregnancy was declared he received orders to confer with
+the French Ministers on the means of obtaining a peace, or at least a
+truce, <a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"></a>if the conclusion of a peace met with too many difficulties;
+that he laboured in it with the more chearfulness, as he knew he would
+be aided by the Queen's prayers, the efficacy of which was so great that
+they could obtain of heaven things almost miraculous; that her Swedish
+Majesty would shew that the Great Gustavus and she had never any other
+intention, than to insure the quiet and tranquillity of Christendom;
+that he earnestly wished the negotiation for a peace might turn out
+well; that the Queen might have a happy delivery, and be the mother of a
+Prince, whose glory and posterity would continually increase. The Queen
+answered, that she did not doubt of the sincerity of her Swedish
+Majesty's wishes; that she reciprocally desired the prosperity of that
+Princess, and offered her all that was in her power.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning of June, 1638<a name="FNanchor_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>, Grotius waited on the King at St.
+Germains: he first thanked his Majesty for intimating to him the Queen's
+pregnancy; and afterwards enlarged on the praise of justice, and on the
+title of Just which the King had merited by the laws he enacted,
+particularly that for abolishing duels, and the protection granted to
+foreign princes. He entered into a detail of the favours which the King
+had received from Providence since his accession to the throne: the
+extinction of the civil wars, the restoration of the royal authority,
+the successes both by sea and land, the passage of the Alps forced, and
+the frontiers of the kingdom enlarged. He added, that after such a
+series of felicity, the only thing left to be desired was that his
+Majesty's posterity might long reign in France; and for this her
+Majesty's pregnancy entitled them to hope; that the Swedes entertained
+the same sentiments, and flattered themselves a perfect harmony would
+always subsist between the two kingdoms. He concluded with soliciting
+the King to augment the Duke of Weymar's troops, <a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"></a>against whom the
+Imperialists made the greatest efforts; and to procure Marshal Horne's
+liberty, who was made prisoner at the battle of Nordlinguen: he
+represented that his Majesty might obtain it when he pleased, since he
+had so great a number of the enemies generals in his power, and assured
+him that the Queen his mistress would take it as a very high obligation.
+The Ambassador presented afterwards letters from the Queen of the
+twelfth of April, and concluded with observing, that he had reason to
+think a considerable body of troops would be sent from Sweden into
+Germany this same month of June. The King replied, that he had a great
+friendship for the Queen of Sweden, and had already given proofs of his
+good disposition towards her; that he had sent succours to the Duke of
+Weymar, and would send still more considerable ones if necessary; that
+as to the exchange of Marshal Horne, there was only John de Vert with
+whom it could be made; and that General was not his prisoner, but the
+Duke of Weymar's, to whom he had promised to deliver him on demand.
+Grotius replied, that he did not doubt but the Duke of Weymar would shew
+all possible deference to the King's inclination, if he should find his
+Majesty disposed to procure Marshal Horne's discharge, and that the
+Queen had written to the Duke on that subject.</p>
+
+<p>Some days after this audience, Chavigny<a name="FNanchor_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> informed the Swedish
+Ambassador that John De Vert was the King's prisoner, though Lewis XIII.
+had said the contrary.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had another audience of the King in the middle of July
+1638<a name="FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>. He complimented his Majesty on the happy success of the
+French arms on the frontiers of Spain, and exhorted him to set about the
+recovery of Navarre, which belonged to him of right, and was unjustly
+usurped by Spain; he also <a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"></a>recommended to him the Duke of Weymar's
+affairs, and gave reason to hope that something great would be done by
+General Bannier, who had just received reinforcements from Sweden. At
+this audience the Ambassador presented Crusius to the King as a Swedish
+Nobleman who was returning to Stockholm, and would soon be employed in
+public affairs, and might contribute to strengthen the union between the
+two kingdoms. The King received him very graciously, and desired him to
+make his compliments to the High Chancellor.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Ep. 688. p. 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Ep. 719. p. 303.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Ep. 720. p. 303.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Ep. 813. p. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> Ep. 327. p. 363.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Ep. 923. p. 408.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> Ep. 926. p. 410.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Ep. 927. p. 411.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Ep. 949. p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> Ep. 957. p. 426.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> Ep. 968. p. 434.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Ep. 971. p. 495.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> Ep. 988. p. 447.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecII">II.</a> Grotius had always been attentive to cultivate the friendship of the
+Prince of Cond&eacute;: they visited one another often. The Swedish Ambassador
+relates in one of his letters<a name="FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> that the Prince having been nominated
+to command in Paris in the absence of the King and Cardinal Richelieu,
+he waited on him in the beginning of February 1637: the Prince returned
+his visit soon after. The conversation turned on the marriage of
+Monsieur, which the King had hitherto considered as void, because it was
+made without his consent. Gaston's constancy in persisting to keep his
+wife had in the end obliged the King to approve of the match. The Prince
+told Grotius that he had always thought this marriage valid, and did not
+doubt but he was of the same mind. Grotius answered, that the opinion of
+those who regarded such marriages as good, was without doubt most
+generally received. They afterwards talked of Divinity: the Prince had
+been well educated, and loved this kind of conversation. The grand
+controversies concerning the Eucharist and the Pope's authority came
+under consideration; but we know not the particulars.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Ep. 714. p. 299.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecIII">III.</a> The Pope, foreseeing that the conclusion of a peace was still very
+distant, proposed a truce, in hopes that while it continued they might
+labour more <a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"></a>effectually in bringing about a peace. France<a name="FNanchor_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> and
+Sweden discovered no reluctance to suspend for some time the operations
+of the war; and Grotius received orders, as we have already seen, to
+confer with the French Ministry in order to settle the subsidies to be
+given Sweden, and the conditions of the truce. Chavigny was nominated to
+treat with the Swedish Ambassador on this matter. He visited Grotius on
+the twenty-seventh of April, 1638<a name="FNanchor_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a>, and the Swedish Minister telling
+him, that he had full powers from the Queen to examine, in concert with
+the Minister whom the King should nominate, what was necessary to obtain
+an advantageous truce; Chavigny asked if he had also power to conclude
+the truce. Grotius answered, if France and Sweden could agree, he had in
+that case permission to sign the truce. Chavigny replied, that Cardinal
+Richelieu had learnt from Schmalz, lately arrived from Sweden with
+instructions for Grotius, that the Swedes wanted to have the same
+subsidies during the truce as they had during the war; which appeared
+very surprising; that he did not doubt but Grotius himself would think
+the claim unreasonable, since the truce was to be of long continuance,
+and the expence would be much less than in the time of war. Grotius
+answered, that the truce would be attended with as much expence as the
+war, since the Swedes could not keep the countries, of which they were
+in possession, without great armies. Chavigny replied, that the number
+of troops to be kept on foot during the truce might be settled: upon
+which Grotius observed, that during the truce between the Spaniards and
+the United Provinces the latter preserved the liberty of maintaining as
+large garrisons as they thought necessary for their security; and that
+the King, after the example of Henry the Great his father, furnished
+them with the same succours during the peace as in time of war. Chavigny
+maintained <a name="Page_202" id="Page_202"></a>that the Swedes would have nothing to fear from their
+enemies whilst the truce lasted, on account of the great number and
+power of its guarantees: to which Grotius answered, that the countries
+possessed by the Swedes were so distant from their allies, that if they
+did not continue in arms to guard against any unlooked-for invasion,
+those countries would be lost before they could receive assistance.</p>
+
+<p>The King was gone to Chantilly, and from thence he was to proceed to
+Compeigne. Chavigny, who was to follow him, but had not yet fixed the
+time of his departure, told Grotius he would speak to Cardinal Richelieu
+to know whether the conferences in relation to the truce were to begin
+before he went to Chantilly, or after his return, and would signify to
+him the Cardinal's intentions. Grotius answered, that he would bring
+Schmalz with him, because he knew the sentiments of the Swedish
+Ministry, and that he might make an exact report of what passed at his
+return to that kingdom. Schmalz was present at this conversation: he was
+Secretary of the High Chancellor and his confident: Grotius till now had
+numbered him among his friends.</p>
+
+<p>April 30, Chavigny sent to acquaint Grotius that if he pleased they
+would hold a conference the next day. They accordingly met on the first
+of May<a name="FNanchor_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>, 1638, at Chavigny's house. Grotius asked that Minister what
+conditions of truce the King would have. Chavigny answered, that the
+conditions were not yet agreed upon; that a truce had only been barely
+proposed, and that his Majesty, as a good friend and faithful ally, was
+willing the Queen of Sweden should be informed of it; that the custom in
+truces was, that each one should keep the countries of which he had
+possession; that it was proper the Princes who had been driven from
+their estates should receive a decent pension during the truce, to be
+paid <a name="Page_203" id="Page_203"></a>by those who enjoyed their country; that it was the King's opinion
+they ought not to be too hasty, but wait with patience for the proposals
+of the mediators. Grotius said, if the King would signify on what
+conditions he would agree to the truce, it would be highly agreeable to
+the Swedish Ministry. Chavigny assured him that he had no instructions
+on that head; but if he would acquaint him with the intentions of the
+Swedes, he would lay them before the Cardinal. They entered on the
+business. In the claims of the Swedes there were two articles which met
+with much difficulty: they took it for granted that France should
+continue the same subsidies whilst the truce lasted, and wanted not only
+to keep that part of Pomerania which they had already, but that the
+other should also be ceded to them. These proposals were put in writing.
+Chavigny promised to send them to the Cardinal, and to give a speedy
+answer. May 18<a name="FNanchor_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>, Chavigny went to Grotius's house, who immediately
+sent for Schmalz: the matter under consideration was the amount of the
+subsidies: Chavigny said the Swedes asked too much for a time of truce;
+that the King could only give three hundred thousand florins a year
+whilst it lasted. Grotius maintained that the sum was too small in
+proportion to the expence which the Swedes were obliged to be at; and
+that in one word he could consent to no diminution of the subsidies.
+Pomerania was next brought on the carpet. Chavigny pretended that the
+King neither ought, nor could with decency propose to the enemy to yield
+to Sweden what they still held in Pomerania. Grotius maintained that
+Sweden's right to that province was not founded on force, but supported
+by treaties made with the Duke and the people; that, besides, Sweden was
+in no hurry about a truce; that it would even be burdensome to her if
+she were not furnished with sufficient subsidies for paying her
+garrisons; and if she were not left in the possession of <a name="Page_204" id="Page_204"></a>all Pomerania.
+He added, that to enable the Swedish Ministry to judge whether the truce
+would be of advantage to the kingdom, they must first be made acquainted
+with its conditions. The conference was concluded by a promise from
+Chavigny that he would communicate the King's intentions to Grotius in
+writing. Schmalz in the mean time did Grotius all the ill offices he
+could: he wrote to Court that they could no longer refuse the instances
+of France to recall the Ambassador: but it was from jealousy or hatred
+that he acted in this manner; for at the same time that he was seeking
+to hurt Grotius, the Count de Feuquieres waited on him from the
+Cardinal, to tell him that they were extremely well pleased with him in
+France, and that far from desiring he should be recalled, his Eminence
+would solicit his stay at Paris.</p>
+
+<p>Schmalz, displeased with Grotius's firmness<a name="FNanchor_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a>, went privately and
+told Chavigny, that the Ministry of Sweden had resolved to consent to a
+considerable diminution of the subsidies: which he could prove by their
+letters written in Swedish. Grotius was informed of this, and complained
+to the High Chancellor; at the same time assuring him, that Schmalz had
+presumed to vent the highest menaces against him and his wife, because
+(says he) we oppose his unjust designs.</p>
+
+<p>Chavigny falling ill, Desnoyers<a name="FNanchor_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>, Secretary at war, was appointed to
+confer with Grotius: He came to his house, and after making him the King
+and the Cardinal's compliments, delivered an answer to the memorial he
+had given Chavigny; acquainting him that every thing was settled between
+the Cardinal and Schmalz. On reading this answer, Grotius said, that
+before he explained himself he must speak with Schmalz, who was joined
+with him in this negotiation; and therefore it was improper for him to
+act alone. Desnoyers being withdrawn, Grotius informed Schmalz of his
+visit. Schmalz maintained <a name="Page_205" id="Page_205"></a>that he had settled nothing, and had made
+only a draught of a convention; which he at the same time pressed
+Grotius to approve of, because, he said, it was agreeable to his Swedish
+instructions, which empowered him to accept of two hundred thousand
+florins. Grotius answered, that as this article was directly contrary to
+his instructions, he would, give them the preference; especially as he
+did not understand Swedish. The dispute grew warm<a name="FNanchor_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>; Schmalz assertedthat he had full powers to act independently of Grotius not only in this
+negotiation, but even in every affair which regarded his embassy: "If it
+be so, the latter writes to the High Chancellor, the French will make a
+jest of him and of me: they, will look on me as Ambassador only in name;
+and on him as Ambassador in fact, though he has not the name: nay he
+actually allows himself to be treated at home as if he were Ambassador,
+and to be written to as if he had the title. It is indeed very hard that
+I, who am advanced in years, should have disputes with a hot-headed
+youth." This quarrel gave him great uneasiness: he writes to
+Oxenstiern<a name="FNanchor_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>, "I beg it as a favour of your Sublimity, that if I can
+be of any use to you, you would be pleased to protect me, as you have
+done hitherto. I have had nothing in view in all I have done but the
+welfare of Sweden; and it has cost me much pains to raise, by my words
+and actions, the credit of a nation hitherto little known in this
+country. If I cannot serve with utility, I had much rather return to the
+condition of a private man, than be a burden to the kingdom, or
+dishonour myself."</p>
+
+<p>Schmalz lived on very ill terms with Crusius, a Swedish Lord, whom
+Grotius, as we have just seen, had presented to the King.
+Notwithstanding the grounds of complaint which the Ambassador had
+against Schmalz, he thought the public service required him to reconcile
+them, and for this end he often <a name="Page_206" id="Page_206"></a>made them dine with him. One day, at
+the Swedish Banker's, both rose from table after dinner heated with
+wine, and came together to Grotius's: there was only his lady at home.
+They quarrelled, and Schmalz had the impudence to call Crusius several
+times a rascal; with the addition of some threatening gestures. Crusius,
+highly provoked, gave him a box on the ear, and an English colonel in
+company was so enraged against Schmalz, that had it not been for
+Grotius's lady he would have run him through. Notwithstanding this gross
+insult, Schmalz and Crusius<a name="FNanchor_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> were reconciled at Grotius's house; but
+Schmalz still continued his extravagancies. He had the indiscretion one
+time to let his tongue loose against the Duke of Weymar: Baron Erlac,
+who was attached to that Prince, was highly incensed, and the
+consequences might have been very fatal. Grotius again employed his good
+offices to pacify Erlac. But this wrought no change in Schmalz's
+behaviour towards the Swedish Ambassador. In a letter of the sixteenth
+of October, 1638<a name="FNanchor_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>, Grotius observes: "It is near two months since
+Schmalz was to see me, though I have been ill; his reasons I neither
+know nor enquire. I am conscious he has no subject of complaint against
+me; but I have much to complain of him. He will return to you richer
+than he came out: I do not envy him the money, which, it is said, he
+received above two months ago from the French; being firmly resolved to
+adhere to the rule I have laid down, and hitherto observed, to accept of
+nothing from them." Schmalz continued to seek every opportunity of
+injuring Grotius<a name="FNanchor_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>, who, he said, was a burden on Sweden; and
+Grotius<a name="FNanchor_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> was persuaded that Schmalz had betrayed the secret of
+affairs to the French Ministry in order to prejudice him. Schmalz
+returned to Sweden, where his misconduct being made manifest, he
+incurred the displeasure of <a name="Page_207" id="Page_207"></a>the Ministry<a name="FNanchor_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>. He afterwards embraced
+the Roman Catholic Religion, privately abjuring Lutheranism in Baron
+Roste's chapel, the French Resident at Stockholm. The Regency hearing of
+it, complained bitterly that the Resident should suffer it. Schmalz was
+thrown into gaol under pretence of some malversation; but had the good
+fortune to make his escape, and took refuge in Germany, entering into
+the service of the Emperor.</p>
+
+<p>To return to the truce. The negotiation not succeeding at Paris, it was
+transferred to Hamburg, to be managed by D'Avaux and Salvius; but as it
+was very coldly desired either by the French, the Swedes, or even by the
+Imperialists, the conditions could not be settled, and the project was
+dropt.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Bougeant, l. 5. n. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Ep. 950. p. 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> Father Bougeant Hist. l. 5. n. 35, places this
+negotiation in 1639, in which he contradicts Grotius. See Ep 954. p.
+424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> Ep. 960. p. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> Ep. 974. p. 438.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> Ep. 976. p. 439.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Ep. 976. p. 440.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> Ep. 982. p. 444.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Ep. 993. p. 450.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> Ep. 1046. p. 472.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> Ep. 1111. p. 500.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Ep. 1237. p. 560.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Ep. 1263. p. 573. &amp; 1301. p. 590. Bougeant l. 6. n. 32.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecIV">IV.</a> As Grotius was returning from the audience of the King, at which he
+introduced Crusius, there happened a melancholy adventure which had like
+to have cost them both their lives. In passing through a village where a
+great crowd was assembled to see the execution of some highwaymen<a name="FNanchor_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>,
+one of the Swedish Ambassador's domestics on horseback, to make the mob
+give way for his master's coach, struck some of them with his whip: the
+alarm was instantly given that they were persons come to rescue the
+prisoners: upon which some shot were fired at the coach: the coachman
+received two balls in his body, of which he died some days after: the
+balls passed within two inches of the Ambassador's head. On calling out
+who they were, the tumult ceased. The King being informed of this
+outrage, ordered Count Brulon, one of the Introductors of Ambassadors,
+to wait on Grotius, and assure him that he was extremely sorry for his
+misfortune; and that as soon as the offenders were taken, they should
+receive the punishment they merited. Count Berlise, the other
+Introductor of <a name="Page_208" id="Page_208"></a>Ambassadors, came also to visit Grotius, and acquaint
+him that the King was greatly concerned at the danger he underwent, and
+that his Majesty had ordered the Chancellor to prosecute the offenders
+with the utmost rigour. Grotius answered, he was so far from being
+animated by a spirit of revenge, that he intended to solicit a pardon
+for the offenders; but that it was proper, however, the King should
+publickly express his indignation, both for the safety of Ambassadors,
+and from a regard to the Law of Nations.</p>
+
+<p>In consequence of his Majesty's orders the Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> sent to the
+Swedish Ambassador's to take the depositions; and seven or eight persons
+of the village where the crime was perpetrated were taken up and thrown
+into prison at Paris. The Lady of the Manor came to Grotius, to solicit
+for the prisoners: he told her she must have patience till the trials
+were over, and then he would employ his interest in behalf of those who
+should be found guilty. He informed the High Chancellor of all these
+particulars; observing to him that he was very glad the King gave public
+proofs that he had the safety of Ambassadors at heart; and that for his
+part he would do all in his power to save the offenders from capital
+punishment.</p>
+
+<p>The most guilty had had the precaution to abscond<a name="FNanchor_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a>: these, for their
+contempt of the court, were condemned to be broke on the wheel: but the
+sentence was not made public, because the Judges imagined they might
+suffer themselves to be taken if the affair seemed to be dropt. Some
+Lords, however, who had got notice of the sentence<a name="FNanchor_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>, were preparing
+to ask their forfeited effects: the Count de Berlise informed Grotius of
+it, and the Ambassador desired him to beg the favour of the King not to
+dispose of their effects, but to order them to be sequestrated, that he
+might restore them to the owners, when the time of <a name="Page_209" id="Page_209"></a>their pardon came.
+"I have the honour to inform you of this, he writes to the High
+Chancellor, that it may not be thought I wanted to take advantage of the
+misfortune of these wretches, as some here are wicked enough to
+believe."</p>
+
+<p>The sentence was at length executed on them<a name="FNanchor_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>: but it was only in
+effigie; for none of the offenders had been taken. Grotius was then ill
+of an ague<a name="FNanchor_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>, and postponed his application for their pardon till his
+recovery. As soon as he could go abroad<a name="FNanchor_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> he asked an audience; at
+which, after thanking the King for doing justice on them, which proved
+how much his Majesty had the respect due to Ambassadors at heart, he
+entreated him to grant a pardon to the offenders, and not only spare
+their lives, but also restore their effects; of which he claimed no
+part, though the King had left them to his disposal. Lewis XIII. seeing
+him earnest in his request, made answer, that he would give directions
+to the Chancellor that their pardon should pass the seals. Grotius
+promised to go to that Magistrate to solicit it; which he did
+accordingly<a name="FNanchor_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>, and the Chancellor promised to finish the affair
+agreeable to his desire.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Ep. 988. p. 447.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Ep. 993. p. 450.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Ep. 438. p. 879.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Ep. 1025. p. 462.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> Ep. 1028. p. 463.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> Ep. 1043. p. 470.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Ep. 1038. p. 468.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Ep. 1041. p. 469.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecV">V.</a> It was on the first of October, 1638, that Grotius went to solicit
+the King in favour of those who had insulted him: the Court was then in
+great joy for the happy birth of the Dauphin<a name="FNanchor_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>, who came into the
+world on the 5th of September. The Swedish Ambassador saw the King, the
+Queen, and the Dauphin, and made them his compliments such as the
+occasion required, though it was not the principal object of his journey
+as he could not have received orders on the subject. He recommended to
+the King the affairs of the Duke of Weymar, whom the Imperialists were
+going to attack with a force infinitely superior. His Majesty promised
+to augment <a name="Page_210" id="Page_210"></a>that Prince's army as much as his other affairs would
+permit. Grotius having represented of what advantage an extraordinary
+gratification might be to the good of affairs in Germany, the King
+exclaimed against the great expences with which he was overpowered, but
+gave hopes that he would advance a sum of money beyond what he engaged
+to furnish. November 10, 1638<a name="FNanchor_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>, Grotius had another audience of the
+King, to entreat him not to abandon the Duke of Weymar in his present
+extremity: he assured his Majesty that he had precise orders to
+recommend to him the affairs of that Prince with the same zeal as those
+of Sweden. The King contented himself with giving a vague answer, which
+did not satisfy the Ambassador. December 4<a name="FNanchor_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a>, he waited on the King
+and Queen to compliment them, by order of the Queen of Sweden, on the
+birth of the Dauphin. A letter written by him next day to Queen
+Christina relates all that passed at these audiences. After observing
+that he had publicly expressed his joy for the desired birth of the
+young Prince by bonfires, entertainments, and distributions of wine to
+all the neighbourhood, he tells her that he had seen the King, whom he
+informed of the entertainments made in Sweden on occasion of the birth
+of the Dauphin of France; that he observed to his Majesty, if it were
+true, as the Ancients believed, that names were not given by chance, one
+ought to prognosticate great things of the Dauphin [<i>Anglic&egrave;</i> Dolphin];
+that the signs which surrounded the Constellation bearing his name,
+denote the most happy presages; that it was surrounded by the Eagle,
+Pegasus, Sagittarius, Aquarius, and the Swan; that the Eagle denoted a
+superior genius; Pegasus presaged that he would be powerful in cavalry,
+Sagittarius in infantry, and Aquarius in naval force: the Swan signified
+that his great actions would be celebrated by poets, historians, and
+orators: <a name="Page_211" id="Page_211"></a>that the nine stars in the sign of the Dolphin denoted,
+according to astrologers, the nine Muses, who were to render the Prince
+illustrious and receive lustre from him: that the Dolphin being near the
+Equator, signified that the King's justice would be hereditary to his
+son; that naturalists had remarked three properties in the Dolphin,
+which ought to be considered as happy presages of what the Dauphin of
+France would be: that it loved men; that it came quickly to maturity;
+and had much activity.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, it is probable, had recourse to these unnatural and
+consequently ridiculous allegories in compliance with the bad taste of
+the age. It is to be presumed that such an elevated genius, who knew the
+rules of eloquence, and disapproved of the wretched strain of the
+advocates of that time, was not pleased with himself on this occasion.
+He concluded his harangue with beseeching the King to be persuaded that
+her Swedish Majesty would faithfully execute her treaties; that nothing
+would be more agreeable to her, than to live in the best understanding
+with the King, and to hear of the prosperity of his kingdom; and that
+she would chearfully employ all her forces to encrease the power of
+France. He afterwards excused the Queen for not sending an Ambassador
+extraordinary to compliment the King, giving as a reason, that such a
+commission could only be executed by one of the first Lords of the
+Kingdom, who were all employed in the army, or in the ministry; and the
+Queen presumed his Majesty would like better that they should discharge
+their duty, than undertake so long a journey. The King seemed much
+pleased with the conclusion of this compliment. He promised to be
+constant in his friendship, and faithful in the execution of his
+treaties, and to continue the war with the fame ardour as his good
+sister.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius afterwards waited on the Queen, to whom he said, that his
+complimenting her so late on the part of the Queen of Sweden, was owing
+to the <a name="Page_212" id="Page_212"></a>distance of Stockholm: he observed to her that Gothland was a
+province of Sweden, from which the Kings of Spain were not ashamed to
+derive their origin: he expressed his joy at seeing on the throne of
+France a Queen descended from the Goths, and who had brought forth a
+Prince who by his mother belonged to that nation: he assured her that of
+all the Princes who had borne the name of Deodatus, none deserved it so
+well as the Dauphin, whom Providence had given to the prayers of the
+kingdom almost against all hope; that he was born on the day of the Sun,
+which presaged that by his heat and light he would confer happiness on
+France, and the friends of France, among whom her Swedish Majesty held
+the first rank; that he was born in Autumn, the season of the year
+abounding most in fruit, which denoted that with him would be found the
+fruit of all virtues. The Queen received the compliment with great
+politeness, and made an offer of her services to her Swedish Majesty.</p>
+
+<p>The important fortress of Brisac having been obliged to surrender to the
+Duke of Weymar in the end of the year 1638<a name="FNanchor_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>, Grotius went to
+compliment the King on that event: he first thanked him for sending
+reinforcements to the Duke, and afterwards enlarged on the advantages of
+taking Brisac, the conquest of which contributed to the security of
+Burgundy and Champaigne, facilitated the preservation of Lorain, the
+towns of Alsace, and the liberty of the Swiss, and, in fine, enabled
+them to make farther progress in Germany: he concluded with beseeching
+his Majesty to order the money promised, to be paid to the Swedes, that
+they might put Marshal Bannier in a condition to accomplish what might
+be of service to the King. Lewis assured him, that he would take care
+the money should be remitted.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213"></a>Grotius having asked an audience of the King in the month of March,
+1639<a name="FNanchor_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>, Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, waited on him to
+know what he purposed to say to the King, under pretence that when his
+Majesty was not previously apprised of certain affairs, he was too much
+affected by them. Grotius answered, that he should say nothing
+disagreeable to the King. Brulon wanting to enter into farther
+particulars, the Ambassador told him, he would follow his orders. The
+audience, however, was granted: he remonstrated to the King the
+necessity of sending speedy succours to the Duke of Weymar to enable him
+to penetrate into the heart of Germany, whilst Marshal Bannier did the
+same on his side: and assured him, that the Queen was determined to
+embark the recruits and provisions for that General's army as soon as
+the season would permit. The King answered, that he had affairs in so
+many places he could not do at once all that he desired.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius ascribed the King's explaining himself so coldly to the offence
+taken by Cardinal Richelieu at the Duke of Weymar. His Eminence wanted
+to prevail with that Prince to come and pass the winter at Paris, in
+order to enter into a closer connection with him, and to get from him
+the possession of Brisac. The Duke, who was informed of his intentions,
+chose rather to remain in Germany, than to be near an absolute Minister
+whom it was dangerous to contradict. It is said that from this time the
+Cardinal resolved to obstruct the progress of a Prince, whose ambition
+and valour filled him with apprehensions. Grotius had a new audience of
+the King in the middle of April following, to represent to him the
+necessity of augmenting the army commanded by the Duke of Weymar, who
+had sent Erlac to court to obtain speedy succours. The King promised
+that Erlac should be satisfied.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> Ep. 1038. p. 468.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> Ep. 1064. p. 480.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Ep. 1079. p. 485.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Ep. 1090. p. 490. &amp; 1093. p. 491.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Ep. 1137. p. 514.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecVI">VI.</a> These were only vague promises which the Ministry never intended to
+fulfil. The Cardinal had <a name="Page_214" id="Page_214"></a>made no secret<a name="FNanchor_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> of his desire to gain the
+Duke of Weymar by giving him his niece in marriage: the Prince's refusal
+and his desire to keep Brisac had so much offended his Eminence, that he
+even told Erlac that the Duke hearkened to bad counsels, and that his
+behaviour to France was not such as gratitude and civility required. The
+malevolence of the French Minister<a name="FNanchor_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> chagrined the Duke so much that
+he fell ill: it was only a slight indisposition, but, however, he did
+not long survive it<a name="FNanchor_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>: a violent fever seized him at Neubourg, which
+on the fourth day cut off a Prince, whom Grotius calls the honour and
+last resource of Germany<a name="FNanchor_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>: the tenth of July, 1639, was the last of
+this illustrious personage. It was at that time very doubtful<a name="FNanchor_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>
+whether he died of the plague, which prevailed in those parts, or of
+poison. Grotius tells us<a name="FNanchor_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>, that the Duke himself thought they had
+shortened his days: he even cites on this subject the Prince's funeral
+oration delivered at Brisac, wherein the author was not afraid of
+advancing this anecdote. Grotius was also persuaded<a name="FNanchor_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> that the Prince
+died by poison: he mentions it in a letter to the High Chancellor of the
+10th of October, 1639. "The more I reflect on the Duke of Weymar's
+death, the more I am persuaded that he had on his body no marks of the
+plague, and that it was not in his house: accordingly the reports of his
+being poisoned again prevail, and the suspicion falls upon the Geneva
+physician, who was brought to remove his cholic."</p>
+
+<p>As this Prince's victories made even his allies uneasy, they were
+accused of contributing to his death. Cardinal Richelieu's enemies
+spread the report, without ground, that it was he who caused the poison
+to be given to the Duke, that he might get Brisac more easily; and the
+Swedish historian<a name="FNanchor_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> seems inclined to <a name="Page_215" id="Page_215"></a>think he was poisoned, without
+imputing it, however, to the Cardinal. "At the time of the Duke of
+Weymar's death, says he, there was a grand negotiation on foot to know
+whether Brisac should be yielded to France. Grotius pressed the Prince
+to keep it; and the refusing to yield that place disgusted France. He
+died soon after, not without suspicion of poison. The court of
+Vienna<a name="FNanchor_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>, to whom his death was of great advantage, was also accused
+of committing the crime: but these were all vague and ill-grounded
+reports, which consequently merit little attention." The Duke of
+Weymar's death<a name="FNanchor_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> occasioned the greatest consternation among the
+Swedes; the army was left without a leader, the towns without a master,
+and for some time there was nothing but anarchy in the country where he
+commanded. This Prince placed the greatest confidence in Grotius, who
+had for him the most perfect esteem. When at Paris he was most intimate
+with the Swedish Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>, and deposited with him some valuable
+things which he would neither intrust to the King, nor to any of his
+subjects.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Grotii Ep. 1153. p. 524.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Ep. 1140. p. 516.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Ep. 1226. p. 548.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Ep. 1207. p. 549. &amp; 1224. p. 553.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> Ep. 1223 p. 557.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> Ep. 1254. p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Ep. 1249. p. 566.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 11. &sect; 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Le Vassor, l. 45. p. 265, 266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> Ep. 1216, p. 548.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> Ep. 876 p. 384.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecVII">VII.</a> When the Duke of Weymar's death was publicly known, Charles Lewis,
+Elector Palatine, son of the unfortunate King of Bohemia, purposed to
+get the Weymarian army to acknowledge him for their General. This
+negotiation could not be carried on without a large sum of money. The
+Elector went to his uncle the King of England, from whom he got 25000 l.
+sterling, with the promise of a larger sum in case of need. He might
+have returned into Holland, and would in all probability have succeeded
+in his project, but the King of England, it is said, advised him to act
+in concert with France, whose interest was connected with his, and
+without whose assistance he would have much difficulty to accomplish his
+design. <a name="Page_216" id="Page_216"></a>King Charles spoke of it to Bellievre<a name="FNanchor_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> the French
+Ambassador at London: he told him the Elector was determined to go to
+France, and lodge with the Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassador at
+Paris, that he might have an opportunity of conferring with the King.
+Bellievre, who was informed of the intentions of the French Court, and
+those of the Elector, represented to the King, that the Prince, before
+he embarked for France, ought to get a passport from the Court,
+otherwise he would be in danger of being arrested by the Governor of the
+first town. Bellievre was desired to write to France about it: the
+Ministry were in no hurry to give him an answer, because they disliked
+the prince's project. The Elector in his impatience resolved to go over
+<i>incognito</i> to France. M. Pelisson assures us<a name="FNanchor_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> it was Montreuil, one
+of the first Academicians, at that time employed by France in England,
+who gave the Court notice of the Elector's design. That Prince managed
+his matters with so little address, that his journey was a secret to no
+body. He went on board publicly<a name="FNanchor_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>, suffered the English ships to
+salute him at his departure, and on landing him at Boulogn, the King his
+uncle's ships, which escorted him, made a general discharge of their
+great guns.</p>
+
+<p>After coming on shore<a name="FNanchor_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> he set out with five of his servants for
+Paris; and, changing his name, would not lodge with the Earl of
+Leicester; but took the road to Lyons, where the King was, and travelled
+very slowly. His design was to turn off to Switzerland, and proceed from
+thence to the Weymarian army. The Cardinal, who was informed of his
+rout, suffering him to advance into the heart of the kingdom, caused him
+to be arrested at Moulins in the Bourbonoise. He denied at first that he
+was the Elector Palatine; but was at last obliged to own it. <a name="FNanchor_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>He was
+<a name="Page_217" id="Page_217"></a>confined in the citadel; where he was civilly treated, till orders
+should be received from the King. He was from thence carried to
+Vincennes<a name="FNanchor_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>, where he was permitted to see no body, and denied the
+use of pen and ink. For six days he was not suffered to walk in the
+garden. The Prince had two brothers at Paris, Maurice and Edward, who
+came there to learn Riding and Fencing. They were narrowly watched, and
+ordered not to leave Paris; and their Governor was charged to attend
+them wherever they went. About a month after the Elector's confinement,
+they were permitted to see him<a name="FNanchor_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>; but it was in presence of
+witnesses: the Elector was also suffered to walk sometimes in the garden
+on condition that the guard went with him.</p>
+
+<p>Cardinal Richelieu and the French Ministers, to justify this conduct,
+gave out that it was not allowable for a foreign Prince to pass through
+the kingdom without the King's permission; that the Elector's conduct
+shewed that he had some bad design; that they knew he wanted to go to
+Geneva, to proceed from thence to the Duke of Weymar's army, to seize
+the towns of Alsace, and exchange them afterwards with the Emperor in
+order to obtain restitution of the Palatinate; and that such a project
+must be very prejudicial to France, to whom the conquest of Alsace had
+cost so many men and so much money. This imprisonment made a great noise
+in Europe: the Earl of Leicester, Ambassador from England, demanded the
+Prince's release; and Christiern King of Denmark used some strong
+expressions. The King of England wrote to the French King, that it was
+he who sent his nephew into France to confer with his Majesty on the
+state of his affairs; and that if the King would not give him an
+audience he ought at least to send him back to England. This letter
+having produced no effect, the English applied to the Queen of <a name="Page_218" id="Page_218"></a>Sweden
+to intercede for the discharge of the captive Elector; and the King
+declared at last that he would let Grotius treat with the Ministry about
+the accommodation of this affair. He drew up a plan, in concert with the
+Earl of Leicester, for giving satisfaction to the Court of France that
+the Prince might be set at liberty. The Elector was to give it under his
+hand, that he never intended to negotiate with the Duke of Weymar's army
+without the concurrence of the Queen of Sweden and the most Christian
+King: and on making this declaration he was to remain at Paris, giving
+his parole not to leave it without the King's permission; and the
+English Ambassador was to be security for the observance of it.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, in communicating this project to Camerarius the Swedish
+Ambassador in Holland, acquaints him that he was persuaded nothing could
+have greater weight with the French Ministry than what he had suggested;
+and that he expected letters from the Queen his mistress, who was much
+affected with the Elector's misfortune. Chavigny made two visits on the
+subject of this negotiation to Grotius, who communicated to him what he
+had concerted with the English Ambassador.</p>
+
+<p>As the French Ministry had need of Grotius in this affair<a name="FNanchor_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>, he was
+now treated by them with more civility. Chavigny came to him, by order
+of the King, about the middle of January, 1640<a name="FNanchor_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>, and told him that
+his Majesty and the Cardinal esteemed him highly, and for the future
+would treat him with friendship and candour; that if any thing had
+happened formerly, which might displease him, it was wholly owing to
+Father Joseph; and that Cardinal Richelieu was now sensible he had been
+injustly blamed. Grotius returned his thanks for these civilities; he
+assured Chavigny that the Ministry might expect from him all that could
+be hoped for from an honest man; <a name="Page_219" id="Page_219"></a>that he knew the disgusts he had
+received proceeded from the Dutch, who, after having treated him
+unjustly, still continued to persecute him; and that he had determined
+to meddle no otherwise in their affairs than as they were connected with
+those of Sweden. Chavigny commended this resolution; adding, that the
+King intended to employ him in accommodating the affair of the Elector
+Palatine; which might be accomplished, if the Prince would only declare,
+that he had not proposed to himself any views on the Duke of Weymar's
+army but with the King's consent, whom he designed to consult; and if he
+would promise to carry on no intrigue for the future in that army
+without the approbation of the Queen of Sweden and the French King; that
+he might then be permitted to remain at Paris, after giving his parole,
+and engaging the English Ambassador to give his, that he should not
+leave it without the King's permission. Grotius answered he would be
+always glad to serve the King. After this conversation Grotius visited
+the Earl of Leicester, and communicated the project to him as his own;
+for Chavigny had desired him not to speak of the conversation which they
+had together: he assured the English Ambassador, that he knew for
+certain if he approved of the proposal the Prince would not only obtain
+his liberty, but might also hope to recover his dominions if his
+Britannic Majesty would bestir himself for that purpose; and that he
+hoped his mediation would not be less agreeable to the King of England,
+than to the French King. The Earl of Leicester answered, that he had
+orders to demand the Elector's discharge without any condition; that he
+would write to England; and till he received an answer must exactly
+follow his instructions. He asked Grotius to continue his good offices
+in this affair, assuring him that they would be most agreeable to the
+King of England. The Swedish Ambassador informed the High Chancellor<a name="Page_220" id="Page_220"></a> of
+these particulars, in a letter dated Jan. 22, 1640<a name="FNanchor_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Chavigny soon returned to Grotius to know what had passed between him
+and the English Ambassador: and on this occasion assured him of the
+Cardinal's favourable disposition towards him. Some time after, a person
+belonging to Chavigny brought Grotius some papers relating to the
+accommodation of this affair; in which the Weymarian army was supposed
+to belong to the King of France, because he alone paid it. Grotius, on
+the contrary, was persuaded that that army belonged to Sweden and the
+confederate Princes of Germany; and that the Duke of Weymar, as he
+himself had several times said, received the French subsidies in quality
+of ally of that crown, as the Landgrave did in his life-time. On reading
+these papers he told the person who brought them, they would not please
+the English; and asked permission to make some alteration in them.
+Chavigny's Secretary answered, that he had orders to leave them with
+him, that he might shew them to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied,
+that he would first examine them farther, and see what was to be done.
+Some days after, Chavigny sent another Secretary, asking him to confer
+as soon as possible with the Earl of Leicester. Grotius answered, that
+he had read the papers with attention; and finding in them some things
+to the prejudice of Sweden, he would consult the Queen that he might do
+nothing to the prejudice of her rights; that he was sorry the distance
+would not permit him to receive her orders soon, but if the other
+Ambassadors who had offered their good-offices in this affair could
+obtain the Prince's liberty he would be well satisfied.</p>
+
+<p>These papers differed in many places from what had been settled between
+Chavigny and Grotius. They had agreed that the Elector, on coming out of
+Vincennes, should remain at Paris: the new regulation <a name="Page_221" id="Page_221"></a>obliged him to
+follow the Court, that he might be more easily observed; besides, it
+only made mention of the King of France, and said nothing of Sweden. The
+French Ministry would absolutely<a name="FNanchor_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> have the Weymarian Army to be the
+King's; and that it was a high offence against him to attempt to get the
+command of it without his consent. The Landgravine of Hesse<a name="FNanchor_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>, Amelia
+Elizabeth of Hanau, whose uncommon merit and attachment to France had
+gained her the greatest confederation at Court, wrote to the King in
+favour of the captive Prince, assuring him, that all Germany was under
+affliction on account of his situation. The Queen of Bohemia<a name="FNanchor_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a>, the
+Elector's mother, approved of the difficulties started by Grotius; and
+Queen Christina ordered him to demand an audience of the King to present
+a letter from her, dated Dec. 19, 1639<a name="FNanchor_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>. It was some time before he
+could obtain this audience, the King being ill of the gout. Some
+imagined this was only a pretext, and that his Majesty refused to see
+him because the Ministers were treating directly with the Elector, who
+was to be set at liberty as soon as they could agree with him, without
+its appearing to be done at the solicitation of any foreign Prince.</p>
+
+<p>The 18th of February, 1640, was at last appointed for the audience:
+Grotius told the King that by clemency men approached nearest to the
+Divinity, and that it became no Prince so well as him who bore the title
+of Most Christian King; that the Kings of France had always
+distinguished themselves by this virtue, particularly Henry IV; and that
+he himself had on several occasions given signal proofs of his clemency.
+He afterwards set forth the ancient splendour of the Palatine house, the
+most illustrious of the empire, whose heir was now in captivity, without
+lands, without subjects, and reduced to seek <a name="Page_222" id="Page_222"></a>shelter among strangers:
+he shewed that his house was ever closely attached to France; that it
+defended with all its forces the rights of Henry the Great to the Crown
+when unjustly disputed; that the Austrians were always declared enemies
+of this house, and now kept the second Prince of it in prison; that the
+Courts of Vienna and Madrid ardently desired the continuation of the
+Elector's captivity; that this Prince deserved the better treatment in
+France, as during his minority he was ever an ally of the Crown of
+Sweden, and those, who managed his affairs in his youth, conformed with
+the greatest zeal and fidelity to all the desires of the King's
+Ministers, and contributed much to the success of their demands in the
+diets of Hailbron, Francfort, and Worms; that his Majesty, by setting
+the Prince at liberty, would not only do a great pleasure to Germany,
+but her Swedish Majesty would consider it as a high obligation, and take
+every opportunity to express her gratitude. The King seemed to be
+affected with this discourse. He said, Grotius was not ignorant of his
+reasons for arresting the Elector Palatine; that the good of the common
+cause induced him to do it; that he had always had the restoration of
+the Palatine house much at heart, and caused it to be mentioned to the
+King of England, whom this affair regarded more, and had made several
+proposals on the subject to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied, that
+it did not become him to enter into a dispute concerning the reasons
+which determined so great a King to act as he had done; but if, without
+breach of the respect due to his Majesty, he might be permitted to speak
+his sentiments, he thought the best measure that could be taken was to
+forget what was passed, and attend only to the advantage of the common
+cause; adding, that some allowance must be made for the Prince's youth,
+and it ought to be considered, that the bad situation of his affairs did
+not permit him to engage in his service such as were most capable of
+giving him good <a name="Page_223" id="Page_223"></a>advice. The King said, he had heard what the Ambassador
+represented, and that he was going to read the Queen of Sweden's
+letters. The audience concluded with the Swedish Ambassador's instances,
+that the King would remember clemency and goodness. Grotius acquainted
+the Queen of Sweden with all these particulars, in a letter dated the 3d
+of March, 1640<a name="FNanchor_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it was known in France, that Grotius had received orders to
+intercede for the Prince, he was confined more closely; so that those of
+his family, who were at Paris, had no communication with him, as before;
+hence it was concluded, that the French Ministers wanted to negotiate
+directly with him, and prevent his holding any correspondence with such
+as might divert him from giving the King the satisfaction he desired.
+These suspicions were well grounded<a name="FNanchor_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a>: Chavigny was treating at
+Vincennes with the Prince, who, tired of his confinement, signed the
+declaration which the King wanted, namely, that he had no design to get
+the command of the Weymarian troops contrary to his Majesty's
+inclination, and would not leave France without his permission. The King
+alone was mentioned in this writing, and no notice taken of the Swedes.</p>
+
+<p>The Court being satisfied<a name="FNanchor_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>, Chavigny went on the 13th of March,
+1640, at night, to Vincennes, and brought the Prince to the Earl of
+Leicester's house; where he staid <i>incognito</i> till the Hotel of the
+Ambassadors Extraordinary, then occupied by Prince Casimir, should be
+empty. In this manner the Prince recovered his liberty<a name="FNanchor_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>, which he
+owed to the powerful solicitation of the Queen of Sweden, and the
+good-offices of her Minister. Grotius informed the Queen, that the
+Prince was come out of Vincennes, by a letter of the 7th of April,
+1640<a name="FNanchor_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>. He went to <a name="Page_224" id="Page_224"></a>pay his compliments to his Highness, and gave him
+all the honours due to an Elector, though he was not treated as such by
+the French, because they were in negotiation with the Duke of Bavaria,
+who was invested with the title of Elector, which the Palatine house
+enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia. But Sweden had still continued
+to regard the Prince as if he had been in possession of his electorate.
+Grotius held a correspondence with him before this event: we have a
+letter of that Ambassador, written on the 16th of November, 1638, to the
+Elector Palatine, in which he allures him, that he had spoken to the
+Most Christian King and his Ministers, and to the English Ambassador,
+for the restoration of the Palatine house; and that he had also written
+about it to the Queen of Sweden and the Grandees of the kingdom.</p>
+
+<p>The Elector came to make Grotius a visit<a name="FNanchor_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>, and begged he would
+recommend him to the favour of the Queen of Sweden. Grotius demanded an
+audience of the King, to thank him for the regard he had shewn to the
+Queen his Mistress's recommendation.</p>
+
+<p>The Prince made his court so well to the King, and so managed the French
+Ministry, that he at last got the title of Elector. He was extremely
+well received at Court: but grew weary, however, of France, and was
+desirous of obtaining full and entire liberty by the Queen of Sweden's
+credit. He spoke of it to Grotius; who promised him his good-offices.
+The uneasiness, which the protracting of this negotiation gave the
+Prince, threw him into an ague. At length, after much ado, he obtained
+full liberty. July 25, 1640, the King gave him permission to go where he
+pleased, after giving assurances, that he would adhere to the writing
+signed at Vincennes, by which he engaged to do nothing against the
+interest of France. He came to acquaint Grotius with this agreeable
+<a name="Page_225" id="Page_225"></a>news; adding, that he was resolved to go to Holland, and continue there
+till the troubles in Scotland were ended. It was not then foreseen that
+they would last so long, and still less that they would bring the King
+to the block.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> Ep. 1876. p. 578.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> Hist. de l'Acad. p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> Ep. Grot. 1629. p. 575.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> Ep. 1250. p. 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Ep. 1271. p. 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 11. &sect; 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> Ep. 1283. p. 581.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> Ep. 1311. p. 593.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 11. &sect; 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Ep. 1312. p. 594.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> Ep. 1313, p. 595.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Ep. 1317. p. 596.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Ep. 1320. p. 598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> Ep. 1319. p. 597.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> Ep. 1328. p. 601.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> Ep. 1333 p. 613.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Ep. 1337. p. 607. Puffendorf, l. 12. &sect; 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> Ep. 1338. p. 607.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Ep. 1344. p. 609.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Ep. 1548. p. 611.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecVIII">VIII.</a> Grotius was at this time engaged in another very delicate
+negotiation at the Court of France. Marshal Horn, the High Chancellor's
+son-in-law, had been taken at the battle of Nordlinguen, and Sweden was
+most desirous to recover her General. The famous John de Vert was at the
+same time prisoner at Vincennes<a name="FNanchor_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>: nothing seemed more natural or
+easy than the exchange of these two great Captains: it was obstructed,
+however, by two considerable difficulties. The Duke of Weymar pretended
+that John de Vert was his Prisoner, and that he only sent him into
+France to be kept there till he should redemand him. Besides, the French
+Court were afraid that Marshal Horn's return would be rather hurtful,
+than advantageous to the common cause: there was no longer any
+employment for the Marshal in the army, and as he was supported by the
+credit of his father-in-law, his return to it might occasion a dangerous
+division, the consequences whereof were to be apprehended even by France
+herself. Grotius<a name="FNanchor_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> nevertheless was ordered to solicit the King in
+favour of this exchange: he spoke of it first to Bullion<a name="FNanchor_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>, who
+frankly promised to do all in his power for Sweden in the affair. He
+afterwards spoke of it to the King at an audience in the beginning of
+November, 1639; an account of which he sends to the Queen, in a letter
+of the 9th of November. He tells her, that, having pressed the King to
+procure the Marshal's liberty, Lewis discovered great readiness to do
+it, and promised to propose it in council. The Ambassador, to engage the
+King more warmly for this exchange, represented to his Majesty, that the
+late Duke of <a name="Page_226" id="Page_226"></a>Weymar designed the generals John de Vert and Enkefort to
+be exchanged for Marshal Horn: that the Prince thought his glory
+concerned in making this exchange; that he had mentioned it to the Queen
+of Sweden; and often written to his Majesty about it, and several times
+employed others to solicit it, and that he died in these sentiments.</p>
+
+<p>Marshal Horn's liberty could not be obtained without the consent of
+another Prince, the Duke of Bavaria, with whom he was a prisoner. That
+Prince, being spoke to, readily gave his consent to the exchange.
+Marshal Horn wrote this to Grotius, in a letter delivered to him by John
+de Vert: and the Ambassador immediately wrote to the High Chancellor,
+May 16, 1640, that he thought the Queen should make new instances by
+letter to the King, and give him [Grotius] fresh orders on the subject.</p>
+
+<p>The taking of Arras furnishing an occasion to compliment the King,
+Grotius went to St. Germains in the beginning of November, 1640. He
+expressed to his Majesty the joy he received by his happy return, his
+good health, and the conquest of such a considerable town as the capital
+of the Artois: he added his sincere wishes for the further increase of
+the prosperity of France, and the happy delivery of the Queen, who was
+then with child of the Duke of Anjou, afterwards Duke of Orleans. The
+King seemed to be pleased with this compliment, and mentioned some of
+the difficulties which attended the siege of Arras. Grotius afterwards
+spoke to the King of Marshal Horn: he told his Majesty that he had
+received letters from him, assuring that the Duke of Bavaria consented
+to his being exchanged for John de Vert. The Ambassador added, that the
+Duke of Weymar always desired the exchange: and that, if his Majesty
+would do Sweden this pleasure, John de Vert might be sent to Benfeld,
+and Marshal Horn to Landau, and both be afterwards set at liberty at
+Basil. The King answered, that he would think seriously of it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227"></a>In fact, Chavigny came soon after to see Grotius, and told him that the
+King, after reflecting on the proposals he had made to him concerning
+Marshal Horn's release, had resolved to send John de Vert to Nancy as
+soon as the troops were in winter quarters, that he might be sent back
+with a more considerable escort; that he consented the Marshal should be
+exchanged for John de Vert, on condition, however, that the treaty
+between France and Sweden should be renewed. Chavigny added, that the
+King, having learnt that Grotius complained of the Chancellor Seguier
+for denying him the honours due to an Ambassador, had signified his
+intentions, that he should be treated as the other Ambassadors of
+crowned heads. Grotius having made a visit a little before<a name="FNanchor_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> to the
+Chancellor of France, he had neither advanced to meet him, according to
+custom, nor given him the place that was due to him, nor re-conducted
+him on coming away. The Ambassador complaining of it, Count Brulon came
+and told him in presence of the Chancellor's servants, that if any
+offence had been given him, it proceeded from inattention, and not from
+design; for the King would have him treated with the same honours as
+other Ambassadors of Kings. Grotius replied, that he expected to receive
+the same treatment as the English Ambassador: on which Count Brulon
+said, France gave to each power the honour due to its rank.</p>
+
+<p>The exchange, however, was not executed. Grotius made a journey to
+Rheims, where the King was, to speak to him of it<a name="FNanchor_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a>. The King gave
+him the most positive promises, and engaged to give John de Vert his
+liberty, if the Duke of Bavaria sent Marshal Horn to Landau. Grotius
+wrote to the Court of Bavaria; John de Vert was conducted to Selesdad:
+and at last the exchange was made at Strasbourg. Grotius wrote a
+letter<a name="FNanchor_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> of compliment on it to the Marshal, <a name="Page_228" id="Page_228"></a>and desired him to come
+and lodge with him, if he purposed to pass through Paris in his way to
+Sweden.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> Bougeant, l. 6. &sect; 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Ep. 1259. p. 371.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Ep. 1263. p. 573. 1276. p. 578.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Ep. 1414. p. 645.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Ep. 1512. p. 685. 1517. p. 687. 1523. p. 690 &amp; 1532. p.
+693</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Ep. 1565. p. 708.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecIX">IX.</a> The renewal of the treaty of alliance between France and Sweden,
+which was almost expired, was now on the carpet. This grand affair was
+negotiating at Hamburg between Claude de M&ecirc;me count d'Avaux, and John
+Adler Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden. Grotius<a name="FNanchor_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>, who was
+attentive to give such counsels as might be useful to the crown of
+Sweden, wrote to the High Chancellor on the 29th of September, 1640,
+that if the subsidies made the only difficulty to the conclusion of the
+treaty, he knew the Cardinal would augment them. And accordingly,
+instead of a million, which France promised to Sweden by the last<a name="FNanchor_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>
+treaty, by this she gave her twelve hundred thousand Francs. The
+negotiation meeting with many obstacles, it was drawn into a great
+length and not concluded till the last of June, 1641.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning of November in the preceding year, Chavigny came to
+acquaint Grotius, that the King was astonished that nothing was done in
+the eight months that the renewal of the alliance had been negotiating
+at Hamburg; that it would seem the regents of Sweden imagined by these
+delays to obtain better conditions; but the King could add nothing to
+the former subsidies by reason of his exorbitant expences both on his
+own account and that of the allies; that he was desirous of being
+speedily informed of the intentions of the Swedish Ministers; that the
+renewal of the treaty would contribute to the obtaining a good peace;
+that if they would not renew it, it was time the King should know it,
+that he might take his measures; and that the peace was greatly retarded
+by the hopes which the enemy entertained of a difference between France
+and Sweden. <a name="Page_229" id="Page_229"></a>He added, that if a separate treaty should be set on foot,
+France could obtain better terms than Sweden. The whole drift of this
+discourse was to let Grotius know they were not ignorant that he had
+written to Sweden, advising the Regency to take advantage of the present
+occasion to obtain more advantageous conditions from France; which would
+be granted. The Swedish Ambassador answered Chavigny, that he had
+received a letter from the Queen for his Majesty, which he purposed to
+deliver immediately; that the war was very burdensome to the Swedes, who
+had so many enemies to combat with, especially this year and last; and
+that as to the renewal of the treaty, he had nothing to say to it; for
+that affair did not concern him, but Salvius.</p>
+
+<p>He demanded an audience; but it was denied on several pretexts<a name="FNanchor_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>;
+because they wanted farther information of what was doing at Hamburg. It
+was at last granted<a name="FNanchor_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> on the 16th of November, 1640. He saw the Queen
+first, whom he complimented on the birth of the Duke of Anjou: he
+afterwards saw the King, and delivered to him the Queen's letters of the
+10th of September. He congratulated him on the advantages gained last
+campaign, and on the birth of a second son of France; and entreated his
+Majesty to send a greater force into Germany as the only means to obtain
+a glorious peace. The King promised it, and afterwards repeated to
+Grotius what Chavigny had said; that the treaty of alliance would soon
+expire; that he would be glad to renew it on the former conditions; but
+that if her Swedish Majesty disliked them, he wished to know it
+immediately, that he might regulate his measures accordingly. He often
+repeated that it was not in his power to augment the subsidies, though
+the Ambassador proved that he could never make a better use of his
+money. Grotius informed the Queen of what passed <a name="Page_230" id="Page_230"></a>at this audience by a
+letter of the 17th of November, 1640, in which he assures her that the
+true reason why the King deferred seeing him was his waiting for
+Cardinal Richelieu, with whom he wanted to concert the answer he should
+make. He acquainted this Princess at the same time, that it was from the
+Superintendant's own friends he understood the Swedes might hope for an
+increase of the subsidies on renewing the alliance.</p>
+
+<p>Salvius informed Grotius of the state of the negotiation<a name="FNanchor_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>, that they
+might act in concert. The Vice-Chancellor was the <i>primum mobile</i> of
+this great affair: Grotius was subordinate to him, and did him great
+service by the instructions which he sent him.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> Ep. 1420. p. 647.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Bougeant. l. 6. n. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Ep. 1440. p. 653.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Ep. 1442. p. 654.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> Ep. 1472. p. 666.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecX">X.</a> Cardinal Richelieu died the year after the renewal of the treaty of
+alliance between France and Sweden, on the 4th of December, 1642. This
+famous Minister was not much regretted by the Swedish Ambassador:
+independent of the grounds of complaint which Grotius thought he had
+against the Cardinal, it is not surprising that he should have no great
+veneration for him; they were of too different sentiments to esteem, or
+perhaps to do one another justice.</p>
+
+<p>Lewis XIII. did not long survive his Prime Minister; the fourteenth of
+May, 1643, was his last. Anne of Austria, his widow, was Regent of the
+Kingdom during the minority of her son Lewis XIV. She told the Swedish
+Ambassador by Chavigny, and repeated it herself, that the King's death
+would make no change in the alliance between France and Sweden; that she
+would follow the intentions of the late King in every thing, and observe
+with the greatest fidelity the treaties made with the allies.</p>
+
+<p>The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Cond&eacute; were of the same
+sentiments<a name="FNanchor_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a>. Cardinal Mazarin soon gained all the Queen's
+confidence, and the principal <a name="Page_231" id="Page_231"></a>part in the Ministry: he pretended to
+support the dignity of Cardinal with the same grandeur as his
+predecessor: which made Grotius resolve<a name="FNanchor_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> to wait for orders from
+Sweden before he saw his Eminence. September 26, 1643, he writes to
+Salvius<a name="FNanchor_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>, "I received with great pleasure your Excellency's letters.
+I caused them to be delivered to Cardinal Mazarin, whom I have not seen,
+nor will see, unless the Queen order it. He takes the precedence of the
+Ambassadors of Kings; and though the title of Eminence be given him, he
+refuses that of Excellence to Ambassadors." Sweden having declared war
+against the King of Denmark<a name="FNanchor_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>, who had taken several Swedish ships
+trading in the Sound, Grotius communicated the Queen of Sweden's motives
+to the French Queen<a name="FNanchor_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>, without having orders for it, in an audience
+which he had of her Majesty about the middle of April, 1644; acquainting
+her that justice and necessity obliged Sweden to have recourse to arms
+against the Danes; he also shewed her the declaration of war, which he
+translated into Latin, and printed at Paris. Some time after, Christina
+sent him orders to inform the Queen of France of the reasons which
+obliged the Swedes to enter into a war with Denmark; which Grotius did
+accordingly at an audience in the beginning of June, 1644.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> Ep. 1594. p. 743.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> Ep. 632. p. 946.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Ep. 1611. p. 717.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> Bougeant, l. 8. p. 542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> Ep. 1661. p. 721.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecXI">XI.</a> It was the adventurer Cerisante who brought Grotius Queen
+Christina's letters, ordering him to lay before the Queen of France
+Sweden's grounds of complaint against Denmark. He had had interest to
+get himself nominated Agent of the crown of Sweden at Paris, with orders
+however to do nothing but in concert with the Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>. Some
+years before, the continual jars between Grotius and the French
+Ministers made the Regents of Sweden<a name="FNanchor_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> hesitate <a name="Page_232" id="Page_232"></a>whether it would not
+be proper to recall Grotius: he himself had wrote to the High
+Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>, that, to obviate all difficulties raised against him,
+it would perhaps be more proper to have only an Agent at Paris. It is
+pretended that the inclination which he was suspected to have for the
+Roman Catholics contributed to set the Swedes against him; and Crusius
+wrote from Bremen, November 27, 1642<a name="FNanchor_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a>, "It is publicly reported that
+Grotius is become a Papist, and has lost all credit in Sweden." He was
+not consulted in the nomination of Cerisante; accordingly it gave him
+much uneasiness, which he did not dissemble<a name="FNanchor_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>: he regarded this Agent
+as a spy sent to observe his conduct, and his mission as a proof that
+the Ministry were not satisfied with him: this greatly contributed to
+increase the disgust he had taken to his embassy, which he had already
+hinted in confidence to some of his friends. February 16, 1641, he wrote
+a letter of compliment to Lewis Camerarius<a name="FNanchor_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> on his being recalled
+from his embassy to Holland, and assures him that it would give him
+great pleasure to live in such quiet. He writes to his brother, November
+1, 1641<a name="FNanchor_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>, "If they threatened to recall me from my embassy I should
+not be sorry: it is not a lucrative thing. I am surfeited with honours;
+old age comes on, and will soon demand ease." A year after, he writes to
+him<a name="FNanchor_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a>, "I am come to the age at which many wise men have voluntarily
+renounced places of honour. I love quiet, and would be glad to devote
+the remainder of my life to the service of God and of posterity. If I
+had not some hope of contributing to a general peace, I should have
+retired before now."</p>
+
+<p>The headstrong and forward temper of the person who was appointed his
+coadjutor crowned all his <a name="Page_233" id="Page_233"></a>uneasiness. In effect, no body could be more
+the reverse of Grotius than Cerisante. The Memoirs of the Duke of Guise
+have placed this man in a very ridiculous light: his family indeed
+complain that the duke of Guise did not do him justice; but we know from
+others that he was as vain as he was inconsiderate. He was the son of
+Duncan, Minister of Saumur, and being perfect master of the Belles
+Lettres, he had been nominated Governor to the Marquis de Foix, who
+afterwards made him Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment of Navarre; but a
+quarrel with the Duke of Candale in the beginning of Anne of Austria's
+regency obliged him to quit the kingdom. He retired into Sweden, in
+hopes that the Queen, who loved men of wit, would make his fortune. He
+was not disappointed: she gave him a commission to levy a regiment,
+which he never raised; and sent him into France with the titles of
+Colonel and Agent of Sweden.</p>
+
+<p>He soon laid aside that regard for Grotius which was recommended to him;
+and gave on all occasions proofs of his rash and vain-glorious humour.
+Grotius tells us that he sent very false intelligence to Sweden, which
+he affirmed that he had from the first hand: in short, he was guilty of
+so many extravagancies, that Queen Christina, being informed how little
+he was esteemed, and that she was in some sort censured on his account,
+dismissed him her service; but it was not till after Grotius's departure
+from Paris.</p>
+
+<p>It will readily be judged that a man of this character could ill agree
+with Grotius: accordingly they were soon at great variance. Their
+misunderstanding was quickly known. Sarrau wrote to Salmasius, June 1,
+1644<a name="FNanchor_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a>, "Duncan the Swedish Agent at this Court gives the Ambassador
+much uneasiness." Grotius's patience being therefore worn out, he wrote
+to Sweden, desiring the Queen to recall him: his <a name="Page_234" id="Page_234"></a>request was granted
+with great readiness. As she did not dignify to him where he must
+go<a name="FNanchor_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a>, he wrote to Baron Oxenstiern, the Swedish Plenipotentiary to
+the peace of Munster and Osnabrug, and son of the High Chancellor,
+desiring him to inform him of the Queen's intentions, if he knew them;
+or to advise him whither he ought to go, to Osnabrug or elsewhere; and
+in fine, to send him a safe-conduct from the Ambassadors of the Emperor
+and the King of Spain, and even, if he could, from the Elector of
+Cologn. Grotius was strongly persuaded that they would employ him
+elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>. He demanded an audience of Queen Anne, whom he informed
+of his being recalled. The Queen of Sweden wrote to the French Queen a
+letter highly to Grotius's honour<a name="FNanchor_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>, in which she said that she would
+never forget his great services. She wrote also to himself<a name="FNanchor_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a>,
+signifying to him her satisfaction with his fidelity and prudence, and
+making him the fairest promises: which confutes what we find in the
+<i>Menagiana</i><a name="FNanchor_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>, that Queen Christina began her reign with recalling
+Grotius; since it is beyond doubt that it was Grotius himself who asked
+to be recalled. But we must not expect great exactness in this kind of
+works, compiled for the most part by persons who relate ill what they
+heard, and are not always acquainted with the matters of which they
+write.</p>
+
+<p>Before we consider Grotius returned to a private station, we shall
+observe that he always supported with great firmness the rights and
+honours belonging to the rank of Ambassador, not from vanity, but
+because he thought it his duty to prevent a dignity conferred on him
+from being depreciated. He imagined<a name="FNanchor_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>, that the Dutch, from ill-will
+to him, had entered into a kind of conspiracy not to treat him as<a name="Page_235" id="Page_235"></a> Ambassador, and to make him be considered as a simple Resident<a name="FNanchor_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>;
+and afterwards to make a crime of his weakness in giving up any part of
+his right. They denied him the title of Excellency when speaking to him
+of private business, under pretext that his embassy was not concerned:
+but he shewed this to be a very bad reason, since the greatest Noblemen
+in Sweden treated him as Ambassador even in private letters: he
+therefore burnt all those letters which did not give him the proper
+titles, without answering them; and even would not receive in his house
+such persons as denied him the honours due to the Ambassadors of crowned
+heads.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> Ep. 716. p. 970.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Puffendorf, l. 13. n. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> Ep. 690. p. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Inter Vossianas Ep. 656.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> Ep. 1689, p. 731.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Ep. 1477. p. 668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Ep. 572. p. 928.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> Ep. 620. p. 942.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> Ep. 83. p. 84. Sarravii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> Ep. 1743. p. 746.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Ep. 1745. p. 746.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Ep. 1757. p. 749.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Ep. 1753. p. 748.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> Tom. 2. p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Ep. 532. p. 912.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Ep. 542. p. 918.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecXII">XII.</a> When the news of Grotius's recall was known at Paris, it was
+publicly said that he was going to Sweden to complain of his collegue.
+Sarrau writes thus to Salmasius, March 15, 1645<a name="FNanchor_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a>. "Grotius is
+preparing to set out for Sweden after Easter, to complain of the injury
+done to him by appointing for his successor a young man who was his
+rival. He must however obey; and return into a private station: but this
+Colossus, though thrown down, will be always great; this statue will
+still be very high without its base." Whilst Grotius waited for Baron
+Oxenstiern's answer, he wrote to Spiringius, the Swedish Agent in
+Holland, asking him, in case he should not receive a favourable letter
+from Osnabrug, to send him a ship of war to some French port, on board
+of which he might embark for Gottenburg; or, if that could not be done,
+to obtain a passport to go from Holland to Gottenburg; but on condition
+that no mention should be made of what passed in his youth; otherwise,
+he declared, he would take another rout. It is probable he obtained such
+a passport as he desired; for embarking at Dieppe<a name="FNanchor_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>, he <a name="Page_236" id="Page_236"></a>went to
+Holland, where he was extremely well received. The Burgomasters of
+Amsterdam paid him all honour, and he was entertained at the public
+expence. He had also reason to be satisfied with the town of Rotterdam:
+not but there were at this time some mean souls in Holland, who wanted
+to make the States of Holland, then assembled, deny him a passage
+through the Province: but this shameful step served only to draw upon
+them the public indignation. The City of Amsterdam fitted out a vessel
+to carry him to Hamburg, where he was May 16, 1645, on which day he
+writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> that the wind had been against them; that he
+had been eight days by the way; and that Schrasvius, the Dutch Resident
+at Hamburg, came to visit him, and had a conversation with him full of
+friendship. He was resolved to set out next day for Lubeck, and hoped to
+find at that town, or at least at Wismar, a vessel that might carry him
+to Calmar, where he believed the High Chancellor to be with the French
+and Dutch Ambassadors. In this letter he asked his brother to give him
+only the title of Counsellor to her Swedish Majesty. He speaks much of
+the honourable reception which the Magistrates of Lubeck gave him<a name="FNanchor_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>.
+"You cannot believe, he writes to his brother, how many friends I have
+found." He was in the end of March at Wismar<a name="FNanchor_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>, where Count Wrangel,
+Admiral of the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment, and
+afterwards sent a man of war with him to Calmar<a name="FNanchor_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>. The High
+Chancellor was not there, but at Suderacher, four leagues distant,
+negotiating a peace between Sweden and Denmark. Grotius wrote to him
+immediately, and received a speedy answer: on the 8th of June the High
+Chancellor sent a Gentleman with his coach to bring him to Suderacher,
+where he remained a fortnight<a name="FNanchor_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> with <a name="Page_237" id="Page_237"></a>the Chancellor and, the other
+Ambassadors, who treated him with great honours: returning to Calmar, he
+went by land to Stockholm. Queen Christina was then at Upsal: but, as
+soon as she heard of Grotius's arrival in her capital, she came back to
+see so great a man: a desire to be acquainted with such as distinguished
+themselves in the republic of letters is well known to have been one of
+her favourite passions. On the morrow of his arrival<a name="FNanchor_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>, she gave him
+a long audience, with which he appears, by a letter written to his
+brother July 15, 1645, to be well satisfied. "I am now at Stockholm,
+says he, and have seen the Queen. She makes me great promises. I do not
+know yet what she will do with me. The Senators seem well satisfied with
+all that I have done."</p>
+
+<p>Christina gave him several audiences; made him dine with her; and he
+appeared to be abundantly pleased with the honours he received: but as
+he saw they were in no haste to do any thing for him, and only rewarded
+him with compliments, he grew uneasy, and asked permission to retire. He
+was confirmed in this resolution by finding the Court filled with
+persons who had conceived a jealousy against him; besides, the air of
+Sweden did not agree with him. The Queen several times refused to grant
+him his dismission, and signified to him that if he would continue in
+her service in quality of Counsellor of State, and bring his family into
+Sweden, he should have no reason to repent it: but he excused himself on
+account of his own health, which was much altered, and of his wife's
+health, who could not bear the cold air of that kingdom. He asked a
+passport, which they delayed granting. In the mean time he grew so
+uneasy at Stockholm, that he resolved to be gone without a passport.
+Leaving that city therefore, he went to a seaport two leagues distant,
+in order to embark for <a name="Page_238" id="Page_238"></a>Lubeck. The Queen being informed of his
+departure, sent a Gentleman to inform him that she wanted to see him
+once more; otherwise she should think that he was displeased with her:
+he returned therefore to Stockholm, and explained himself to the Queen,
+who seemed satisfied with his reasons, and made him a present in money
+amounting to twelve or thirteen thousand Imperials<a name="FNanchor_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a>, about ten
+thousand French Crowns, adding to it some silver plate, that was not
+finished sooner: which, he was assured, delayed the granting of his
+passport. It was afterwards issued, and the Queen gave him a vessel, on
+board which he embarked the 12th of August for Lubeck.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Menagiana</i> contains an anecdote relating to the last audience that
+Grotius had of Queen Christina, which we shall relate rather to throw
+contempt on this kind of works, than to give weight to it. When Grotius,
+it tells us, had his audience of leave of Queen Christina, she said some
+sharp things to him; on which he immediately left her, saying only,
+Madam, I remain your most humble servant. The Queen was afterwards vexed
+at it, and could not help observing, that he ought not to have gone away
+without taking leave of her. Marigny said to her, Madam, he did take
+leave of you. You do not know what you say, replied the Queen; if he
+had, I should have known it. Madam, added Marigny, what I say is true; I
+was there; when they say in France, on going away, I remain your most
+humble servant, it is taking leave of a person. The Queen sustained
+this; and sending for Grotius, made him a present of copper to the
+amount of forty thousand livres.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> Ep. Sarr. p. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Le Clerc, l. 12. t. 2. Latin Life of Grotius. Barleus, in
+Vicquefort's Letters, Ep. 79. p. 416. Vind. Grotii, p. 472.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Ep. 760. p. 749.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> Ep. 761. p. 749.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> Ep. 1762. p. 749.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> Ep. 1793. p. 749.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> Ep. 1764, p. 750.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> Ep. 1765. p. 750.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> Vind. Grot. p. 478.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVSecXIII">XIII.</a> Grotius's departure from Stockholm gave rise to several very
+uncertain reports. Vondel, a famous Dutch Poet, and a friend of that
+learned man, pretends that he designed to go to Osnabrug<a name="FNanchor_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>, where the
+peace was negotiating; others assure<a name="FNanchor_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>, that <a name="Page_239" id="Page_239"></a>he was desirous of
+retiring to Holland, where the Republican party was beginning to gain
+the ascendant. A modern author has advanced<a name="FNanchor_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>, that he resolved to go
+into Poland, in hopes that the King would send him Ambassador to the
+court of France: but it is more probable, that, disgusted with
+negotiations and business, he only sought a place of retreat, where he
+might complete his imaginary project of forming a coalition of
+Christians, and prepare for his latter end.</p>
+
+<p>The vessel was scarce sailed for Lubeck, when she was overtaken by a
+violent storm, which obliged her to put in, on the 17th of August,
+fourteen miles from Dantzick. Grotius set out in an open waggon for
+Lubeck, and arrived at Rostock<a name="FNanchor_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> on the 26th of August very ill.
+Nobody knew him: his great weakness determined him to call a physician:
+his name was Stochman, who, on feeling Grotius's pulse, said his
+indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue; and that with rest
+and some restoratives he might recover: but next day he changed his
+tone; on seeing his weakness increase, with a cold sweat, and other
+symptoms of nature being spent, he judged that his end was near. Grotius
+then asked for a clergyman. John Quistorpius was brought, who, in a
+letter to Calovius, gives us the particulars of Grotius's last moments.
+We cannot do better than copy it.</p>
+
+<p>"You are desirous of hearing from me how that Phoenix of Literature,
+Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell you.
+He embarked at Stockholm for Lubeck; and after having been tossed for
+three days by a violent tempest, he was shipwrecked and got to shore on
+the coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town of Rostock,
+distant above sixty miles, in an open waggon, through wind and rain. He
+<a name="Page_240" id="Page_240"></a>lodged with Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician, who
+observing that he was extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered
+at sea, and the inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he
+could not live long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this
+town, that is, on the 18th of August, O.S. he sent for me about nine at
+night. I went, and found him almost at the point of death. I said there
+was nothing I desired more than to have seen him in health, that I might
+have the pleasure of his conversation. He answered, God had ordered it
+otherwise. I desired him to prepare himself for a happier life, to
+acknowledge that he was a sinner, and to repent of his faults: and
+happening to mention the publican, who acknowledged that he was a
+sinner, and asked God's mercy, he answered: <i>I am that publican.</i> I went
+on, and told him, that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without
+whom there is no salvation. He replied, <i>I place all my hope in Jesus
+Christ.</i> I began to repeat aloud in German the prayer which begins <i>Herr
+Jesu</i><a name="FNanchor_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a>; he followed me, in a very low voice, with his hands clasped.
+When I had done, I asked him, if he understood me. He answered, <i>I
+understand you very well.</i> I continued to repeat to him those passages
+of the word of God which are commonly offered to the remembrance of
+dying persons, and asking him if he understood me, he answered, <i>I heard
+your voice, but did not understand what you said.</i> These were his last
+words: soon after he expired, just at midnight. His body was delivered
+to the Physicians; who took out his bowels. I easily obtained leave to
+bury them in our principal Church, which is dedicated to the Virgin."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241"></a>Thus died this celebrated man, on the 28th of August at night, or rather
+in the morning of the 29th, 1645. A number of falshoods were published
+on occasion of his death. Du Maurier relates<a name="FNanchor_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>, that a Roman Catholic
+Priest, and Ministers of different persuasions, hearing that Grotius was
+dying, came to him to dispose him to die in their communion: that he
+made them no answer, but, <i>I don't understand you</i>; and on their silence
+said to them, <i>Exhort me to die like a Christian.</i></p>
+
+<p>Quistorpius's relation, ill understood, has given rise to several
+groundless stories. M. Arnaud<a name="FNanchor_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> assures us that he had the
+particulars of Grotius's death from one of his Secretaries, who told
+him, that when he was at Rostock a Lutheran Minister came to see him in
+his illness, and speaking to him of religion, Grotius answered, I don't
+understand you; willing to let him know that his conversation was not
+agreeable. M. Jurieu<a name="FNanchor_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> maintains, that he died without making any
+profession of religion, and that he answered those who exhorted him to
+prepare for death in these words, I don't understand you: turning his
+back to them.</p>
+
+<p>If we may believe the <i>Menagiana</i>, the Minister who came to wait upon
+him at his death, said to him what was very poor; and Grotius, to gain
+time, and let him know that he could well dispense with his
+exhortations, said to him, I am Grotius. To which the Minister answered,
+What! are you the great Grotius? M. Le Clerc<a name="FNanchor_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> mentions his having
+seen in an English book that Grotius said when dying, "By undertaking
+many things I have accomplished nothing."</p>
+
+<p>Not even so much as the cause of his death has escaped without
+misrepresentations. M. Le Clerc informs us, that some of his enemies
+spread <a name="Page_242" id="Page_242"></a>a report, that he was killed by lightning: and not long ago, he
+adds, a learned man of my acquaintance asked me by letter if it was
+true.</p>
+
+<p>Patin<a name="FNanchor_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> writes, that it was suspected he had been poisoned. "We hear,
+says he, that Grotius is dead at Rostock, on his return from Sweden, of
+a fever, not without suspicion of being poisoned by the Lutherans, on
+account of what he says about Antichrist in favour of the Pope: but I do
+not think that poisoning is used in that country."</p>
+
+<p>They carried their wickedness to such a height as to accuse Queen
+Christina of shortening that great man's days. The new Memoirs of the
+Abb&eacute; d'Artigny<a name="FNanchor_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> acquaint us, that Antony Argoud, Dean of the
+Cathedral of Vienne, haranguing Queen Christina the 13th of August,
+1656, pleased her so much, that she gave him broad hints that she would
+do great things for him if he would attend her in quality of first
+Chaplain. The Queen had in her retinue Lesseins, one of the Gentlemen of
+the King's Bedchamber, who was ordered to accompany that Princess from
+Marseilles to Lions. Argoud telling him of the Queen's proposals, he
+diverted him from accepting them by painting out Christina as an
+inconstant and capricious Princess. "He forgot nothing to set him
+against her, even to telling him that Grotius would have been still
+alive, if he had had nothing to fear from the jealousy of the Swedes;
+but that the ill treatment of the Queen brought that great man to his
+grave." It is very possible that not having been treated by the Queen so
+well as he expected, it chagrined him much: but whatever is not
+conformable to Quistorpius's letter, against which nothing solid can be
+advanced, ought to be rejected as apocryphal. His corpse was carried to
+Delft, and deposited in the <a name="Page_243" id="Page_243"></a>tomb of his ancestors. He wrote this modest
+Epitaph for himself<a name="FNanchor_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a>:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1"><i>Grotius h&icirc;c Hugo est, Batav&ucirc;m captivus et exul,<br /></i></span>
+<span class="i2"><i>Legatus regni, Suecia magna, tui.</i><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Grotius had the precaution to make his will at Paris on the 27th of
+March, 1645, a little before his departure. He had a very agreeable
+person, a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a serene
+and smiling countenance. He was not tall, but very strong, and well
+built.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Vind. Grot. p. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> Menagiana.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Hist. du Socinianisme, c. 42. p. 831.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> Observat. Hallen. 15. t. 7. p. 341.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited to
+the condition of a dying person who builds his hope on the Mediator. M.
+Le Clerc has recited it at large in the Sentimens de quelques
+Theologiens de Hollande, 17 Lettre, p. 397.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> Memoirs, p. 431.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, p. 395.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> Esprit de M. Arnaud, t. 2. p. 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, Lettre 17. p.
+402.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> T. 1. Lettre 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> T. 1. p. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Ep. 536. p. 915.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="BookVI"></a><span class="u"><a name="Page_244"></a>BOOK</span> VI.</h2>
+
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecI"></a>However much Grotius was employed in the business of his embassy, he
+still found time for study, which was one of the greatest pleasures of
+his life. He has even been accused of applying too much to literature
+for an Ambassador<a name="FNanchor_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>; but his letters testify that he did not go to
+study till he had finished what his duty to the crown of Sweden required
+of him, and spent in it the time only which other Ministers give to
+their pleasures, to conversations often useless, and visits sometimes
+unnecessary.</p>
+
+<p>Eight days after making his entry into Paris in quality of Ambassador,
+he wrote to Salmasius, March 9, 1635<a name="FNanchor_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>, informing him of the happy
+change in his affairs. He acquaints him, that when he shall be a little
+used to business, he hopes to have leisure enough to continue the
+cultivation of learning. "How desirous soever I may be of serving the
+public in this respect, he says, I know not where I ought to begin. My
+Commentaries on the Evangelists would <a name="Page_245" id="Page_245"></a>be apt to expose me to hatred in
+the present age, when every one maintains his opinions with obstinacy.
+The History of the Low-Countries, tho' written with great simplicity,
+will find malevolent readers. Shall I return again to trifles, such as
+are not unworthy men of learning, and turn into Latin the Epigrams
+collected by Planudas? One thing hinders me: I know you have made
+several corrections in the Manuscripts, and I am unwilling to translate
+from a faulty copy. Yet I cannot expect that you should interrupt your
+studies, to send me the corrections you have made."</p>
+
+<p>"My greatest relief from the languors of the Court, he writes to
+Schmalz<a name="FNanchor_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a>, is the conversation of men of learning, to whom I
+chearfully give all the time that I can spare from business."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Du Maurier, p. 418. &amp; 423. Wiquefort Ambas. l. 1. p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Ep. 368. p. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Ep. 373. p. 136.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecII">II.</a> Neither his serious studies, nor his public occupations, ever made
+him relinquish the Muses: Amidst his embarrassments and anxiety in the
+beginning of his embassy, he put his tragedy of Joseph to the
+press<a name="FNanchor_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>, which had all the success that could be hoped for; and wrote
+several Latin Epigrams. June 26, 1637<a name="FNanchor_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>, he sent some to his brother
+that were just finished; observing to him that he would possibly one day
+add to them a Greek translation in verse of the Latin verses in
+Suetonius; and a Latin translation of Euripides's Iphigenia in Tauris.</p>
+
+<p>He wrote to Gronovius, February 17, 1638<a name="FNanchor_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a>, that he unbended himself
+at times, after his weightier business, in the company of the Muses.
+"However much I am busied, he writes to Freinshemius<a name="FNanchor_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>, I still
+preserve my affection for the Muses, and look upon them as the most
+agreeable of all Amusements."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> Ep. 378. p. 138 &amp; 339, p. 851.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Ep. 402 p. 869.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Ep. 915. p. 402.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Ep. 909. p. 435.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246"></a><a name="BkVISecIII">III.</a> He made <i>Tacitus</i> his particular study, and, writes to Vossius,
+July 6, 1635<a name="FNanchor_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a>, to inform himself, whether a new edition of that
+celebrated Historian, was any where printing, because he had a mind to
+communicate his notes to the Editors<a name="FNanchor_453" id="FNanchor_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>. "They are neither," says he,
+"political dissertations, nor a commentary; but corrections which may be
+useful. I call them, to speak modestly, conjectures<a name="FNanchor_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a>, tho' I am
+persuaded most of them will appear to be well grounded." However, as
+they filled but a few sheets<a name="FNanchor_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>, he did not think proper to print
+them, at Paris; but sent them, in 1640, to his brother, who
+communicating them to the Elzevirs, they were published the same year in
+their edition of <i>Tacitus</i><a name="FNanchor_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>, and have been several times reprinted.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> Ep. 430. p. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> Ep. 573. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> Ep. 402. p. 869.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Ep. 444. p. 897.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> Fabricius, Biblioth.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecIV">IV.</a> The learned Gronovius, intending to publish an edition of <i>Statius</i>,
+requested Grotius to send him his remarks on that Poet: this he complied
+with, in a letter of the 28th of October, 1636<a name="FNanchor_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>, containing the
+several corrections he had made in the margin of this author, whom he
+had often read with pleasure and application. The edition of <i>Statius</i>
+was published: and Gronovius, without receiving Grotius's letter<a name="FNanchor_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a>,
+had made most of the remarks that were sent to him: Grotius, however,
+suspected<a name="FNanchor_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> Gronovius had perhaps been persuaded to pretend that he
+did not receive his letter, that he might be under no obligation of
+commending a man, whose name was odious to those in power.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> Ep. 673. p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Ep. 808. p. 357.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> Ep. 406. p. 871.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecV">V.</a> Grotius also wrote notes on <i>Lucan</i>, which he offered to any
+bookseller who would make use of them. He wrote to his brother<a name="FNanchor_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a>, to
+enquire when any new edition of that Poet should be printed, that he
+might contribute to make it better by communicating his remarks. They
+are to be found in some of <a name="Page_247" id="Page_247"></a>the editions printed in Holland, and are
+very highly commended by Vossius<a name="FNanchor_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>, who says the learned world is
+much obliged to their author.</p>
+
+<p>A letter from Grotius to his brother<a name="FNanchor_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> informs us, that the latter
+part of the notes of <i>Lucan</i> were by William Grotius.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Ep. 859. p. 377. &amp; 402. p. 869.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> Pr&aelig;s. Vir. Epist. p. 377.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Ep. 128. p. 792.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecVI">VI.</a> A work, which he had much at heart, was the collection of Greek
+Epigrams, known by the name of <i>Anthologia</i>: he was long about it, and
+thought to publish it soon after his return to Paris in quality of
+Ambassador. As he knew that Salmasius had made this collection his
+particular study, he requests him, June 11, 1635<a name="FNanchor_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a>, to communicate to
+him the corrections he had made in the Greek text, either by the
+assistance of manuscripts, or from his own conjectures. He gives a long
+account of his design to Gerard Vossius, in a letter of the 20th of
+December, 1635. "When I was here a private man, says he, in order to be
+useful to the lovers of learning, after translating Stob&aelig;us and the
+Maxims of the Comic and Tragic Poets, I also translated the Collection
+of Greek Epigrams by Planudas; adding several Epigrams which are not in
+Henry Stephens's edition: on coming here Ambassador, I thought I should
+do well to finish what I had begun; and knowing that the great Salmasius
+had collated these Epigrams with ancient manuscripts, I prevailed on him
+to communicate to me his remarks; and I had the satisfaction to find my
+conjectures confirmed by the authority of manuscripts. The whole is now
+ready to be printed in the same form as <i>Stob&aelig;us</i> and the Extracts from
+the Greek Tragedies and Comedies. When I think of a Bookseller, Blaeu
+first occurs to me: he loves me and all my friends: but one thing vexes
+me; if I give him my manuscript, I shall not know when it will be
+published: <a name="Page_248" id="Page_248"></a>besides, I doubt whether he has any one that can correct the
+Greek proofs, and make the Indexes which are necessary for rendering the
+book useful to youth. If I could be assured of this, I would readily
+give him the preference. I shall afterwards think of publishing more
+considerable works." New reflections on Blaeu's dilatoriness set him
+against him, especially as he was not satisfied with his Greek
+types<a name="FNanchor_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>: he therefore wrote to his brother, to consult with Vossius
+what he ought to do. "I would not, he adds, have recourse to the
+Elzevirs, not so much on account of this book, as of some others which I
+am preparing for the press, and which will not be to their taste." It is
+unlucky for the republic of letters, that Grotius was obstinately bent
+on printing his <i>Anthologia</i> in Holland; Morelle would gladly have
+printed it at Paris<a name="FNanchor_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a>; Cramoisi would not have refused it. Grotius
+writes to his brother, June 26th, 1637, "I am deliberating, whether to
+make use of Cramoisi, the eminent Bookseller; but I have some reason to
+question the abilities of his corrector." He once thought to send it to
+England<a name="FNanchor_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a>; but he was diverted from this by reflecting, that
+Franciscus Junius, who resided in that country, printed his works out of
+the kingdom. The answers he received concerning the printing of the
+<i>Anthologia</i> not satisfying him, he wrote to his brother, April 20,
+1639<a name="FNanchor_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>, "If my <i>Anthologia</i> cannot be printed, or not printed
+correctly, I would have it sent back to me; Cramoisi, the richest
+Bookseller in this country, will undertake it." He was kept in hopes of
+its appearing in Holland; but the printing of it was put off from time
+to time: he wrote to several of his friends about it; however no
+progress was made. Isaac Vossius, son of the famous Gerard, who
+inherited his father's sentiments for Grotius, <a name="Page_249" id="Page_249"></a>making him an offer of his
+service for his literary commissions, Grotius thanked him most
+affectionately, in a letter of the 12th of November, 1644<a name="FNanchor_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>, in which
+he says a great deal about his <i>Anthologia</i>. "I cannot sufficiently
+thank you for the kind offer of your good services in relation to the
+printing of my works. No body can be of more use to me than you: for who
+has more friendship for me, or better understands those matters? I would
+have the <i>Anthologia</i> printed directly; and have desired my brother to
+shew you my Prolegomena, and inform you in what manner I would have the
+Indexes made. I shall repeat it, for fear that I have not sufficiently
+explained myself in what I wrote to my brother. I would first have an
+Index of the Poets, expressing exactly from what places the Epigrams are
+taken. There must also be another Index of the persons who are the
+subject of the Epigrams, and of those to whom they are addressed: there
+should be a third, which may be called Chorographical, containing the
+mountains, rivers, towns, baths, bridges, and other public works
+mentioned in the Epigrams. There must be an Historical one for the great
+actions which have happened in war or peace. To the two last Indexes I
+would have the names of the authors added, who have mentioned such of
+those actions as are least known; as Strabo, Pausanias, Procopius, and
+others. After these Indexes there must be another, comprehending the
+natural history, morality, and other particulars omitted in the
+preceding ones. This work may be useful; but I would not, however,
+charge any one with it, who could employ his time better. If, without
+losing too much time, you could do it yourself, it would give me the
+highest satisfaction, not only on my own account, but on the reader's,
+to whom these Indexes would render <a name="Page_250" id="Page_250"></a>the edition much more useful: for it
+is proper to observe, that these Epigrams contain what is most important
+in history, from the time of Plato to that of Justinian, and even
+later."</p>
+
+<p>This was the subject of the Preface, or Prolegomena, that was to be
+prefixed to the work, and which, with his usual modesty, he says will
+not be wholly useless<a name="FNanchor_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Anthologia</i> appears to have been put to press in Jan. 1645, under
+the inspection of Isaac Vossius: for, on the 21st of that month, Grotius
+writes thus to him. "I have seen a proof of the <i>Anthologia</i>, and like
+the type very well. I would absolutely have it printed in quarto, like
+<i>Stob&aelig;us</i>, and the Extracts from the Tragic and Comic Poets: but if it
+will make too large a volume, it may be divided into two, and the Greek
+and Latin printed to face one another."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius left France a little after the date of this letter; and his
+death, which soon followed, was no doubt the greatest obstacle to the
+publication of the <i>Anthologia</i>, the printing of which Blaeu
+discontinued. Grotius's copy falling into Le Clerc's hands, he gave
+hopes that he would publish it with considerable additions. He has a
+great deal about it in his <i>Bibliotheque Choisie</i><a name="FNanchor_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>. "Those who shall
+read Grotius's version, says he, will equally admire the happy genius,
+and the uncommon patience of that excellent man, who translated the
+whole book in the same number of verses as in the original, which he
+very often equals, and sometimes even surpasses. There will be an
+excellent Preface by Grotius, treating of the <i>Anthologia</i> and his
+version of it."</p>
+
+<p>Unhappily M. le Clerc did not fulfil the engagement he entered into with
+the public. Father Berthier, a famous Jesuit, who, to solid piety joins
+extensive <a name="Page_251" id="Page_251"></a>learning, has lately given us, in the <i>Memoirs de Trevoux</i>, a
+very curious article relating to Grotius's <i>Anthologia</i>. It is entitled,
+<i>An Account of a Manuscript version of the Greek Anthologia by Grotius</i>.
+He tells us, that the original, in Grotius's own hand, is in the library
+of the Jesuits College at Paris, where it was deposited in the year 1665
+by Edmund le Mercier, Grotius's Secretary. This work, the learned Jesuit
+observes, is valuable on three accounts. First, because the Latin verses
+are excellent, and of the same measure with the Greek; so that if the
+text be Elegiac verses, or pure Hexameters, or Iambics of six feet, or
+Anacreontics, the version is always of the same species of poetry.
+Secondly, he has every where confined himself to the number of verses in
+the original, being never more laconic nor more prolix; which discovers
+a very ready genius, and a singular patience. Thirdly, he corrects the
+text from time to time by short notes placed in the margin.</p>
+
+<p>Father Berthier gives afterwards Grotius's translation of several
+Epigrams; which makes it earnestly to be wished, that the learned Jesuit
+would publish the whole work: but the present prevailing taste for
+trifles gives us ground to apprehend, that the booksellers of France
+dare not undertake this work, which deserves so well to be transmitted
+to posterity.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the Epigrams that are to be found in all the editions, Grotius's
+manuscript contains, first, those which were collected by Henry
+Stephens, and are placed at the end of his edition of the <i>Anthologia</i>.
+2dly, A very large number of inscriptions from Gruter. 3dly, A
+collection made by Grotius himself from manuscripts.</p>
+
+<p>A note at the beginning of this valuable manuscript informs us, that the
+version of the seven books of the <i>Anthologia</i> was begun by Grotius in
+September, 1630, and finished before next September: which shews the
+wonderful ease with which this great author wrote.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Ep. 418. p. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> Ep. 368. p. 859.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Ep. 612. p. 244, 692. p. 285. &amp; 402. p. 869.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> Ep. 964. p. 432.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> Ep. 505. p. 885.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> Ep. 1698. p. 733.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> Ep. 486. p. 896. &amp; 369. p. 860.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Fabric. Bibl. Gr. l. 3. c. 28. p. 707. tom. 2</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_252"></a><a name="BkVISecVII">VII.</a> He was so sensible of his obligations to Sweden, that, as a public
+testimony of his gratitude, he undertook to throw light on the History
+of the Goths, in hopes of doing honour to the Swedes, who regarded them
+as their ancestors. He wrote to Rome to<a name="FNanchor_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> get what was wanting in
+Heschelius's Greek edition of Procopius communicated to him, and
+obtained it by the recommendation of Messieurs du Puis; as we learn from
+a letter to the celebrated Nicholas Peyresc, dated April 8, 1636, in
+which he adds, "I have translated the History of the Goths and Vandals
+by Procopius, in honour of a nation who adopted me after being thrice
+sold by my Country."</p>
+
+<p>He communicated this project to Schmalz, July 24, 1636<a name="FNanchor_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a>, "The time,
+says he, which I am not obliged to spend in public business, I devote to
+an enquiry into the antiquities of Sweden. Be so kind to send me, for
+this work, a Swedish Dictionary, a New Testament in Swedish, and the
+ancient inscriptions in that language, which are to be met with on
+tombs, or in other places. I have seen a Latin translation of the
+Swedish laws, which I should be glad to see again if possible. If you
+can procure me all these, I shall think myself highly obliged by you;
+and I hope you will not find me ungrateful."</p>
+
+<p>He explains his project more at large in a long letter to Oxenstiern,
+Aug. 28, 1636<a name="FNanchor_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a>. "Your Sublimity, he writes to him, shews me so much
+favour, and you interest yourself so much in what concerns me, that I
+think it my duty to give you an account, not only of my negotiations,
+but of my leisure hours. As I intend to devote the time that is not
+employed in the affairs with which I am charged, to the honour of a
+kingdom which has loaded me <a name="Page_253" id="Page_253"></a>with honours, I had begun to read all that
+has been written on the great Gustavus in Latin, Italian, German, and
+French: but soon perceiving that these writers did not know the
+intentions of the ministry, were unacquainted with the places of which
+they speak, and were ignorant of the art of war, I concluded that it was
+impossible, with such materials, to complete a work that might deserve
+the approbation of posterity. This has made me turn again to
+antiquities. Of all the Ancients Procopius has best handled the History
+of the Goths and Vandals: he was an able man, was Secretary to
+Belisarius, had been on the spot, and speaks not only of what happened
+in his own time, but also of the facts which happened before his time.
+The Latin version is very faulty, imperfect, and inelegant: I have made
+a new translation from the Greek Edition of Heschelius; with the
+assistance of two manuscripts in the King's library, which enabled me to
+make several corrections in the text; others I made by conjecture. I
+intend to extract all that has relation to this subject from the Secret
+History of Procopius, printed by Alemannus at Rome, and from Agathias.
+Being informed, that the manuscript of the History of the Goths and
+Vandals, in the Vatican library, was more complete than what Heschelius
+followed, I have asked my friends at Rome to fill up the gaps in the
+printed copies: which I hope they will do. That nothing may be omitted,
+which has a relation to the antiquities of Scandinavia, I intend to add
+what is contained in Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, Ptolem&aelig;us, and those who
+have written since, as Helmoldus, Eginhart, Adam of Bremen, and others.
+I shall farther add the Gothics of Jornandes, the Epistle of Sidonius
+Apollinaris on the manners of Theodoric King of the Wisigoths; the
+Panegyric of Ennodius of Pavia in honour of Theodoric King of the
+Ostrogoths and Italy; the <a name="Page_254" id="Page_254"></a>Laws of the Ostrogoths, Westrogoths, and
+Lombards, with the Book of Paulus Diaconus, who was himself a Lombard,
+and makes his nation come from Scandinavia. We shall add, at the end,
+the appellative names contained in the laws, with their original and
+explication. I would beg of your Sublimity, that being now returned to
+Sweden, you will give orders for communicating to me the old
+inscriptions, the ancient laws, and, in fine, whatever is not printed
+and may contribute to throw light on the antiquities of Sweden; that the
+work which I am about may be the more perfect. I earnestly intreat your
+Sublimity to be assured, that I will do all that depends on me, not only
+to procure the advantage of Sweden, but also to contribute to her
+glory."</p>
+
+<p>Schmalz going to Rome about this time with Reigersberg, son to Grotius's
+wife's brother<a name="FNanchor_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>, Grotius took that opportunity of renewing his
+acquaintance with Holstenius, his ancient friend, who resided at Rome;
+and to ask of him what was wanting in the printed editions of Procopius.
+On receiving these valuable additions<a name="FNanchor_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>, he communicates the good
+news to the High Chancellor, whom he entertains with a further account
+of his work, in a letter dated June 25th, 1637<a name="FNanchor_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>. "Your Sublimity, he
+says, will pardon me, if, having little public business on my hands, I
+give you an account how I employ my time. I send you a pretty long
+Preface, in which I inscribe the new translation of Procopius, which
+differs greatly from the old one, to your Sublimity, who have deserved
+so well of Sweden, and to whom I am under so great obligations. The work
+itself will include the authors who have written of the antiquities of
+the Goths, Vandals, Wisigoths, and Lombards. Two reasons induced me to
+make the <a name="Page_255" id="Page_255"></a>Preface so long: the first, that I was obliged to answer
+Cluverius, who, either from envy, or hired by the Danes, first sought to
+darken our glory; but I have confuted him by such clear evidence, that I
+think no person of sense will now attempt to repeat the same falsities.
+The other was, that, the testimonies in favour of a nation being liable
+to suspicion when built only on the assertions of the natives, I have
+collected the authorities of foreigners, who have spoken honourably of
+the Swedes and of the nations sprung from them."</p>
+
+<p>Thus in appears that his design was to dedicate this work to the High
+Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>, who heard with infinite pleasure of this new occupation
+of Grotius. He liked the Preface much; spoke of it with the highest
+esteem<a name="FNanchor_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a>, and wrote to Grotius<a name="FNanchor_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a>, thanking him in his own name and
+in the name of the whole nation, and pressing him to publish the work.</p>
+
+<p>However he was in no hurry<a name="FNanchor_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a>, because he wanted to exhaust the
+subject, and to make all proper enquiries for enabling him to treat it
+thoroughly. He imagined he should find in Gallia Narbonensis, and the
+neighbouring places, several things that might contribute to embellish
+his work; and that the French, from envy to the Swedes, hindered his
+friends from communicating them.</p>
+
+<p>This work was finished before Grotius died; but it was not printed till
+after his death: and whether it was that the intended Dedication to the
+High Chancellor was never written, or was suppressed, it is not now to
+be found. The title of the work is: <i>Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, &amp;
+Longobardorum, ab Hugone Grotio partim versa, partim in ordinem digesta:
+pr&aelig;missa sunt ejusdem Prolegomena; ubi Regum Gothorum ordo e
+Chronologia, cum elogiis; accedunt nomina appellativa &amp; verba Gothica,
+Vandalica, Longobardica, cum <a name="Page_256" id="Page_256"></a>explicatione. Auctorum omnium ordinem
+tabula centenorum indicat. Amstelodami, apud Ludovicum Elzevirium,
+1655.</i></p>
+
+<p>At the head of this work is a very learned Preface, in which the author
+acquaints us, that he revised the Gothics and Vandalics of Procopius by
+the Greek manuscripts; that he new-translated them because there were
+many things omitted in the old translations, which were otherwise badly
+done; and that, by the assistance of the Vatican manuscripts, he filled
+up large gaps. There follows a geographical description of the ancient
+country of the Goths, a character of the people, much in their favour; a
+catalogue of their Kings; a chronological table of the time when they
+lived; a list of the Lombard Kings, and another of the Kings of the
+Vandals; the testimonies of the Ancients in favour of the people of
+Sweden and the nations which derive their origin from the Swedes.</p>
+
+<p>After the translation of all that Procopius has concerning the Goths and
+Vandals there follows an Index, with this title: <i>Nomina appellativa &amp;
+verba Gothica, Vandalica, &amp; Longobardica, qu&aelig; in hoc volumine
+reperiuntur.</i> It appears from the author's researches, that almost all
+the appellative names of the Lombards had, like those of the Greeks,
+some signification. This collection concludes with the following pieces:
+Jornandes <i>De Getarum sive Gothorum origine &amp; rebus gestis</i>; the
+<i>Chronicle</i> of St. Isidorus, and Paulus Wanefridus <i>De Gestis
+Longobardorum</i>. The Prolegomena acquaint us, that Grotius intended to
+expound the ancient laws of the Goths and Vandals: but unhappily death
+prevented his executing this design, for which no one was better
+qualified.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> Ep. 572. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Ep. 622. p. 250.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> Ep. 641. p. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> Ep, 645. p. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> Ep. 676. p. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Ep. 780. p. 331.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Ep. 825. p. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> Ep. 408, p. 871.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Ep. 410, p. 872.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Ep. 1667, p. 727.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecVIII">VIII.</a> The nomination of Grotius, when very young, to be Historiographer
+of the States, led him to enquire particularly into the troubles of the
+Low Countries and their consequences with regard to the Seven Provinces.
+He was employed about this in the year 1614, as appears by a letter,
+written on the 8th of February, to the President de Thou. He <a name="Page_257" id="Page_257"></a>informs
+him<a name="FNanchor_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>, that love to his Country had engaged him in a work very like
+his, but as much inferior as Holland is to France. "I own, indeed, the
+work is above my abilities, but I shall not publish it till years and
+judgment enable me to mend it." Communicating this work to Heinsius,
+with whom he was then very intimate, that learned youth wanted words to
+express his admiration. Balzac informs us of these particulars in a
+letter to Chapelin, dated Sept. 20, 1640, in which he mentions a letter
+from Heinsius concerning this History when Grotius was very young.</p>
+
+<p>An author, more fond of his works than Grotius, would have made haste to
+publish this, which appears to have been finished in 1636; for that year
+he wrote to Martinus Opitius<a name="FNanchor_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>, "My Belgic annals are transcribing."
+He writes to his brother the year following<a name="FNanchor_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>, "My Annals and my
+History of the Low Countries are transcribed: but I think I must still
+keep them a while." He consulted several of his friends on this subject,
+and among others Gerard Vossius.</p>
+
+<p>The sudden deaths of many of his acquaintance leading him to reflect on
+the uncertainty of life, he wrote to his brother, May 21, 1639<a name="FNanchor_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>, "I
+would have my works printed before my death, that I may be useful to
+those that shall come after me; and would therefore have my Annals
+correctly printed as soon as possible; but I would not have them printed
+by those, who, from a party spirit, would tell what was in them before
+they were published, and thereby prevent perhaps their ever appearing. I
+therefore beg of you to find out some honest man to whom I may intrust
+my copy."</p>
+
+<p>In the mean time he was still revising them; and near two years after he
+wrote to his brother, March 23, 1641<a name="FNanchor_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a>, "Till I put the last hand to
+my History, <a name="Page_258" id="Page_258"></a>I would not have any one see it: you must therefore find a
+handsome excuse to those who ask you for it. Read it, however, yourself,
+and send me your remarks." Grotius had not the satisfaction to see his
+History printed: it was not published till twelve years after his death,
+by his two sons Cornelius and Peter, who dedicated it, in 1657, to the
+States of Holland and West-Friesland.</p>
+
+<p>This work is divided into two parts, Annals and History, in imitation of
+Tacitus. The Annals begin with the year 1566, and contain five books:
+there are eighteen of the History, which begins with the year 1588, that
+is, when Prince Maurice had the greatest influence in the affairs of the
+United Provinces, and concludes with the year 1609, when the twelve
+years truce was made. Had his love to truth and honesty been less, he
+had a fine opportunity of revenging himself on Prince Maurice. But he
+every where does him justice<a name="FNanchor_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a>, and even speaks of him as if he had
+been always satisfied with his conduct to him.</p>
+
+<p>M. Baillet thinks very advantageously and at the same time very justly
+of this work. "That great man (says he, speaking of Grotius<a name="FNanchor_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>) has
+discovered in this work all the capacity, accuracy, judgment, solidity,
+industry, perspicuity, honesty, and integrity, of a true historian. His
+impartiality would almost make him pass for a foreigner, who had no
+interest in what he relates: he appears a Dutchman, only by his thorough
+knowledge of the causes, motives, ends, and other circumstances of the
+subject he has undertaken to handle."</p>
+
+<p>The only thing for which he can be censured, is the stiffness of the
+style, by affecting to make it resemble that of Tacitus, which renders
+it obscure and unnatural. We are assured, that the eminent
+Advocate-general, Jerom Bignon, took notice of this fault to <a name="Page_259" id="Page_259"></a>Grotius,
+with whom he was very intimate; and that learned man, yielding to his
+friend's advice, promised to do his work over again, and had even begun
+it, but could not finish it; and his sons published it as it was at
+first.</p>
+
+<p>Peter Grotius tells us this History was his father's favourite work.
+Grotius intended to dedicate it to the Queen of Sweden. Dec. 5, 1637, he
+writes to the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>, "I have written a great part of the
+History of the Low Countries: what I have done till the truce in 1609 is
+ready to appear with some advantage. I purpose to dedicate it to our
+Queen, unless your Sublimity determine otherwise. Of all the histories
+of our time, it appears to me the most useful. It presents us with the
+speedy rise of a republic, whose forces in its weak beginning were
+scarce able to defend its small frontier; and which afterwards carried
+its arms to the extremity of the globe: we no where find the art of
+besieging or defending towns brought to such a height; in fine, we see
+her Mistress of the Sea after her marine had been long neglected."</p>
+
+<p>It should not be forgot, that the celebrated<a name="FNanchor_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> Peyresc was of great
+use to Grotius in compiling this work: he communicated to him several
+important papers, and procured him the memoirs collected by Antonius
+Querengius, who purposed to write the History of the famous Alexander
+Farnese, Duke of Parma. Grotius's History was translated into French by
+M. L'Heritier, father of Mademoiselle L'Heritier, famous for her
+writings: but it deserves a new translator to turn it into better
+French.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Ep. 24. p. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Ep. 595. p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> Ep. 402. p. 869.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Ep. 454. p. 883.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> Ep. 539. p. 916.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> Parhasiana, t. 1. p. 161.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Preface de l'Hist. de Hollande.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Ep. 873. p. 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Vie par Gassendi, l. 3. p. 182.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecIX">IX.</a> It was during his embassy that Grotius revised and enlarged his book
+Of the Truth of the Christian religion. He had written a treatise on
+this subject in Dutch whilst a prisoner; and turning it afterwards into
+Latin, it had prodigious success. In the year 1637 <a name="Page_260" id="Page_260"></a>it had been
+translated into all languages<a name="FNanchor_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>, French, German, English, and even
+Greek. The universal approbation this book met with, did not hinder
+Grotius's enemies from doing all they could to depreciate it. They said
+it contained the venom of Socinianism. Voetius, among others,
+distinguished himself by his rage against it. "It is surprising, says
+Grotius in a letter to his brother, October 22, 1637, that Voetius
+should think he sees what the Doctors of the Sorbonne, who examined the
+book, before it was printed, could not find in it. Doth Cardinal
+Barbarinus, who recommended this work<a name="FNanchor_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>, and constantly carries it
+with him, favour Socinianism? The Bishops of England have caused it to
+be translated into their language; the Ministers of Charenton have
+approved of it; a Lutheran has translated it; will he say these are all
+favourers of Socinianism?"</p>
+
+<p>After this letter was written, Grotius learnt<a name="FNanchor_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> that his book had
+been translated into Swedish. He justifies himself again in a long
+letter written to Reigersberg December 19, 1637<a name="FNanchor_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>, "I have often
+doubted which was best, to answer the censures of fools and knaves, or
+resting in a good conscience to despise them. I have constantly done the
+last; but your example makes me at present prefer the first: you have
+defended me with so much friendship and steadiness, that if I should sit
+still, I might justly be accused of indolence. My book of the Christian
+Religion is read with applause by pious and learned men, not only in the
+languages in which I composed it, but also in Swedish, French, German,
+and English. Those who think it their interest that I should not pass
+for a good Christian, seek every pretext to hurt me: they censure me for
+making use of Castellio's version; but it is very certain that I had not
+seen it when I wrote my <a name="Page_261" id="Page_261"></a>book. I translated myself from the Hebrew and
+Greek all the passages of Scripture I employed. They say I have
+interpreted something in the fifth Chapter of St. Mathew in the same
+manner as Socinus. These simple people know not that my explanation is
+the same with what almost all the Greeks and Latins of greatest
+abilities and piety have adopted. How many things are there in the same
+Chapter of St. Matthew, which I have explained quite different from
+Socinus?"</p>
+
+<p>The great argument of those who wanted to hinder the success of his<a name="FNanchor_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a>
+book was, that the author sufficiently shewed his inclination to
+Socinianism by his silence concerning the Trinity. He opens his mind
+about this matter to his brother, September 25, 1638, "The book of the
+truth of the Christian Religion will live and flourish in spite of the
+envy of my enemies. It was not proper for me to speak directly of the
+Trinity; and such as have heretofore brought their arguments to prove it
+from natural reason or the authority of Plato, have done more hurt than
+service to Christianity." The men who since Grotius's time have acquired
+the greatest reputation in France by writing for the truth of the
+Christian Religion, such as Abbadie and Houteville, have followed his
+example, and avoided the discussion of questions which suppose the
+Divinity of the Scriptures.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had the satisfaction to find the Roman Catholics very well
+pleased with this treatise: he writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a>, December 4,
+1638, "My book of the Truth of the Christian Religion, which the
+Voetians look upon as Socinian, is so far from being Socinian here, that
+Roman-Catholic Monks are translating it into Persian, in order to make
+use of it in converting the Mahometans. I have not attempted a direct
+proof of the Trinity (he writes to Gerard Vossius<a name="FNanchor_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>) for I always
+remembered what I heard <a name="Page_262" id="Page_262"></a>Junius your father-in-law say, who was a great
+man, that Du Plessis, and those who, like him, in their disputes with
+Atheists, Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans, endeavoured to establish the
+Trinity by arguments drawn from the light of nature, and by passages
+from Plato often misapplied, acted very imprudently, because they ought
+first to have convinced them of the truth of the Scriptures, which alone
+contain the doctrines which God has been pleased to reveal."</p>
+
+<p>A new edition of the book on the truth of the Christian Religion, with
+considerable additions, was published in 1639, which Grotius dedicated
+to his illustrious friend Jerom Bignon; and this great Magistrate, in
+returning him his thanks<a name="FNanchor_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a>, gives the most favourable testimony to
+the work. He says,<a name="FNanchor_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> that tho' the subject had already been well
+handled by several learned men, none of them had acquitted himself so
+well, nor discovered so great knowledge of the learned languages, and so
+much erudition, as Grotius. He admires the order and conciseness of the
+work, and congratulates himself on living in Grotius's time, and sharing
+in the friendship of so great a man. Some time after the publication of
+this work, an Englishman<a name="FNanchor_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> who had lived long in Turky, came to see
+Grotius, and acquaint him that he had translated it into the Turkish
+language, thinking no book more proper for instructing Christians who
+live in Turky, and converting the Mahometans. He promised to use his
+endeavours to get it printed in the Turkish language in England.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the translations already mentioned, and which came to Grotius's
+knowledge, there were others in Greek, in Chinese, in Flemish, in
+Danish, in the language of Malacca, and five French translations. An
+Arabic translation of it by the learned Pococke <a name="Page_263" id="Page_263"></a>was printed at London
+in 1660. We are assured<a name="FNanchor_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> that there have been three translations of
+it into Arabic, which gave occasion to Spon and Vehler to say that
+Grotius copied an Arabic treatise, taking the very version of his book
+for an ancient work: in fine, it had such a great run, that the history
+of it makes the subject of a treatise<a name="FNanchor_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>This work of Grotius has been equally esteemed by dispassionate
+Protestants and Roman Catholics. "Few pieces, says<a name="FNanchor_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> Colomiers, have
+succeeded better than the treatise <i>On the Truth of the Christian
+Religion</i>. It is an excellent book, and ought to be the <i>Vade mecum</i> of
+every Christian. I have read it several times, and always with new
+pleasure."</p>
+
+<p>"Grotius's book, says the Abb&eacute; Houteville<a name="FNanchor_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>, is the first in which we
+find these great characteristics, just reasoning, accuracy, and
+strength; he is extremely concise, but even this brevity will please us
+when we find it comprehends so many things without confounding them, or
+lessening their evidence or force: it is no wonder the book should be
+translated into so many languages."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Ep. 411. p. 872.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Ep. 181. p. 808. Ep. Coleri 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Ep. 412. p. 873.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Ep. 880. p. 387.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Ep. 439. p. 880.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> Ep. 444. p. 881.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> Ep. 1096.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> Ep. 1232. p. 557.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Ep. pr&aelig;s. vir. 451. p. 728.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> Ep. 534. p. 914.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Fabric. Delect. Argum. c. 30. p. 551.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> Joannis Christophori Lockeri Dissertatio Epistolica,
+Historiam libelli Grotiani <i>De Veritate Religionis Christian&aelig;</i>
+complectens, 1725, in quarto; see also the Journal des Scavans de Pan.
+1724.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> Colomiers, p. 586.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Preface.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecX">X.</a> In the midst of his greatest occupations and most serious studies,
+Grotius still found time to study Civil Law. Blaeu printed, in 1643, his
+<i>Remarks on Justinian's Laws</i>. They are chiefly philological notes,
+drawn from the Poets and Philosophers<a name="FNanchor_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>, serving to illustrate some
+passages of the <i>Corpus Juris</i><a name="FNanchor_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>. "This book, the author modestly
+tells us, is not of much use to those who frequent the bar: but it is
+entertaining: and though I set no great value on it, I think it is
+better to publish it, than suffer it to be lost. It will possibly give
+pleasure to men of learning<a name="FNanchor_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a>, and some such in this place are <a name="Page_264" id="Page_264"></a>not
+dissatisfied with it, because they love to see Grammar and History
+united with Law<a name="FNanchor_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>."</p>
+
+<p>What we cannot sufficiently admire in a man of so great learning, and so
+much business as Grotius, is, that he should make the Holy Scriptures
+his favourite study in every period of his life. They were his
+consolation in prison; he always devoted a part of the day to them: and
+they were his principal study during a great part of his embassy. His
+<i>Commentary on the Evangelists</i> was finished in 1637; but before he
+printed it<a name="FNanchor_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>, he wanted to see the <i>Aristarchus Sacer</i> which Heinsius
+was going to put to press. This was a Commentary on the New Testament,
+which Grotius imagined to be much in the manner of his, and which piqued
+his curiosity the more as Heinsius was Grotius's rival in literature,
+and his secret enemy. Heinsius's credit with the Elzevirs, who were his
+booksellers<a name="FNanchor_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>, was one of the reasons which hindered Grotius from
+employing them. "We must not think of the Elzevirs, he writes in
+confidence to Vossius<a name="FNanchor_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a>, on account of that man who has so much
+credit with them, and bears us ill-will. I should be glad to know
+whereabouts are his notes on the sacred books, and when they will be
+published, for I postpone till then the revisal of mine." There was at
+that time in Holland a Jew very famous for his learning, Manassah
+Ben-Israel. Grotius consulted him sometimes, and always with profit. In
+a letter to him without date he tells him, "The answer you have given to
+my difficulties about some places of the law of Moses and the historical
+books of Scripture, has yielded me great pleasure; and I do not think
+any one would have given an answer more solid. I have read many
+Interpreters; but I see that you know them better than I, and that you
+have read many more, and <a name="Page_265" id="Page_265"></a>are master of them. I return you therefore my
+sincere thanks; and encouraged by this favour shall take the liberty to
+apply to you when I have any difficulty, being ever ready to return you
+the like, when it lies in my power. Your books, which I have mentioned
+to several persons here, are read with pleasure and profit: I would
+therefore beg and conjure you to employ the leisure you may have in
+explaining the obscurities of the Law, which will be a signal service to
+all men of learning."</p>
+
+<p>This was not a compliment void of truth, but his real sentiment of this
+learned Jew: he speaks in the same manner in a private letter to Gerard
+Vossius<a name="FNanchor_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>. "I have written again, he says, to Manassah, and beg of
+you to deliver to him my letter. I esteem very highly not only his
+erudition, but also his judgment. He treads successfully in the steps of
+Abenezra, Maimonides, and Abrabanel. I have made his works known here,
+and they are much read and valued."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius foresaw that his Commentary on the New Testament would occasion
+him some disputes. "I am at a loss, says he, to Vossius, what to do with
+my Notes on the New Testament. I shall easily find a bookseller here;
+but I am afraid of meeting with some difficulties from the Divines, who
+will have nothing of this kind published without their approbation: and
+for my own part, I cannot submit in every thing to either of the two
+parties, nor can I be silent when I have something that may be of use to
+deliver. I shall see how to remedy this inconveniency. I have no hopes,
+says he to his brother<a name="FNanchor_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>, that the Divines of the Sorbonne will give
+their approbation to my Notes, especially since they censured
+Milletiere. It remains to be considered whether I shall print them in my
+own <a name="Page_266" id="Page_266"></a>house without approbation, of which there have been examples."</p>
+
+<p>Heinsius's work, which was expected with so much impatience, had no
+success<a name="FNanchor_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a>. Salmasius (his declared enemy indeed) said publicly, he
+was ready to shew, that, abstracting what he had borrowed, there would
+not remain one remark of importance: and it was held in no higher esteem
+by others of the first rank in learning<a name="FNanchor_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a>. Cardinal Richelieu, being
+informed that Grotius leaned more to the sentiments of the Roman
+Catholics, than to those of the Ministers of Charenton, gave orders<a name="FNanchor_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a>
+that his work should be printed without being obliged to pass the
+censors. He kept measures however with Heinsius; and desired his brother
+William Grotius to tell him<a name="FNanchor_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a>, that he had always said there were
+several things in his Notes which pleased him much; and that he had made
+the same remarks in some places that Heinsius had done, by mere chance.</p>
+
+<p>As Grotius had a very great esteem for the learned Father Petau, he
+communicated to him his works. On sending him his Notes on the Old
+Testament, he desired him to hint what alterations he thought necessary.</p>
+
+<p>When his Commentary on the Evangelists was printed at Amsterdam<a name="FNanchor_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a>, he
+sent a copy to Father Petau, desiring him to read it, if he had time,
+and acquaint him what ought to be omitted, added, or changed, that the
+second edition might appear with more advantage. "The booksellers of
+Amsterdam offer to print what I have written on the Old Testament: but I
+chose rather to have it printed here, that I may see the last proofs. I
+shall expect your remarks, or those of the persons to whom you have
+communicated what I have written on the first part of the Old Testament.
+I would have come for them myself had I not been confined <a name="Page_267" id="Page_267"></a>by sore eyes.
+I have a high sense of your goodness, he writes again to Petau<a name="FNanchor_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a>, in
+taking the trouble to revise my Annotations on the Old Testament, in
+giving them to those who have time to examine them more strictly, and in
+contributing by your recommendation to the success of the work. As I
+have now an opportunity of putting them to press, I must beg of you to
+return them as soon as may be with your remarks. When the rest is
+transcribed, relying on your goodness I shall take the liberty to
+interrupt your occupations, however important and useful, by sending
+it."</p>
+
+<p>The Dutch Booksellers<a name="FNanchor_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> had prefixed to Grotius's Commentary on the
+New Testament his head, with a high elogium annexed to it; which vexed
+him much. He wrote very seriously to his brother that it was the more
+improper, as this effect of vanity was prefixed to a book designed to
+inspire humility; that he had tore out the picture in his own copies,
+and desired that he would endeavour to get the same done to all the
+rest, because it concerned his reputation; and he chose rather to
+suppress his Preface, than publish it with this picture. A short
+advertisement before his Notes on the New Testament acquaints us that he
+began them when a prisoner, that he finished them when a private man,
+and printed them when Ambassador. Though this work was far advanced
+before he was employed by the Court of Sweden, it is evident from his
+letters that he made many additions and amendments to it during his
+embassy.</p>
+
+<p>He met with new difficulties after Cardinal Richelieu's death from the
+Chancellor Seguier, who never loved him. "The Chancellor of France, he
+writes to his brother, August 27, 1644<a name="FNanchor_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a>, will not grant a privilege
+for printing my Commentary on the Old Testament, though very able
+Doctors have <a name="Page_268" id="Page_268"></a>assured him that it contains nothing contrary to the
+doctrine of the Roman Catholics; but he refuses to give any even for
+good books, if the authors are not of his communion."</p>
+
+<p>Cramoisi however printed it, but he was afraid of being a loser by the
+great expence of a handsome edition in folio if he did not obtain a
+privilege, because the Dutch, who could print it much cheaper, would
+bring it into France, and undersell him.</p>
+
+<p>The refusal of a privilege<a name="FNanchor_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> did not hinder another Paris bookseller
+from undertaking an edition of the Notes on the New Testament, which
+Grotius calls his favourite work<a name="FNanchor_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>M. Simon, whose opinion is not always agreeable to the strictest
+justice, judges very favourably, however, of Grotius: "His Notes, says
+he, are esteemed by every body; and stand in no need of a particular
+recommendation from us. We shall only observe that he abounds too much
+in quotations from the Poets, and many profane authors; in which he
+seems rather to affect appearing a man of learning and erudition, than a
+man of judgment and a critic. Had he avoided this fault, his Notes would
+have been much shorter, and not less excellent. They are chiefly
+valuable for his frequent collation of the ancient Greek translation of
+the bible with the Hebrew text, and his freedom from prejudice in favour
+of the Masoretic version: though he generally chuses the best
+explanation of the text, he sometimes multiplies the various readings
+without necessity. After all (adds the author of the Critical history)
+though I blame Grotius for quoting too frequently the profane authors,
+these quotations contain some very good things, serving to explain the
+difficulties in Scripture. I could only have wished, that, agreeable to
+the rules of criticism, he had not adduced the testimonies <a name="Page_269" id="Page_269"></a>of profane
+authors, and especially the Poets, except in places that required those
+elucidations."</p>
+
+<p>M. Le Clerc, after examining this judgment, speaks thus of Grotius<a name="FNanchor_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a>:
+"If you desire to know what is chiefly valuable in Grotius's Notes on
+the Old Testament, and not to be found elsewhere, it is first his
+explanation of an infinite number of passages of Scripture by the
+assistance of Pagan antiquity. Secondly, an admirable knowledge of the
+different manners of speaking used in Scripture, which he so happily
+compares with one another, that no interpreter ancient or modern has
+thrown so much light on them; and in fine, an extraordinary penetration
+in discovering the true sense of the prophecies."</p>
+
+<p>M. Fabricius<a name="FNanchor_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> tells us, that one thing which highly recommends
+Grotius's Commentary on the New Testament is the design, which he
+happily executed, of proving the truth of the Christian Religion by the
+Scripture itself.</p>
+
+<p>Before we conclude this article we must take notice that it has been
+pretended by some learned men, who otherwise do him justice, that
+Grotius is frequently mistaken in his quotations from the Rabbis,
+because he took them at second-hand. Esdras Edzardi, well skilled in
+these matters, made a small collection of his mistakes, which he shewed
+to Morhof<a name="FNanchor_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> Ep. 1520. p. 689.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> Ep. 639. p. 948.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> Ep. 640. p. 949.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> Ep. 648. p. 952.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> Ep. 859. p. 377. &amp; 964. p. 432.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> Ep. 1056. p. 476.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> Ep. 1056. p. 476.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> Ep. 1256. p. 570. &amp; 1315. p. 596.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> Ep. 503. p. 884.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> Ep. 507. p. 884.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> Ep. 465. p. 886.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> Ep. 476. p. 890.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> Ep. 481. p. 891.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> Ep. 1531. p. 693.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Ep. 1534. p. 694.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> Ep. 570. p. 928.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> Ep. 720. p. 970.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> Ep. 740. p. 976.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> Ep. 1253. p. 553.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> Sentimens des Theolog. p. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> Delect. Argum. c. 2. p. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> Polihistor. t. 3. l. 5. p. 54. Vind. Grot. 463.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXII">XII.</a> This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a
+question which made much noise at that time. Some Protestant Synods had
+ventured to decide that the Pope was Antichrist; and this extravagance,
+gravely delivered by the Ministers, was regarded by the zealous
+Schismatics as a fundamental truth. Grotius undertook to overturn <a name="Page_270" id="Page_270"></a>such
+an absurd opinion, that stirred up an irreconcileable enmity between the
+Roman Catholics and the Protestants, and of consequence was a very great
+obstacle to their reunion, which was the sole object of his desires. He
+entered therefore upon the consideration of the passages of Scripture
+relating to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it<a name="FNanchor_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>It was this work that raised him up most enemies. We see by the letters
+he wrote to his brother that his best friends were afraid lest they
+should be suspected of having some hand in the publication of the books
+in which he treated of Antichrist. "If you are afraid of incurring
+ill-will, he writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a>, you may easily find people that
+are far from a factious spirit who will take care of the impression.
+Nothing has incensed Princes against those who separated from the Church
+of Rome more than the injurious names with which the Protestants load
+their adversaries; and nothing is a greater hindrance to that reunion
+which we are all obliged to labour after in consequence of Christ's
+precept and the profession we make of our faith in the Creed. Perhaps
+the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force us to it. In order to arrive
+at it we must first remove whatever obstructs a mutual quiet hearing. I
+hope I shall find assistance in this pious design. I shall not cease to
+labour in it, and shall rejoice to die employed in so good a work."</p>
+
+<p>Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much devoted to Grotius,
+beheld with concern<a name="FNanchor_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> the printing of this book, because they did not
+doubt but it would increase the number of his enemies. Grotius informs
+his brother of the uneasiness which Vossius gave him on this
+subject<a name="FNanchor_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a>: "Among those who wish this work destroyed, says he, I am
+astonished and grieved to see Vossius. Whence could he have this <a name="Page_271" id="Page_271"></a>idea?
+I imagine somebody has told him, that it would injure the fortune of his
+children if he approved of such books; and that, on the contrary, he
+would find favour by hurting me. We must, therefore, have recourse to
+Corcellius or Corvinus." He elsewhere complains of the too great
+timidity of this old friend<a name="FNanchor_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a>, who at bottom approved of Grotius's
+sentiments, but durst not own them publicly because he was not so
+independent as Grotius.</p>
+
+<p>The treatise on Antichrist made much noise among all the declared
+enemies of the Romish Church<a name="FNanchor_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a>. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus,
+that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as far
+as he could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who was
+possessed of such an excellent genius, and such singular erudition, had
+no other intention than to engage the Learned in a further enquiry
+concerning Antichrist; and to determine them to attack with greater
+strength the Romish Antichrist; or, if he wrote seriously, he wanted to
+cut out a path for going over, without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus
+answers this letter, Dec. 16, 1642, from Dantzic. "I have always, he
+says, looked on Grotius as a very honest, and at the same time a very
+learned man. I am persuaded that love of peace engaged him in this work.
+I don't deny but he has gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps
+seduced him: no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him;
+but he has been confuted by some learned Calvinists, particularly
+Desmarets, Minister of Boisleduc, who has written against him with much
+bitterness."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title: <i>Commentatio ad
+loca qu&aelig;dam Novi Testamenti, qu&aelig; de Antichristo agunt aut agere
+putantur, expendenda, eruditis.</i></p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272"></a>It contains an explanation of the second chapter of the second epistle
+of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, in which he undertakes to prove, that
+the Man of Sin, there mentioned, is the Emperor Caius Caligula, who
+wanted to place his statue in the temple of Jerusalem, as may be seen in
+Philo; and was desirous to be thought a God, as Philo and Josephus
+relate. He afterwards explains the eighteenth verse of the second
+chapter of the first epistle of St. John. <i>You know that Antichrist is
+come, and that there are many Antichrists.</i> He thinks the Antichrist
+already come was Barchochebas, and that the other Antichrists are Simon
+the Magician and Dosith&aelig;us.</p>
+
+<p>The beast, in the thirteenth chapter of the Revelation, is, according to
+him, Rome pagan; the power, which is given to it for forty-two months,
+signifies Domitian's persecution, which lasted three years and a half.
+The beast that ascended out of the bottomless pit, mentioned chap. xi.
+ver. 7. is magic, and Apollonius Thyan&aelig;us: in fine, he finds the famous
+number 666, mentioned in the last verse of the thirteenth chapter of the
+Apocalypse, in Trajan's name, who was called Ulpius, of which the
+numeral letters form the number 666.</p>
+
+<p>The Reformed were strangely scandalized at this work. Samuel Desmarets
+answered it with great bitterness, which drew another piece from Grotius
+in defence of the former, with this title: <i>Appendix ad interpretationem
+locorum Novi Testamenti, qu&aelig; de Antichristo agunt, aut agere putantur,
+in qua via sternitur ad Christianorum concordiam</i>. Desmarets is never
+mentioned in it but under the name of Borboritus. It has been observed,
+that Grotius was guilty of a slight inaccuracy in this treatise: he says
+the Emperor Barbarossa's enemies ascribed to him the pretended book <i>De
+tribus Impostoribus</i>: he confounds the grandson with the grandfather,
+for it was Frederic II. against whom this calumny was advanced, as
+appears from the letters of Peter Desvignes, his Secretary and
+Chancellor, <a name="Page_273" id="Page_273"></a>and as Grotius himself remarks in his observations on
+Campanella's philosophy.</p>
+
+<p>He printed at the same time his treatise <i>Of Faith and Works</i> against
+Desmarets, and against the error of the inadmissibility of grace, under
+the title of <i>Explicatio trium illustrissimorum locorum Novi Testamenti,
+Capitis I. Pauli ad Ephesios posterioris, Capitis II. Jacobi Commatis
+XIV. &amp; sequentium, Capitis III. Epistol&aelig; I. Johannis, in quibus agitur
+de fide &amp; operibus</i>. This work shews, that faith is not sufficient for
+Justification; and that if those who have faith live in sin, they are
+hated by God.</p>
+
+<p><i>Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam</i> was printed in 1642: it contains the
+<i>Consultation</i> of Cassander presented to the Emperors Ferdinand I. and
+Maximilian II. accompanied with remarks by Grotius. He expected that
+these works, which were compiled solely with a view to promote union
+among Christians, would procure him many enemies; and he adopted, on
+this occasion, what was said in 1557 by an author who laboured in the
+same design, That for persons to endeavour to make mankind live in
+peace, was commendable; that they might indeed expect a recompence from
+the blessed Peace-maker, but they had great reason to apprehend the same
+fate with those, who, attempting to part two combatants, receive blows
+from both. "Perhaps, by writing to reconcile such as entertain very
+opposite sentiments, I shall offend both parties: but if it should so
+happen, I shall comfort myself with the example of him who said, If I
+please men I am not the servant of Christ."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius, content with gratifying his pacific desires, expected his
+reward from posterity; which he clearly intimates in some verses written
+by him on this subject</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1">Accipe sed placidis, qu&aelig; si non optima, certe,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Expressit nobis non mala pacis amor.<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Et tibi dic, nostro labor hic si displicet &aelig;vo,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">A grat&acirc; pretium posteritate feret.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274"></a>Rivetus, the Clergyman, treated Grotius with as much indignity, as if he
+had attempted to destroy the foundations or Christianity. Grotius
+answered him in a tract, entitled: <i>Animadversiones in animadversiones
+Andre&aelig; Riveti</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This work was followed by two others on the same subject: <i>Votum pro
+pace ecclesiastic&acirc;, contra examen Andre&aelig; Riveti</i>, and <i>Rivetiani
+Apologetici Discussio</i>: this last did not appear till after the author's
+death.</p>
+
+<p>He wrote, in 1638, a small piece, entitled: <i>De Can&aelig; administratione ubi
+Pastores non sunt, item an semper communicandum per symbola</i>. The design
+of this pernicious work is to shew, that Laymen, in the absence of
+Priests, and in cases of necessity, may do their office.</p>
+
+<p>Rigaut had already maintained this error, and been smartly attacked by
+M. De l'Aubepine, Bishop of Orleans: all the defenders of the hierarchy
+were scandalized at it, and Father Petau, among the Roman Catholics, and
+Dodwell, among the English Clergy, have refuted it.</p>
+
+<p>In the tract, <i>An semper communicandum per symbola</i>, the Arminians
+endeavour to maintain, that we are not obliged to communicate with such
+as require subscriptions to which we cannot assent without acting
+against our consciences. Grotius's design was to shew, that the
+Arminians might dispense with communicating with the
+Contra-Remonstrants, if these insisted on retractions.</p>
+
+<p>Another theological work of Grotius (of whose publication we cannot fix
+the time) is entitled: <i>Dissertatio historica ac politica de dogmatis &amp;
+ritibus &amp; gubernatione Ecclesi&aelig; Christian&aelig;, de dogmatis qu&aelig; reipublic&aelig;
+noxia sunt, aut dicuntur.</i> In this piece he treats of the end of the
+priesthood, and the duties of the Priests: he places what relates to the
+distinction and unity of the three Persons, the two Natures, and their
+properties, among the points of which we may be ignorant without ceasing
+to be good Christians. <a name="Page_275" id="Page_275"></a>It is probable this piece was written before
+those concerning Antichrist, the author appearing in it less favourably
+disposed towards the Roman Catholics and the Pope.</p>
+
+<p>It is apparent that Grotius had not sufficiently examined this subject,
+since he speaks of it in a manner so heterodox. He would not have held a
+language so opposite to Christianity, at, or after the time of his
+dispute with Rivetus.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Ep. 416. p. 874.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> Ep. 477. p. 890.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> Ep. 480. p. 891. &amp; 482. p. 891.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> Ep. 485. p. 892.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> Ep. 445. p. 895. 507. p. 901. 511. p. 902. &amp; 514. p.
+904.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> Ep 61. p. 276. &amp; 89. p. 415.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXIII">XIII.</a> Grotius, even whilst engaged in the dispute against the zealous
+Protestant Ministers, undertook to clear up the origin of the Americans;
+which enquiry involved him in a controversy that gave him much
+uneasiness. John de La&euml;t of Antwerp, who had much studied these matters,
+printed Grotius's work, with Notes, under this title: <i>Joannis de La&euml;t
+Antverpiani Not&aelig; ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii de Origine gentium
+Americanarum, &amp; Observationes aliquot ad meliorem indaginem difficillim&aelig;
+illius questionis. Amstelodami apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, anno
+1643</i><a name="FNanchor_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius first confutes those, who think that the people of America came
+from Great Tartary, because they had no horses before the Spanish
+conquest, and that it is impossible the Scythians, who abounded in
+horses, should bring none with them; besides the Tartars were never
+seamen. His opinion is, that North-America was peopled by persons from
+Norway, from whence they passed into Iceland, afterwards into Greenland,
+from thence to Friseland, then to Estotiland, a part of the American
+continent, to which the fishers of Friseland had penetrated two
+centuries before the Spaniards discovered the New World. He pretends,
+that the names of those countries end with the same syllables as those
+of the Norwegians; that the Mexicans and their neighbours assured the
+Spaniards they came from the North; and that the country which the
+Norwegians inhabited, after quitting Estotiland,<a name="Page_276" id="Page_276"></a> has retained almost
+the name of Norway; that there is yet a town in it called Norembega; in
+fine, that there are many words in the American language, which have a
+relation to the German and Norwegian; and that the Americans still
+preserve the customs of the country from whence they are originally
+sprung. As to the people of Jucatan, and the neighbourhood, Grotius
+makes them come from Ethiopia by the way of the Ocean. He grounds this
+opinion on the practice of circumcision among these nations of America,
+which was also used by the Ethiopians. He pretends that the Peruvians
+are descended from the Chinese, because the wrecks of Chinese vessels
+have been found, he says, on the coasts of the Pacific Ocean, and they
+worship the sun: besides, the Peruvians, he adds, write from the top to
+the bottom of the page like the Chinese.</p>
+
+<p>La&euml;t easily shewed that Grotius's conjectures were ill founded, and that
+he had even advanced several facts which were not strictly true: he
+denied the existence of the city of Norembega, and maintained that
+Jucatan is too distant from Africa for the Ethiopians to penetrate into
+America, it being at least two months sail from Ethiopia to Jucatan. He
+refutes the pretended traces of Christianity, which Grotius said were
+found in that part of America before the discovery of the Spaniards,
+supporting his confutation on the authority of Spanish writers; in fine,
+he denies that any Chinese wrecks have been found on the coasts of the
+Pacific Ocean, and censures, as a very great inaccuracy in Grotius, what
+he advances concerning the Peruvian manner of writing.</p>
+
+<p>After doing justice to the excellent judgment and profound erudition of
+Grotius, he ventures to assert, that he found nothing in his
+Dissertation that could satisfy a man moderately acquainted with the
+History of America; and approves of what was observed by Joseph Acosta,
+that it was easier to confute what was written on the origin of the
+Americans, than to know <a name="Page_277" id="Page_277"></a>what to hold; because there were no monuments
+among them, nor any books of Europeans to throw light on this matter:
+and hence concludes, that it is rashness to promise truth on such an
+obscure subject.</p>
+
+<p>La&euml;t's answer vexed Grotius: he replied to it in a second Dissertation,
+entitled, <i>Adversus obtrectatorem, opaca quem bonum facit barba</i>.
+Printed at Paris by Cramoisi, in 1643. La&euml;t answered in a piece, printed
+in 1644, by Lewis Elzevir, in which he inserts Grotius's second
+Dissertation. There is nothing new in these two last books: and it were
+to be wished that they had been written with less bitterness. It has
+been<a name="FNanchor_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> observed, that Grotius's system is not new; and that it had
+been already advanced by Myl, whom Grotius does not once quote.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> This work was printed at Paris the same year.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> Hornius, de Orig. Gent. Amer. l. 1. c. 2. p. 17.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXIV">XIV.</a> It now remains to give some account of the other works of Grotius,
+which hitherto we have not had occasion to mention. In 1629, he printed
+at William Blaeu's the History of the Siege of Grolla: <i>Groll&aelig; obsidio
+cum annexis anni 1627</i>. This piece would have been brought into his
+History<a name="FNanchor_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> if he could have continued it. He speaks of it with great
+modesty<a name="FNanchor_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> in his letters to his brother. "I don't expect, he says,
+much honour from such a small tract."</p>
+
+<p>He published, in 1631, <i>An Introduction to the Laws of Holland</i>, in
+Dutch. Simon Groenovegius de Madin, a Lawyer, wrote Notes on this work,
+which Grotius thought well done and very useful; and sent the author a
+letter of thanks<a name="FNanchor_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>He left several manuscripts prepared for the press, which were published
+after his death.</p>
+
+<p>Lewis Elzevir printed, in 1652, a small collection in twelves with this
+title: <i>Hugonis Grotii qu&aelig;dam hacten&ugrave;s inedita, aliaque ex Belgic&egrave;
+editis Latin&egrave; versa, argumenti Theologici, Juridici, Politici.</i> It
+contains, <a name="Page_278" id="Page_278"></a>among other Dissertations, <i>Remarks on the Philosophy</i> or
+rather <i>on the Politics of Campanella</i>; and a tract entitled: <i>Hugonis
+Grotii Responsio ad qu&aelig;dam ab utroque judicum consessu objecta, ubi
+multa disputantur de Jure Summarum Potestatum in Hollandi&acirc;,
+Westfrisi[^&aelig;], &amp; Magistratuum in oppidis</i>. The disputes of the Province
+of Holland with the States-General probably gave occasion to this
+treatise. Grotius intended to publish the Golden verses of
+Pythagoras<a name="FNanchor_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a>, with a translation by himself: but what he could not do
+in his life-time was done in England after his death, in the year
+1654<a name="FNanchor_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the tragic Poets, his favourite was certainly Euripides. We have
+already seen that he translated the <i>Phoeniss&aelig;</i> in 1630. He afterwards
+revised and corrected it, as appears by a letter to his brother,
+September 3, 1639<a name="FNanchor_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>. His translation of the <i>Iphigenia in Tauris</i> is
+mentioned in several letters<a name="FNanchor_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a>. He likewise turned into Latin the
+<i>Supplicantes</i> of Euripides, of which he speaks to his brother<a name="FNanchor_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a>. The
+learned Father Berthier<a name="FNanchor_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> has lately informed us, that this
+translation still exists in the library of the Jesuits college at Paris.
+"One of the most precious pieces, and which alone would have been
+sufficient to give value to this manuscript, is the entire translation
+of Euripides's piece, entitled <i>Supplicantes</i>, added at the end of the
+volume by way of desert: the whole is in excellent Iambic verses: we
+would cite some part, if we had not already trespassed too far on the
+complaisance of the reader."</p>
+
+<p>In 1629, Grotius wrote to his brother<a name="FNanchor_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a>, that he had finished a
+piece, proving that the war between different Princes ought not to
+injure the free trade of the powers not engaged in it. This is all we
+know of the treatise, which is now lost: we are equally <a name="Page_279" id="Page_279"></a>ignorant of a
+work, entitled, <i>The Portrait of Zeno</i>, which he mentions in several
+letters<a name="FNanchor_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a>, and seems very desirous of having it printed. He left
+several manuscripts in his closet, which, after his death, were
+purchased by the Queen of Sweden from his wife: among these<a name="FNanchor_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> were,
+<i>Notes on some of the most difficult Laws</i>; <i>A Comparison of the
+Republics of Athens and Rome with that of Holland</i>; <i>Notes on the Hymns
+of Orpheus</i>, and an <i>Illustration of the Books of Moses by the Writings
+of the Pagans</i>. The author of <i>Vindici&aelig; Grotian&aelig;</i><a name="FNanchor_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> speaks of a
+manuscript of &AElig;schylus with Notes by Grotius. Many of his books were
+filled with marginal notes. He tells us<a name="FNanchor_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a>, that he had collected,
+with great care, the remains of the apostolical Fathers, and that he had
+thoughts of translating that part of Josephus's history, which relates
+to the law, and of adding notes to it. But probably the execution of
+this project was hindered by his other studies, and the information he
+received, that Samuel Petit, who was well skilled in the learned
+languages, had the same design.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> Ep. 191. p. 811.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> Ep. 194. p. 814. &amp; 196, p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> Ep. 1627. p. 719.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> Ep. 683. p. 961.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> Fab. Bib. Gr&aelig;c. tom. 1. p. 471. &amp; 472.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> Ep. 506. p. 885.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> Ep. 402; p. 869. &amp; 595. p. 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> Ep. 683. p. 961.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> Art. 91. August, 1751. p. 1807.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> Ep. 207. p. 817.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> Ep. 465. &amp; 466. p. 886. Ep. 469. p. 887.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> Observat. Hallenses, 24. t. 7. p. 350. Bib. Remons. p.
+80. Fabricius Bib. Gr&aelig;ca, t. 1. l. 1. c. 19, p. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> Vindici&aelig;, p. 841.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> Ep. 391. p. 866. &amp; 768. p. 330.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXV">XV.</a> His Letters may be regarded as Treatises; the collection we have of
+them is a treasure not only of public but of literary history, and
+contains many dissertations on the most important subjects. The
+XXXI<sup>st</sup>, to Gerard Vossius, and XXXIII<sup>d</sup>, to John Utengobard, treat
+of Predestination and Grace, according to the Arminian system. We have
+already spoken of the LIV<sup>th</sup>, addressed to Du Maurier, the French
+Ambassador in Holland, and containing a method of study for grown
+persons. The LXII<sup>d</sup>, to the Baron de Langerac, the Dutch Ambassador in
+France, is a formal treatise on a piece of Du Moulin concerning the
+government of the ancient Church; the means of reconciling Grace with
+Free-will; and <a name="Page_280" id="Page_280"></a>the authority of Sovereigns in matters ecclesiastical.
+He treats in the XCI<sup>st</sup>, to Vossius, of the effects of Christ's death.
+The CCLXIV<sup>th</sup>, to the celebrated Nicholas Peyresc, Counsellor of the
+Parliament of Aix, is rather a book than a letter, being a collection of
+all that the Ancients have said of Nicholas Damascenus, which leaves us
+at a loss with regard to nothing that could be known concerning that
+celebrated writer.</p>
+
+<p>The CCCXXIX<sup>th</sup>, to John Descordes, Canon of Limoges, treats of the
+power of Bishops over the Monks, and several other points of the ancient
+Church discipline. He proves, in the CCCLVII<sup>th</sup>, to Jerom Bignon,
+Advocate-General, that the letter ascribed to Pope Clement, which was
+published in 1633, is really his. His letters to his brother treat of
+the Law of Nature and several points of Civil Law: and a letter,
+addressed to John Isaac Pontanus, contains his remarks on what Cluverius
+has said of the antiquities of Germany.</p>
+
+<p>The most interesting literary occurrences of his time are to be found in
+his letters, always accompanied, with instructing reflections: in fine,
+his negotiations, and the great events of the last ten years of the
+reign of Lewis XIII, are very particularly, and, for the most part, very
+truly related in them.</p>
+
+<p>We must not conceal that Du Maurier, the son, whose anecdotes are full
+of blunders, advances<a name="FNanchor_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> that, when Grotius desired to be recalled,
+the High Chancellor readily took him at his word, because, says he,
+Grotius sent him only the news that every body knew. Father Bougeant
+repeats this passage with great complacency; but he would have done much
+better to have read Grotius's letters with attention, than to censure
+them without reason. By their assistance he might have rectified several
+dates in his work, which, otherwise, deserves the public esteem.
+<a name="Page_281" id="Page_281"></a>Another author, whose history is written with indiscretion and
+partiality, but who was nevertheless well acquainted with the events of
+the age of Lewis XIII, sets a high value on Grotius's letters<a name="FNanchor_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a>: I
+mean Le Vassor, whose judgment deserves the more regard as he had little
+turn for panegyric. He refutes those who advanced that Grotius employed
+his fine Latin to send Oxenstiern the lies of the day; and maintains
+that such as say this, have either never read Grotius's letters, or are
+unacquainted with the history of Lewis XIII. He does not deny, that,
+among the many pieces of news contained in them, there are some without
+foundation; but he excuses him, because a Minister is obliged to write
+what is generally reported. He adds, "Those, who shall read Grotius's
+letters with a little discerning, will find in them the most secret
+affairs of the times of his embassy touched upon in few words, with
+great delicacy and moderation." Grotius himself acquaints us, that he
+used great circumspection in writing news to the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a>.
+"I must beg, says he, of your Sublimity, to pardon the shortness of my
+letter: I chuse rather to say little, than write what is false; and
+would fain send you nothing that is uncertain: but this is attended with
+much difficulty amidst so great obscurity.&mdash;Living among people, he says
+in another letter<a name="FNanchor_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a>, who are very close, and receiving news which are
+often mixed with falshood, I am sorry to be obliged to give you my
+conjectures in the room of certainty; but there is nothing to apprehend
+from such an equitable Judge, who has regard to the good intention."</p>
+
+<p>This made him easy; and what ought to give us a high idea of his
+Letters, is, that they greatly pleased the High Chancellor<a name="FNanchor_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a>; and
+Muller, the Swedish Ambassador, set a high value on them<a name="FNanchor_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a>.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282"></a>The author of <i>Vindici&aelig; Grotian&aelig;</i> assures us<a name="FNanchor_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a>, after Morhof, that
+Grotius's Letters are not all printed; and he adds, that he knew a
+cabinet in which were preserved upwards of two hundred and sixty,
+written to Queen Christina and the High Chancellor. Bunau, a Privy
+Counselor at Dresden, is said to have had many of them. Puffendorf saw
+several in cypher, to which he had a key. Among those, which are printed
+in the collection of Grotius's letters, there are some in cypher,
+relating to the general affairs and secret intrigues of the Court of
+France. M. de Boze has a copy of these letters in his curious cabinet,
+with an explanation of the cypher, given him by a Swedish gentleman,
+which he communicates to those who desire it, with a politeness that it
+were to be wished were common to all men of learning.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> Memoires, p. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> Le Vassor, t. 8. 2 partie, l. 40. p. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> Ep. 537. p. 210.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> Ep. 550. p. 214.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> Ep. 55. p. 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> Ep. 1094. p. 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> P. 846.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXVI">XVI.</a> One of the most interesting parts of Grotius's life is the
+knowledge of his sentiments in religion, and the ardent zeal with which
+he undertook to reunite Christians in one belief. Brought up in the
+principles of Protestantism, he had in the former part of his life a
+great aversion to Popery. A letter to Antony Wal&aelig;us, Nov. 10, 1611<a name="FNanchor_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>,
+in which he opens all his mind, acquaints us, that however much he might
+be attached to the prevailing religion in the State wherein he lived, he
+was persuaded that the Roman Catholics held all the fundamental truths;
+but they superadded, he thought, several other articles, which he
+treated as new opinions. The zeal of the Jesuits for the Roman Catholic
+religion, and their attachment to the Pope, had rendered them extremely
+odious to all the enemies of the Romish church. Grotius viewed them in
+the same light, agreeably to the sentiments which had been instilled
+into him in his infancy, as we find in a letter written, April 1,
+1617<a name="FNanchor_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a>, to his brother then in France; but when he came to riper
+years, he did them justice, highly valuing their society, and receiving
+many of them into his <a name="Page_283" id="Page_283"></a>confidence, particularly the learned Dionysius
+Petavius.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> Ep. 14 p. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> Ep. 15. p. 759.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXVII">XVII.</a> Even when farthest removed from the Roman Catholic Church, he paid
+the greatest regard to the decisions of the ancient councils, to the
+discipline of the primitive Church, and the authority of the Fathers. He
+writes, June 6, 1611, to John Utengobard<a name="FNanchor_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a>, that he highly respected
+the ancient councils which condemned Manicheism and Pelagianism. He
+declared to Vossius, July 17, 1616<a name="FNanchor_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a>, that none held the doctrine
+condemned by the ancient Church in greater detestation. "Besides the
+hatred, says he to Antony Wal&aelig;us, which I profess to the tenets that
+were unknown to pious antiquity, nothing more engages me to condemn, and
+overturn, as far as I can, this sort of opinions, than their being an
+obstacle to peace."</p>
+
+<p>In the explanation of Holy Scripture he would have the sentiments of the
+ancient Church adhered to. This point he treated at a conference with
+the Prince of Cond&eacute;, in the beginning of 1639<a name="FNanchor_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a>; in which he shewed,
+that to be a Christian, and have a right to the surname of Catholic, one
+must receive the Sacred Scriptures, and explain them not according to
+the interpretation of private persons, which had often given occasion to
+seditions, schisms, and even wars, but according to the sentiments of
+the ancient Churches, chiefly to be found in the Creeds, and in the acts
+of General Councils.</p>
+
+<p>He was so persuaded of the truth of these principles, that in an
+advertisement, prefixed to his <i>Commentary on the New Testament</i>, he
+declares that if he had written any thing inconsistent with the
+interpretation of Holy Scripture by the ancient Church, which he hoped
+he had not, he would chuse to have it neglected, and was most ready to
+alter it.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> Ep. 28. p. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> Ep. 77. p. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Ep. 1108. p. 498. See also Ep. 622. p. 943.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284"></a><a name="BkVISecXVIII">XVIII.</a> This profound veneration for antiquity contributed greatly to
+render him more favourable to the Roman Catholics. At a time when it was
+looked upon by the Protestants as a kind of Apostacy, to speak with
+decency and temper of the sovereign Pontiffs, he ventured to commend
+Pope Urbin VIII in some verses made in honour of the blessed Virgin. He
+speaks thus of him in a Letter to his brother of the 21st of February,
+1625<a name="FNanchor_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a>. "I send my father the Poem on the Mother of God. I would not
+however have it published, not only because the honour, distinct from
+superstition, given to the saints offends several of our people; but
+also because Pope Urbin is commended in it. He is an excellent Poet, as
+appears from his elegant Pindaric odes. God grant he may be able to
+unite Christians, who are too much divided, in one faith."</p>
+
+<p>The Reformers were held by him in no great esteem. In 1633 he wrote to
+Gerard Vossius<a name="FNanchor_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>, "I think nothing can be truer than your judicious
+remark, that the best way to prevent good men from approving of so many
+different sects would be to shew them, without animosity or passion,
+from the sole motive of love to truth, that those who avail themselves
+so much of antiquity have it not always on their side, and that such as
+promised to restore the Church to its primitive state have not at all
+times succeeded." He no doubt meant the pretended Reformed.</p>
+
+<p>"The Protestants, says he to his brother<a name="FNanchor_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a>, go too far when they
+accuse the Roman Catholics of error; they attack at the same time the
+whole Greek and Latin Churches, those of Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, and
+thereby very imprudently furnish arms to their<a name="Page_285" id="Page_285"></a> adversaries. I see, he
+writes to Vossius<a name="FNanchor_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a>, that those who have erected new Churches among
+us, have followed their own ideas, but have not always advanced the
+affairs of Religion."</p>
+
+<p>Salmasius was as zealous for the pretended reformed religion, as he was
+become indifferent to Grotius. However they visited one another, but it
+was with much coldness. "Salmasius (he writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a>,
+February 10, 1641) came to see me: he is ready to defend the most
+outrageous opinions; among others, that St. Peter never set foot in
+Italy. It is surprising what a party spirit will do."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius looked upon almost all the Reformed as factious men<a name="FNanchor_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a>. He had
+no esteem for Calvin; speaking of Cassander, he says he was a very
+excellent, and at the same time a very able man, and therefore most
+worthy of Calvin's hatred: he advised James Laurentius to read, instead
+of Calvin's <i>Institutions</i>, Vincent de Lerins. "I hear<a name="FNanchor_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a>, says he to
+him, that you are less seditious than most of your order (that is, the
+Protestant Clergy) and that you only suffer yourself to be drawn away by
+others: wherefore I will give you one good counsel: read the Scriptures
+in the original, the confessions of faith of the ancient Christians,
+instead of the Belgic Confession, the Catechisms of Cyril in the room of
+Ursinus's Catechism, and the acts of the General Councils, and not those
+of the Synod of Dort: you will then easily perceive that Grotius is not
+become a Papist, but Laurentius turned a Calvinist." Laurentius wrote
+against him: but Grotius took his revenge<a name="FNanchor_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> by silence. He did not
+approve of the separation of the Protestants; he thought these new
+Churches, these new Rites had not at all contributed to the promoting of
+piety. "It is just, said he<a name="FNanchor_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a>, to reform our manners: but would it
+not have been better <a name="Page_286" id="Page_286"></a>for us, after reforming ourselves, to have prayed
+to God for the reformation of others; and for the Princes and Bishops,
+who desired a reformation to have endeavoured to procure it by general
+councils, without breaking the unity." A Minister called D'Or, turning
+Roman Catholic<a name="FNanchor_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a>, Grotius discovered little concern at it, and speaks
+of it with great calmness in a letter to his brother. "What D'Or has
+just done, says he, the learned Pithou did before him: Casaubon was
+resolved to do the same had he remained longer in France, as he assured
+several persons, and among others Descordes. I would fain, continued he,
+have the abuses that have crept into the church remedied, and will
+always say so; but is it just, or are there any examples, that it should
+be done by schism? This ought to be the more weighed, as we easily
+perceive that those who have formed new parties had not always the
+Spirit of God; that they have propagated new abuses, and that this
+licence to separate themselves has given rise to different parties which
+will never be united." He speaks in another place of Casaubon's
+sentiments<a name="FNanchor_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>, and pretends that this learned man thought the Roman
+Catholics of France better informed than those of other countries, and
+came nearer to truth than the Ministers of Charenton.</p>
+
+<p>He explained himself very frequently and very sharply against the schism
+of the Protestants. "Viretus, and the rest, says he<a name="FNanchor_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a>, ought not to
+have erected new churches: yet they have done it before they were
+excommunicated: even an unjust excommunication would not have entitled
+them to erect altar against altar." He recites several passages from the
+Fathers on this subject, by which he pretends to confute the first
+reformers<a name="FNanchor_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a>. He came so near the Roman Catholics in the end, that in
+a letter <a name="Page_287" id="Page_287"></a>to his brother he has these words: "It cannot be denied that
+there are several Roman Catholic pastors here who teach true religion,
+without any mixture of superstition: it were to be wished that all did
+the same." In his later works he speaks of Calvin with the highest
+indignation<a name="FNanchor_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a>: "I know, he says, with what injustice and bitterness
+this Calvin treated Cassander, Baudoin, and Castellio, who were much
+better men than himself."</p>
+
+<p>In refuting the apology of Rivetus he speaks with all the zeal of a
+Roman Catholic Disputant, and proves that the Calvinists are
+Schismatics, and had no mission; that they neither had miracles for
+them, nor any particular command from God: that the Ministers are
+factious spirits, who seek only to disturb the State: that their
+religion is new, and has not antiquity on its side. In his youth he had
+commended Beza in some anapest verses; extolling him as one of the most
+zealous defenders of the truth: he afterwards retracted this elogium,
+and wished it buried in eternal oblivion.</p>
+
+<p>In fine, the Jesuits, who were the objects of his aversion before he
+knew them, became his friends. He was reproached with this; and mentions
+the accusation in a letter to his brother<a name="FNanchor_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a>. "I am not, says he, the
+common defender of Jesuits; but the King looks on them as good subjects
+and employs them on several occasions." He publicly took their part in
+some of his works. He maintains in his pieces against Rivetus<a name="FNanchor_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> that
+the Society had produced very able men of an irreproachable life, and
+that there were more such among them than among others. "I know many of
+them, he says, who are very desirous to see the abuses abolished, and
+the church restored to its primitive unity. The King entrusts them with
+his most valuable <a name="Page_288" id="Page_288"></a>concerns." Father Petau, among others, possessed his
+confidence, as we have already observed, and shall see again.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Ep. 85. p. 780.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> Ep. 935. p. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> Ep. 487. p. 864.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Ep. 1004. p. 641.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Ep. 593. p. 913.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> Ep. 534. p. 914. 537. p. 916. &amp; 1520, p. 689.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> Ep. 1570. p. 709.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> Ep. 1078. p. 711.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> Ep. 607. p. 938.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Ep. 610. p. 939.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> Ep. 613. p. 940.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> Ep. 674. p. 959.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> Ep. 677. p. 959.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> Animad. in animad. Riveti, p. 640.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> Ep. 628. p. 915.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> Animad in anim. Riveti, ad Art. 6. p. 658. Discussio
+Rivet. Apolog. p. 694. &amp; p. 681.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXIX">XIX.</a> His great knowledge of antiquity and that singular veneration which
+he always paid to the primitive church made him even in his youth look
+upon the abolition of episcopacy, and of a visible head of the church,
+as something very monstrous. He went much farther in the sequel; shewing
+that<a name="FNanchor_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> Melancton himself wanted the Pope to be left in the Church,
+and that King James of England and several able Protestants acknowledged
+the utility of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome: adding, "If several
+Protestants had made the same reflection, we should have had a church
+more reformed."</p>
+
+<p>He thinks that this Monarchy (these are his own terms<a name="FNanchor_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a>) is of use in
+the church for maintaining its unity. In fine, in a piece against
+Rivetus<a name="FNanchor_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a>, he proves the primacy of the Pope from a passage of St.
+Cyprian, and adds, "You see that the primacy is hereby established; and
+this name in every society implies some jurisdiction. The Bishop of
+Rome, says he<a name="FNanchor_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a>, is Prince of the Christian Aristocrasy, as it has
+been called before our time by the Bishop of Fossombrone. This primacy
+is under Jesus Christ, and may be exercised without tyranny, and without
+destroying the rights which the Bishops have over the churches committed
+to them." He entertained favourable sentiments of the Episcopal
+authority even before his embassy; and thought it necessary to preserve
+the unity of the Church<a name="FNanchor_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a>. "It is a question only in name<a name="FNanchor_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a>(says
+he to his brother some years after) to ask whether Episcopacy be of
+divine right: it is sufficient that Jesus Christ has set the example in
+the college of Apostles; that the <a name="Page_289" id="Page_289"></a>Apostles have followed it, and that
+this establishment has been approved by the universal consent of the
+Church, excepting some innovators of the present age."</p>
+
+<p>He handles this point in the eleventh Chapter of the treatise <i>Of the
+power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion</i><a name="FNanchor_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a>; he says it is
+fanaticism to advance that a Bishop has nothing above a simple Priest.
+"Episcopacy, says he<a name="FNanchor_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a>, that is to say the preheminence of a Pastor,
+is not contrary to the Divine right. It is incumbent on him who thinks
+otherwise, that is, who accuses the whole ancient Church of folly and
+impiety, to prove his opinion. That Episcopacy<a name="FNanchor_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> was received by the
+whole Church appears from the general councils, which have always had
+great authority with all devout men; witness the national and provincial
+councils, where we find certain marks of the Episcopal precedency;
+witness all the Fathers without exception. Episcopacy began with the
+Apostles<a name="FNanchor_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a>: to be convinced of this we need only have recourse to the
+catalogues of Bishops in Iren&aelig;us, Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, and
+others, who all make them begin with the Apostles. It would be very
+great obstinacy or disrespect to reject authors of so great weight, who
+unanimously agree in an historical fact. The history of all ages informs
+us of the advantages which the Church has derived from Episcopacy<a name="FNanchor_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a>."
+However he did not yet venture to say<a name="FNanchor_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> that Episcopacy was of Divine
+establishment: he contented himself with maintaining that it was of
+Apostolical institution. This was sufficient to offend a party among
+whom there were some who carried their fury and ignorance so far, as to
+maintain that Episcopacy was an invention of Satan: an expression which
+scandalized Grotius even in his youth, as appears by a letter <a name="Page_290" id="Page_290"></a>written
+in 1614 to Daniel Heinsius<a name="FNanchor_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a>. He became more bold afterwards; and was
+not afraid to maintain in the face of the pretended reformation<a name="FNanchor_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>,
+that Episcopacy was established by Christ, and that it were to be wished
+it were restored wherever it had been abolished.</p>
+
+<p>It was in consequence of this respect for the Episcopal College, and its
+head, that he exposed himself to the indignation of the whole Protestant
+party, and the bitter invectives of the Ministers, by maintaining that
+nothing was more absurd than what they had written against the pretended
+Romish Antichrist.</p>
+
+<p>One of his principal reasons for writing on this subject was a
+persuasion not only of the truth of his sentiments, as he writes to his
+brother<a name="FNanchor_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a>, but that it was his duty to remove every obstacle that
+obstructed the reunion, "of which I have greater hopes than ever, he
+says, December 3, 1639. If it is not granted us to enjoy that great
+blessing (he adds) it is our duty to throw water on the flames, and not
+oil; and to plant trees that will bear fruit perhaps in another age." He
+was so pleased with himself for breaking the ice in this matter, that he
+tells his brother<a name="FNanchor_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> in a private letter, he is persuaded God inspired
+him with the thought: that he returns him his most humble thanks for it,
+and that he thought himself in consequence obliged to labour in it with
+all his might, not only to support the truth, but also because he judged
+nothing was more capable to appease mens minds and prepare the way to
+the reunion. "I hope, he says to Vossius<a name="FNanchor_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a>, to find at least among
+posterity equitable readers who will thank God for the light which he
+has been pleased to communicate to me for the understanding several
+obscure passages of Holy Scripture. I owe all that I have written <a name="Page_291" id="Page_291"></a>on
+Antichrist<a name="FNanchor_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> that is good, not to my own researches, says he to his
+brother, but to my prayers, and to the goodness of God, who has been
+pleased to enlighten me, though I did not deserve it." He flattered
+himself that his works on this subject had undeceived several
+Protestants<a name="FNanchor_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a>, and that Rivetus, his grand adversary, was looked upon
+even by his collegues as a Divine of little judgment and a moderate
+share of erudition.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> Comment. ad. loca de Antichristo.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> Via ad Pacem, Art. 7. p. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> Ad. Art. 7. p. 641.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> P. 642. &amp; p. 695. Discussio Apolog. Rivet. &amp; p. 696.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> Ep. 318. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> Ep. 534. p. 914. see Ep. 739. p. 975.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> N<sup>o</sup> 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> N<sup>o</sup> 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> N<sup>o</sup> 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> N<sup>o</sup> 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> N<sup>o</sup> 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> N<sup>o</sup> 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> Burman's Collection, t. 2. Ep. 211. p. 434.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> Via ad Pacem, Art. xiv. p. 621.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> Ep. 474. p. 889.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> Ep. 490. p. 895.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> Ep. 1441. p. 653.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> Ep. 499. p. 898.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> Ep. 501. p. 899.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXX">XX.</a> He had been at first much prejudiced against the opinion of the
+Romish Church concerning the real presence. We may judge of it by the
+letter which he wrote June 7, 1622, to Episcopius<a name="FNanchor_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a>. "I think, says
+he to him, that you would do well to confute those who with Cassander
+believe that one may disapprove the errors of the Romish Church, and yet
+not be obliged to separate from her communion. Two points especially
+appear to me to deserve discussion: the first is, whether an action
+lawful in itself, as the adoration during the time of the supper,
+ceaseth to be so on account of the error of the Ministers of the Church,
+who would have this adoration referred to the visible signs."</p>
+
+<p>In process of time he departed from the manner of speaking at least of
+the Ministers. He acknowledged<a name="FNanchor_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> that in the Eucharistical bread some
+change is made, which the ancient Latin Church called Transfiguration,
+and the modern Transubstantiation: when Jesus Christ, being
+sacramentally present, favours us with his substance, as the Council of
+Trent speaks, the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in their
+place succeed the body and blood of Christ.</p>
+
+<p>It is certain that he did not approve of the sentiments of the
+Calvinists concerning the Eucharist: he reproached them with their
+contradictions<a name="FNanchor_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a>. "The Disciples of Calvin, says he, speak very
+differently <a name="Page_292" id="Page_292"></a>on this subject in their Confessions and in their disputes:
+you will hear them say in their confessions, that they really,
+substantially, and essentially partake of Christ's body and his blood;
+in their disputes they maintain that Christ is received only spiritually
+by faith. The ancients go much farther, admitting a real incorporation
+of Jesus Christ with us, and the reality of Christ's natural body, as
+St. Hilarius speaks."</p>
+
+<p>Thus Grotius was persuaded the term <i>transubstantiation</i>, adopted by the
+Council of Trent, was capable of a good interpretation<a name="FNanchor_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a>: but it is
+not clear however, that, though he admitted the expressions used by the
+Catholic Church, he was of her opinion. After approving the term
+transubstantiation, he adds<a name="FNanchor_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a>, "And because what is spiritual among
+the Jews is called real, the terms really, substantially, and
+essentially, are used in the Protestant Confessions, and by their
+Doctors." It is plain from what he subjoins, that he sought rather to
+unite different sentiments by means of equivocal expressions, than by an
+exact Creed, which might be susceptible of only one sense. "We must not
+condemn, says he, those who assure us that the Eucharist is but the sign
+of the body of Jesus Christ, since St. Augustine, with several other
+Fathers, speak in this manner; and the sacrament is defined to be the
+visible sign of an invisible grace."</p>
+
+<p>He made a draught of a kind of Formulary, in which the Catholics and
+Protestants were to join: it was this. "We believe that in the use of
+the supper we truly, really, and substantially, that is to say, in its
+proper substance, receive the true body and the true blood of Jesus
+Christ in a spiritual and ineffable manner." Grotius informs us that
+this formulary was approved of by the Roman Catholic Doctors and by
+Protestants: which is not surprising of the Catholics, since the
+expressions he employs, <a name="Page_293" id="Page_293"></a>when taken in their natural sense, comprehend
+the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church: it is more surprising of the
+Protestants; but it must be observed that Calvin himself said<a name="FNanchor_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a>, that
+under the Eucharistical signs we receive truly the body and blood of
+Jesus Christ; that Christ's flesh is distributed in this sacrament; that
+it enters into us; that we are partakers not only of Christ's spirit,
+but also of his flesh; that we have its proper substance, and are made
+partakers of it; that whole Christ is united to us, and therefore is
+united to us in body and spirit, that we must not question our receiving
+his proper body, and that if there is any man upon earth who sincerely
+acknowledges this truth, it is he.</p>
+
+<p>These expressions of Calvin were certainly favourable to the opinion of
+the Roman Catholics: he found himself obliged to make use of such terms,
+because they had been so long authorised, that he was afraid of
+appearing desirous to change the ancient doctrine; but the sense he gave
+them took away their force. The Protestants whom Grotius consulted,
+agreeable to the opinion of their Master, thought the expression,
+substantial presence, might be reconciled with their confession of
+faith; which, denying the real presence, teaches that Christ is united
+to us only in a figure in the sacrament, and in spirit by faith.</p>
+
+<p>Though Grotius believed that one receives substantially Jesus Christ in
+the use of the supper, there is no proof of his admitting the real
+presence in the sense of the Council of Trent: for, besides that his
+Formulary scarce makes stronger mention of it than Calvin, he seems not
+to condemn those who admitted only the sign of Christ's body: an
+indulgence which will never be approved of by a Roman Catholic.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> Ep. 181. p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> Via ad pacem art. x. p. 619. &amp; 642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> Votum pro pace, p. 687.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> Animad. in Animad. art. x. p. 642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> Via, p. 619.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> Variations, l. 9. p. 37.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXXI">XXI.</a> He justifies the decision of the Council of Trent concerning the
+number of the sacraments in <a name="Page_294" id="Page_294"></a>his works against Rivetus. "The word
+sacrament, though sometimes taken in a more general signification, may
+nevertheless, says he<a name="FNanchor_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a>, be understood in a more limited one of these
+seven external signs, which are designed for the good of our souls, and
+more distinctly mentioned in Scripture; Baptism in St. Matthew xxviii.
+19. Confirmation, Acts viii. 17. Penance, Matthew xvi. 19. the
+Eucharist, Matthew xxvi. 26. Ordination, 1 Tim. iv. 22. Extreme Unction,
+Mark vi. 13. James v. 14. and Marriage; Ephes. v. 32."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> Rivet. Apol. discussio, p. 698.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXXII">XXII.</a> In the examination of the other articles, which divide the Roman
+Catholics from the Protestants, Grotius continued to lean towards the
+Romish Church. In 1638 he acknowledges in a letter to Corvinus<a name="FNanchor_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a>,
+that pious and able men, who were well disposed towards the Protestants,
+owned they were mistaken in the decision of the principal controversies
+between the Protestants and the Romish Church.</p>
+
+<p>After the year 1640 he took no offence at the use of images in churches,
+and prayers for the dead. He writes to his brother this year<a name="FNanchor_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a>, "The
+Lutherans have images, and there are some in several places of England.
+Montaigue and others have proved that it is not idolatry to have
+recourse to the prayers of the Apostles and Martyrs."</p>
+
+<p>He explains himself afterwards much more strongly in favour of the
+Romish Church. He was persuaded<a name="FNanchor_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> that the Cherubims of Moses clearly
+shewed that images were not forbid. "The honour due to Martyrs, says he,
+in his <i>Via ad pacem</i><a name="FNanchor_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a>, is much greater than what we owe to living
+Saints, because the Apocalypse tells us, that the Martyrs reign with
+Jesus Christ: there is therefore no harm in publicly testifying our
+esteem for them, and celebrating their memories on days set apart for
+that <a name="Page_295" id="Page_295"></a>purpose, and in the places where they suffered martyrdom. The
+Protestants acknowledge that they pray for the Church: they are in the
+wrong therefore to look on those as Idolaters; who, agreeable to the
+opinion of several ancients, think the knowledge of our wants and our
+prayers may be communicated to the Martyrs by a revelation from God, or
+by the ministry of Angels. Such, he says in another place<a name="FNanchor_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a>, as think
+it idolatry to address, the Martyrs, that they may pray for us, accuse
+St. Chrysostom, and the other holy Doctors of the Greek and Latin
+Church, of a horrible crime. For my part, I dare not do this; neither
+would I blame those who abstain from praying to the Saints. I have also
+said that true Relics of true Martyrs deserve to be respected."</p>
+
+<p>In fine, in his <i>Votum pro pace</i><a name="FNanchor_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a>, he proves by a long series of
+passages from the Fathers, that the invocation of saints was used by the
+ancient Church, and therefore cannot be treated as idolatry; that there
+is no law in the Gospel against the use of Images in Churches, that it
+cannot be said they are forbid by the law of nature, and that in the
+times of St. Ambrose and St. Augustine the relics of Martyrs were
+honoured in the Church. He defends in several places Praying for the
+Dead, which was practised in all the Churches of the East, as well as of
+the West<a name="FNanchor_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a>: he proves that the ancient Church prayed for the Dead,
+and that St. Augustine<a name="FNanchor_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> regarded the opposers of this practice as
+heretics. He maintains<a name="FNanchor_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> that every ancient liturgy has prayers for
+the Dead, and that as Tertullian relates, they were used in all the
+Churches in his time. He asserts<a name="FNanchor_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a>, that the Jews knew and admitted
+of a Purgatory. One of the articles which made most noise in the
+beginning of the grand Schism <a name="Page_296" id="Page_296"></a>in the sixteenth Century was that of
+justification, Grotius declares<a name="FNanchor_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a>, that the more he examined the
+Scriptures, the greater agreement he discovered between them and the
+tradition of the Roman Church concerning justification. He was persuaded
+that it had the same idea of the Catholic Church mentioned in the Creed,
+as the ancients entertained. He would have men submit to the decisions
+of general councils<a name="FNanchor_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a>; and maintains that a pious and peaceable man
+ought not to contradict them when their decrees are received by almost
+all the Churches, especially those which were founded by the Apostles.
+He means no doubt the Council of Trent.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius must have supposed that the Church could not err, when he
+wrote<a name="FNanchor_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a>, "The Bishops of Rome may be in an error, but they cannot
+long remain, in it, if they adhere to the universal Church." He was
+persuaded that we run no danger in embracing a doctrine taught by the
+Greek and Latin Churches<a name="FNanchor_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a>: "For, says he, the points in which these
+two Churches agree have been decided by the Apostles or by general
+Councils." He maintains that expressions tho' new, ought to be received
+in Theology<a name="FNanchor_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a>, when they are supported by the authority of General
+Councils. This was in opposition to the Protestants, who maintained that
+the term transubstantiation ought to be rejected on account of its
+novelty. He is positive that such as depart from what was practised by
+the whole Church, and confirmed by Councils<a name="FNanchor_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a>, are guilty of a most
+insolent folly, as St. Augustine said. He acknowledged the utility of
+tradition. Had he lived in the time of the Apostles he would have
+believed, he tells us, what they said, as well as what they wrote<a name="FNanchor_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a>.
+He was persuaded that the goodness of God<a name="FNanchor_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> had not <a name="Page_297" id="Page_297"></a>permitted the
+doctrine of the universal Church to be corrupted, though the manners of
+the Pastors of the Church might be reprehensible. He entertained the
+same opinion, he tells us<a name="FNanchor_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a>, concerning the authority of the Fathers
+as the illustrious Father Petavius in the Prolegomena prefixed to his
+most useful body of Divinity.</p>
+
+<p>The works of the Apostolical Fathers were, next to the Scriptures,
+Grotius's favourite study. When he heard that the Epistle of St.
+Clement, which had been long lost to the world, was published in England
+by Junius<a name="FNanchor_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a>, from a Manuscript brought from Egypt, and written about
+the time of the Council of Nice, he expressed his satisfaction to
+Descordes<a name="FNanchor_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a>, in a letter from Hamburg, dated June 1, 1633. "You gave
+me great pleasure by informing me of the discovery of the Epistle of St.
+Clement of Rome. No pains should be spared to recover those Fragments,
+which partake much of the nature of the apostolical Writings: and they
+ought not to be wholly rejected on account of interpolations: we must do
+with them as with metals, separate the dross from the pure metal. Would
+to God that Father Sirmond, or some one of his society like him, would
+give us the Epistle of Barnabas, from which there are some quotations in
+Clement of Alexandria. I remember to have heard Father Sirmond himself
+say that the Jesuits have this letter."</p>
+
+<p>St. Clement's Epistle was not sent to Grotius till after his departure
+from Hamburg, and arrival at Francfort<a name="FNanchor_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a>. He examined it immediately,
+and wrote his thoughts of it, July 17, to the famous Jerom Bignon,
+Advocate-General: After reading it over and over, he remained satisfied
+that it was the same which Photius had seen, and which St. Jerom,
+Clement of Alexandria, and before them St. Iren&aelig;us, <a name="Page_298" id="Page_298"></a>had; and which was
+written in the end of Nero's reign, or some years before that of
+Vespasian; and that it was most authentic, without the least
+interpolation. As to the second Epistle, ascribed to St. Clement, he did
+not think it written by that Pope: but at the same time did not question
+its being a work of the first Century. Grotius agrees in this with the
+most learned Critics even among the Roman Catholics<a name="FNanchor_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>He obtained a sight of St. Barnabas's<a name="FNanchor_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> Epistle, of which he was so
+desirous; but he had not the satisfaction to see it printed. Usher
+undertook to publish it in 1643; but before it was finished a fire
+consumed at Oxford what was already printed<a name="FNanchor_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a>. Two years after,
+Father Menard's edition appeared: but this was the year of Grotius's
+death. To return to his opinion concerning the points controverted
+between the Roman Catholics and Protestants: he speaks with great
+contempt of the inadmissibility<a name="FNanchor_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> of grace. His treatise <i>Of faith
+and works</i> is written against this error. He maintains that it is the
+most pernicious system that can be introduced; that it is not to be
+found in any of the Fathers; and was not so much as tolerated in ancient
+times.</p>
+
+<p>He proves that fasting was very early observed in the Church, as we may
+be convinced by reading St. Iren&aelig;us<a name="FNanchor_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a>; that Lent was always observed
+by the ancient Church; that the sign of the Cross has something
+respectable in it, and was used in the first ages, as Tertullian, and
+others after him, observe; that Virginity<a name="FNanchor_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> is a more perfect state
+than marriage, as the Fathers taught; that the Romish Church preserved
+the ancient discipline of the Western Church with regard to the celibacy
+of the Priests; that Jesus Christ <a name="Page_299" id="Page_299"></a>himself taught<a name="FNanchor_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> that such as
+lived in celibacy were more proper for the ecclesiastical functions;
+that the African Church agreed in this point with that of Rome; and
+that, besides, the Romish Church did not refuse to communicate with
+Churches which permitted Priests to marry. Of all the religious orders
+he approved most of the congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory, and
+the institution of the Jesuits, because the first retired when they
+pleased; and the others might leave the society with permission of their
+Superiors.</p>
+
+<p>In fine, he speaks of the Council of Trent with great respect. "Those,
+he says<a name="FNanchor_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a>, who shall read its Decrees with a mind disposed to peace,
+will find that every thing is wisely explained in them, and agreeable to
+what is taught by the Scriptures and the ancient Fathers, as may be seen
+by the passages cited in the margin."</p>
+
+<p>Such as were displeased with these pacific sentiments, objected to him
+that he had formerly thought otherwise. Laurentius wrote a piece on this
+subject, which is mentioned by Grotius in a letter to his brother<a name="FNanchor_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a>,
+"Laurentius, says he, objects to me that what I have formerly written
+contradicts my later works: however, if they be examined by the true
+rules of criticism, no such contradiction will be found. Farther, if, as
+I have advanced in years, conversation with able men, and a more perfect
+examination, have made me change my sentiments, I ought not on that
+account to be accused of inconstancy, no more than St. Augustin, who
+retracted many things." He again touches on this point in his <i>Votum pro
+pace</i><a name="FNanchor_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a>. "If in my youth, says he, having less knowledge than now,
+the prejudices of education, or a blind attachment to authors of same,
+carried me too great lengths, shall I not be <a name="Page_300" id="Page_300"></a>permitted at present, when
+I am old, to adopt more reasonable sentiments, after long enquiry and a
+renunciation of all party spirit?"</p>
+
+<p>It is not surprising that after such a declaration the zealous Clergy
+sought to render him odious. They printed a book against him, under the
+title of <i>Grotius papista</i><a name="FNanchor_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a>. It is certain that he gave the
+preference to the Roman Catholic religion above all the others, and it
+has even been reported that he promised to M. Bignon, before leaving
+Paris, to declare himself openly a Roman Catholic<a name="FNanchor_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a>. It has also been
+said that M. Arnaud asserted, that he was informed by a man of honour,
+who had it from M. Bignon, that Grotius, on setting out for Sweden,
+declared to this last Gentleman, that as soon as he came back he would
+make profession of the Roman Catholic Religion. The Jesuits have
+published a Flemish book under the title of the <i>Testament of
+Grotius</i><a name="FNanchor_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a>, in which they advance that he was ready to turn Roman
+Catholic: the Author of <i>Vindici&aelig; Grotian&aelig;</i> has pretended to confute
+this assertion by some passages in Grotius's earlier works: but his
+reasoning must appear absurd, since it was only in the latter part of
+his life that he preferred the Romish Religion. A Protestant, who could
+not deny that Grotius gave the preference to the Roman Catholic
+religion, has ventured to advance, that it was perhaps with a view to be
+made a Cardinal: this wretched conjecture is Osiander's; but besides
+that Grotius had a wife of whom he was very fond, he was a man incapable
+of embracing an opinion from motives of interest.</p>
+
+<p>It is very certain that Grotius was most intimate with Father Petau, who
+cultivated his friendship (as this learned Jesuit tells us himself in
+one of his letters) in hopes of bringing him to an open profession of
+the Roman Catholic faith. This gave M. Varlois occasion <a name="Page_301" id="Page_301"></a>to say, in his
+elogium of Father Petau<a name="FNanchor_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a>, "What did he not do to gain over the
+illustrious Grotius to the Catholic Religion? He did not dislike us, he
+was even almost one of us, since he publicly declared his acceptance of
+the doctrine of the Council of Trent. One thing only was wanting to him,
+to resort to our Churches, which he only deferred till he could bring
+many with him to the unity of the Catholic faith." Father Briet says
+much the same in his <i>Annals of the World</i> for the year 1645. "This year
+died Hugo Grotius, the honour and glory of men of learning: his
+intention was to die a Catholic, but he wanted time; for, as he assured
+me, he believed as we do."</p>
+
+<p>We read in the <i>Menagiana</i><a name="FNanchor_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a>, that when Grotius's death was known at
+Paris, Father Petau, persuaded that he was a Catholic at heart, said
+mass for his soul: it was even reported at that time, if we may believe
+the compiler of those Anecdotes, that Grotius wanted to declare himself
+before his journey to Sweden, but was advised by Father Petau to go
+there first, and return afterwards to Paris to settle, and fulfil his
+resolution. It is improbable that such a zealous Catholic as Father
+Petau would advise Grotius to defer for a moment the edification of all
+the Catholics by his return to the Church; but it is certain that Father
+Petau said mass for his friend. The tradition of this fact is preferred
+among the Jesuits, and there are people of credit alive who remember to
+have heard it affirmed for certain by Father Harduin and M. Huet Bishop
+of Avranches<a name="FNanchor_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>As Grotius's religion was a problem to many, Menage wrote an Epigram on
+this occasion, the sense of which is, that as many different sects
+claimed his religion, as there were towns which contended for the birth
+of Homer:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302"></a>
+<span class="i1">Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Salamis, Argos, Athen&aelig;,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Siderei certant vatis de patri&acirc; Homeri:<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Grotiad&aelig; certant de religione Socinus,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> Ep. 966. p. 434.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> Ep. 489. p. 894.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a> Ep. 622. p. 943.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> Via ad pacem, p. 623, art. xx.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> Animad. in animad. ad. ar. 19. p. 645.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> P. 705.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> Via ad pacem, p. 626.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> Votum pro pace, p. 916.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Animad. in animad. p. 646.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> Via ad pacem, p. 626. Animad. in anim. p. 646</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> Ep. 622. p. 943.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> Votum pro pace, p. 727.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> Ep. 613. p. 940.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> Ep. 668. p. 957.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> Via ad pacem art. 1. p. 615.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> Art. 7. p. 617.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> Via ad pacem, p. 628. Anim. in anim. p. 647. Votum pro
+pace, p. 724.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Anim. in anim. p. 642.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> Votum pro pace, p. 681.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> Tillem. t. 2. p. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> Ep. 318. p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> Ep. 357. p. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> Tillemont, t. 2. n. 13. p. 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> Ep. 391. p. 866.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> Fabric. Bib. Gr&aelig;c. l. 4. p. 174. tom. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Anim. in anim. p. 649.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Via ad pacem, p. 617.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> Votum pro pace, p. 750.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> Matt. xix. 12. 1 Cor. vii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> Votum pro pace, p. 682.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> Ep. 647. p. 951.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> P. 702.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> Ep. 615. p. 944.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> Sent. des Theolog. de Hollande, p. 393. Menagiana, t. 2.
+p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> Vin. Grot. p. 506.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> Vin. Grot. p. 505.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> Tom. 4. p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> See Vie du P. Petau, Niceron, t. 37. p. 159.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_302a" id="Page_302a"></a><a name="BkVISecXXIII">XXIII.</a> That which contributed to the removal of Grotius's prejudices
+against the Catholic Church was undoubtedly the project he had formed of
+reconciling all the different parties which divide Christendom. He saw
+well the necessity of having the Catholics on his side; and he flattered
+himself that having gained them, he would easily bring over the rest. M.
+Huet did not think such a project absolutely chimerical<a name="FNanchor_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a>: "The
+religious differences, says he, which have long disturbed the peace of
+Christians, are not impossible to be accommodated. If the parties would
+set about it sincerely, without obstinacy or private interest, they
+would soon find ways of accommodation; but some of all parties are so
+warm, that they censure such of their own party as seek to accommodate
+differences, with no less severity than they do their adversaries. With
+what presumptuous rigour did Rivetus the Minister treat Grotius for
+proposing the means of peace? Grotius, in a modest answer, humbles his
+pride without naming him; humorously pointing him out by that title
+taken from Catullus<a name="FNanchor_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>, <i>Adversus quemdam opaca quem facit bonum
+barba</i>."</p>
+
+<p>M. Bayle differed from M. Huet concerning the attempt to unite the
+different religions: he thinks it as great a chimera as the Philosophers
+stone, or the quadrature of the circle. The truth is, to hope for
+success in such a project, one must suppose in all men a sincere love of
+truth, and a readiness to renounce <a name="Page_303" id="Page_303"></a>their prejudices, good
+understandings, and upright hearts.</p>
+
+<p>In this undertaking one essential thing, which must not be forgot, is,
+that if the Catholic Church, by a condescendance worthy of her charity
+and her desire that all men should come to the knowledge of the truth,
+should remit some point of her discipline, she cannot shew this
+indulgence with regard to any tenet condemned by the Council of Trent,
+without betraying her principles: there is therefore only one way of
+reunion, namely, that those who separated from the Catholic Church
+acknowledge that they have no argument that can justify their schism,
+and humbly praying to be received into the bosom of their mother, seek
+to obtain this favour by sacrificing their errors.</p>
+
+<p>It was very common in the last age for men to busy themselves in finding
+out ways of reconciliation between the Protestants and Roman Catholics:
+the Reformed set about it; and I cannot forbear relating here the
+extravagance of Cregutius, Minister of Montelemar, who in a small
+treatise, which I have in Manuscript, on the question, Whether an union
+with the Romish Church is to be hoped for or not? decides it in the
+affirmative, provided (says he) the Church of Rome begin with renouncing
+the doctrine of transubstantiation: of which he doth not despair.
+Grotius with more good sense laboured from his youth in the grand
+project of reconciling all the parties into which Christians are
+divided. His good intentions were known to Europe before his escape from
+Louvestein: Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, complimented him on his
+design. "God, says he, has ordered it so that you should owe your
+deliverance entirely to him, to the end that being delivered from
+worldly distractions, you may employ the rare talents with which he has
+entrusted you, in promoting that work which is no doubt most agreeable
+to him, namely the common peace of Christendom by a reunion of <a name="Page_304" id="Page_304"></a>all the
+members which have separated from their spiritual mother, in whom they
+or their fathers were conceived. And for as much as it is the thing
+which many men of honour expect<a name="FNanchor_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> from you, I cannot forbear
+rejoicing with them, and accelerating by my applause such a happy
+course." Grotius's answer confirmed the Keeper of the Seals in the idea
+he had entertained. "God is my witness, says he, how much I am afflicted
+when I compare the first ages of the Church with our unhappy times, in
+which the people, differing in articles of faith, have divided into
+factions, and thereby given occasion to wars of which even the nations
+of the heathen would have been ashamed. There are doubtless many good
+men, who grieve to see such a great evil; and, preserving charity for
+all Christians, ardently desire to see union restored; and are disposed
+to procure this great blessing by following the Apostle's counsel, to
+bear with the infirmities of others, and extend their patience and
+candour to their utmost length: but those rigid notions, which a party
+spirit has instilled into many, is a great obstacle to the obtaining of
+this happiness. May God pour out a spirit of charity and meekness on the
+heads of the Church, on Kings and Potentates, that, surmounting every
+difficulty, they may without delay restore to the Church her primitive
+beauty, and above all a solid peace, without prejudice to truth. Many
+thousands, of whom I am one, pray without ceasing for the execution of
+this pious design, and desire nothing more than to be employed in it."</p>
+
+<p>Filled with this idea, he proposed to Lewis XIII, in his dedication <i>Of
+the Rights of War and Peace</i>, to compose the differences of the
+Churches, and direct the age in which he lived how to terminate them in
+conformity to the sentiments of that time, when all <a name="Page_305" id="Page_305"></a>allow that
+Christianity was in its purity. He imagined the alliance between France
+and England would facilitate the execution of a project worthy of such
+mighty Kings: he had it so much at heart, that he thought himself
+destined to labour in it from his mother's womb<a name="FNanchor_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a>. "It is a vocation,
+says he to his brother, which God has given me.&mdash;I have many witnesses,
+he writes to Dur&aelig;us<a name="FNanchor_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a>, who knew me in my native country, and can
+attest not only how much I have desired, but also how much I have
+laboured to lessen the disputes among Christians, in order to promote
+gradually the restoration of unity. I might even appeal to yourself, in
+relation to what has since been done both in Germany and Sweden.&mdash;I
+shall never cease, he says to his brother<a name="FNanchor_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a>, my utmost endeavours for
+establishing peace among Christians; and if I should not succeed, it
+will be honourable to die in such a pious enterprize."</p>
+
+<p>He had the consolation to be seconded in his pacific projects by Dur&aelig;us,
+a Clergyman in Sweden, with whom he cultivated a correspondence for
+advancing the coalition of Christians<a name="FNanchor_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a>. "What you labour in with so
+much zeal is precisely what I have been employed about since I began to
+have any relish for divine things. Experience teaches me how many
+difficulties we must expect both from Statesmen and Divines bigotted to
+their own opinions, and averse to those of others: but all these
+obstacles ought not to prevent our undertaking such a good work: if we
+do not succeed, we shall at least enjoy the satisfaction of having
+entertained very sublime ideas. For my part, as I have done it already,
+so I shall still continue to recommend to the High Chancellor your
+piety, your learning, your good intentions, and your zeal, to <a name="Page_306" id="Page_306"></a>which I
+ardently wish success; and the accounts of your progress from time to
+time will give me the greatest pleasure.&mdash;Dur&aelig;us's enterprize is
+attended with particular difficulties at this time, he writes to
+Berneggerus<a name="FNanchor_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a>: but things as difficult have often had a happy issue:
+besides, it affords much satisfaction to a man's conscience to have
+attempted what is highly useful, even though he should fail of success."</p>
+
+<p>Dur&aelig;us meeting with great obstacles, Grotius consoles him on that head,
+in a letter of the 21st of November, 1637. "What gives me hopes, he
+says, is your constancy, and the countenance of the High Chancellor. I
+have conferred on this subject with the two English Ambassadors, the
+Earl of Leicester and Lord Scudamore: they are of my opinion, that the
+present time, while Europe is engaged in war, is not favourable for
+convoking a general assembly of Protestants."</p>
+
+<p>Dur&aelig;us's project regarding only a union among Protestants, Daill&eacute; and
+the ablest men among the reformed Ministers approved of it, with some
+limitations: there was, however, little prospect of success<a name="FNanchor_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> on
+account of the intollerant spirit of some turbulent Ministers, such as
+Voetius.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had much higher views; he proposed nothing less<a name="FNanchor_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> than to
+reunite all Christians: in this, he said, he would not cease to labour;
+and, that it would yield him pleasure to die so well employed<a name="FNanchor_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a>; that
+he gave himself little pain about the hatred he might incur, for if men
+gave way to this fear, never any vice would be corrected.</p>
+
+<p>What encouraged him farther, in this idea, was the number of great men
+who entertained it before him. "I am not the only one who hath conceived
+this project, he writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a>: Erasmus, <a name="Page_307" id="Page_307"></a>Cassander,
+Vecelius, and Casaubon had the same design. La Miletiere is employed at
+present in it: Cardinal Richelieu declares that he will protect the
+coalition; and he is such a happy man that he never undertook any thing
+in which he did not succeed: and even if there were no hopes of success
+at present, ought we not to sow the seed which may be useful to
+posterity<a name="FNanchor_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a>? Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred among
+Christians, and render them more sociable, would not this be worth
+purchasing at the price of some labour and reproaches?"</p>
+
+<p>Arminius may likewise be numbered with those who were desirous of
+reuniting Christians<a name="FNanchor_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a>. The method he proposed was to distinguish
+fundamental points from such as were not, and leave men at liberty to
+believe or disbelieve the latter. He communicated his project to
+Casaubon, who highly approved it: but how shall men settle what articles
+are fundamental? This question is a source of endless disputes. Besides,
+they must be able to answer the Roman Catholic Divines, who, building on
+the doctrine that has been always taught, justly pretend that whatever
+has been decided to be part of that doctrine ought to be regarded as
+fundamental. Men could not help approving Grotius's intention; but even
+those, by whom he was held in the greatest esteem, had no confidence in
+the success of his project. This made him write to Baron Oxenstiern on
+the subject<a name="FNanchor_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a>. "Even if religious differences, he says, had not given
+occasion to bloody wars, I should still think it the duty of Christians
+to restore the unity; since, as the Apostle of the Gentiles tells us, we
+ought to be all members of one body. But even those, who say they desire
+it, doubt whether the thing be practicable. I know well that all schism,
+the further it has extended, and the longer it has lasted, will be more
+difficult <a name="Page_308" id="Page_308"></a>to heal; so many being employed to throw oil on the flames:
+however, there are examples of inveterate evils that have been cured in
+the Church. After the Council of Chalcedon there was a very great schism
+in the East, which continued an hundred years till the reign of
+Justinian, by whose authority, Pope Vigilius listening at last to terms
+of peace, an end was put to it. Charles V, Ferdinand, and Maximilian
+thought that the schism between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
+of the Augsbourg confession was not incurable. Melancton and other
+learned men, whose writings are still extant, were of the same opinion.
+I have heard from great men, that Henry IV. of France said that he would
+undertake to obtain, for the King of England and his Protestant allies,
+such conditions of returning to the unity of the Church, as they could
+not handsomely refuse; and that he purposed to send some of his Bishops
+into England to confer on this subject with the Prelates of that
+kingdom: but this project, which had been concerted with several great
+men, was defeated by the King's death. I believe the chief difference
+between the tenets of the Augsbourg confession and those of the Council
+of Trent lies in the ambiguity of some expressions, which are understood
+differently; but may be explained, by men of understanding and friends
+to peace, in such manner, that no difference will remain but in those
+things which may be left to the free discussions of the Learned, without
+any injury to the peace of the Church. It is evident, from the examples
+of the Maronites and Greeks, that those who communicate in both kinds,
+and use a liturgy different from that of the Romish Church, provided it
+be susceptible of a Catholic sense, even were it in the vulgar tongue,
+may be received into the communion of the Apostolical See; and likewise
+those Churches which allow the Priests to marry. What has been done in
+Sweden <a name="Page_309" id="Page_309"></a>and elsewhere, for the reformation of discipline, by suppressing
+simony and superstition, ought not only to be retained; but there is
+room to hope that when unity is restored other nations will follow this
+example, there being many among them who ardently desire, that the
+abuses which have crept in may be removed according to the ancient
+Canons. It is very difficult to render the supremacy of the Bishop of
+Rome useful, or at least not hurtful to the Church: but if one
+considers, that the Kings and Bishops of the Romish religion are as much
+concerned in this matter, as the Protestants, and reflects on the
+precautions taken in it by France and Spain, he will not despair of
+finding expedients for securing the authority of Kings, their right in
+the election of Bishops and the prerogatives of the Primates,
+Archbishops, and Bishops, agreeable to the Canons and the ancient Church
+discipline. If the Christian world could have rest from war, the Kings
+of the Romish communion, who are favourably disposed towards the
+Protestants, might prepare matters at Rome in such manner as to give
+hope of a happy issue. I grant that these things are attended with
+difficulties; but so is every great, and useful, and glorious
+undertaking; and in such a salutary work we may confide in the
+Almighty's aid."</p>
+
+<p>After this manner did Grotius write to the Swedish Plenipotentiary, in
+the end of the year 1614, handling with greater delicacy, as he wrote to
+Protestants, the nice article of the Pope's Supremacy, in favour of
+which he had spoken more strongly in the pieces he had just published.</p>
+
+<p>We learn from his first letters, that he communicated his pacific ideas
+to his father, and that he was early sensible of the great difficulties
+attending a reunion. He writes to his brother, Oct. 27, 1623<a name="FNanchor_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a>,
+<a name="Page_310" id="Page_310"></a>"What my father writes, of restoring things to the condition they were
+in before the Council of Trent, would be a great step; but
+transubstantiation, and the adoration ordained by the Lateran Council,
+and the invocation of Saints, which is received in all the liturgies,
+will be great stumbling-blocks to tender consciences."</p>
+
+<p>Some years after, he imagined that the shortest way to a coalition of
+Christians would be to reduce the articles of faith to a small number.
+"It were well, says he<a name="FNanchor_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a>, if Christians would reflect how few the
+points are, and how clearly expressed in Scripture, which constitute the
+Rule of Faith laid down by St. Iren&aelig;us and Tertullian; and as it is not
+allowed to doubt of these, the liberty left to men in others might
+contribute to the peace of the Church."</p>
+
+<p>Afterwards he went much farther. "I could wish, he says to his
+brother<a name="FNanchor_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>, Nov. 14. 1643, that Utengobard, when his health will
+permit, would write something, if he has not done it already, on the
+necessity of restoring the unity of the Church; and by what means it may
+be done. Many think that the true way would be to distinguish between
+what is necessary, and what is not; and to leave men at full liberty in
+the latter: but it is as difficult to know what is necessary, as to know
+what is true. The Scriptures, they say, are the rule: but interpreters
+vary on the passages referred to. I know not, therefore, whether it
+would not be best to adhere to the sentiments of the Catholic Church
+concerning faith and good works: for I think they hold all that is
+necessary to be believed in order to salvation. As to other articles
+which have been determined by Councils, or received by the first
+Christians, we must adopt the moderate interpretation, and such we shall
+find on every point. If any one cannot prevail with himself to be silent
+in relation to <a name="Page_311" id="Page_311"></a>things, of which he has no certainty, but will disturb
+the unity of the Church, instead of labouring to restore it, matters
+will proceed from bad to worse."</p>
+
+<p>Sometimes Grotius imagined he should succeed. Nov. 23, 1641, he writes
+to Gerard Vossius<a name="FNanchor_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a>, that Codurus, Justellus, and Melitiere, three of
+the most learned Protestants, had thanked him for what he had written on
+the Consultation of Cassander. "I perceive, says he to his brother, by
+conversing with the men of most learning among the Reformed, and
+explaining my sentiments to them, that they are of my opinion: their
+number will increase if my treatises are dispersed; in which, I can
+truly affirm, I have said nothing from a party spirit, but followed
+truth as closely as I could."</p>
+
+<p>He writes to his father<a name="FNanchor_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a>, that he was not without hopes of some good
+effect from his incessant labours to restore peace to Christendom. "That
+day will at length shine forth, of which we now perceive the dawn: for
+many great, pious, and learned men, of both parties, begin to see how
+unreasonable it is to neglect the reformation of manners while we are
+framing new tenets, and censuring old ones, which require only a good
+comment. This excellent design I recommend to your prayers; it was you
+gave me the first hint of it."</p>
+
+<p>He writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a>, June 15, 1641, "I have received a visit
+from some Catholic Counsellors of State, and Codurus the clergyman, who
+expect the coalition will quickly take place, and pay great regard to my
+opinion. May the God of peace direct the whole to the advancement of
+truth and piety."</p>
+
+<p>He received the agreeable account, that the pieces he had written to
+promote the coalition were approved <a name="Page_312" id="Page_312"></a>of in Denmark, Sweden, England,
+Germany, and Poland.</p>
+
+<p>He imagined several Catholics entered into his views. Divers doctors of
+the Sorbonne, he said<a name="FNanchor_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a>, thanked him for the remarks he wrote on the
+Consultation of Cassander. "The ablest men among the Catholics think
+what I have done, he tells his brother<a name="FNanchor_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a>, is written with great
+freedom and moderation, and approve of it."</p>
+
+<p>"We ought not, he says in another letter<a name="FNanchor_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a>, to regard only the
+present age, but posterity also: yet I find some people who think they
+shall live to see the union restored."</p>
+
+<p>He imagined his manner of handling the controversy was approved of by
+the ablest men of the Romish Communion, and even at Rome because there
+were most great men in that city.</p>
+
+<p>For some time he entertained hopes that Cardinal Richelieu would favour
+him: Jan. 19, 1641, he writes thus to his brother<a name="FNanchor_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a>: "When my book is
+published, many Protestants will see that the reconciliation of the
+Churches is easier than they imagined: for the principal basis of the
+Reformation may subsist with the Pope's consent, provided the affair be
+managed with mildness and without giving him offence. I write this on
+good grounds: Cardinal Richelieu thinks the thing will succeed: he has
+said so to several."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had either been misinformed, or the Cardinal changed his
+language: for the former writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a>, March 24, 1642, "As
+Cardinal Richelieu speaks differently from what he did some time ago
+about the peace of the churches, I am afraid this change conceals some
+ill design against the Reformed."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313"></a>Grotius, finding at length that the project of a coalition was
+impracticable without the approbation of the Catholics, contracted an
+intimacy with Father Petau, to whom he communicated all his works
+relating to religion and the reconciliation of the churches. In a letter
+of the 3d of December, 1640, he desires him to send him his remarks on
+his works, "That, says he, by your assistance I may add, suppress, or
+correct, as shall be most necessary for promoting truth and peace. Would
+to God that I had as much genius and learning as some others: I would
+accomplish what it is great barely to attempt."</p>
+
+<p>He communicated to Father Petau the manuscript of his answer to
+Rivetus<a name="FNanchor_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a>, desiring him to point out what was not agreeable to truth,
+or had not a tendency to promote peace. "I am resolved, says he, to
+publish my answer as soon as I have your opinion, to which I pay great
+regard."</p>
+
+<p>Father Petau gives us the history of his acquaintance with Grotius, in
+his XII<sup>th</sup> letter<a name="FNanchor_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a>. "I had, says he, a great desire to see and
+converse with him; we have been long together, and very intimate. He is,
+as far as I can judge, a good man, and of great candour. I do not think
+him far from becoming a Catholic, after, the example of Holstenius, as
+you hoped: I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to
+Christ, and put him in the way of salvation."</p>
+
+<p>Father Petau mentions him again in another letter, written to Cardinal
+Francis Barberinus<a name="FNanchor_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a>. His Eminence had applied to that learned Jesuit
+for information in what state Grotius had left, at his death, his work
+on the Antiquities of Sweden. Father Petau makes him this answer. "I had
+some connection with Hugo Grotius, and I wish I could say he is now
+happy. Our love to learning began our<a name="Page_314" id="Page_314"></a> acquaintance, which I kept up in
+hopes of being useful to him. Accordingly I saw him often, and he also
+visited me, and wrote to me frequently." He concludes with assuring the
+Cardinal, that he would enquire of his widow about his work relating to
+Sweden.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's several attempts to restore the peace of Christendom made him
+be looked upon as a good man by pacific people; but they occasioned him
+much uneasiness from those, who, being obstinately attached to the
+opinions of the first Reformers, regarded all that kept any measures
+with the Romish Church as Apostates. He laid his account with
+contradictions. Feb. 23, 1641, he writes to Israel Caski<a name="FNanchor_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a>, "Those
+who had the same design that I have were generally evil-treated by both
+parties, and met with the fate of such as would separate combatants: but
+the God of peace will judge them with justice. They have also on their
+side pious and learned men, whose merit outweighs the number of the
+others.&mdash;I believe, says he to his brother<a name="FNanchor_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>, my Remarks on Cassander
+will please few, because there are not many skilled in the Scriptures
+and Antiquity: most people are bigotted to their opinions. I except
+against such Judges; I regard them not; nor have I any desire to know
+what they say. I have granted nothing to the Roman Catholics, but what
+antiquity gives them." The zealous Clergy, not content with writing
+against him themselves, every where stirred him up enemies: he speaks in
+his letters<a name="FNanchor_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> of one Seyffectus of Ulm, who, instigated by Rivetus
+and others of that party, wrote against him.</p>
+
+<p>Several learned men, who had the highest esteem and the most perfect
+friendship for Grotius, conceived a violent hatred to him on seeing him
+lean towards the Catholics. He had been extremely intimate with
+<a name="Page_315" id="Page_315"></a>Salmasius: he had received letters from him filled with the most
+expressive testimonies of friendship<a name="FNanchor_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a>; and Grotius had informed him
+of the happy change of his fortune, because he looked upon him as one of
+his best friends: they had long kept up a learned correspondence by
+letters, in which we find a reciprocal esteem and the greatest
+politeness; but when Grotius set up for a Mediator, Salmasius publicly
+declared, that he disapproved of the way of reconciliation proposed by
+Grotius<a name="FNanchor_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a>; and from that time his friendship changed into bitter
+enmity.</p>
+
+<p>Sarrau, Counsellor in the parliament of Rouen, who had been one of
+Grotius's best friends, as we may see by the letters that passed between
+them, withdrew his friendship when he thought him in the interest of the
+Romish Church. May 31, 1641, he writes<a name="FNanchor_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a>, "What is reported for
+certain, that Grotius is gone over to the Popish party, is not true: but
+with great concern we see him every day employed in something very like
+it: he will not suffer us to rank him in any class of Protestants
+whatever, because he has used them all too ill in his Treatises on
+Antichrist and the Consultation of Cassander."</p>
+
+<p>Sarrau also writes to Salmasius<a name="FNanchor_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a>, that it was publicly said these
+projects of reconciliation had set the High Chancellor and several other
+Lords against Grotius. He flattered himself, however<a name="FNanchor_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a>, that Sarrau
+approved of his project: for he writes to his brother, William Grotius,
+"Among some others of the Reformed, Sarrau, who was a Counsellor in the
+parliament of Rouen, and is at present in that of Paris, praises my
+design." But it is probable that Grotius took compliments for realities.
+It is certain that Grotius's schemes displeased Sarrau, and that there
+was a coldness between them, for the latter writes thus to Salmasius,
+Feb. 10, 1644<a name="FNanchor_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a>, "I am not reconciled <a name="Page_316" id="Page_316"></a>to the Swedish Ambassador: if
+I had an inclination to it I believe it might easily be done. The
+alteration in our friendship does not proceed from my fault, but solely
+from his plan of pacification, which I do not approve. I esteem him
+highly, on account of the great services he has done to learning; and
+shall even never cease to love him: but, far from commending or
+approving his late pieces, I am greatly dissatisfied with them: however,
+I would not have the many excellent things he has done slighted on that
+account. Every one acknowledges you to be the first man in the republic
+of letters; but it cannot be denied that he holds the second rank. You
+have no superior, nor even any equal; suffer him to be after you the
+first."</p>
+
+<p>The celebrated Schurman, whose extensive knowledge had at that time
+gained her a very high reputation, signifies to Rivetus, Jan. 20,
+1643<a name="FNanchor_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a>, the general discontent of the greater number of the Reformed
+against Grotius. "Hitherto, says she, every one had a high idea of
+Grotius's genius and erudition. But since he departed from sound reason,
+changed the object of his studies, and insulted by gross invectives the
+whole body of Protestants, and the principal authors of the reformation,
+everyone seeks for Grotius in Grotius. Nothing can be more ridiculous or
+foolish than to see a man, who neither agrees with others, nor with
+himself, as you have well shewn, undertake, without our desire or
+consent, to reconcile us with the Roman Catholics, and positively decide
+that we may, and that we ought to come into his views."</p>
+
+<p>Ruarus<a name="FNanchor_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> had predicted to Grotius himself, that he would reap no
+other fruit of his labours, than the hatred of both parties: but he was
+at the same time <a name="Page_317" id="Page_317"></a>persuaded that no worldly interest entered into
+Grotius's views, more honest in this respect than the zealous protestant
+clergy, who were ready to adopt the most gross and groundless calumnies,
+provided they were levelled against Grotius.</p>
+
+<p>So much contradiction chagrined him greatly, and altered his
+temper<a name="FNanchor_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a>: by seeking to establish peace among men, he lost the
+tranquility of his own mind, which he had preserved in his deepest
+adversity. It is said he became suspicious, and peevish, and lost that
+politeness towards his friends, which had so advantageously
+distinguished him from other men of learning. It is even reported (but
+by one of his enemies, indeed) that one day he abused M. du Puis in his
+[Grotius's] own house, and turned him out of doors, for presuming to
+contradict him<a name="FNanchor_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a>. Yet it is evident from his letters, that he was
+most intimate with the two illustrious brothers, Mess. du Puis, and was
+under high obligations to them. "You have always been my best friends
+(he writes to them, Nov. 19, 1633<a name="FNanchor_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a>) and almost my only ones since
+Rigaut went to Metz, Salmasius to Leyden, and Tilenus died."</p>
+
+<p>A letter to his brother<a name="FNanchor_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a>, Nov. 1, 1641, clearly shews the change of
+his temper. Blondius having used Reigersberg, Grotius's friend and
+relation, very ill, he writes to his brother William: "If Blondius
+should speak to you, tell him I have a son here, who will send him a
+challenge, for affronting the Senator Reigersberg." This menace, which
+seemed to be an approbation of duelling, much surprised William Grotius,
+who had read in the <i>Rights of War and Peace</i><a name="FNanchor_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a>, that this doctrine
+was clearly condemned by the gospel. Grotius proves in another part of
+the same book, "That honour being nothing but <a name="Page_318" id="Page_318"></a>the opinion we have of
+our distinguishing qualities, he who bears with a slight injury, thereby
+discovers a patience above the common; and thus, instead of lessening
+his honour, adds to it; and that if some people, from a wrong judgment,
+bestow improper epithets on this virtue and turn it into ridicule; these
+wrong judgments change not the nature of the thing, nor lessen its real
+value. This has not only been acknowledged by the first Christians, but
+by the ancient Philosophers, who, as we have elsewhere shewn, ascribed
+an impatient resentment of insults to meanness of soul. Should any one
+even publish things capable of hurting us with good men, that will not
+authorise us to kill him. If there are authors who maintain the
+contrary, it is an erroneous opinion which clasheth even with the
+principles of natural law: for killing the person who attacks our
+reputation is a bad way of defending it." Thus Grotius thought in his
+best days. We have enlarged on this head, to shew into what
+contradiction, and excess of weakness, great men may fall. William
+Grotius was no doubt astonished at his brother's vivacity, and probably
+gave him some check for it; for Grotius afterwards writes to him, "What
+I wrote to you, relating to my son and Blondius, I did it not because I
+approved of such things, but because that or something worse might
+happen."</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> Huetiana, S. 16. p. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> M. Huet is mistaken: it was not Rivetus whom Grotius
+meant by this verse of Catullus, but Laet.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> See <i>Votum pro pace</i>, p. 744.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> Ep. 534. A matris visceribus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> Ep. 1471. p. 666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> Ep 383. p. 804.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> Ep. 801. p. 357.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> Ep. 835. p 367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> Ep. 411. p. 871.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> Ep. 477. p. 890.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> Ep. 487. p. 894.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> Ep. 491. p. 895. &amp; 1478. p. 668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> Ep. 494. p. 896.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> Ep. pr&aelig;s. vir. p. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> Ep. 1706. p. 736.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> Ep. 60. p. 772.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> Ep. 444. p. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> Ep. 678. p. 960.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> Ep. 1538. p. 696. &amp; 573. p. 926.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> Ep. 496. p. 897.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> Ep. 551. p. 922.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> Ep. 1533. p. 696.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> Ep. 528. p. 400.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> Ep. 610. p. 938.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> Ep. 530. p. 911.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> Ep. 592. p. 934.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> Ep. 1569. p. 708. See also Ep. 1576. p. 710.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> P. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> L. 3. ep. 9. p. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> Ep. 1478. p. 668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> Ep. 595. p. 929.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> Ep. 637. p. 948.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> Ep. 260. p. 88. Ep. 265. p. 99. &amp; 368. p. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> Ep. 525. p. 908.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> Ep. 42. p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> Ep. 83. p. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> Ep. 579. p. 930.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> Ep. 111. p. 110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> Ep. p. 203.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> Cent. 2. p. 448.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> See a letter from Henry Villeneuve, p. 345, after the
+treatise <i>Of the truth of the Christian religion</i>, by M. Le Clerc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> Osiander. Vind. Grot. p. 464.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> Ep. 333. p. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> Ep. 572. p. 928.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> L. 2. c. 1.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_318a" id="Page_318a"></a><a name="BkVISecXXIV">XXIV.</a> The hatred, which his projects of reconciliation drew upon him,
+contributed to the revival of the invidious accusation of Socinianism,
+which had been formerly laid against him: they founded it on his silence
+concerning the Trinity in his treatise <i>Of the truth of the Christian
+religion</i>, on his praises of Crellius, his connection with the
+Socinians, and, in fine, on his setting aside, or weakening several
+passages which established Christ's divinity, particularly that in which
+it is said, that Christ was before Abraham; Grotius explaining it with
+the Socinians of Christ's existence in the eternal decrees of God.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319"></a>It was not only his declared enemies, such as Desmarets, Osiander, and
+many others, that wanted to make him pass for a Socinian: some
+celebrated Roman Catholics, among whom we may number M. Bossuet,
+maintained that he was a favourer of Socinianism.</p>
+
+<p>It is true he did not always express himself with the greatest
+exactness, and sometimes enlarged more on the necessity of good works,
+than on that of regulating our faith according to the decisions of the
+Church<a name="FNanchor_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a>: but besides that his expressions are susceptible of a
+favourable sense, it is evident that there are several tenets, the
+belief of which he thought necessary for salvation: this manifestly
+appears from the detail he enters into concerning these doctrines in his
+later works.</p>
+
+<p>If even some mistakes have escaped him, of which the Socinians might
+take advantage, these will not authorise us to accuse him of being a
+favourer of that heresy. We know that never any carried a love to truth,
+or an abhorrence of falsehood, farther than he did: now he always
+expressed the greatest aversion to Socinianism: he writes to Gerard
+Vossius<a name="FNanchor_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a>, in 1613, that there was no body of any authority in the
+republic, who held not Socinianism in abhorrence. He wrote against
+Socinus the book entitled <i>A defence of the Catholic faith concerning
+Christ's satisfaction against Faustus Socinus of Siena</i>, in which he
+proves that there is nothing contrary to justice in Christ's suffering,
+though innocent, for offenders; that even the Pagans believed that God
+punished the crimes of the fathers on the sons; and that, in the early
+ages of the world, the innocent children were often punished with the
+guilty fathers. In fine, he shews that the opinion of Socinus is
+repugnant to Scripture, which tells us that Christ's death has
+reconciled us to God, according to the <a name="Page_320" id="Page_320"></a>expressions of St. Paul, that he
+died for us, and that by his death our sins are expiated.</p>
+
+<p>He was very orthodox on the article of original sin; for, he says, the
+only true opinion on this matter is that of the ancient Church, which is
+well set forth by the Council of Trent.</p>
+
+<p>The Socinians were far from thinking Grotius so favourable to them:
+Ruarus writes to one of his friends, "You have reason to think, that
+hitherto no body has written so learnedly against Socinus, as Grotius:
+he was always much attached to the doctrine of Christ's divinity, even
+in his earlier years." Grotius wrote to Wal&aelig;us<a name="FNanchor_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a>, in 1611, "I do not
+look upon the Samosatenians, and others, like them, as Christians, nor
+even as heretics; for their doctrine is repugnant to the belief of all
+ages, and all nations. They retain Christianity in name, but destroy it
+in fact. I therefore make no great difference between them and the
+Mahometans, who even do not revile Christ." M. Bossuet, tho' far from
+being prejudiced in favour of Grotius, allows however that he did not
+deny the divinity of Christ, nor the efficacy of his sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p>In several of his letters he clears himself from the charge of
+Socinianism in such a manner as leaves us no room to doubt his regarding
+it as a very dangerous heresy. "I give myself little trouble, he writes
+to his brother<a name="FNanchor_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a>, June 4, 1639, about the calumnies spread against me
+by the worst of men, in relation to Socinianism. They may be easily
+confuted before equitable judges by the writings which I have already
+published, and by those I shall yet publish. I have defended the
+sentiments of the ancient Church concerning the Trinity, Christ's
+satisfaction, and future punishments, by Scripture and the consent of
+antiquity; and have confuted the contrary <a name="Page_321" id="Page_321"></a>opinions. Calvin might more
+justly be<a name="FNanchor_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> accused of Arianism, than I of Socinianism." Sorbiere,
+who had been his Secretary; discovering a great propensity to some
+opinions of Socinus, Grotius earnestly admonished him<a name="FNanchor_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> to abstain
+from such dangerous innovation.</p>
+
+<p>One of the principal grounds on which they went, was, as we have already
+seen, his silence concerning the Trinity, in his book <i>Of the truth of
+the Christian religion</i>: but he has justified his method in such a
+manner, that this objection cannot be sustained by an equitable judge:
+he seems to have foreseen it; for, writing to his brother from his
+prison at Louvestein whilst he was composing this treatise in Dutch
+verse, "My intention, he says, is not to explain the doctrines of
+Christianity, but to make the profane, the Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans
+acknowledge the truth of the Christian religion, and afterwards have
+recourse to our sacred books to be informed of its tenets. The Trinity,
+and Christ's divinity could not be introduced into my arguments; for
+these doctrines will never bring over unbelievers to the Christian
+faith, and those who attempt to demonstrate them by other arguments than
+such as are drawn from scripture, absolutely lose their labour: but the
+authority of the scriptures being once established, these doctrines
+ought to be held proved." He omitted therefore all mention of these
+points, not because he disbelieved them, but because he judged it more
+proper to prove first the divinity of the sacred books, and the mission
+of Christ: and, as we have already observed, the same method has been
+followed by the most successful writers on the Truth of Christianity.</p>
+
+<p>He has been much reproached with his letter to Crellius. Grotius had
+written against Socinus, and Crellius, to vindicate his master, answered
+Grotius <a name="Page_322" id="Page_322"></a>with a politeness and good-breeding seldom found in a polemical
+divine. Grotius thought it his duty to reply to him, and the measures he
+kept with this adversary were looked on by his enemies as a betraying of
+the truth. Here follows the letter, which has been so much talked of. "I
+was so far from being offended, most learned Crellius, with your book
+against mine that I inwardly thanked you at that time, and now do it by
+this letter, first, for treating me with so much civility, that the only
+thing I have left to complain of is your complimenting me in some places
+too much: next for informing me of many very useful and entertaining
+things, and exciting me by your example, to examine thoroughly into the
+sense of the sacred scriptures: you judge very rightly of me, that I
+bear no ill-will to any one who differs from me, without prejudice to
+religion; nor decline the friendship of any good man. I have found in
+your book of the True Religion, which I have already gone through, and
+shall read again, many judicious remarks: and I congratulate the present
+age, that there are men in it who make religion consist, not so much in
+subtle controversies as in amendment of life and a continual progress in
+holiness. God grant that my writings may produce these sentiments in the
+minds of my readers: I should then think my life not spent in vain. The
+treatise on the truth of the Christian religion I wrote more for my own
+satisfaction, than for the instruction of others. I don't see how it can
+be useful, after so many other works on the same subject, but by its
+brevity. If there be any thing in it that pleases you, or such as you,
+it is a happiness beyond my expectation. My great aim, in the <i>Rights of
+War and Peace</i>, was to suppress, as much as was in my power, that savage
+barbarity unworthy not only of a Christian, but of a man, which, to the
+misfortune of nations, is now too common, of beginning and carrying on
+wars by caprice. I <a name="Page_323" id="Page_323"></a>hear with pleasure that this work has got into the
+hands of Princes: God grant they may retain what is good in it; for that
+would be the most agreeable fruit I could reap from my labour. If ever
+any occasion should offer of serving you, of your friends, be assured
+that I shall be ready to give you proofs of my high esteem. Since I can
+do no more, I sincerely pray that God would protect you, and those who
+promote religion."</p>
+
+<p>There is another letter from Grotius to Crellius, which has made much
+noise. After thanking him for a book he had sent him, he adds, "I am
+resolved to read your works again and again with care, having already
+reaped much benefit from them. I have always loved peace, and love it
+still; and am grieved to see so much enmity between those, who call
+themselves Christians, for such trifling matters<a name="FNanchor_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a>."</p>
+
+<p>Crellius having shewn these letters to several, the Socinians and
+Grotius's enemies spread a report, that he favoured Socinianism: even
+extracts of these letters were printed. He protested against the abuse
+made of them, and maintained<a name="FNanchor_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> that if people would candidly read his
+works, they would easily be convinced of the injustice of ranking him
+with Socinians.</p>
+
+<p>It is certain, that, notwithstanding the terms which he makes use of in
+writing to Crellius, he did not at bottom approve of his book: he writes
+thus in confidence to his brother<a name="FNanchor_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a>, "I have read Crellius's book: he
+writes with candour, and doth not want learning; but I cannot see how he
+will promote religion by departing from the Scripture manner of speaking
+authorised by antiquity."</p>
+
+<p>"If I have not answered Crellius, he says in another letter<a name="FNanchor_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a>, it was
+for prudential reasons, and even by <a name="Page_324" id="Page_324"></a>the advice of the Protestants of
+France, who think that the questions being unknown in this country,
+ought not to be made public by a confutation. It is easy to refute them
+with glory, though every one is not capable of it: but, it is still
+better that they should remain unknown." He speaks, in the same letter,
+of Socinus as a man very little versed in the sentiments of antiquity,
+and whose errors he had confuted in many of his works. "Must I also
+excuse myself, he asks, for not shutting my door against Martinus
+Ruarus, who desired to see me? The time was not lost that I spent in
+conversing with him, nor am I sorry for his visit. I acquainted him with
+my reasons for enquiring into the opinions of the ancient Churches, and
+for following them: I shewed him that the doctrine of satisfaction was
+no ways contrary to reason, even in the judgment of the Jews, and
+brought him some signal proofs of it. I did not conceal what violence it
+was to the Scripture, and of how dangerous consequence, to deny the
+eternity of hell torments; and I flatter myself I advanced more with
+him, than those would have done who abound in reproaches; nor do I see
+why I should abstain from writing to him, when I find the pillars of the
+Greek Church corresponding by letters even with Pagans. For my part, I
+am resolved and accustomed to preserve friendship for all men,
+particularly Christians, although erring; and I shall never blush at
+it."</p>
+
+<p>He advances almost the same reasons to clear himself from the charge of
+Socinianism, in a long letter to Gerard Vossius<a name="FNanchor_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a>, of which we shall
+make no extract to avoid repetitions.</p>
+
+<p>In fine, those who knew Grotius best have defended him on this head. The
+celebrated Jerom Bignon, who lived in much intimacy with him, could not
+bear to <a name="FNanchor_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325"></a>hear him accused of Socinianism: he said he knew him
+perfectly, and so far from being a Socinian, he had sometimes seen him
+almost in a disposition to turn Roman Catholic. His intimate connection
+with Father Petau, whose zeal for the orthodox faith was equal to his
+profound learning, is a clear evidences that the Jesuit did not think
+him a Socinian. No man was more exposed than Grotius to groundless
+accusations. An anonymous piece was written against him, accusing him of
+being a Semi-Pelagian: he did not think proper to publish a defence; but
+he mentions this accusation in a letter to his brother<a name="FNanchor_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> of the 29th
+of May, 1618. "In my treatise <i>De ordinum Hollandi&aelig; pietate</i>, I have
+mentioned Semi-Pelagianism as a very grievous error. The sentiments of
+the Remonstrants are very different from Semi-Pelagianism, for the
+Priests of Marseilles, who were called Semi-Pelagians, or the remains of
+the Pelagians, in speaking of the necessity of grace, denied that grace
+preceded good motions in the foul, at least in some men: the
+Remonstrants, on the contrary, maintain, that all that is spiritually
+good in us, even the beginning of it flows from antecedent grace.
+Consult the Synod of Orange, by which the Priests of Marseilles were
+confuted. But those that believe predestination is a consequence of
+prescience, or that grace is given to all men, or in fine that it may be
+refilled, are certainly not Semi-Pelagians."</p>
+
+<p>They carried their calumnies so far, as even to accuse him of Judaism.
+We read in the <i>Patiniana</i><a name="FNanchor_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> that M. Bignon, Advocate-General,
+affirmed that Grotius had acknowledged, if he would change his religion,
+he would turn Jew. John Mallet, in his book <i>Of Atheism</i><a name="FNanchor_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> has not
+only advanced that Grotius judaised in his Commentary on the Prophets,
+but that <a name="Page_326" id="Page_326"></a>if he had lived much longer he would have become a Turk.</p>
+
+<p>Even the immortality of the soul, said others, he did not believe<a name="FNanchor_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a>:
+this ridiculous tale is grounded on these words of the <i>Chevreana</i><a name="FNanchor_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a>:
+"Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, formerly told me, that having asked
+the celebrated Grotius, whether the immortality of the soul could be
+demonstrated, he answered, Not well, my Lord; not well."</p>
+
+<p>It is universally known that these books in <i>Ana</i> are of little
+authority. We must be informed of all the circumstances of this
+pretended conversation before we can determine Grotius's meaning: one
+thing is certain, that he has proved the immortality of the soul by
+arguments drawn from reason in his treatise <i>On the Truth of the
+Christian Religion</i><a name="FNanchor_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> Theological works.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> Ep. 20. p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> Ep. 14. p. 5. See also Oper. Theol. t. 3. p. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> Ep. 556. p. 883.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> Ep. 502. p. 884.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> Ep. 1564. p. 708.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> These expressions afterwards gave occasion to the
+accusations of Socinianism brought against Grotius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> Ep. 440. p. 880.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> Ep. 135. p. 794.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> Ep. 880. p. 387.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> Ep. 1096. p. 492.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> Menag. t. 2 p. 298.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> Ep. 19. p. 760.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> Patiniana, p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> Vind. Grot. p. 557.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> Animad. Phil. &amp; Hist. Crenii, part. 10. p. 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a> T. 1. p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a> L. 1. S. 23.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="BkVISecXXV">XXV.</a> If Grotius's merit stirred up envy, and if his projects of
+reconciliation procured him hatred, the more irreconcilable as it was
+founded on a religious pretext, he had also a great number of friends
+and judicious persons for him, who did justice to his virtue and his
+talents. We shall not enter into a detail of all the testimonies in his
+favour, they would fill a large volume: we shall confine ourselves to
+the Elogiums of those whose suffrages deserve most attention. We have
+already seen, that even when a boy he was highly extolled by the
+greatest men of his age. Isaac Pontanus, Meursius, James Gillot,
+Barl&aelig;us, John Dousa, M. de Thou, the great Scaliger, Casaubon, Vossius,
+Lipsius, Baudius, celebrated his childhood. He justified the great hopes
+that were so early conceived of him, and the praises he received were an
+additional motive to merit the public esteem. Baudius compared him to
+Scaliger<a name="FNanchor_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a>, who, he said, was his favourite author. This he wrote on
+the third of March, 1606, when Grotius was yet much under <a name="Page_327" id="Page_327"></a>age. In a
+scazon, written in his praise, he calls him <a name="FNanchor_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a>a great, an admirable,
+and an original man. "If any, says he in a letter dated October 8,
+1607<a name="FNanchor_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a>, can form a just notion of Grotius's merit, which exceeds all
+that can be said of it, I am one; and I think him equal to any office.
+Ignorant people, who judge of virtue by years and a long beard, may
+object to him his youth; but in my opinion that makes for him, since in
+his earliest youth he possesses the prudence and ripeness of
+understanding of the most aged."</p>
+
+<p>The celebrated Peyresc having made a journey into Holland in 1606, would
+not leave the Hague<a name="FNanchor_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> till he had made acquaintance with Grotius,
+already famous for universal learning. "Though he was but very young,
+says Gassendi<a name="FNanchor_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a>, when Peyresc heard of his arrival at Paris, he said,
+that France, by gaining Grotius, had a sufficient reparation for the
+loss of Scaliger; and that if some others had been the ornament of the
+age, he was the wonder of it; and it is with reason (adds M. Mesnage,
+after relating this story of Peyresc) that we still consider Grotius as
+a prodigy of learning, since he has made a greater proficiency in most
+of the sciences, than many of those who have wholly applied to one of
+them in particular."</p>
+
+<p>In the funeral Elogium of Peyresc, delivered at Rome December 2, 1637,
+mention is made of the learned men with whom he was connected. James
+Bucard, who spoke it, distinguisheth Salmasius and Grotius from the
+rest, styling them the Princes of literature and of the fine arts. We
+cannot conceive a higher idea of Grotius than the celebrated Gerard
+Vossius entertained, as appears from the beautiful poem written by him
+in honour of his friend: we <a name="Page_328" id="Page_328"></a>would give it at length if it were not too
+long, but we cannot omit the last stanza:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1"><i>Felici omine dicte magne, quid te</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i1"><i>Sol majus videt? &ocirc; decus tuorum,</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i1"><i>Delfi gloria, Patrii Deique amores,</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i1"><i>Splendor inclute, Belgices ocelle,</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i1"><i>Orbis delicium, Deique amores!</i><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>He never mentions Grotius without admiration. "He is, says he<a name="FNanchor_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a>, one
+of the greatest ornaments of our times, or rather the miracle, the
+eternal honour, of Holland, and of his age." He wrote to Meursius<a name="FNanchor_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a>,
+"If we would do him justice, there is none we can place above him, nor
+even any we can compare with him."</p>
+
+<p>Utengobard, who had been his master, said, that to speak after Grotius,
+was to expose one's self to be laughed at.</p>
+
+<p>Balzac has employed his most eloquent phrases to express his thoughts of
+Grotius: he writes to Mesnage, "Is it true, what you tell me, of the
+Swedish Ambassador, and shall I be so happy to share in his esteem? I
+tell it you as solemnly as if I were by the altar on which we swore to
+be friends, that my ambition was dead, but you have revived it, and my
+transports would be as great as yours, if my blood were as fine and
+sparkling: who would not glory in the esteem of one whose birth our age
+ought to be proud of? he is a modern whom the President Jeannin sets in
+opposition to the greatest of the ancients." In another letter written
+to Chapelain<a name="FNanchor_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a>, he says: "Whatever comes from Grotius is a high
+recommendation of him to me; and besides the solidity of his learning,
+the strength of his reasoning, and the graces of his language, I
+<a name="Page_329" id="Page_329"></a>observe in it an air of probity, that one may put entire confidence in
+him, excepting in what regards our Church, to which he is unhappily a
+stranger."</p>
+
+<p>Colomiez, in his <i>Bibliotheque choisie</i><a name="FNanchor_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a>, has collected some of the
+Elogiums which had been then made of Grotius: "The President Jeannin,
+says he, according to the relation of Balzac, opposes Grotius to the
+greatest men of antiquity. Salmasius, in his notes on Solinus, styles
+him <i>Virum excellentissim&aelig; doctrin&aelig; in omni genere litterarum</i>; Selden,
+in his <i>Mare clausum, virum acuminis et omnigen&aelig; doctrin&aelig; pr&aelig;stanti&acirc;
+incomparabilem</i>; Gerard Vossius, in his Latin Poems, <i>Seculi nostri
+grande ornamentum</i>; Pric&aelig;us, on the xivth of St. Matthew, <i>Virum
+ingentem, quem non sine horrore mirati sumus</i>: In fine, M. Blondel, who
+was not lavish of his praise, says of him in his <i>Sibyls</i>, that he was a
+very great man, whether we consider the sublimity of his genius, the
+universality of his learning, or the diversity of his writings; in fine,
+says Colomiez<a name="FNanchor_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a>, he appears a great critic in his <i>Martianus
+Capella</i>, his <i>Aratus</i>, and his <i>Stob&aelig;us</i>; in his <i>Notes on Lucan</i> and
+<i>Tacitus</i> a great historian, a great statesman, a great divine; but
+however excellent these different works may be, we must however
+acknowledge that Grotius's <i>Letters</i> and <i>Poems</i> much surpass them; and
+that if he appeared great in those, in these he is incomparable. But
+what astonishes me is, that he should have written so many letters, and
+made so many verses, and all should be of equal strength, that is, that
+all should partake of the powerful and divine genius which animated that
+great man." Episcopius, who was regarded as an oracle by his party,
+looked on Grotius as his oracle. "Your opinion, he writes to him<a name="FNanchor_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a>,
+shall be to me the decision of an oracle; for I know your love to truth
+<a name="Page_330" id="Page_330"></a>and friendship for me to be such, that in giving it you regard only
+truth."</p>
+
+<p>Christian Habsoeker and Philip Limborch speak of him with raptures in
+the <i>Preface</i> to the <i>Letters of illustrious men</i>: "At the name of the
+incomparable Grotius, who is above all praise, and even all envy, we are
+in a sort of transport. How shall we sufficiently praise the virtues of
+that most illustrious hero, whom all true scholars regard as the most
+learned of the Learned: we shall only relate the prophecy concerning him
+in 1614 by Daniel Heinsius in some verses which ought to be put under
+his picture."</p>
+
+<p>Those lines are in fact the most complete Elogium that can be made of a
+man.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1"><i>Depositum Coeli, quod jure Batavia mater</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i2"><i>Horret, et baud credit se peperisse sibi;</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i1"><i>Talem oculis, talem ore tulit se maximus Hugo:</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i2"><i>Instar crede hominis, c&aelig;tera crede Dei.</i><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Heinsius and Grotius had been most intimate in their youth: the
+divisions which happened in the Republic destroyed this close union:
+Heinsius joined the Contra-Remonstrants, and was Secretary to the
+Commissioners of the Synod of Dort. Grotius had reason to complain of
+him on several occasions: nevertheless, talking with Cardinal Richelieu
+about him, Grotius greatly commended his genius and learning. He gives
+an account of this conversation to his brother; adding, "In this manner
+I am wont to revenge myself on those who hate me." Cardinal Richelieu,
+though not prejudiced in favour of Grotius, ranked him however among the
+three first scholars of the age: the other two were Claudius Salmasius,
+and Jerom Bignon. This famous Advocate-General said of Grotius<a name="FNanchor_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a>,
+that he was the most learned man who had appeared in the world since
+Aristotle.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331"></a>Foreigners who loved the sciences would not leave France without seeing
+Grotius. John Christenius, who was at Paris in 1629, had more
+satisfaction in seeing him, than in the whole kingdom beside: he writes
+thus to John Kirkman, June 20, 1629. "The pleasure I have had, received
+considerable addition not only from having seen, but also often
+conversed with that great and eloquent man who has no fellow, I mean
+Hugo Grotius; for whom I have the highest esteem, and have been for many
+years of the same opinion with all who know that he possesses singly
+what would be sufficient to entitle many to great praise. He is master
+of all that is worth knowing in sacred and profane literature. Besides
+the Eastern languages, there is no art nor science with which he is not
+perfectly acquainted: this appears from his agreeable conversation: ask
+him about any thing, he immediately gives you an exact answer, and in
+such a manner as to excite the admiration of those who hear him. After
+talking about the sciences, if you enquire of him what passes in this
+part of the world, or the other, you will imagine you heard the answer
+of an oracle who delivers what is most worthy to be known. His virtue is
+above all I can say of it, and I want eloquence sufficiently to extol so
+great a man."</p>
+
+<p>Sarrau<a name="FNanchor_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a>, who had been prejudiced against Grotius since his leaving
+the Protestants, ventures not however to decide whether Salmasius or
+Grotius excelled in literature; and he hesitates to make the
+determination, even in a letter written to Salmasius, wherein he appears
+much dissatisfied with Grotius. "Whether the first place in literature
+in this age be due to you or to him, posterity will judge more equitably
+than this generation."</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332"></a>On hearing of Grotius's death, he writes to Salmasius in these
+terms<a name="FNanchor_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a>: "Hugo Grotius was certainly a great man in name and in fact:
+he was the star of our age. How great a loss has learning sustained!
+Whilst books and sciences are held in honour his name will flourish. For
+my part, whilst I live I shall glory in my intimacy with him. You now
+reign singly (he concludes, addressing himself to Salmasius) I pray God
+you may reign long." He calls him elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> the Coryph&aelig;us of
+learning sacred and prophane.</p>
+
+<p>Queen Christina, hearing of his death, wrote to his widow to make her
+compliments of condolence, and to get the manuscripts he left. "My
+Ambassador, she says, may have acquainted you in part with my high
+esteem for his admirable learning and the good services he did me: but
+he could not express how dear I hold his memory, and the effects of his
+great labours. If gold and silver could contribute any thing to the
+redeeming such a valuable life, I would chearfully employ all I am
+mistress of for that purpose." She concludes with asking his widow to
+procure her all the manuscripts of this learned man, whose works had
+always given her great pleasure: assuring her that they could not fall
+into better hands, and that the author having been of use to her in his
+life-time, it was just that she should not be deprived after his death
+of the fruits of his illustrious labours.</p>
+
+<p>Duncomius wrote to Gerard Vossius, February 2, 1646<a name="FNanchor_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a>, "It is certain
+and beyond dispute that Grotius was a very illustrious hero, <i>usque ad
+stuporem fer&egrave; et miraculum</i>; that he joined science with wisdom; that he
+was above all praise; and that he was deeply skilled in divine and human
+learning."</p>
+
+<p>Meric Casaubon, son of Isaac, had no less esteem for Grotius than his
+illustrious father had had before <a name="Page_333" id="Page_333"></a>him. In his preface to Hierocles's
+book <i>Of providence and destiny</i>, "Hugo Grotius, he says, was a great,
+an incomparable man: in him was seen what is very rare, a peaceable
+spirit, with much judgment, and infinite erudition." Augustus
+Buchner<a name="FNanchor_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> calls Grotius the greatest ornament of his time, the oracle
+of human wisdom, and the wonder of the age.</p>
+
+<p>Lewis du Moulin comparing Grotius with Salmasius<a name="FNanchor_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a>, allows Grotius
+much more judgment, but gives to Salmasius a greater extent of
+knowledge. In another place<a name="FNanchor_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a>, where he censures Grotius for the part
+he had acted with regard to religion, he bestows on him, after all, in
+other respects the highest praises. "Neither the present nor the last
+age, he says, hath produced a man superior to Grotius in judgment and
+erudition. He was great in everything: a very great Divine, Lawyer,
+Orator, Poet, Philosopher; his genius, far from being confined within
+the limits of the bar, was scarce bounded by those of nature."</p>
+
+<p>Guy Patin writes<a name="FNanchor_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>, February 24, 1662, "They have finished in
+Holland, in nine volumes in folio, an edition of all the works of
+Grotius, whom I formerly knew: he was the finest genius of his time; a
+man of surprising knowledge, and perfect master of polite and useful
+learning." "He and Salmasius were the greatest scholars or their time,"
+he writes in another letter<a name="FNanchor_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a>. And in another place, "Peter Grotius,
+says he<a name="FNanchor_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a>, was son of the first man of his age."</p>
+
+<p>"I would not mention the most learned and greatest man of this country,
+says Wicquefort<a name="FNanchor_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a>, were I not forced to it by the remarks published
+at Brussels on what I have said of him in my Memoirs: it will be readily
+conceived that I mean Hugo de <a name="Page_334" id="Page_334"></a>Groot. I admire, with the rest of the
+world, the genius, the probity, and the works of this great man; and
+besides this there are particular considerations, which inspire me with
+a veneration for his memory."</p>
+
+<p>Morhof calls him the phoenix of his age<a name="FNanchor_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a>: Hofman gives him the same
+commendation.</p>
+
+<p>"He is the greatest of men, says Meibomius<a name="FNanchor_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a>, the light and support
+of letters; on whom we can bestow no praise but what will fall short of
+his virtue and erudition. His uncommon penetration makes us compare him
+to an eagle in the clouds," says Oldenburg.</p>
+
+<p>In 1727 was printed at Hall in Saxony, under the false name of Delft, a
+book entitled <i>Hugonis Grotii Belgarum Phoenicis manes ab iniquis
+obtrectationibus vindicati</i>. The author, who was said to be M.
+Lehman<a name="FNanchor_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a>, speaks of Grotius as the greatest man Holland ever
+produced, and fit to be compared with the most illustrious of other
+Countries, and he flatters himself that the Dutch will in the issue
+agree with all nations, that he was the greatest ornament of their
+country. He gives his thoughts of Grotius in the following lines.</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i1"><i>Hic ille est Grotius, majus quo doctior orbis</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i2"><i>Nil habuit; credo, nil habiturus erit:</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i1"><i>Gallia quem stupuit, stupuit quem Suecia, verus</i><br /></span>
+<span class="i2"><i>Qui Phoebus Delphis, orbe pharusque fuit.</i><br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Salmasius, who so unmercifully fell foul of Grotius's memory, had
+formerly been one of his greatest admirers. Grotius gave him the title
+of Most Eminent, which Pope Urbin VIII. had a very little time before
+attributed to the Cardinals. Salmasius answers him<a name="FNanchor_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> August 8, 1630.
+"You not only offend the <a name="Page_335" id="Page_335"></a>Cardinals, but, more than most eminent Grotius
+(<i>super eminentissime</i>) you offend me, by giving me a title which you
+much better deserve yourself."</p>
+
+<p>These two Princes of Literature, as they were styled, had at this time a
+great reciprocal esteem and friendship for each other. We learn from
+Grotius's letters<a name="FNanchor_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a>, that Salmasius, notwithstanding the advantageous
+idea he entertained of his own knowledge, sometimes consulted him. He
+changed all of a sudden: Grotius imagined<a name="FNanchor_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a> it was to make his court
+to those in power in Holland; but Sarrau, who knew both, assures us<a name="FNanchor_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a>
+that Salmasius's coldness wholly proceeded from the change of Grotius's
+sentiments in religion. The news of Grotius's death was scarce spread
+over Europe, when Salmasius poured out all his venom in a letter written
+from Leyden, Nov. 20, 1645, to Sarrau<a name="FNanchor_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>"You think Grotius, says he, the first among the learned; for my part, I
+give that rank to Vossius. I do not think it is necessary to wait for
+the judgment of posterity, to know whose opinion is most just: it will
+be sufficient to consult the learned in Italy, Germany, in this country,
+and even in France: but till we have their suffrages let us go through
+all the sciences, and examine the extent of Grotius's capacity. There is
+no one whom I would desire to resemble less in divinity: he is every
+where a Socinian, both in his treatise <i>On the Truth of the Christian
+Religion,</i> and his <i>Commentary on the Old and New Testament</i>. As to
+Philosophy, he can scarce be compared with the moderately skilled. If we
+consider him with regard to the art of Disputation, I have never seen a
+person reason with less force, as is evident from his pieces which
+Rivetus and Desmarets have answered. There are several who may be ranked
+with him as to knowledge <a name="Page_336" id="Page_336"></a>of polite learning, and even a great number
+who excel him: not a few have had as much Greek and Latin, and many of
+the learned have been more masters of the Oriental Languages. His
+<i>Florum sparsio in jus Justinianeum</i> shew his skill in the Law. A
+Professor of Helmstat has undertaken to confute his book <i>Of the Rights
+of War and Peace</i>, and has told some friends, whom I have seen, that he
+would prove that every page contained gross blunders<a name="FNanchor_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a>. He was a
+great Poet; but every one here prefers Barl&aelig;us; some even Heinsius. But
+besides, when the point to be decided is priority in learning, poetry is
+set aside by consent of all good judges. Vossius excels Grotius in every
+thing. This is not only my opinion, but that of all the learned in
+Italy, Germany, Poland, and Holland, as I have had an opportunity to
+know by their letters, their writings, and their conversation. If we
+compare their writings, which of Grotius's works can we prefer to those
+of Vossius? Is it his <i>Notes on Martianus Capella</i>, written when he was
+but a boy? Is it his <i>Aratus</i>? in which he has ostentatiously introduced
+some Arabic terms, for he scarce knew the elements of that language, as
+he acknowledged to me himself in some letters which I keep, written in
+answer to my enquiry about some Arabic words that puzzled me. Will you
+tell me of his <i>Notes on Lucan</i>? what Vossius has done on the fragments
+of the ancient Tragic and Comic Writers appears to me of much greater
+value. We know from other pieces what a poor critic Grotius was, though
+a great man in some respects. As inconsiderable as I am, I would not
+have my name prefixed to his <i>Commentary on the Old Testament</i>; for
+nothing can be more childish, or unworthy a man of his great character,
+than many of his notes. I shall take notice in another place of his
+<i>Commentary on the <a name="Page_337" id="Page_337"></a>New Testament</i>, and frankly declare what I think of
+it. Such are my sentiments of the person who merits the first place in
+literature. I have the suffrages of many of the learned in different
+branches for me, and shall name them when you inform me who are of your
+opinion."</p>
+
+<p>This letter, in which hatred, jealousy, and partiality openly shew
+themselves, rather hurt Salmasius than injured Grotius's character: the
+contempt with which he speaks of the excellent treatise <i>Of the Rights
+of War and Peace</i>, which is worth all that Salmasius ever wrote,
+incensed the whole republic of letters against him. It has been observed
+that all that was good in his pieces <i>On the power of Kings</i>, is taken
+from Grotius, whom he hath not once named; and that when he departed
+from him, he sinks much beneath Grotius. But such was Salmasius's
+character: jealous of the reputation of those who might be put in the
+scale against him, he had too high an opinion of himself, and too much
+despised others, in the judgment of the wise Gronovius. Grotius's wife
+being informed of the indiscreet stories published by Salmasius against
+the memory of her husband, gave him to understand, that if he would not
+forbear, the only answer she should make to his invectives would be the
+publication of his former letters to Grotius, filled with elogiums. For
+the rest, Salmasius's invectives injured only himself: and it was said
+publicly, that he plucked the hairs of a dead lion.</p>
+
+<p>Two medals were struck in honour of Grotius, which we find in the end of
+the first volume of the <i>History of the United Provinces</i> by Le Clerc,
+one of his greatest admirers. The first has on one side the bust of that
+great man, with his name, HUGO GROTIUS, which is to him instead of an
+elogium: and on the other a chest, on which are the arms of Sweden and
+France, to express his retreat into France, and his embassy from Sweden
+at that Court: at the side of the chest is the castle of Louvestein, and
+opposite to it a <a name="Page_338" id="Page_338"></a>rising sun, with these words: MELIOR POST ASPERA FATA
+RESURGO; I rise brighter after my misfortune. In the exergue is, <i>natus
+1583, obiit 1645</i>. The second medal, larger than the first, also
+represents Grotius on one side with the time of his birth and death.
+HUGO GROTIUS NATUS 1583, 10 APRILIS, OBIIT 1645, 28 AUGUSTI: on the
+reverse is this inscription in Dutch verse: <i>the Phoenix of his Country,
+the Oracle of Delft, the great Genius, the Light which enlighteneth the
+earth</i>.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a> Ep. 22. p. 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a> Vir magne, vir mirande, vir sine exemplo. Ep. 100. p.
+474.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> Ep. 68. Cent. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> Life, B. 2. p. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> Life, B. 3. p. 182. Anti Baillet. c. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a> Popo Blanet, p. 746.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a> Ep. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a> 2 Lettre du xxi. Livre, p. 831.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a> Bibliotheque choisie, p. 461.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a> P. 487.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a> Ep. 13. Pr&aelig;s. vir. p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> Du Maurier, p. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> Ep. Sar. p. 145.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> Ep. Sar. 128. p. 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a> Ep. 21. p. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a> Ep. Vossi, 728. p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a> Vind. Grot. p. 446.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a> Crenii Anim. phil. et hist. Part 5. p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a> In jugulo causa, c. 5. Crenius, Anim. phil. Part 5. p.
+85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a> Lett. 265.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a> Lett. 545.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a> Lett. 538.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a> Amb. l. 1. p. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a> Polihist. l. 1. c. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a> Pope Blount, p. 946.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a> Supplement de Moreri.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a> Ep. 21. p. 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a> Ep. 229. p. 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a> Ep. 697. p. 964.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a> Ep. Sarr. 165. Ep. 163. p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a> In Crenii Anim. Phil. &amp; Hist. t. 1. p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a> See Book 3. &sect; 9. p. 243.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><br /><a name="Page_338a" id="Page_338a"></a><a name="BkVISecXXVI">XXVI.</a> It remains that we should relate what we know of Grotius's family.
+After his death, his wife communicated with the Church of England;
+which, it is reported, she said she did in conformity to the dying
+intentions of her husband. It is certain<a name="FNanchor_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> that Grotius had a respect
+for the Church of England; but it is difficult to believe, that he
+should desire his wife to declare he died in the communion of that
+Church: for, besides that this fact is not easy to be reconciled with
+his later works, it has no foundation but a letter written June 23,
+1707, which is supported only by a hearsay ill-circumstantiated.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's wife died at the Hague in the communion of the Remonstrants;
+which, according to Le Clerc, was not contrary to her husband's last
+orders, as the Remonstrants allowed of communion with the Church of
+England.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had three sons and three daughters by his marriage. His eldest
+son, Cornelius, studied in Holland under the direction of his
+grandfather<a name="FNanchor_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a>. Grotius sent for him afterwards to Paris, where he
+himself superintended his studies. He wrote to his brother, William
+Grotius<a name="FNanchor_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a>, Aug. 16, 1630, that Cornelius had learned the Hebrew
+grammar; that he was studying the Greek and Logic; and had made himself
+matter of the Art of Oratory, without <a name="Page_339" id="Page_339"></a>neglecting Poetry, for which the
+young Cornelius had a particular turn. Some very good verses, written by
+him, are published in the poems of Vincent Fabricius. Grotius made him
+read Vossius's pieces on rhetoric, which he thought could not be
+excelled; he afterwards wanted Cornelius to study the Roman Law, and the
+Laws of Holland: he also made him read Physics and Metaphysics; but his
+progress in these sciences was inconsiderable, according to Du Maurier,
+on account of his indolence and love of pleasure. Grotius sent him after
+this to make his court to the High Chancellor, who passed the beginning
+of the year 1636 at Straelsund: Oxenstiern received him very graciously,
+and took him into his service as Latin Secretary<a name="FNanchor_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a>. Grotius was at
+the height of his joy on seeing his son in a capacity of meriting the
+esteem and protection of such a great man as Oxenstiern: he flattered
+himself<a name="FNanchor_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a>, that the honourable place, which his son held, would
+induce him to shake off his indolence; and he made him frequent
+remonstrances on this subject: but Cornelius's natural temper prevailed,
+and he considered his employment as attended with too much trouble. He
+imagined that a military life would suit him better<a name="FNanchor_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a>, and wrote to
+his father on that head. Grotius opposed this new turn for some time;
+but his remonstrances producing no effect, he wrote to Muller<a name="FNanchor_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a>,
+April 4, 1638, that his son had preferred Mars to the Muses, and that he
+had thought fit to yield to his choice, as war was also a road to glory;
+and moreover the time, which Cornelius had spent in literature, would
+not be absolutely lost for war. He added, that the Duke of Weymar being
+the greatest and most experienced general of his age, he was very
+desirous that his son should serve under such an able master; and that
+he would send him with a reinforcement that was marching <a name="Page_340" id="Page_340"></a>to that
+Prince, who, he hoped, would assist him with his advice. Cornelius was
+very well received by the Duke<a name="FNanchor_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a>; and for some time kept up an exact
+correspondence with his father by letters, who complimented him on his
+diligence in writing. The Duke of Weymar promised to advance him, if he
+paid a proper regard to his father's counsels. Cornelius was by nature
+so inconstant, that he soon took a dislike to the army: he had even
+thoughts of returning to his father, who diverted him from it as a step
+which would dishonour him.</p>
+
+<p>On the Duke of Weymar's death, Reigersberg advised Cornelius to write
+that Prince's history. Young Grotius mentioning this project to his
+father, he pressed him to execute it, because it would give him an
+opportunity of expressing his gratitude to a Prince who had laid him
+under great obligations, and done such important services to Sweden.
+Besides, this work would be of use to the author, by obliging him to
+study the Art of War, in order to speak of it properly. Cornelius
+contented himself with projecting this design<a name="FNanchor_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a>: he changed his
+service, and entered into the Marshal de Chatillon's army, in which he
+continued not long: he made the campaign of 1640, in quality of Cornet
+in the Colonel's company of a German regiment of horse in the French
+service. Soon after he got a company: however he wanted to serve in the
+Valtoline<a name="FNanchor_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a>. He had not been long there before he took a fancy to
+enter into the Venetians service; and, without consulting his father,
+went to Venice to make his contract with them: but it is probable they
+could not agree; for Grotius writes<a name="FNanchor_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a>, July 16, 1644, "Cornelius will
+return from the Antenorides without doing any thing." This fickleness of
+temper <a name="Page_341" id="Page_341"></a>much displeased Grotius<a name="FNanchor_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a>, who in the latter part of his life
+spoke of his son with great indifference.</p>
+
+<p>In the sequel, when the States of Holland wanted to indemnify such as
+were unjustly persecuted during the overgrown power of the
+Stadtholders<a name="FNanchor_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a>, they gave Cornelius Grotius a company in the guards;
+to Peter, a troop of horse; and to Mombas, their brother-in-law, a
+regiment; with leave to dispose of them, or sell them to the best
+advantage: which was contrary to custom and law.</p>
+
+<p>It was in 1633 that the States thus sought to repair the injuries which
+Grotius had formerly suffered. Cornelius died unmarried. Peter,
+Grotius's second son, was more like his father. In his infancy he was
+very sickly: having received a hurt in his leg<a name="FNanchor_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a>, the Surgeons and
+Physicians treated it so ill, that he remained lame all his days. His
+father, thinking his education would be cheaper in Holland than at
+Paris, sent him to his native country. The young Grotius gave great
+satisfaction to his parents, as we learn by a letter from Grotius to his
+brother William<a name="FNanchor_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a>, Oct. 4, 1630, "Your accounts of my son give me
+great pleasure: if he goes on in the same manner, he will have reason to
+be satisfied with me." Gerard Vossius directed his studies; and by a
+letter<a name="FNanchor_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> of thanks from Grotius to him, we learn that he was of an
+indolent turn. "The exhortations you give Peter are worthy of the
+friendship you have always entertained for me and mine. I cannot think
+why my children should be so idle; perhaps it is because they see their
+father's diligence has turned to so little account."</p>
+
+<p>In 1634 Peter Grotius was sent to<a name="FNanchor_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> Amsterdam to learn the use of the
+globes and navigation: Grotius intended that he should afterwards serve
+in some expedition at <a name="Page_342" id="Page_342"></a>sea: he seems at this time to have designed him
+for a Sailor. Peter had an inclination to learn Arabic under the learned
+Golius at Leyden: but his Father would only suffer him to visit this
+eminent professor, and consult him about the pronunciation of that
+language, which he thought his son might learn without a master at his
+leisure hours.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius was desirous that his son should make a voyage to the
+East-Indies<a name="FNanchor_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a>, or, if that was too long a voyage, that he should go
+to the Brasils, or some other part of America, to learn what was not to
+be learnt at home, and might be of use to him afterwards.</p>
+
+<p>Vossius, in the mean time, gave ample testimonials not only of Peter's
+progress in the sciences, but also of his moral conduct. He wanted to
+join, to the studies recommended to him by his father, that of Law; and
+Grotius was not against it. He appears to have been somewhat uneasy
+about what this youth would do: May 17, 1635, he writes to Vossius, "I
+should be glad to know what my son's health will permit him to do, and
+to what his inclination leads him: there are some things which will
+prevent his being agreeable at court, or his undertaking long journies
+by land. I am not against his trying the sea; but I would not force any
+of my children against their inclination. The make of his body would
+require a sedentary life; but I am afraid he has too much vivacity to
+bear with it. I would beg of you to consult with himself and his friends
+on this subject; and at the same time to give me your own opinion."</p>
+
+<p>He writes again to Vossius some time after, that if his son had a
+dislike to long voyages, he would nevertheless have him study Commerce
+and Navigation rather than the quibbles of the Law: "Not but a general
+knowledge of public law, and the laws of his own <a name="Page_343" id="Page_343"></a>country, may be of use
+to him whatever manner of life he chuses: but I would not have him make
+it his principal study; and remember Horace's precept, to keep his eye
+ever on the mark. If it is out of regard to me he wants to translate the
+Tragedy of <i>Sophomphaneus</i>, he deserves to be commended, even if he
+should make some mistakes: however I should not be sorry if it were done
+by one more advanced in years, and better skilled in poetry."</p>
+
+<p>This youth, uncertain what course to take, was in doubt whether he ought
+not to seek his fortune in Sweden under the credit of his father's name.
+Grotius, hearing of this design, writes to his brother<a name="FNanchor_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a>, "If my son
+thinks to raise himself in Sweden, I see no other way of doing it, than
+by a perfect knowledge of Navigation and Commerce. The profession of a
+Lawyer is not lucrative, nor doth it succeed with every one."</p>
+
+<p>Vossius was still well pleased with him<a name="FNanchor_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a>. The ardour he discovered
+for the study of the Law determined Grotius to propose to him a
+translation of the Institutes of the Law of Holland into good Latin,
+like that of the Digests; and he asked his brother, William Grotius, and
+all his friends, to encourage and assist his Son in the execution of
+this design, which might be useful to the public and to the author. He
+wrote to Gerard Vossius<a name="FNanchor_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> to the same effect. William Grotius
+laboured with his nephew in this translation. Grotius, in returning him
+his thanks for assisting his Son, desires him to make him read, as he
+went on, what was contained in the Digests relating to the matter he was
+translating.</p>
+
+<p>In summer, 1636, Peter Grotius had an offer of going to the Brasils in
+Count Nassau's retinue. Grotius approved of it, provided his Son might
+have a creditable post, in which he might learn Navigation: he <a name="Page_344" id="Page_344"></a>was the
+more desirous that his Son might make this voyage, as the present state
+of his affairs would not permit him to keep him in the way the latter
+chose to live.</p>
+
+<p>If this project did not succeed, Grotius wanted that his Son should pass
+the winter at the Hague in the study of the Law, and come to France in
+the spring, 1637, to take his degree in the university of Orleans; then
+return to the Hague to study some time longer, and afterwards go to
+Amsterdam to practise as an Advocate, this profession being there most
+lucrative.</p>
+
+<p>The voyage to the Brasils did not take place. Peter Grotius came to his
+father in summer, 1637. He seems to have been well satisfied with him,
+as we may judge by a letter written to his brother<a name="FNanchor_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a>, Aug. 15, this
+year. "Peter is arrived here: he is much indebted to you, to his
+grandfather, and all his friends and relations, for instilling into him
+such good principles. I am very well satisfied with his diligence." He
+writes six months after<a name="FNanchor_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a>, "I am only afraid for his ambition, which
+is the vice of youth: he will live with more ease, and gain more as an
+Advocate. I would beg of you, that as soon as he returns, which will be
+immediately, you would put him upon studying the precedents in law. But
+what is chiefly to be inculcated is diligence and love of labour." Peter
+was preparing to return to Holland, when a Surgeon undertook to make him
+walk without halting<a name="FNanchor_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a>. There were some hopes of his succeeding in
+whole or in part; but the event did not correspond with the Surgeon's
+promises, and Peter set out soon after for Holland, in the end of April,
+1638. Grotius did not regret the time his Son had passed in France. "The
+time Peter has been here, he says to his brother<a name="FNanchor_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a>, was not lost
+either for him or me: for he has learnt several useful <a name="Page_345" id="Page_345"></a>things, and it
+has been a great pleasure to me to communicate what I have learnt to one
+of my children, or at least to have put him in a way of informing
+himself. I recommend him to you, and would beg of you to give him such
+exercises as may fit him to hold a distinguished rank amonst the Orators
+and Advocates, that his merit may silently reproach the Dutch for what
+they did against his Father. But, above all things, I would recommend to
+you the cultivation of those sentiments of piety which I have instilled
+into him, and to keep him from bad company."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius wrote to Vossius<a name="FNanchor_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a>, when his Son set out on his return to
+Holland, begging of him to continue to watch over the studies of this
+youth; and assuring him at the same time, that the friendship, which the
+city of Amsterdam preserved for him, was the only reason which induced
+him to consent that any part of him should live in a country where he
+had been so ill-treated.</p>
+
+<p>Vossius and William Grotius were highly satisfied with Peter Grotius,
+and made great encomiums on him to his father, who wrote to his son,
+commending his diligence in the study of the Law. He informed him at the
+same time of a successful method of pleading, which he himself had
+formerly used with advantage. We have spoken of it elsewhere<a name="FNanchor_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a>. He
+was desirous of settling him as soon as possible at Amsterdam, that he
+might learn navigation and commerce, the municipal laws of the town, and
+whatever might contribute to raise his fortune. He wanted to accustom
+him to a labour, by which he might live without his father's assistance.
+"If he thinks, says Grotius to his brother<a name="FNanchor_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a>, to make his fortune
+with what money he will get from me, he is greatly deceived: let him do
+as I did, and cut out a path <a name="Page_346" id="Page_346"></a>for himself; otherwise he must not count
+upon my liberality." April 21, 1640, he caused him to be chid<a name="FNanchor_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> for
+running about too much, and for his learning Italian and several things
+for which he had little occasion. "That is not the way, says he, to
+please me, nor to be useful to himself."</p>
+
+<p>In fine, Peter Grotius began to plead at the Hague, in<a name="FNanchor_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> spring 1640.
+There was a prospect at that time of getting him made Pensionary of
+Boisleduc: this design required some money, which Grotius refused not to
+advance; but he could scarce believe that the Prince of Orange would
+consent to have his son in this place, unless he abjured Arminianism.
+Besides, Peter Grotius had so little experience in the law, that his
+father did not yet think him capable of filling a place, the
+difficulties of which he knew by experience: he would much rather have
+had his son go to Amsterdam, to follow the bar, and seek some
+advantageous match, that his children might one day enter into the
+magistracy of a city, which alone kept alive expiring liberty.</p>
+
+<p>Peter Grotius seems to have had a dislike to Amsterdam; for his father
+writes thus to his brother William Grotius<a name="FNanchor_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a>, March 9, 1641. "I have
+consulted with my wife about Peter's affairs: we are of opinion that he
+should go to Amsterdam, if he can be prevailed with; if not, you must
+tell him to come here: he will serve me for Secretary, and I shall give
+him lectures in law, which perhaps he would not have received from any
+other. Let him bring with him what he has translated of the Institutes
+of the Laws of Holland." Grotius soon changed his opinion; for he writes
+to his brother<a name="FNanchor_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a>, April 13, in the same year: "I would not have Peter
+come here: therefore keep him with you."</p>
+
+<p>The irresolution of Peter Grotius chagrined his father: "I am much
+afraid, he writes to his <a name="Page_347" id="Page_347"></a>brother<a name="FNanchor_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a>, that he will some day smart for
+his continual disobedience." Grotius told his son<a name="FNanchor_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a>, that he must
+expect no letters from him, unless he sent him the Latin translation of
+the Institutes of the Laws of Holland, which he had long before enjoined
+him to set about. Writing to his brother<a name="FNanchor_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a>, he says, "I am much
+afraid, that the counsels which Peter follows, and will follow
+hereafter, are inconsistent with a good conscience. I am resolved to
+refer the whole to God, and not intermeddle in it. I should be sorry to
+have a repetition of the grief I suffer on his account."</p>
+
+<p>Some time after, he was better satisfied with him, and wrote to his
+brother William<a name="FNanchor_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a>, Feb. 28, 1643, "I commend Peter highly for
+applying to the bar: it is the way to acquire much useful knowledge, to
+gain a character, and in time to lay up something, or to rise higher."
+This is all that Grotius's letters inform us about his son: the sequel
+of whose life is more interesting.</p>
+
+<p>In 1652, he married, for love, an Attorney's daughter, rich and
+handsome; but his mother and his other friends disliked the match. In
+the year following, a powerful party wanted to get him made Greffier of
+Amsterdam; but Veue Linchovius opposed him with great virulence and
+violence; maintaining that such a place ought not to be given to the son
+of an out-law, whose religious sentiments were erroneous. The
+declamations of this hot-headed man preventing Grotius from being
+nominated to the place, he bore the disappointment with great
+tranquility. In 1655, he purposed to publish a complete edition of his
+father's works, as appears by the privilege of the Emperor Ferdinand
+III. dated Oct. 2, 1655, prefixed to his theological works. This
+edition, which unfortunately he did not go on with, <a name="Page_348" id="Page_348"></a>was to be in nine
+volumes in folio. The first was to contain his <i>Annotations on the Old
+Testament</i>; the second, the <i>Commentary on the New</i>; the third would
+have comprehended his smaller theological pieces; the fourth, the
+treatise <i>De Jure Belli &amp; Pacis</i>, the <i>Apology</i>, and the work <i>De
+Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra</i>; the fifth, <i>Law Tracts</i>; the
+sixth, <i>Writings Historical</i>; the seventh, <i>Philological Works</i>; the
+eighth, <i>Poetical Translations</i>, the <i>Anthologia, Stob&aelig;us</i>, and the
+<i>Extracts from the Tragedies and Comedies</i>; and, lastly, the ninth, his
+<i>Poems</i> and <i>Letters</i>. It is probable, that this design was defeated by
+Grotius's departure from Holland. It was not till long after, in 1679,
+that the handsome edition of Grotius's theological works was published
+in three volumes in folio, dedicated to King Charles II. of England by
+Peter Grotius, Feb. 28, 1678. The bookseller promised, in an
+advertisement prefixed to it, to print all Grotius's other works, even
+those that had never been published; but he did not fulfil his
+engagements.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's enemies still opposing his son's advancement, he entered into
+the service of Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, to whom Hugo Grotius had
+done singular service during his misfortunes. This Prince nominated him
+his Agent at the Hague.</p>
+
+<p>The ferment in mens minds having subsided, and the face of affairs being
+changed in Holland, Peter Grotius was nominated Pensionary of Amsterdam
+in 1660; which important place he filled for seven years with great
+reputation. This office was the height of Hugo's wishes for his son. The
+Count D'Estrade, at that time Ambassador from France in Holland, was
+dissatisfied with the Pensionary of Amsterdam, who opposed the interest
+of the French King, in resentment of that Prince's having driven Mombas,
+Peter Grotius's brother-in-law, out of France. Feb. 1, 1633, he writes
+to the King, "I have not been at Amsterdam, because the Pensionary M. de
+Groot is brother-in-law to M. de Mombas, whom your <a name="Page_349" id="Page_349"></a>Majesty ordered to
+quit the kingdom for some affair in which you were dissatisfied with his
+conduct: since that time M. de Groot has constantly opposed your
+Majesty's interest at Amsterdam. He is a man of spirit and firmness; and
+has much credit in that city. I shall neglect nothing to bring him back
+to his former sentiments." The King answered him, May 23, 1633, that he
+had had reason to be dissatisfied with Mombas's conduct; that if any
+consideration could make him forget it, it would certainly be a regard
+for M. de Groot, whose person, says the King, I esteem: In fact, Lewis
+XIV, as he writes to his Ambassador, Sept. 22, 1665, dropt his
+resentment against Mombas out of consideration for the Pensionary of
+Amsterdam. After the conclusion of the triple alliance, the necessity of
+regulating the subsidies with the northern powers induced the States of
+Holland to send Grotius to Denmark and Sweden. He went first to
+Copenhagen, and afterwards to Stockholm, where he assumed the quality of
+Ambassador in ordinary. The States used only to keep a Minister of the
+second rank at this Court; but it was thought proper, says Wicquefort,
+to do something more than common for such an extraordinary person; and
+he was ordered to make a splendid entry at the expence of the States.</p>
+
+<p>The fourth volume of M. de Wit's <i>Letters and Negotiations</i> concludes
+with the correspondence of Peter Grotius with the Grand Pensionary
+during his embassy at Stockholm. The Dutch Minister discovers in it
+great knowledge of mankind. "The more I reflect, says he to M. de Wit,
+Dec. 8, 1668, on the regency of Sweden, the more clearly I discover that
+the most important affairs are not regulated agreeable to the public
+interest, but according to that of the principal Ministers; and the
+surest and easiest way to succeed, is to gain him who has the King's ear
+rather than the King himself; because what is done for the good of the
+nation obliges no one in<a name="Page_350" id="Page_350"></a> particular, and procures glory, but no
+acknowledgments. When I passed through Denmark, I perceived that more
+might be done by means of M.G. with a hundred thousand crowns, than can
+be done with the King with five times that sum."</p>
+
+<p>The negotiations of Peter Grotius were in a promising way at the death
+of William Borell the Dutch Ambassador at Paris. Grotius was nominated
+by the States of Holland to succeed him, and at the same time the town
+of Rotterdam chose him for their Pensionary. M. de Wit was of opinion
+that Grotius ought to prefer the place of Pensionary: he wrote to his
+friend, May 14, 1669, "Messieurs the Burgomasters and Counsellors of the
+town of Rotterdam have unanimously made choice of you to be their
+Counsellor Pensionary. I believe your nomination to the French embassy
+will be set aside, if the Gentlemen of Rotterdam apply for that purpose
+to their Noble and Great Mightinesses; and I imagine you will prefer
+this honourable establishment in a post your father was undeservedly
+turned out of, to a gilded exile, for such an embassy may be styled.
+Other reasons will occur for your taking this step, without its being
+necessary for me to mention them."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius was greatly embarrassed: he writes to M. de Wit, May 22, 1669,
+that his situation would not suffer him to give a positive answer; that
+he had written to the Gentlemen of Rotterdam, acknowledging their great
+civility and goodness in thinking of him; but that he had not declared
+himself with regard to the accepting of the place.</p>
+
+<p>Holland had occasion at this time for the ablest of her Ministers at the
+Court of Lewis XIV. and Peter Grotius could not refuse to serve his
+Country in such critical circumstances. The point was to bring about a
+reconciliation between the United Provinces and the King, who resolved
+to declare war against them, imagining he had great reason to complain
+of their <a name="Page_351" id="Page_351"></a>behaviour. Grotius was the only Minister who could succeed in
+this negotiation, had a reconciliation been practicable, says
+Wicquefort. The King, though highly incensed against Holland, shewed the
+greatest respect to her Ambassador. War being declared in 1672, Peter
+Grotius was again sent to the King, to try if an accommodation could be
+accomplished: but the King had made too great preparations for war to
+conclude a peace so soon.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius returned to the Hague to serve the Republic in quality of Deputy
+to the States-General; but in a short time experienced a cruel reverse
+of fortune. Being involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, he was stript
+of his dignities, and threatened with assassination; which determined
+him to leave Holland: he went to Antwerp, where an attempt was made on
+his life.</p>
+
+<p>He retired to Liege, and afterwards to Aix-la-Chapelle, and Cologn. A
+general peace was at this time negotiating; and Grotius having done
+singular services to the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, he was permitted to
+return to Holland, after being two years absent. He continued some time
+undisturbed in the country; but Wicquefort, the Duke of Brunswick's
+Minister at the Hague, being taken into custody, among his papers were
+found several letters from Grotius, containing, it is said, some
+indiscreet things concerning state affairs, and against the Republic's
+Ministers. He was arrested and prosecuted. Of the fifteen judges
+appointed to try him, nine declared him innocent. This was in November,
+1676. Nicholas Heinsius, who was not prejudiced in his favour, writes to
+Gr&aelig;vius on the 6th of December following: "There was certainly
+imprudence and malice in what Grotius did; but I leave others to judge
+whether he was guilty of high treason."</p>
+
+<p>It is improbable his judges would have shewn him favour, had he been
+convicted of a capital crime: he was known to be hated by the Prince of
+Orange, <a name="Page_352" id="Page_352"></a>whom the Dutch at that time sought very much to please.</p>
+
+<p>Peter Grotius, thus escaping out of the hands of his enemies, retired
+with his family to a country seat he had near Harlem, where he spent the
+rest of his days in educating his children, and reading the best
+authors. He died at the age of seventy. Some pretend, but without
+foundation, that he was poisoned. Those who knew him particularly speak
+of him as one of the best heads of his time. "Peter de Groot, son of the
+great Grotius, was not so learned as his father, says Wicquefort; but I
+may venture to assert he was as able a Minister. We can't say too much
+of this man, who was above all praise. I write this after receiving the
+news of his death. How much is Holland to be pitied for losing a man who
+would have assisted in repairing the breaches made by the disorders
+which have for some years prevailed in the state! He joined solidity of
+judgment to the graces of wit, and must have possessed these qualities
+in an eminent degree since they shone thro' such a disagreeable figure.
+It may be said of M. de Groot, that never did such a deformed body lodge
+such a fine and great soul: he had a surprising ready wit, his
+conversation was delightful, his understanding clear and solid, and his
+sentiments just and equitable: he possessed great knowledge of all sorts
+of business, foreign and domestic, and especially of what the French
+call the art of pleasing."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's third son, Diederic, began his studies in a very promising
+manner. Grotius writes to his brother William, August 16, 1630, "I am
+overjoyed to hear that Diederic's progress even exceeds my hopes. I wish
+he may continue." His grandfather John Grotius was his tutor. When he
+came to be old enough to be put to some business, Grotius designed him
+for an Engineer. He learned under the famous Boschius, and came
+afterwards, in the beginning <a name="Page_353" id="Page_353"></a>of 1636, to see his father at Paris.
+Grotius having applied to the Duke of Weymar to take Diederic into his
+service, he entered into that Prince's houshold as one of his Pages, and
+was much respected: the Duke soon after made him his Aid-de-Camp.
+Grotius seemed to be well satisfied with his son at the time this youth
+had the misfortune to lose his Patron.</p>
+
+<p>On hearing of the Duke of Weymar's death Grotius immediately thought of
+sending Diederic to Marshal Bannier. He wrote a letter to that
+General<a name="FNanchor_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a>, October 13, 1639, in which he puts him in mind that it was
+his Excellency's brother first proposed to him his entering into the
+Swedish service: he afterwards makes an offer of his son, who had served
+two years under Boschius, chief Engineer to the Prince of Orange, and
+had since been several years one of the Duke of Weymar's Pages. After
+the death of that illustrious Prince, who shared with Bannier the glory
+of being the greatest general in Europe, he thinks he cannot do better
+than give him to Marshal Bannier, who was unanimously allowed to hold
+the first rank in the art of war. He begs that his son may be only
+employed in things of which he is capable. On the same day he wrote to
+Salvius, desiring him to recommend Diederic to the Marshal.</p>
+
+<p>Whilst Grotius was thus employed in placing his son, Diederic
+entertained a design of entering into the Dutch service. His father was
+highly displeased with this project; and wrote to him, and to William
+Grotius, that it was most improper for him to expose his life for his
+cruellest enemies; and that Sweden was his true country, and to that
+kingdom he ought to devote his life, and from it to merit and expect
+honours. "If my son dislikes the activity of a military life, Grotius
+writes to his brother, he may find <a name="Page_354" id="Page_354"></a>ease, and acquire honour in General
+Bannier's houshold, or by exercising his profession of Engineer. I shall
+always give him my assistance, and I hope I have as many friends
+elsewhere, as I have enemies in Holland. If my son disgraces himself so
+far, as to ask favours from the Dutch, he is unworthy to call me father.
+If he chuses rather to be an Ensign with you, than a Captain among
+others, he is mean-spirited, and forgetful of what he has been."
+Diederic had a design of writing the history of the Duke of Weymar;
+which project Grotius approved of, as worthy of a grateful mind. He sent
+him word, that if he would set about this work whilst he was with
+Marshal Bannier, he would make his court by it to that General, who had
+it in his power to reward him. Diederic at last complied with his
+father's desire, and went to Marshal Bannier's camp. He was made a
+prisoner of war by the Bavarians in an unfortunate action near Dillingue
+and Memingue, in the end of the year 1643. Grotius immediately set all
+his friends to work to procure his son's liberty: he wrote to the famous
+John de Vert, and applied to the Duke of Bavaria that he would be
+pleased to send him back as soon as possible: and at the same time wrote
+to his son to come to him as soon as he should be at liberty, that they
+might consult together what was best to be done. Diederic sent his
+father the history of the unfortunate action in which he was taken; and
+Grotius printed it to give copies to his friends, and to send others to
+the Swedish Ministry. Diederic was carried to Tubingen, from thence to
+Ulm, and confined in a citadel between Ulm and Augsburg: he did not
+continue there long: immediately on receiving his father's letter, the
+Duke of Bavaria gave orders that Diederic might be set at liberty, after
+settling his ransom, which was fixed at a thousand florins. He came to
+Paris, and on his arrival Grotius wrote a letter of thanks to <a name="Page_355" id="Page_355"></a>the
+Elector of Bavaria, telling him, that as he had but one way to express
+his gratitude, namely by promoting a general peace, which his Electoral
+Highness wished for, he would do all in his power to bring it about. He
+wrote to Ketner the Bavarian Minister to the same effect.</p>
+
+<p>Diederic went back to serve under Marshal Turenne in Germany, and made
+the campaign of 1644. He was again taken Prisoner, but soon released;
+and served in the end of the same campaign. He was detached by the Duke
+d'Anguien and Marshal Turenne to take Fridelshem and Neudstad, and was
+afterwards sent by them to the Landgravine of Hesse: he acquitted
+himself with honour of all the commissions that were given him. The Duke
+d'Anguien spoke of him in the highest terms; and the Landgravine
+received him in the best manner, in consideration of the services which
+his father had done to the house of Hesse: he was sent a second time by
+Marshal Turenne to the Landgravine. The Duke d'Anguien promised to take
+care of this youth's fortune; and the approbation of a prince, who was
+the Mars of his time and knew men so well, is the highest elogium that
+could be given of Diederic.</p>
+
+<p>He came to an unhappy end when but young and unmarried. Queen Christina
+having abdicated the Crown in favour of Charles Gustavus, Diederic and
+Cornelius Grotius took a resolution to wait on that Prince, who had
+known and highly esteemed their father in France, with an intention to
+offer him their services, and get employment. Setting out from Holland
+with this design, they were got between Embden and Bremen, halfway to
+Hamburg, when a villain, who had served Diederic several years as his
+valet, resolved to murder both the brothers for the sake of their money:
+he went in the night-time into Diederic's chamber, and shot his master
+dead while asleep: he was preparing to serve Cornelius Grotius in the
+same <a name="Page_356" id="Page_356"></a>manner, but he was awake: he happened to be employed in composing
+a Latin epigram. On hearing the shot, he took a pistol which lay on a
+chair by his bed side, and seeing the murderer advance softly to him (it
+was moon-light) he fired, and laid him flat on the floor: the people of
+the inn got up on the noise, and delivered the villain, who was
+dangerously wounded, into the hands of justice, and he was broke on the
+wheel.</p>
+
+<p>Hugo Grotius had also three daughters, Frances, Mary, and Cornelia;
+Frances, the youngest, was born in October, 1626, before her time, her
+mother being delivered of her in the eighth month: accordingly this
+young person was short-lived, for she died in the beginning of the year
+1628. Mary, his second daughter, died at Paris in the month of March,
+1635, of the fatigue and cold she received in her journey to that city.
+Grotius informed his father of her death by a letter<a name="FNanchor_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a> dated March
+23, 1635, in which he tells him she died almost without pain, and with a
+deep sense of religion. "My wife and I, says he, bear this misfortune
+like people accustomed to adversity: besides, why should we call her
+death a misfortune? has not God a right to take back what he gave? and
+ought not we to flatter ourselves that she is arrived at that happy
+state, which the young ought to long after as much as the old? We are
+delivered from the care of procuring a husband for her: perhaps we
+should have had much difficulty to find one that would have been
+agreeable to her and to all her family: and even if we should have found
+one that pleased us all at first, would there not have been room to
+apprehend that he had concealed his true character for a time, and that
+he would afterwards make her unhappy? She is now delivered from the
+pains of <a name="Page_357" id="Page_357"></a>bearing children, and bringing them up. More happy than her
+mother, she will not see judges incensed against her husband, because he
+is innocent: she will not be obliged to shut herself up in prison for
+her husband; nor to lead a wandering life to accompany him. Let us
+congratulate her that God has taken her out of the world before she knew
+too much of the evil or what are called the good things of it. Let us
+congratulate ourselves on her having lived with us as long as life was
+agreeable to her, and free from any mixture of bitterness. What is there
+at present in Christendom to make us desire life? Divisions in the
+Church, bloody wars, men slaughtered, women violated, cruel murders, and
+multitudes reduced to beggary; Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia pillaged;
+the heirs of the most noble families reduced to the necessity of living
+on alms, if it can be called living to drag out their days in misery,
+wishing for death, which alone can put an end to it."</p>
+
+<p>Cornelia, the eldest of Grotius's daughters, who survived her father,
+married John Barthon, Viscount of Mombas, a Gentleman of Poitou, who was
+obliged to quit France for having displeased Lewis XIV. He went to
+Holland, from whence he was also forced to fly, having been involved in
+the misfortunes wherein the De Wits perished, and which gave Peter
+Grotius, his brother-in-law, so much uneasiness.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had a brother named William, with whom he kept up the greatest
+intimacy during his whole life, and made him the confident of his
+studies and designs. It appears by his letters that they lived in the
+strictest friendship. Hugo, who was the eldest, contributed to his
+brother's education, and directed his studies. We have a letter from
+Grotius to his brother, dated at Rotterdam September 28, 1614,
+containing a plan of study. "I am of opinion, says he, that in order to
+acquire the knowledge of Law, before you <a name="Page_358" id="Page_358"></a>touch upon law tracts you
+should read with attention Aristotle's second and fifth book of Ethics,
+to Nicomachus, or the excellent paraphrase of them published by
+Heinsius; then Aristotle's Rhetoric, with the learned commentary on it;
+afterwards Cicero's <i>Offices</i>, the <i>Paradoxes</i>, <i>De Finibus</i>, <i>Of Laws</i>,
+the <i>Topica</i>, and <i>De Inventiene</i>. I could wish that whilst reading you
+would make extracts, or at least mark in the margin of your book
+whatever has relation to the Law of Nature and of Nations, to the origin
+of Laws and Magistrates, to <i>Jus publicum et privatum</i>. When you have
+done this, we shall think of the rest." It was Grotius who corrected his
+brother's Law Theses.</p>
+
+<p>William Grotius came to France in 1617 to learn the language; and
+retiring to Senlis made great progress in it: he purposed to go to
+Tours, and Grotius approved of his journey, because the air was pure,
+and they spoke good French there.</p>
+
+<p>William Grotius, as well as his brother, had a turn for theological
+studies: he wrote something in verse on the Decalogue, which Grotius
+mentions in a letter dated from his prison at Louvestein, November 1,
+1620. "I have read with pleasure, he says, what you have done on the
+Decalogue: the maxims are excellent, and the verses easy."</p>
+
+<p>William had his brother's confidence during his whole life. Grotius
+writes to him from Paris, April 14, 1622, "You are never weary of
+assisting me under my afflictions: if ever fortune enables me to testify
+my gratitude, I will forgive her all the tricks she has played me." He
+was desirous, in the end of the year 1622, that his brother should
+settle his matters so, as to come to see him in the beginning of the
+following year; but this journey did not take place. Grotius's disgrace
+affected his brother: he despaired of attaining to honours, and Grotius
+<a name="Page_359" id="Page_359"></a>advised him to think only of raising himself by the study of the Law.</p>
+
+<p>In April 1623 he married Alida Grasvinkel. About this time a Dutchman
+was seized at Lillo, with letters from William Grotius to his brother.
+It was expected that something would be found in them against the State,
+and they talked of nothing less than imprisoning him; but
+notwithstanding the malice of his enemies, they could not find the least
+pretext from these letters to trouble him. In the mean time William
+followed the profession of an Advocate with much success: Grotius
+compliments him on it in a letter of the 28th of November, 1625, in
+which he tells him, that the life he led in shining at the bar was much
+more agreeable than that which is spent in public employments.</p>
+
+<p>William Grotius wrote about this time the lives of the Advocates, under
+the title of <i>Vit&aelig; Jurisconsultorum quorum in Pandectis exstant nomina,
+conscript&aelig; a Gulielmo Grotio Jurisconsulto Delphensi</i>. He sent this book
+to his brother, who writes to him that he read it with pleasure, and was
+delighted to see a work which demonstrated his brother's genius,
+learning, and good sense.</p>
+
+<p>William Grotius, whose marriage had prevented his going to France to see
+his brother, went thither however in 1629: he returned again to Holland.
+William being desirous to have his brother's picture, Hugo had the
+complaisance to sit for it, and send it to him. The enmity of the
+Magistrates was still so violent at this time, that William made a
+mystery of this picture; in which Grotius thought he acted very
+prudently. In 1638 there was a talk of making William Grotius Pensionary
+of Delft. The conditions on which the place was offered did not suit
+him, and he declined it. This refusal was approved of by Grotius; for he
+writes to him, March 13, 1638, "As to the place of Pensionary of our
+native <a name="Page_360" id="Page_360"></a>town, the more I think of it, the happier I imagine you in
+having got rid of it, and in preferring honour to profit: for in these
+times it would have been impossible to have preserved that place and
+your honour."</p>
+
+<p>The East-India Company chose him for their Advocate in 1639. Grotius
+compliments his brother on it March 26, that year. "I always loved that
+Company, he says: I look upon it as the support of the Republic; and if
+I could be at present of any use to it, I would most gladly embrace the
+opportunity."</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's writings concerning Antichrist were approved of by William and
+their Father. However, as there was reason to apprehend that the
+printing of these pieces might increase the number and animosity of his
+enemies, Grotius proposed to his Brother not to take upon him their
+publication, especially as he might easily find persons that were far
+from a factious spirit, who would willingly undertake it: but William
+Grotius ran the hazard of this publication, without being frightened at
+the consequences.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had always discovered great impatience when denied the tides of
+honour due to the Ambassadors of crowned heads. He imagined it to be the
+consequence of a plot of his enemies to depreciate him. William did not
+approve of his brother's great heat on this subject: and thought there
+was reason to presume that it was owing rather to inattention, than a
+premeditated design. Grotius, whose mildness of temper was greatly
+altered by his late disputes with the Reformed Ministers, as Henry de
+Villeneuve observes in a letter to the Abb&eacute; Barcellini, was much
+dissatisfied with his brother's manner of excusing those of whom he
+thought he had reason to complain; and wrote to him very sharply on this
+subject, December 12, 1643. "I imagine, says he, <a name="Page_361" id="Page_361"></a>I see and hear you
+pleading at the Bar: you find reasons to excuse my enemies for things
+for which no body here excuses them: you blame me for things for which
+no body here blames me, nor will any others except your Dutchmen. It is
+fit that I should support my dignity: the thing is done on purpose; and
+the Swedes, whom it concerns, would be offended with me if I acted
+otherwise. I would therefore ask of you, for the future to address the
+letters you receive for me to my wife; and I shall afterwards see what
+is to be done."</p>
+
+<p>This small altercation did not interrupt the friendship of the two
+brothers, nor their correspondence by letters, which continued till
+Grotius's death.</p>
+
+<p>William, besides the book we have already mentioned, wrote another on
+the law of nature, entitled, <i>Willelmi Grotii de principiis Juris
+Naturalis Enchiridion</i>. This work is much inferior to the treatise <i>Of
+War and Peace</i>. However, it has its merit, and is particularly valuable
+for containing in a small compass all the principles of Natural Law
+clearly displayed.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius had still another brother, named Francis, who was the second son
+of John Grotius. He died young. Grotius wrote a Poem on his death, and a
+consolatory piece in Prose and Verse to his Father: they are both in the
+collection of his Poems.</p>
+
+<p>John Grotius had a daughter of fine accomplishments. Grotius acquaints
+us<a name="FNanchor_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a>, that she wrote an useful book on Widowhood, which was very well
+done. The design of this work was not to condemn second marriages, but
+only to shew that it was more becoming a reasonable woman to content
+herself with having had one husband. After her death it was proposed to
+print it; and Grotius, to make <a name="Page_362" id="Page_362"></a>it a more considerable book, translated
+into Dutch three treatises of Tertullian, one of St. Ambrose, two of St.
+Chrysostome, and three of St. Jerom, on the same subject. We have not
+learnt whether this Collection was ever published.</p>
+
+<p>The END of the SIXTH and LAST BOOK.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<div class="footnotehead"><b>FOOTNOTES:</b></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a> See the Testimonia at the end of Le Clerc's edition of
+the treatise on the truth of the Christian religion, p. 344. &amp; 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a> Ep. 195. p. 813.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a> Ep. 253. p. 832.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a> Ep. 368. p. 859. &amp; 369. p 860.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a> Ep. 419. p. 875.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a> Ep. 421. p. 876.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a> Ep. 936 p. 415</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a> Ep. 1129. p. 510. &amp; 1133. p. 512.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a> Ep. 506. p. 885. 465. p. 886. 1371. p. 623</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a> Ep. 1607. p. 716. 1616. p. 717. 537. p. 916. 670. p. 958.
+&amp; 678. p. 960.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a> Ep. 714. p. 968.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a> Ep. 1746. p. 746. &amp; 720. p. 970.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a> Ann. de Basnage, t. 1. p. 700.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a> Ep. 64. p. 773. 68. p. 774. &amp; 72. p. 776.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a> Ep. 258. p. 833.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a> Ep. 324. p. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a> Ep. 326. p. 849.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a> Ep. 353. p. 855.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a> Ep. 357. p. 856.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a> Ep. 364. p. 858. &amp; 369. p. 860.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a> Ep. 573. p. 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a> Ep. 406. p. 870.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a> Ep. 421. p. 876.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a> Ep. 425. p. 876.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a> Ep. 426. p. 877.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a> Ep. 946. p. 419.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a> See Book I. &sect; 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a> Ep. 455. p. 883. &amp; 465. p. 887.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a> Ep. 469. p. 887.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a> Ep. 492. p. 896.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a> Ep. 537. p. 916.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a> Ep. 542. p. 918.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a> Ep. 553. p. 924.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a> Ep. 555. p. 925.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a> Ep. 588. p. 933.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a> Ep. 641. p. 949.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a> Ep. 1257. p. 571.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a> Ep. 377. p. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a> Ep. 550. p. 920.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="Bibliography"></a><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363"></a><span class="u">A</span></h3>
+
+<h2><span class="u">CATALOGUE</span></h2>
+
+<h3><span class="u">OF</span></h3>
+
+<h3><span class="u">GROTIUS's WORKS</span>.</h3>
+
+
+<p><i>Hugeiani Grotii Batavi Pontifex Romanus, Rex Galliarum, Albertus
+Cardinalis, Regina Angli&aelig;, Ordines Foederati: ex officin&acirc; Plantinian&acirc;,
+apud Christophorum Raphelengium, Academi&aelig; Lugduno-Batav&aelig; Typographum</i>,
+1599.</p>
+
+<p>Grotius's Poems are in two collections; the prophane, in that published
+by his brother, which has gone through many editions; in the latter ones
+are inserted the Tragedy of Sophomphaneus, the <i>Catechism</i> in Latin
+verse, and <i>Sylva ad Franciscum Augustum Thuanum</i>. See the <i>Life of
+Grotius</i> Book 1. &sect; 13. B. 2. &sect; 14. B. 5. &sect; 2. The sacred poems were
+printed, in quarto, at the Hague, in 1610, in a collection wherein we
+find <i>Adamus exsul</i>, a tragedy; <i>Exordia quatuor Evangeliorum</i>;
+<i>Paraphrasis metrica Hymnorum in Evangelio &amp; Actis Luc&aelig;, variique
+Psalmi, &amp; alia carmina</i>; <i>Martiani Minei Felicis Satyricon, seu de
+nuptiis Philologi&aelig; &amp; Mercurii libri duo</i>; <i>&amp; de septem artibus
+liberalibus libri totidem: emendati &amp; notis illustrati</i>.
+<i>Lugduni-Batavorum</i>, 1599. See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. &sect; 10.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364"></a>Limneu[Greek: retich&ecirc;], <i>sive portuum investigandorum ratio, metaphraste
+Hugone Grotio Batavo: ex officin&acirc; Plantinian&acirc;, apud Christophorum
+Raphelengium, Academi&aelig; Lugduno-Batav&aelig; typographum</i>, 1599. See the Life
+of Grotius, B. 1. &sect; 11.</p>
+
+<p><i>Hug. Grotii Batavi Syntagma Arat&aelig;orum, opus po&euml;tic&aelig; &amp; astronomi&aelig;
+studiosis utilissimum. Ex officin&acirc; Plantinian&acirc;, apud Christophorum
+Raphelengium, academi&aelig; Lugduno-Batav&aelig; typographum</i>, 1600.</p>
+
+<p><i>Hoc opere continentur Arati Phoenomena, &amp; Diosemeia Gr&aelig;c&egrave; Ciceronis
+interpretatio H. Grotii versibus interpolata.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Phoenomena Aratea Germanico C&aelig;sare interprete, multo auctiora &amp;
+emendatiora, ope manuscripti profecti ex bibliothec&acirc; nob. dom. Jacobi
+Susii de Grisendorf.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Ejusdem fragmenta Prognosticorum, imagines siderum Germanici versibus
+interposit&aelig;, ex manuscripto desumpt&aelig;, &amp; a Jacobo Gheinia &aelig;ri incis&aelig;.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Not&aelig; H. Grotii ad Aratum.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Not&aelig; ejusdem ad Germanici Phoenomena.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Not&aelig; ejusdem ad imagines, in quibus siderum &amp; singularum stellarum
+nomina Arabica, Hebr&aelig;a, Gr&aelig;ca, &amp; Latina, &amp; situs exponuntur.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Not&aelig; ad Fragmenta Ciceronis.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Festi Avieni paraphrasis, cum notis brevibus in margine appositis.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Mare Liberum, seu de jure quod Batavis competit ad Indica commercia.</i>
+<i>Lugduni-Batavorum</i>, 1609. See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. &sect; 19.</p>
+
+<p><i>De antiquitate reipublic&aelig; Batavic&aelig;.</i> <i>Lug. Bat.</i> 1610. See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 1. &sect; 20.</p>
+
+<p>The theological works were printed in four volumes in folio, by the
+heirs of Blaeu, at Amsterdam, in 1679.</p>
+
+<p>The three first tomes contain the <i>Commentary on the Holy Scriptures</i>.
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. &sect; 14. B. 6. &sect; 11.</p>
+
+<p>The fourth volume contains divers theological pieces.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365"></a><i>De Veritate Religionis Christian&aelig;.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect;
+14. B. 6. &sect; 9.</p>
+
+<p><i>Ordinum Hollandi&aelig; &amp; Westfrisi&aelig; pietas ab improbissimis multorum
+calumniis, pr&aelig;sertim vero a Sibrandi Luberti Epistol&acirc;, quam
+Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi scripsit, vindicata.</i> See the life of
+Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Bona Fides Sibrandi Luberti.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Ordinum Hollandi&aelig; &amp; Westfrisi&aelig; decretum pro pace ecclesiarum, munitum
+S. Scriptur&aelig;, Conciliorum, Patrum, Confessionum, &amp; Theologorum
+testimoniis.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 4. &amp; 17.</p>
+
+<p><i>Oratio</i> IX. <i>cal. Maii habita in senatu Amstelodamensi, versa &egrave; Belgico
+sermone per Theodorum Schrevelium.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 6.</p>
+
+<p><i>Defensio decreti pro pace ecclesiarum.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2.
+&sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>De Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra.</i> See the Life of Grotius,
+B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Defensio fidei Catholic&aelig; de satisfactione Christi, advers&ugrave;s Faustum
+Socinum Senensem.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Conciliatio dissidentium de re predestinatori&acirc; atque grati&acirc; opinionum.</i>
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Disquisitio, an Pelagiana sint illa dogmata, qu&aelig; nunc sub eo nomine
+traducuntur.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Philosophorum veterum sententi&aelig; de fato, &amp; de eo quod est in nostr&acirc;
+potestate.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 16.</p>
+
+<p><i>Commentarius ad loca qu&aelig;dam Novi Testamenti de Antichristo.</i> See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>Appendix ad Commentationem de Antichristo.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dissertatio de Coen&aelig; administratione ubi Pastores non adsunt.</i> See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dissertatio an semper communicandum per symbola.</i> See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366"></a><i>Explicatio trium utilissimorum locorum N.T. in quibus agitur de fide &amp;
+operibus.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam; quo tractatu continentur Bulla Pii Pap&aelig;
+IV. super form&acirc; juramenti professionis fidei exhibit&acirc; invictissimo
+Imperatori Carolo V. in comitiis Augustanis, 1530. Georgii Cassandri
+Consultatio de articulis Religionis inter Catholicos &amp; Protestantes
+controversis. Hugonis Grotii Annotata ad Consultationem Cassandri,
+ejusdem disquisitio de dogmatibus Pelagianis, ejusdem baptizatorum
+institutio &amp; de eucharisti&acirc;; denique Syllabus auctorum, qui de
+conciliatione controversiarum in religione scripserunt.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Animadversiones in Andre&aelig; Riveti animadversiones.</i> See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>Votum pro pace ecclesiastic&acirc;, contra examen Andre&aelig; Riveti.</i> See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>Rivetiani apologetici discussio.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>De summo sacerdotio.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 5. &sect; 12.</p>
+
+<p><i>De dogmatis, ritibus, &amp; gubernatione Ecclesi&aelig; Christian&aelig;.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>De dogmatis qu&aelig; reipublic&aelig; noxia sunt aut dicuntur.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>M. Ann&aelig;i Lucani Pharsalia, ex emendatione &amp; cum notis H. Grotii. Lug.
+Bat.</i> 1614. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 5.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dicta po&euml;tarum qu&aelig; apud Joannem Stobeum extant, emendata &amp; Latino
+carmine reddita ab Hugone Grotio: accesserunt Plutarchi &amp; Basilii Magni
+de usu Gr&aelig;corum po&euml;tarum. Parisiis</i>, 1622. See the Life of Grotius, B.
+2. &sect; 14. B. 3. &sect; 6.</p>
+
+<p><i>Apologeticus eorum, qui Hollandi&aelig;, Westfrisi&aelig;, &amp; vicinis quibusdam
+nationibus ex Legibus pr&aelig;fuerunt ante mutationem anni</i> 1618. <i>Parisiis</i>,
+1622. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 14. B. 3. &sect; 4.</p>
+
+<p><i>De Jure Belli ac Pacis Libri tres.</i> <i>Parisiis</i>, 1625. The best edition
+of this celebrated work is that published at Amsterdam, in 1720, by John
+Barbeyrac, who has <a name="Page_367" id="Page_367"></a>translated it so happily. At the end of this edition
+he subjoined a small tract of Grotius: <i>De equitate, indulgenti&acirc;, &amp;
+facilitate, liber singularis.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B. 3. &sect; 9.</p>
+
+<p><i>Excerpta ex tragoediis &amp; comediis Gr&aelig;cis, t&ugrave;m qu&aelig; extant, t&ugrave;m qu&aelig;
+perierunt: emendata &amp; Latinis versibus reddita ab Hugone Grotio, cum
+notis &amp; indice auctorum ac rerum. Parisiis apud Nicolaum Buon</i>, 1626.
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 14. B. 3. &sect; 6.</p>
+
+<p><i>Groll&aelig; obsidio, cum annexis anni</i> 1627. <i>Amstelodami, apud Guillelmum
+Blaeu</i>, 1629. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 14.</p>
+
+<p><i>Euripidis Tragoedia Pheniss&aelig;, emendata ex manuscriptis, &amp; Latina facta
+ab Hugone Grotio. Parisiis</i>, 1630. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 14.
+B. 3. &sect; 7.</p>
+
+<p>An Introduction to the Laws of Holland, in Dutch. Hague, 1631. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 2. &sect; 14. B. 6. &sect; 14.</p>
+
+<p><i>C. Cornelius Tacitus, ex J. Lipsii editione, cum notis &amp; emendationibus
+H. Grotii. Lugduni-Batavorum, ex officin&acirc; Elzevirian&acirc;</i>, 1640. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 3.</p>
+
+<p><i>Florum sparsio in Jus Justinianeum, &amp; in loca qu&aelig;dam Juris Civilis.
+Parisiis</i>, 1642. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 10.</p>
+
+<p><i>De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio prior. Parisiis</i>, 1642. See
+the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 13.</p>
+
+<p><i>De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio altera, advers&ugrave;s
+obtrectatorem opaca bonum quem fecit barba. Parisiis</i>, 1643. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 13.</p>
+
+<p><i>Hugonis Grotii qu&aelig;dam hacten&ugrave;s inedita, aliaque ex Belgic&egrave; editis
+Latin&egrave; versa, argumenti theologici, juridici, politici. Amstelodami</i>,
+1652.</p>
+
+<p><i>Consilium juridicum super iis, qu&aelig; Nassavii in Juliacum &amp; Geldriam
+competere sibi dicunt.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Epistola ad Car. V. an Provinci&aelig; Foederati Belgii inferend&aelig; sunt
+imperio Germanico.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>F. Thom&aelig; Campanell&aelig; Philosophi&aelig; realis pars tertia, qu&aelig; est de
+politic&acirc;, in aphorismos digesta.</i></p>
+
+<p><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368"></a><i>De pace Germani&aelig; epistola ad clarissimum virum N.P. An supposititia sit
+dijudicet sagax lector.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Hugonis Grotii responsio ad qu&aelig;dam ab utroque judicum consessu objecta,
+ubi multa disputantur de jure summarum potestatum in Hollandi&acirc;
+Westfrisi&acirc;que, &amp; Magistratuum in oppidis.</i> See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. &sect; 14.</p>
+
+<p><i>Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, &amp; Longobardorum; ab Hugone Grotio partim
+versa, partim in ordinem digesta, cum ejusdem prolegomenis, ubi regum
+Gothorum ordo &amp; chronologia cum elogiis; accedunt nomina appellativa cum
+explicatione. Scriptores sunt Procopius, Agathias, Jornandes, B.
+Isidorus, Paulus Warnefridus. Amstelodami</i>, 1655. See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 7.</p>
+
+<p><i>Annales &amp; Histori&aelig; de rebus Belgicis, ab obitu Philippi regis usque ad
+inducias anni 1609. Amstelodami, anno</i> 1657. See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. &sect; 8.</p>
+
+<p><i>Hugonis Grotii Epistol&aelig;, quotquot reperiri potuerunt. Amstelodami</i>,
+1687. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. &sect; 15.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h2><a name="Index"></a><span class="u"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369"></a>INDEX</span>.</h2>
+
+
+<p>
+A.<br />
+<br />
+Adamus exsul, a tragedy, <a href="#Page_19">19.</a><br />
+<br />
+Aligre, keeper of the seals, Grotius flatters himself with being protected by him, <a href="#Page_114">114</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The services which he accordingly receives from him, <a href="#Page_114">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+America, Grotius's treatise of the origin of its inhabitants, <a href="#Page_275">275.</a><br />
+<br />
+Amsterdam, that city favours the Gomarists, and declares against a toleration, <a href="#Page_50">50</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Deputation sent to it on this subject, <a href="#Page_50">ib.</a> et seq.</span><br />
+<br />
+Anne of Austria, queen, is declared regent during the minority of her son Lewis XIV., <a href="#Page_230">230</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives Grotius an audience, <a href="#Page_231">231.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Anthologia, Grotius purposes to publish an edition of that collection, <a href="#Page_247">247</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The several indexes he would have to it, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The printing of it begun, but stopt, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Where the original of this work is to be found, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The time employed by the author in it, <a href="#Page_251">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Antichrist, Grotius's book on that subject, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">It occasions him many enemies, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Made a great noise among the enemies of the Romish Church, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The offence which it gave to the reformed, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A mistake of the author in this book, <a href="#Page_272">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Aratus, Grotius's edition of his Phoenomena, <a href="#Page_16">16</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Commended, <a href="#Page_16">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A copy of this edition collated by Nicholas Heinsius, who added some notes, <a href="#Page_18">18.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Ardenne, battle of, <a href="#Page_158">158.</a><br />
+<br />
+<a name="Arminians"></a>Arminians, their conference with the Gomarists in presence of the states of Holland, <a href="#Page_41">41</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their remonstrance to the states, <a href="#Page_41">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">By whom it was drawn up, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A summary of their doctrine, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Acknowledge the civil magistrate to be judge of ecclesiastical disputes, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Persecuted by prince Maurice, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Refuse to receive the synod of Dort, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their protest against that assembly, <a href="#Page_60">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Are condemned in it, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The pretexts they make use of against that synod, <a href="#Page_61">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Favoured by prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, <a href="#Page_107">107.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Arminius, his dispute with Gomar, <a href="#Page_39">39</a> et seq.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His doctrine concerning predestination and grace, <a href="#Page_39">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He is complained of to the synod of Rotterdam, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Presents a petition to the states of Holland and Westfriesland, <a href="#Page_40">ibid</a> et seq.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's Elogium of him, <a href="#Page_41">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Method proposed by him for a reunion of christians, <a href="#Page_307">307.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Arnaud, his relation concerning Grotius's death, <a href="#Page_241">241.</a><br /><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370"></a>
+<br />
+<br />
+B.<br />
+<br />
+Bacon, Lord, the reading of his Works gave Grotius the first hint of compiling a system of natural law, <a href="#Page_110">110.</a><br />
+<br />
+Baillet, his judgment of Grotius's poems, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Of his annals of the Low Countries, <a href="#Page_258">258.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Balzac, what he said of Grotius's poems, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for that learned man, <a href="#Page_328">328.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Bannier, Marshal, his brother first put it into Grotius's head to enter into the Swedish service, <a href="#Page_136">136.</a><br />
+<br />
+Barberin, Cardinal Francis, what he found fault with in Grotius's book of war and peace, <a href="#Page_113">113.</a><br />
+<br />
+Barbeyrac, his commendation of Grotius's treatise of the rights of war and peace, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> et seq.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Character of his translation of that book, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His judgment of John de Felda's notes against it, <a href="#Page_111">111,</a> <a href="#Page_112">112</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Defects observed by Barbeyrac in it, <a href="#Page_113">113.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Barl&aelig;us, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, <a href="#Page_7">7.</a><br />
+<br />
+Barnevelt, grand pensionary of Holland, his firmness in opposing the earl of Leicester's designs, <a href="#Page_9">9</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Contributes to the nominating count Maurice of Nassau captain general, <a href="#Page_9">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sent ambassador to Henry IV., <a href="#Page_10">10</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Success of his negotiation, <a href="#Page_10">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's connection with him, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The report it gave rise to, <a href="#Page_29">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His behaviour in the dispute between the Arminians and Gomarists, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, et seq.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He and Grotius have the direction of the states conduct in this affair, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Decree proposed by him to the states, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rise of count Maurice's hatred to him, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wants to resign his employments, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arrested by count Maurice, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Crimes of which his enemies accuse him, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is brought to his tryal, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Excepts against his judges, <a href="#Page_62">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His condemnation, and its grounds, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The court of France interests itself in his behalf, <a href="#Page_63">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death and elogium, <a href="#Page_65">65.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Baudius, his opinion of Grotius's poetical talents, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A candidate for the place of historiographer of the United Provinces, which he yields to that learned man, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Scazon written by him in honour of Grotius, <a href="#Page_327">327.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Bayle, his opinion of Grotius's project for reuniting the religions, <a href="#Page_302a">302.</a><br />
+<br />
+Berthier, father, the jesuist, his information concerning the original manuscript of Grotius's Anthologia, <a href="#Page_251">251</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What he says of his translation of the <i>Supplicantes</i> of Euripides, <a href="#Page_278">278.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Bignon, Jerom, advocate general, his observation to Grotius concerning his Annals of the Low Countries, <a href="#Page_258">258</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of the treatise of the truth of the christian religion, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cannot bear to hear Grotius accused of socinianism, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for him, <a href="#Page_330">330.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Bishops, their authority favoured by Grotius, <a href="#Page_288">288</a> et seq.<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He says they were established by Christ, <a href="#Page_288">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Blondius, his ill treatment of Reigersberg, <a href="#Page_317">317</a><br /><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">How threatened by Grotius on that account, <a href="#Page_317">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Boissise, Thumeri de, on what occasion nominated ambassador from France to Holland, <a href="#Page_63">63</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Success of his negotiation, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Receives Grotius at his arrival in France, <a href="#Page_89">89.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Bossuet, his summary of the Arminian doctrine, <a href="#Page_45">45</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Accuses Grotius of favouring Socinianism, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Allows that he did not deny Christ's divinity, <a href="#Page_320">320.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Bouhier, the president, his mistake concerning the year of Grotius's birth, <a href="#Page_4">4.</a><br />
+<br />
+Boutillier, superintendant of the finances, makes Grotius offers of service, <a href="#Page_126">126</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His conference with him concerning the treaty concluded in France with the envoys of the allies, <a href="#Page_147">147.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Boze, a collection of Grotius's letters in cipher in his cabinet, <a href="#Page_282">282</a><br />
+<br />
+Brandanus, Grotius's chaplain, <a href="#Page_157">157</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His character, <a href="#Page_157">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is turned away by Grotius, <a href="#Page_158">158.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Briet, father, a jesuit, what he says of Grotius's disposition to turn Roman Catholic, <a href="#Page_301">301.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+C.<br />
+<br />
+Calvin, spoken of by Grotius with the greatest indignation, <a href="#Page_287">287</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His equivocal expressions concerning the Eucharist, <a href="#Page_293">293.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Calvinists, Grotius disapproves of their sentiments on the Eucharist, and reproaches them with their contradictions, <a href="#Page_292">292</a><br />
+<br />
+Capella, Martianus, Grotius's edition of that author, <a href="#Page_13">13</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The nature of his work, and its character, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Its use, <a href="#Page_15">15.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Carleton, the english ambassador in Holland, demands that Grotius should be punished for writing the book of the Freedom of the ocean, <a href="#Page_67">67.</a><br />
+<br />
+Casaubon, Isaac, his commendation of Grotius's edition of Capella, <a href="#Page_15">15</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What he says of his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Translates into Greek verse Grotius's Prosopopoeia of the town of Ostend, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His commendation of his Christus patiens, <a href="#Page_19">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of his talents for poetry, <a href="#Page_19">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry IV. has thoughts of making him his librarian, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Difficulties that design meets with, <a href="#Page_22">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is nominated Librarian, <a href="#Page_22">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius contracts a great friendship with him, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for that learned man, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His thoughts of the re-union of the roman catholics with the protestants, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The last testimony of his sentiments for Grotius, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Commends his Apology against Sibrand Lubert, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What Grotius says of Casaubon's resolution to turn Roman Catholic, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of the Roman Catholics of France, <a href="#Page_286">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Casaubon, Meric, his esteem for Grotius, <a href="#Page_332">332</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium of Grotius in the Preface to Hierocles of Providence and Fate, <a href="#Page_332">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Caumartin, is made keeper of the seals, <a href="#Page_94">94.</a><br />
+<br />
+Cerisante, nominated agent from Sweden at the court of France, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br /><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His character and birth, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His adventures, <a href="#Page_232">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is dismissed by the queen of Sweden, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His disputes with Grotius, <a href="#Page_233">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Charenton, the ministers of, refuse to receive Grotius into their communion on his first arrival in France, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His discussions with them when he returned in quality of ambassador from Sweden, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Send a deputation to him, <a href="#Page_155">155.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Charles I. of England, invites Grotius into that kingdom, <a href="#Page_187">187.</a><br />
+<br />
+Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, purposes to put himself at the head of the Weymarian army on the duke of Weymar's death, <a href="#Page_215">215</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Goes into France, and is arrested, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is conducted to Vincennes, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Princes who interest themselves in procuring his liberty, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He comes out of prison on certain conditions, <a href="#Page_217">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Chavigny, his negotiations with Grotius, <a href="#Page_159">159</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Treats with him concerning a truce that was proposed, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Another negotiation between them concerning the elector Palatine's discharge, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Christenius, John, his satisfaction on seeing Grotius when he was in France, <a href="#Page_331">331</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Esteem with which he speaks of him, <a href="#Page_331">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Christian IV. King of Denmark, his offers to Grotius to draw him into his service, <a href="#Page_131">131.</a><br />
+<br />
+Christina, queen of Sweden, state of affairs at her accession to the throne, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her right to the crown disputed, <a href="#Page_92">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Approves of Grotius's nomination to the French embassy, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Honours paid by her to Grotius at his return to Sweden, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her present to him at his departure, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Accused of shortening that learned man's days, <a href="#Page_242">243</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Purchases several of his manuscripts after his death, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her compliment to his widow on the death of her husband, <a href="#Page_332">332.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Church, Grotius's thoughts of her infallibility, and the submission due to her, <a href="#Page_297">297.</a><br />
+<br />
+Clement, St. publication of his epistle, <a href="#Page_297">297</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's thoughts of it and of the second letter ascribed to him, <a href="#Page_297">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Clerc, Le, his relation of the manner of Grotius's death, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives hopes of his publishing an edition of that learned man's Anthologia, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of his commentary on the Scriptures, <a href="#Page_269">269.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Colomiez, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the truth of the christian religion, <a href="#Page_267">267</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Elogiums of Grotius related by him, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His own opinion of him, <a href="#Page_329">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Cond&eacute;, prince of, Grotius dedicates his Capella to him, <a href="#Page_15">15</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is entirely in Grotius's interest, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Renews his acquaintance with him on his arrival in France in quality of ambassador from Sweden, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their conversation together, <a href="#Page_200">200.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Contra-remonstrants. See <a href="#Gomarist">Gomarists.</a><br />
+<br />
+Cornets, Cornelius, who he was, <a href="#Page_1">1</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His marriage with Ermengarda de Groot, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A branch of his family in Provence, <a href="#Page_2">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His children, <a href="#Page_2">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Corraro, the Venetian ambassador at Paris, Grotius's complaint against him, <a href="#Page_184">184</a><br /><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">How the affair was made up, <a href="#Page_184">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Crellius, answers Grotius's book against Socinus, <a href="#Page_321">321</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That learned man's letters to Crellius on this subject, <a href="#Page_322">322.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Crusius, a Swedish lord, his quarrel with Schmalz, <a href="#Page_206">206.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+D.<br />
+<br />
+D'Avaux, acts against Grotius, <a href="#Page_173">173</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his Negotiation with Salvius for a renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden, <a href="#Page_228">228.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Daube, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the rights of war and peace, <a href="#Page_113">113.</a><br />
+<br />
+Dead, Grotius's opinion of praying for them, <a href="#Page_294">294.</a><br />
+<br />
+Desmarets writes with great bitterness against Grotius's treatise on Antichrist, <a href="#Page_272">272</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His answer to him, <a href="#Page_272">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Desnoyers, secretary at war, treats with Grotius about a truce, <a href="#Page_204">204.</a><br />
+<br />
+De Vic made keeper of the seals, <a href="#Page_93">93</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius flatters himself with being favoured by him, <a href="#Page_93">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Services which De Vic doth that learned man, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_94">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+D'Or, Francis, enters into Grotius's service as his chaplain, <a href="#Page_158">158</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Who he was, <a href="#Page_158">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Turns Roman Catholic, and not censured by Grotius, <a href="#Page_286">288.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Dort, Synod of, its convocation, <a href="#Page_55">55</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">the holding of that assembly, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">It proscribes the Arminians, <a href="#Page_61">61.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Douza, John, his Elogium of Grotius when a boy, <a href="#Page_7">7.</a><br />
+<br />
+Du Maurier, ambassador from France to Holland, <a href="#Page_35">35</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius gives him a method of study, <a href="#Page_35">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He sends Grotius a recommendation for France, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives him false hopes of a return to his country, <a href="#Page_117">117.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Du Maurier, the son, his account of the circumstances attending Grotius's death, <a href="#Page_241">241</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His criticism of his letters, <a href="#Page_280">280.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Du Moulin, Lewis, what he says to Grotius's advantage, <a href="#Page_333">333.</a><br />
+<br />
+Duncomius, what he writes Vossius concerning Grotius, <a href="#Page_332">332.</a><br />
+<br />
+Dupuis, Henry, congratulates Grotius on his escape out of prison, and makes him an offer of his services, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82.</a><br />
+<br />
+Dupuis, Mess. visit Grotius on his arrival at Paris, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His great intimacy with them, <a href="#Page_317">317.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Dur&aelig;us, minister of the church of Sweden, seconds Grotius's project of pacification, <a href="#Page_305">305</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Obstacles to the execution of his design, <a href="#Page_306">306.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Du Vair, keeper of the seals, his esteem for Grotius, <a href="#Page_92">92</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Letter to him assuring him of his friendship, <a href="#Page_92">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compliments Grotius on his good intention of forming a coalition of all christians, <a href="#Page_303">303.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+E.<br />
+<br />
+Elizabeth Queen of England takes the United Provinces under her protection, <a href="#Page_8">8</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her treaty with them, <a href="#Page_8">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+English, their dispute with the Dutch concerning the Greenland fishery, <a href="#Page_29">29</a><br /><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Were the first who disputed with cardinal Richelieu the privileges of the cardinalship, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their broil with the Swedes about precedency, <a href="#Page_184">184.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Episcopius, is deposed by the synod of Dort, <a href="#Page_61">61</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What Grotius writes to him concerning the Eucharist, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Regards that learned man as his oracle, <a href="#Page_329">329.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Estrades, an anecdote related by him of prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, <a href="#Page_107">107</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is displeased with Peter Grotius pensionary of Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_348">348.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Eucharist, Grotius is at first prejudiced against the opinion of the Romish church concerning this sacrament, <a href="#Page_291">291</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His thoughts of it afterwards, <a href="#Page_291">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Euripides, most esteemed by Grotius of all the tragic poets, <a href="#Page_278">278</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Several of his pieces translated by him, <a href="#Page_278">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+F.<br />
+<br />
+Fabricius, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Scriptures, <a href="#Page_269">269.</a><br />
+<br />
+Felda, John de, his notes against Grotius's treatise De jure belli et pacis, <a href="#Page_111">111.</a><br />
+<br />
+Freiras, Francis Seraphin, his answer to Grotius's treatise of the freedom of the Ocean, <a href="#Page_26">26.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+G.<br />
+<br />
+Gettichius, his opinion of Grotius's writings concerning Antichrist, <a href="#Page_271">271.</a><br />
+<br />
+Gilot, James, his praise of Grotius when a boy, <a href="#Page_7">7.</a><br />
+<br />
+Gomar, rise of his dispute with Arminius, <a href="#Page_39">39</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His doctrine concerning predestination and grace, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is summoned to appear before the magistrates, <a href="#Page_40">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What he says there, <a href="#Page_40">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<a name="Gomarist">Gomarists,</a> their conference with the Arminians in presence of the States of Holland, <a href="#Page_41">41</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">On what occasion they were called Contra-remonstrants, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Are favoured by the people, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Disturbances raised by them, <a href="#Page_46">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their complaint against the edict published by the States, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Separate from the communism of the Arminians, <a href="#Page_50">50.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Goths, Grotius writes their antiquities, <a href="#Page_252">252</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The plan and design of this work, <a href="#Page_252">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Its publication, <a href="#Page_255">255.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grasvinkel, Theodore, who, <a href="#Page_112">112</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">undertakes a defence of Grotius's treatise of war and peace, <a href="#Page_112">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Gronovius, suspected by Grotius of having availed himself of his notes on Tacitus, <a href="#Page_246">246.</a><br />
+<br />
+Groot, Cornelius de, his birth, <a href="#Page_2">2</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His employments, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Leaves several Pieces in MS., <a href="#Page_3">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Groot, Diederic de, origin and signification of his name of Groot, <a href="#Page_1">1</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Marries his daughter to Cornelius Cornets, <a href="#Page_2">2.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Groot, Ermengarda de, who she was, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her marriage with Cornelius Cornets, <a href="#Page_1">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her children, <a href="#Page_2">2.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Groot, Hugo de, his birth, <a href="#Page_2">2</a><br /><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">How he distinguished himself, <a href="#Page_2">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_2">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His children, <a href="#Page_2">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Groot, John de, studies under Justus Lipsius, <a href="#Page_3">3</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">That learned man's esteem for him, <a href="#Page_3">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His works, <a href="#Page_3">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His employments, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Verses by Heinsius in his praise, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His marriage and children, <a href="#Page_4">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_4">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Assists his son Grotius in the edition of Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His verses on his son's marriage, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Translates into dutch, in conjunction with him, his book of the antiquities of the Batavi, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Directs his grandson Diederic Grotius's studies, <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Cornelia, Grotius's eldest daughter, her marriage with viscount Mombas, <a href="#Page_357">357.</a><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Cornelius, son of Hugo, his studies, <a href="#Page_338">338</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Enters into the high chancellor Oxensteirn's service, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Goes to serve under the duke of Weymar, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His fickleness, <a href="#Page_339">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_341">341.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Diederic, son of Hugo Grotius, distinguishes himself by his studies, <a href="#Page_352">352</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Enters into the duke of Weymar's service, <a href="#Page_353">353</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Diverted by his father from entering into the Dutch service, <a href="#Page_353">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Goes to serve under marshal Bannier, and is made prisoner, <a href="#Page_354">354</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Obtains his liberty, <a href="#Page_354">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Serves under marshal Turenne, <a href="#Page_355">355</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The duke D'Anguien's esteem for him, <a href="#Page_355">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_355">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Frances, Grotius's youngest daughter, her birth and death, <a href="#Page_356">356.</a><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Francis, brother of Hugo Grotius, verses by the latter on his death, <a href="#Page_361">361.</a><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Hugo, whence he derived the name of Grotius, <a href="#Page_1">1</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his family and ancestors, <a href="#Page_1">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">&AElig;ra of his birth, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Great hopes given by him in his childhood, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Writes elegiac verses at eight years of age, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The good education he receives, <a href="#Page_6">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rise of his connection with Utengobard the clergyman, <a href="#Page_6">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His studies at Leyden, his masters, and the progress he makes, <a href="#Page_6">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His first journey to France, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Honours he receives from Henry IV., <a href="#Page_11">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Takes the degree of Doctor of Laws, <a href="#Page_11">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His correspondence with the president de Thou, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium of that magistrate after his death, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Pleads his first cause, <a href="#Page_13">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His edition of Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_13">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The praise this work procures him from the Learned, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His management with the booksellers, <a href="#Page_15">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Translates into latin the Limneu[Greek: retich&ecirc;] of Stevin, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes an edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compliments he received on it from several men of learning, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Cultivates poetry, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His prosopopoeia of the town of Ostend, <a href="#Page_18">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His tragedies, and their success, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Opinion of the learned concerning his poetical talents, <a href="#Page_19">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Edition of his poems, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His own thoughts of them in the latter part of his life, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nominated Historiographer of the United Provinces, <a href="#Page_21">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Henry IV. has thoughts of making him his librarian, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></span><br /><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Applies to the bar, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His method of pleading, <a href="#Page_23">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Takes a dislike to this occupation, <a href="#Page_23">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Appointed advocate general of the provinces of Holland and Zealand, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His marriage, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His book of the freedom of the ocean, <a href="#Page_24">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His own thoughts of this work, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His book De antiquitate Reipublic&aelig; Batavic&aelig;, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nominated pensionary of Rotterdam, <a href="#Page_28">28</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Contracts an intimacy with Barnevelt, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Makes a voyage to England, about the Greenland fishery, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nominated commissioner in this affair, <a href="#Page_30">30</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is graciously received by king James I., <a href="#Page_31">31</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The great friendship he contracts with Casaubon, <a href="#Page_31">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for that learned man, <a href="#Page_31">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to Grotius's opinion, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The method of study sent by him to Du Maurier, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium of Arminius, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He declares for his doctrine, <a href="#Page_41">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The remonstrance of the Arminians drawn up in concert with him, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He and Barnevelt have the sole direction of what the States do in this affair, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rise of count Maurice's enmity to him, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Deputed by the States to the town of Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His speech on that occasion, <a href="#Page_51">51</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The bad success of his negotiation throws him into a fit of illness, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His scheme for a coalition proves ineffectual, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Deputed to Utrecht, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arrested by order of prince Maurice, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The crimes he is accused of by his enemies, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His prosecution, and sentence, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rotterdam interests itself for him in vain, <a href="#Page_66">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Hard-heartedness and rage of his enemies, <a href="#Page_66">66</a> et seq.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His condemnation, and its grounds, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Confutes them, and complains of his sentence, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Irregularity of his sentence, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is removed to the fortress of Louvestein, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His employment in prison, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Makes his escape, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Apology for the States of Holland against Sibrand Lubert, <a href="#Page_82">79</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes another work concerning predestination and grace, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Prints the decree of the States, and its defence, <a href="#Page_84">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His treatise De imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Writes against Socinus, <a href="#Page_86">86</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Censure it draws upon him, <a href="#Page_86">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes a tract, proving that the Arminians are not Pelagians, <a href="#Page_87">87</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His work on destiny, <a href="#Page_87">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He arrives at Paris, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ill offices which the States do him by their ambassadors in France, <a href="#Page_89">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Has no reason to speak well of the ministers of Charenton, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Epigrams occasioned by his arrival in France, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The court grants him a pension, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A report spread of his going to change his religion, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His employment at Paris, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of the eloquence of the advocates of those times, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes his Apology, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Its contents, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">It is condemned by the States, who proscribe the author, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His uneasiness on this subject, <a href="#Page_100">100</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Taken by the French king under his protection, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The connections he still keeps up in Holland, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Corresponds by letters with prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></span><br /><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes his Stobeus, <a href="#Page_103">103,</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">and his extract of the Greek tragedies and comedies, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Begins his work De jure belli ac pacis, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is taken ill, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes a translation of Euripides's Phoeniss&aelig;, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Writes in vain to prince Henry Frederic of Nassau to obtain leave to return to Holland, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Publishes his treatise De jure belli ac pacis, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Purposes to leave France, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A place offered him in Denmark, which he refuses, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His conference with cardinal Richelieu, by whom great hopes are given him, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius returns to Holland, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gains an important law-suit, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Disgusts he receives, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is again outlawed by the States, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Leaves Holland, and goes to Hamburg, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Refuses a pension from France, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His thoughts on the education of children, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His first acquaintance with Salvius, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is courted by several princes, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is desirous of a reconciliation with Holland, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The high Chancellor Oxensteirn sends for him, <a href="#Page_133">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His veneration for the great Gustavus, <a href="#Page_133">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Goes to Oxensteirn at Francfort, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is nominated ambassador from Sweden to France, <a href="#Page_136">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His public declaration that he ought no longer to be looked on as a Dutchman, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His journey to and arrival in France, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Objections made to his nomination, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His public entry into Paris, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His first audience of the king, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Renews his acquaintance with the Prince of Cond&eacute;, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His conference with Boutillier and father Joseph concerning the treaty concluded in France with the envoys of the allies, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Another conference on the same subject with cardinal Richelieu, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His discussions with the ministers of Charenton, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Resolves to have divine service celebrated in his own house, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His several journeys to court, and negotiations with the ministers, <a href="#Page_158">158</a> et seq.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His audiences of the cardinal, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Abstains from visiting his eminence, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Becomes odious to the court, <a href="#Page_172">172</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Accused of being a pensioner of France, <a href="#Page_174">174</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Disgusts he receives, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is uneasy about the payment of his salary, <a href="#Page_178">178</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The Venetian ambassador contends with him for precedency, <a href="#Page_179a">179</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Opposes the Swedes sending plenipotentiaries to the congress of Cologn, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His dispute with Godefroy concerning the right of precedency between France and Sweden, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Another dispute with the Venetian ambassador, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His explanation with the earl of Leicester in relation to the precedency of England and Sweden, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Several audiences which he has of the king, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Compliments the queen on her pregnancy, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His conversation with the prince of Cond&eacute;, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His negotiation with Chavigny concerning the truce that was proposed, <a href="#Page_201">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Smalz's bad behaviour to him, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is in great danger of his life, <a href="#Page_207">207</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His compliments to the king and queen on the birth of the Dauphin, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></span><br /><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for the duke of Weymar, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Labours to obtain the elector Palatine's liberty, and succeeds, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He negotiates the exchange of marshal Horn for John de Vert, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The share he has in the renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His small regret for the death of cardinal Richelieu, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Visits not cardinal Mazarine, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His audience of the queen mother, <a href="#Page_231">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The regency of Sweden are instigated against him, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The distaste he takes to his embassy, <a href="#Page_232">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Desires be recalled, which request is readily granted, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2em;">The gracious letter queen Christina writes to him on that subject, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His departure for Stockholm, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Honours he receives by the way, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His reception in Sweden, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He asks leave to retire, <a href="#Page_237">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His departure from Stockholm, <a href="#Page_237">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Anecdote concerning his last audience of the queen, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Conjectures to which his departure gave rise, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His arrival at Rostock, and his death, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Reports spread in relation to it, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His epitaph by himself, <a href="#Page_243">244</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His portrait, <a href="#Page_243">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His embassy did not interrupt his literary labours, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He again cultivates Poetry, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His notes on Tacitus, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">On Statius, <a href="#Page_246">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">On Lucan, <a href="#Page_246">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Anthologia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His prodigious readiness at writing, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His history of the antiquity of the Goths, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The account he gives of this work to the high chancellor, <a href="#Page_252">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His annals of the Low Countries, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His treatise of the truth of the christian religion, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is accused, on account of this book, of Socinianism, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His defence, <a href="#Page_260">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Commentary on the scriptures, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for father Petau, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His writings on Antichrist, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The many enemies they stir up against him, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His treatise of faith and good works, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam, <a href="#Page_273">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Expects his reward from posterity, <a href="#Page_273">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His writings against Rivetus, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His other theological works, <a href="#Page_274">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His treatise of the origin of the Americans, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His history of the siege of Grolla, <a href="#Page_277">277.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Introduction to the laws of Holland, <a href="#Page_277">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His other writings, <a href="#Page_277">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His translation of the Supplicantes of Euripides, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Manuscripts he left at his death, <a href="#Page_278">ib.</a> et seq.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Letters, and their praise, <a href="#Page_279">279</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Why censured, and for what esteemed, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His circumspection with regard to the news he wrote to the high Chancellor, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His sentiments in relation to the Jesuists, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_287">288</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His veneration for antiquity, <a href="#Page_283">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Leans towards the Roman Catholics, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium of pope Urbin VIII., <a href="#Page_284">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His disesteem of the reformers, <a href="#Page_284">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Disapproves of the separation of the protestants, <a href="#Page_286">286</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Indignation with which he speaks of Calvin, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is a partisan of the Hierarchy and the pope's supremacy, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Entertains hopes of reuniting christians, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His sentiments concerning the Eucharist, <a href="#Page_291">291</a></span><br /><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A kind of formula proposed by him in relation to it, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Justifies the decision of the council of Trent concerning the number of sacraments, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His sentiments on several other controverted points, <a href="#Page_294">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His fondness for the works of the apostolic fathers, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What order of Monks he most esteemed, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In what manner he speaks of the council of Trent, <a href="#Page_299">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What has been said of his disposition to turn Roman Catholic, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His connections with father Petau, <a href="#Page_300">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His religion problematical, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His project of reuniting all christians, <a href="#Page_302a">302</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Proposes to Lewis XIII. to pacify the differences which prevailed in Christendom, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What encouraged him in this project, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Flatters himself with being supported by cardinal Richelieu, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His letter on this subject to baron Oxensteirn, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Communicates to his father his project of a coalition, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The shortest way which he proposed of bringing it about, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Entertains hopes of success, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His connection with father Petau on this occasion, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The enemies which this design raised up to him, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">It embroils him with Salmasius and several others, <a href="#Page_314">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He becomes suspicious and peevish, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is accused of socinianism, <a href="#Page_318a">318</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His vindication from this charge, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His letters to Crellius, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is accused of being a Semi-pelagian, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Other accusations brought against him, <a href="#Page_325">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Elogiums and opinions of the learned concerning him, <a href="#Page_326">326</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Medals struck in honour of him, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His regard for the church of England, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Plan of study sent by him to William Grotius, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Altercation between them, <a href="#Page_360">360.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, William, prints his brother's poems, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius directs his studies, <a href="#Page_357">357</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His verses on the Decalogue, <a href="#Page_358">358</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The confidence which his brother places in him, <a href="#Page_358">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His marriage, <a href="#Page_359">359</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is a successful pleader, <a href="#Page_359">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Lives of the advocates, <a href="#Page_359">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Refuses the place of pensionary of Delft, <a href="#Page_359">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The East India Company chuse him for their advocate, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His altercation with his brother, <a href="#Page_360">360</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His book on the Law of Nature, <a href="#Page_361">361</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The merit of this work, <a href="#Page_361">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Mary, second daughter of Grotius, her death, <a href="#Page_356">356</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's letter to his father on that occasion, <a href="#Page_356">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Grotius, Peter, advice given him by his father with regard to his method of pleading, <a href="#Page_23">23</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What he relates concerning his father's Annals of the Low-Countries, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His bad state of health while a child, and his studies, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His uncertainty what course of life to follow, <a href="#Page_344">344</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Applies to the study of the law, <a href="#Page_346">346</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Uneasiness which his irresolution gives his father, <a href="#Page_346">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His marriage, <a href="#Page_347">347</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The edition which he purposed to publish of his father's works, <a href="#Page_347">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Enters into the service of the elector Palatine, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is nominated pensionary of Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_348">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rise of his displeasure against France, <a href="#Page_348">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Goes ambassador to Stockholm, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His great knowledge of men, <a href="#Page_349">349</a></span><br /><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is made pensionary of Rotterdam, and nominated ambassador from Holland to France, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Success of his embassy, <a href="#Page_350">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arrested and acquitted, <a href="#Page_351">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium by Vicquefort, <a href="#Page_352">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Gustavus, king of Sweden, Grotius great veneration for that prince, <a href="#Page_133">133</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for Grotius, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Purposes to engage him in his service, <a href="#Page_135">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives orders before his death for employing him in the Swedish ministry, <a href="#Page_135">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The value he set upon his treatise of War and Peace, <a href="#Page_135">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+H.<br />
+<br />
+Heemskerke, Elselinga, her family, and marriage with Hugo de Groot, <a href="#Page_2">2</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her children, <a href="#Page_2">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Heinsius, Daniel, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, <a href="#Page_7">7</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His Aristarchus Sacer, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The rival and secret enemy of Grotius, <a href="#Page_264">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ill success of his commentary on the New Testament, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's management of him, <a href="#Page_266">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Verses by Heinsius to be put under Grotius's picture, <a href="#Page_330">330.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Heinsius, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351.</a><br />
+<br />
+Henry IV., the reception given by him to Grotius, <a href="#Page_11">11.</a><br />
+<br />
+Hoffman, calls Grotius the Phoenix of his age, <a href="#Page_334">334.</a><br />
+<br />
+Holland, the counts of, who was the first, <a href="#Page_27">27</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their power and authority, <a href="#Page_27">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Holland, the states of, their first regulation with regard to the Arminians and Gomarists, <a href="#Page_41">41</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">They declare for a toleration, <a href="#Page_46">46.</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their edict on this subject, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Authorise the magistrates of the towns to raise troops, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Deputation sent by them to the town of Amsterdam, and its success, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Vain scheme prepared by them for a re-union, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Afraid of the holding of a national synod, why, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Deputation sent by them to Utrecht, on what occasion, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Consent to the holding of the synod of Dort, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their complaints against the imprisonment of Barnevelt, and the rest, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">They are accused of favouring Socinianism, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their apology by Grotius, <a href="#Page_82">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Holland, the grand pensionary of, his office, and power, <a href="#Page_29">29.</a><br />
+<br />
+Hoogerbetz, pensionary of Leiden, deputed to Utrecht, on what occasion, <a href="#Page_56">56</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Arrested by order of prince Maurice, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is condemned to perpetual imprisonment, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is removed to the fortress of Louvestein, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He comes out of prison, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His death, <a href="#Page_107">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Horn, Marshal, made prisoner at the battle of Norlinguen, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225;</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius negotiates his exchange for John de Vert, <a href="#Page_225">225.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Houteville, the Abb&eacute; de, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the truth of the christian religion, <a href="#Page_263">263.</a><br />
+<br />
+Huet, his thoughts of the project of reuniting christians, <a href="#Page_302a">302.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+I.<br /><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381"></a>
+<br />
+James I. king of England, the gracious reception he gives Grotius, <a href="#Page_31">31</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He approves of the project of that learned man and Casaubon for a coalition of the Protestants and Roman Catholics, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Does not disapprove, upon the whole, of the edict published by the States in the dispute between the Arminians and Gomarists, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What he finds fault with in it, <a href="#Page_49">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Assistance given by him to his nephew the elector Palatine, <a href="#Page_215">215.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Jeannin, the president, writes a letter to Grotius, inviting him to France, <a href="#Page_88">88</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His friendship for him, <a href="#Page_93">93.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Images, Grotius's thoughts on the use of Images in churches, <a href="#Page_294">294.</a><br />
+<br />
+Joseph, Father, a Capuchin, cardinal Richelieu's confident, <a href="#Page_147">147</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Confers with Grotius on the treaty concluded in France with the ambassadors of the allies, <a href="#Page_147">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Another conference between Grotius and the Cardinal, at which father Joseph was present, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Confers with Grotius concerning the subsidies, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A warm opposer of Grotius, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Wants to be treated as a minister, <a href="#Page_173">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Jurieu, his account of the circumstances attending Grotius's death, <a href="#Page_241">241.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+L.<br />
+<br />
+Laet, John de, attacks Grotius's book on the origin of the Americans, <a href="#Page_275">275</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's answer, and Laet's reply, <a href="#Page_277">277.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Laurent, James, Grotius advises him to read the works of Vincent de Lerins instead of Calvin's Institutions, <a href="#Page_285">285</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Reproaches Grotius with changing sides, <a href="#Page_299">299.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Ledenberg, secretary of the city of Utrecht, arrested by order of prince Maurice, <a href="#Page_57">57</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Makes away with himself in prison, <a href="#Page_60">60.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Lehman, his elogium of Grotius, <a href="#Page_334">334.</a><br />
+<br />
+Leicester, earl of, made governor and lieutenant general of the United Provinces, <a href="#Page_9">9</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Makes a bad use of his power, <a href="#Page_9">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sent ambassador extraordinary to France, <a href="#Page_171">171</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordered not to visit cardinal Richelieu, <a href="#Page_171">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His conference with Grotius, concerning the precedency of the English and Swedes, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Solicits the elector Palatine's liberty, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Negotiation with Grotius on that subject, <a href="#Page_218">218.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Limneu[Greek: retich&ecirc;], the design of that work, and its author, <a href="#Page_16">16</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Translated by Grotius into latin, <a href="#Page_16">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Linchovius, hinders Peter Grotius from being made Greffier of Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_347">347.</a><br />
+<br />
+Lipsius, Justus, John de Groot studies under him, <a href="#Page_3">3</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Lipsius's esteem for him, <a href="#Page_3">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Letter which he writes to him, <a href="#Page_3">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His commendation of Grotius's edition of Aratus, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of the tragedy entitled Adamus exsul, <a href="#Page_19">19.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Lewis XIII. in vain solicits a pardon for Barnevelt and his associates, <a href="#Page_63">63</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grants Grotius a pension on his arrival in France, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Out of regard to him takes under his protection such as were condemned in Holland, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></span><br /><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Takes Grotius under his special protection, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The treatise of war and peace dedicated to him, <a href="#Page_109">109</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius proposes to him the pacification of the differences among the churches, <a href="#Page_304">304.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Lewis XIV. the confederation which he expresses for Peter Grotius, <a href="#Page_349">349.</a><br />
+<br />
+Low Countries, Grotius's Annals of the, <a href="#Page_256">256</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Baillet's opinion of this book, <a href="#Page_258">258.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<a name="Lubert"></a>Lubert, Sibrand, writes against Vossius and the States of Holland, <a href="#Page_82">82</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is confuted by Grotius, <a href="#Page_82">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His answer to this confutation, <a href="#Page_84">84.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Lusson, preceptor to Grotius, <a href="#Page_6">6.</a><br />
+<br />
+Lusson, William de, his endeavours to serve Grotius, <a href="#Page_126">126</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The latter's acknowledgments to him, <a href="#Page_127">127.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+M.<br />
+<br />
+Malherbe, translates into French verse Grotius's Prosopopoeia of the town of Ostend, <a href="#Page_19">19.</a><br />
+<br />
+Mallet, what he says in his book on atheism of Grotius's religion, <a href="#Page_325">325.</a><br />
+<br />
+Manassah Ben Israel, Grotius's particular esteem for that Jew, <a href="#Page_264">264</a><br />
+<br />
+Mazarine, cardinal, made prime minister, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius does not visit him, <a href="#Page_231">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Meibomius, his elogium of Grotius, <a href="#Page_334">334.</a><br />
+<br />
+Menage, his epigram on the diversity of sentiments concerning Grotius's religion, <a href="#Page_301">302</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In what terms he speaks of that learned man's merit, <a href="#Page_327">327.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Menagiana, anecdote related in it concerning Grotius's last audience of queen Christina, <a href="#Page_238">238</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What it says of his death, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">And of father Petau's thoughts of Grotius's disposition to turn Catholic, <a href="#Page_301">301.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Mercoeur, the duke de, styled by Grotius the most learned of all the princes, <a href="#Page_144">144</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His adventures, <a href="#Page_144">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Meursius, his high commendation of Grotius when very young, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326.</a><br />
+<br />
+Mombas, John Barthon viscount of, driven out France, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357.</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Marries Cornelia, Grotius's eldest daughter, and is obliged to leave Holland, <a href="#Page_357">357.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Morhof, calls Grotius the phoenix of his age, <a href="#Page_334">334.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+N.<br />
+<br />
+Nassau, prince Henry Frederic of, corresponds by letters with Grotius, <a href="#Page_102">102</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Succeeds count Maurice his brother in the post of Stadtholder, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He enters not into the projects against the Arminians, <a href="#Page_107">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Approves of the proceedings of the states general against Grotius, <a href="#Page_123">123.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Nassau, count Maurice of, rise of his hatred against Grotius and Barnevelt, <a href="#Page_50">50</a><br /><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Declares for the Gomarists, <a href="#Page_50">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The project of re-union rejected by him, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Causes Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz to be arrested, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Persecutes the Arminians, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is offended at the court of France for protecting Barnevelt and the other prisoners, <a href="#Page_64">64.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+O.<br />
+<br />
+Ocean, contents of Grotius's treatise on the freedom of the ocean, <a href="#Page_24">24</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The several answers to it, <a href="#Page_26">26.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Oldemburg, his elogium of Grotius, <a href="#Page_334">334.</a><br />
+<br />
+Orange, William prince of, his death, <a href="#Page_8">8</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">What confusion it occasions in the United Provinces, <a href="#Page_8">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Ostend, Prosopopoeia of that town, written by Grotius, <a href="#Page_18">18</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The great character of this piece, <a href="#Page_18">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Overchie, Alida, her marriage with John de Groot, <a href="#Page_4">4</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her family, <a href="#Page_4">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her death, <a href="#Page_4">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Oxensteirn, high Chancellor of Sweden, sends for Grotius, <a href="#Page_133">133</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is his patron at Gustavus's court, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nominated regent of Sweden during the minority of queen Christina, <a href="#Page_135">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Opposes the treaty made with France by the envoys of the allies, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His journey to France and arrival at court, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Makes a new treaty with the french king, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His satisfaction with Grotius's preface to his history of the antiquity of the Goths, <a href="#Page_255">255.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Oxensteirn, Benedict, a relation of the high Chancellor, sent to France by king Gustavus, <a href="#Page_134">134</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Esteem which he conceives for Grotius, <a href="#Page_134">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+P.<br />
+<br />
+Patin, Guy, what he says of the manner of Grotius's death, <a href="#Page_242">242</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium of that learned man, <a href="#Page_333">333.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Patiniana, what it says of Grotius's pretended inclination to judaism, <a href="#Page_325">325.</a><br />
+<br />
+Pau, ambassador from Holland to France, at a loss how to behave to Grotius, <a href="#Page_144">144</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The ill offices which he doth him, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Petau, Father, Grotius's esteem for him, <a href="#Page_266">266</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sends him his commentary on the Gospels, <a href="#Page_266">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His connection with Grotius, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Says mass for his soul, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The account he gives of his first acquaintance with that learned man, <a href="#Page_313">313.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Peyresc, Nicholas, visits Grotius on his arrival at Paris, <a href="#Page_90">90</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sets him about writing the treatise of war and peace, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Services which he did him when compiling his annals of the Low Countries, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His esteem for him from his youth, <a href="#Page_327">327.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Pontanus, Isaac, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326.</a><br />
+<br />
+Pope, Grotius maintains and proves his supremacy, <a href="#Page_288">288.</a><br />
+<br />
+Provinces, United, state of their affairs at Grotius's birth, <a href="#Page_7">7</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Embassy sent by them to Henry III. of France, <a href="#Page_7">ibid</a></span><br /><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuse to make peace with Spain, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Embassy sent by them on that subject to Henry IV., <a href="#Page_10">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Refuse the truce offered them, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nominate Grotius to be their historiographer, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">See Dutch.</span><br />
+<br />
+Puffendorf, allows that little remained to be said after what Grotius had written of war and peace, <a href="#Page_110">110.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+Q.<br />
+<br />
+Quistorpius, John, minister of Rostock, assisted Grotius at his death, <a href="#Page_239">239</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Relation which he gives of it, <a href="#Page_239">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+R.<br />
+<br />
+Reigersberg, Grotius's brother-in-law, troubles which Grotius's enemies endeavoured to stir up to him, <a href="#Page_119">119</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Blondius's ill treatment of him, <a href="#Page_317">317.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Reigersberg, Mary, her birth, <a href="#Page_24">24</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her marriage to Grotius, and her elogium, <a href="#Page_24">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is denied permission to continue with him, even to see him, or speak with him during his imprisonment, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Obtains liberty to see him in his prison at Louvestein, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The means she made use of to obtain his liberty, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is confined, but afterwards discharged, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Comes to her husband at Paris, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her journey to Zealand, and return, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Goes to her husband at Francfort, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Waits on the french queen to compliment her on her pregnancy, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her answer to Salmasius's slanders against her husband, <a href="#Page_337">337</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Professes the religion of the church of England, <a href="#Page_338a">338</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Her death, <a href="#Page_338a">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Religion, Grotius first composes in Dutch verse his treatise of the truth of the christian religion, <a href="#Page_76">76</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Afterwards publishes it in latin, <a href="#Page_259">259</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The general approbation, and several translations of this work, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Accusation brought against the author on account of it, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A new edition of it with additions, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The opinion of the learned concerning this performance, <a href="#Page_262">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Remonstrants, see <a href="#Arminians">Arminians</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Renaudot, publishes an article in his Gazette which gives offence to Grotius, <a href="#Page_186">186.</a><br />
+<br />
+Richelieu, cardinal, seems to blame the conduct of Mess. de Luynes with regard to Barnevelt's death, <a href="#Page_66">66</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nominated prime minister, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Confers with Grotius, <a href="#Page_116">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives him great hopes, <a href="#Page_116">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His stratagem to make the Swedes comply with his desires, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is unwilling the high Chancellor should come to France, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Makes a new treaty with him, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The English dispute the privileges of his cardinalship, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He purposes to take Brisac out of the duke of Weymar's hands, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His uneasiness at not gaining that prince, <a href="#Page_213">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is suspected of contributing to cut him off, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The death of the cardinal, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></span><br /><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives orders that Grotius's works may be printed without passing the examination of the censors, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius flatters himself without reason that the cardinal will favour his project of re-uniting christians, <a href="#Page_312">312</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The cardinal ranks Grotius among the three most learned men of his age, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Rights of war and peace, the author's view in writing this book, <a href="#Page_109">109</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Barbeyrac's commendation of it, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Translations of it, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Its defects, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Put into the Index Expurgatorius at Rome, <a href="#Page_113">113.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Rivetus, how he treats Grotius with regard to his writings in favour of a coalition, <a href="#Page_274">274</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's answer, <a href="#Page_274">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Ruarus, his opinion of Grotius's writings on Antichrist, <a href="#Page_271">271</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His judgment of Grotius's scheme for a coalition, <a href="#Page_316">316.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+S.<br />
+<br />
+St. Chaumont, the marquis, sent ambassador from the French king into Germany, <a href="#Page_164">164</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is disliked by Grotius, <a href="#Page_164">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is ordered to demand Grotius's recall, <a href="#Page_172">172.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Saints, Grotius's opinion of the invocation of Saints, <a href="#Page_295">295.</a><br />
+<br />
+Salvius, vice-chancellor of Sweden, the esteem he conceives for Grotius, <a href="#Page_135">135</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Advantageous report which he makes of him to the high chancellor, <a href="#Page_135">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Sandes, translates Grotius's tragedy, entitled Christus Patiens, into English verse, <a href="#Page_19">19.</a><br />
+<br />
+Sarrau, his friendship for Grotius, <a href="#Page_315">315</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rise of their quarrel, <a href="#Page_315">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rank which Sarrau assigns Grotius in the republic of letters, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">How he speaks of him after his death, <a href="#Page_332">332.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Salmasius, his opinion of Grotius's poems, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Speaks with contempt of his treatise of the rights of war and peace, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His character, <a href="#Page_111">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He communicates to Grotius his corrections of the Anthologia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A coldness between him and Grotius, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Rise of their difference, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In what manner he spoke of Grotius during their friendship, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The letter, in which he cruelly treats that learned man's memory, <a href="#Page_335">335</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The answer of Grotius's wife to it, <a href="#Page_337">337.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Scaliger, Joseph, is looked upon as the dictator of the republic of letters, <a href="#Page_6">6</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Directs Grotius's studies, <a href="#Page_6">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Engages him to publish a new edition of Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His encomium of Grotius's edition of the Phoenomena of Aratus, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His testimony in Grotius's favour, with regard to the Prosopopoeia of the town of Ostend, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His thoughts of his poetical talents, <a href="#Page_19">19.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Schmalz, <a href="#Page_202">202</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Ill offices which he does Grotius, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius complains of him to the High Chancellor, <a href="#Page_204">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Schmalz's quarrel with Crusius, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">He continues to injure Grotius, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His return to Sweden, <a href="#Page_206">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Sequel of his adventures, <a href="#Page_207">207.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Scriptures, holy, studied by Grotius at all times, <a href="#Page_97">97</a><br /><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His commentary on them, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Opinion of the learned concerning it, <a href="#Page_268">268</a> et seq.</span><br />
+<br />
+Seguier, chancellor, the affront he put upon Grotius, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The difficulties he throws in his way with regard to the printing his commentary on the New Testament, <a href="#Page_267">267.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Selden, his Mare clausum, on what occasion it was composed, <a href="#Page_26">26</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The instance he gives of the rage of Grotius's enemies against him, <a href="#Page_67">67.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Servien, secretary at war, is visited by Grotius, <a href="#Page_160">160</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Promises him his good offices in the affairs he recommended to him, <a href="#Page_161">161.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Sibrand, See <a href="#Lubert">Lubert</a>.<br />
+<br />
+Silleri, chancellor, his irresolution, <a href="#Page_100">100</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius thinks of dedicating his Stob&aelig;us to him, <a href="#Page_104">104.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Simon, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Bible, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br />
+<br />
+Sophomphaneus, a tragedy by Grotius, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130.</a><br />
+<br />
+Soul, Grotius falsly accused of disbelieving its immortality, <a href="#Page_326">326.</a><br />
+<br />
+States General, entirely devoted to prince Maurice, <a href="#Page_55">55</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Convene the synod of Dort, <a href="#Page_55">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Disband the new levies, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The placard issued by them in relation to the imprisonment of Barnevelt and the others, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The ill offices they do Grotius by their ambassadors on his arrival at Paris, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Condemn his Apology, and proscribe him, <a href="#Page_99">95</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The new ordinance which they publish against him, <a href="#Page_123">123.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Statius, Grotius's notes on that poet, <a href="#Page_246">246.</a><br />
+<br />
+Stobeus, the subject and use of his work, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius gives a new edition of it, <a href="#Page_103">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">A copy of it found with notes in Grotius's hand writing, <a href="#Page_104">104.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Swedes, state of their affairs when Grotius entered into their service, <a href="#Page_137">137</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their defeat at the battle of Nordlinguen, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The assistance they received from Lewis XIII., <a href="#Page_139">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Discussions between them and France, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The difficulties they make about the treaty concluded with that crown by the envoys of the allies, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius diverts them from sending plenipotentiaries to the congress at Cologn, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their dispute with the English for precedency, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Consternation into which they are thrown by the death of the duke of Weymar, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Renew their alliance with France, <a href="#Page_228">228.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+T.<br />
+<br />
+Tacitus, Grotius's notes on that historian, <a href="#Page_246">246.</a><br />
+<br />
+Thou, the president de, Grotius's esteem and veneration for him, <a href="#Page_11">11</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Their correspondence together, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The friendship which that magistrate expresses for Grotius, <a href="#Page_12">ibid</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's elogium of him, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His approbation of Grotius's edition of Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commends his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, <a href="#Page_17">17.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Thou, Francis de, son of the president, generously gives Grotius the use of his library, <a href="#Page_105">105</a><br /><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387"></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His visit to him on his arrival in France in the character of Swedish ambassador, <a href="#Page_141">141.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Trent, council of, its decision concerning the number of sacraments defended by Grotius, <a href="#Page_293">293</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Respect with which he spoke of that council, <a href="#Page_299">299.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+V.<br />
+<br />
+Valois, M. what he says of Grotius's connection with father Petau, and his disposition to turn Roman Catholic, <a href="#Page_300">300.</a><br />
+<br />
+Vassor, character of that historian, <a href="#Page_281">281</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His judgment of Grotius's letters, <a href="#Page_281">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Venice, its ambassador disputes with Grotius for precedency, <a href="#Page_179a">179</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">another discussion between them, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Vert, John de, made prisoner by the duke of Weymar, <a href="#Page_194">194</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Is exchanged for marshal Horne, <a href="#Page_227">227.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Vo&euml;tius, attacks Grotius's treatise of the truth of the christian religion, <a href="#Page_260">260</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius's opinion of his criticism, <a href="#Page_260">ibid.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Vondel, a famous Dutch poet, translates Grotius's tragedy of Joseph into Dutch, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His conjectures concerning Grotius's departure from Stockholm, <a href="#Page_238">238.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Vossius, Gerard, his encomium of Grotius on occasion of his edition of Martianus Capella, <a href="#Page_15">15</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His opinion of the tragedy of Joseph, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His thoughts of his poetical talents, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius gives him an account of his studies while in prison, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His commendation of Grotius's Apology against Sibrand Lubert, <a href="#Page_84">84</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The pains he took to keep Grotius in Holland, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His letter, containing that learned man's reasons for returning thither, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The value he set upon Grotius's notes on Lucan, <a href="#Page_246">246</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Grotius complains of his too great timidity, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His poem in honour of Grotius, <a href="#Page_328">328.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Vossius, Isaac, inherits his father's esteem for Grotius, <a href="#Page_248">248</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Offers him his service for his literary commissions, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Superintends the printing of the Anthologia, <a href="#Page_250">250.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Urbin VIII., <a href="#Page_180">180</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">His elogium by Grotius, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Gives the cardinals the title of Most eminent, <a href="#Page_334">334.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Utengobard, prepares the remonstrance delivered to the States by the Arminians, <a href="#Page_45">45</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The esteem with which he speaks of Grotius, <a href="#Page_328">328.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Vulcanus Bonaventura, his encomium of Grotius on occasion of his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, <a href="#Page_17">17.</a><br />
+<br />
+<br />
+W.<br />
+<br />
+Wall&aelig;us, Antony, letters written to him by Grotius, concerning his religious sentiments, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283.</a><br />
+<br />
+Weymar, duke of, confidence which he placed in Grotius, <a href="#Page_215">215</a><br />
+<br />
+Wicquefort, his encomium of Grotius, <a href="#Page_333">333</a><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">In what manner he speaks of Peter Grotius his son, <a href="#Page_352">352.</a></span><br />
+<br />
+Witt, the grand pensionary de, advises Peter Grotius to prefer the place of pensionary of Rotterdam to that of ambassador at the court of France, <a href="#Page_350">350.</a><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr class="full" />
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+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned
+Hugo Grotius, by Jean Levesque de Burigny
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Life of the Truly Eminent and Learned Hugo Grotius
+       Containing a Copious and Circumstantial History of the Several Important and Honourable Negotiations in Which He Was Employed; together with a Critical Account of His Works
+
+
+Author: Jean Levesque de Burigny
+
+Release Date: April 12, 2005  [eBook #15606]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF THE TRULY EMINENT AND
+LEARNED HUGO GROTIUS***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Frank van Drogen, Lisa Reigel, and the Project
+Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
+
+
+
+THE
+
+LIFE
+
+Of the truly EMINENT and LEARNED
+
+HUGO GROTIUS,
+
+CONTAINING
+
+A Copious and Circumstantial History of the several
+
+Important and Honourable Negotiations
+
+In which he was employed;
+
+TOGETHER WITH
+
+A Critical Account of his WORKS.
+
+Written originally in French,
+
+By M. DE BURIGNY.
+
+LONDON
+
+Printed for A. MILLAR, in the Strand; J. WHISTON and
+B. WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head; and L. DAVIS, at
+Lord Bacon's Head, both in Fleet-street.
+
+M DCC LIV.
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+AUTHOR'S
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+_It were to be wished that such a celebrated Genius as_ Grotius _had
+found an Historian equal to his fame: for in this high rank we can by no
+means place those who have contented themselves with giving a
+superficial account of his Life, and a catalogue of his Works. M._
+Lehman, _to whom we owe_ Grotius's Ghost revenged, _is much fuller than
+any that went before him; yet he is far from having taken in all that
+deserves to be known of that illustrious writer, the two most
+interesting Distinctions of whose Life have been entirely neglected by
+all who have spoken of him; I mean his Negotiations, and his sentiments
+in matters of Religion._
+
+Gaspar Brandt _and_ Adrian Cattenburg _have indeed published a long Life
+of_ Grotius; _but the_ Dutch _language, in which they wrote, is so
+little known, that their book cannot be of general use; with a view to
+which we have made choice of a more universal language, to communicate
+farther light concerning this excellent man, whom every one speaks of,
+tho' few with any certainty._
+
+_His being one of the most learned Authors that ever wrote, was not our
+sole motive for compiling his Life: for if we consider him only in that
+light, and with regard to the excellent treatises with which he has
+enriched the Republic of Letters, perhaps others may be found to compare
+with him. But his Life was so diversified, and filled with so many
+revolutions, that what regards literature is not the most curious part
+of it; greatly differing, in this respect, from the generality of men of
+letters, whole Lives are only the histories of their works. Besides_,
+Grotius's _prudence on all occasions, his modesty in prosperity, his
+patience in adversity, his steadiness in his duty, his love of virtue,
+his eagerness in the search of truth, and the ardent desire which he
+constantly maintained for uniting Christians in one Faith, distinguish
+him so advantageously from most other Scholars, that his Life may be
+proposed as a model to all who make profession of literature._
+
+_It is divided into six Books. The first presents us with the brightest
+genius ever recorded, of a Youth, in the history of the republic of
+letters. The second contains all that is worth being known of the
+disputes between the_ Gomarists _and_ Arminians; _the part_ Grotius
+_took in them; his disgrace, and the manner of his escape out of prison.
+The third relates his transactions at_ Paris, _and his retreat to_
+Hamburg, _where he continued till the great Chancellor_ Oxensteirn _sent
+for him, to employ him in the important and honourable post of
+Ambassador from_ Sweden _to the Court of_ France. _The fourth and fifth
+Books give a detail of his Negotiations; which have never yet been
+published. We have been accustomed to consider_ Grotius _only as a
+Scholar; his embassy is known but by report: we shall see, however, that
+he was employed in affairs of the greatest importance; that he succeeded
+in several; that he gave excellent counsels to the ministry; and that he
+always conducted himself with zeal, firmness, and integrity._
+
+_The sixth and last Book gives an account of such of his Works as we had
+not occasion to mention before; and examines particularly his
+theological sentiments, and his project for a coalition of Christians,
+and bringing them to unite in one creed._
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+_Advertisement by the Editor._
+
+The Abbe RAYNAL[1], a judicious French writer, gives the following
+character of this work.
+
+"M. de BURIGNY hath executed his Plan with abundance of erudition, and
+an astonishing depth of enquiry. He has introduced nothing but facts
+well supported, or theological discussions delivered with the greatest
+conciseness and accuracy. Such readers as aim at amusement only, will
+think the author too minute in some places; those who are desirous of
+information will think otherwise. The most valuable part of this work
+is, in our opinion, the just and concise idea which it gives of
+_Grotius's_ several Writings."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Mercure Francois, an. 1752.
+
+
+
+
+APPROBATION.
+
+By Order of my Lord CHANCELLOR, I have read the _Life of
+GROTIUS_. This History, which gives us a pleasing Idea of the
+Extent of the Human Mind, farther informs us, that _GROTIUS_ died
+without reaping any Advantage to himself from his great Talents. For the
+rest, I think it deserves to be made public on account of its relation
+to Literature, and to the general History of _Europe_.
+
+DE MARSILLY
+
+
+
+
+THE
+
+TABLE
+
+OF
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+
+       I. Grotius's Origin: The Marriage of Cornelius Cornets with
+          Ermengarda de Groot
+
+      II. He has a Son named Hugo de Groot
+
+     III. Life of Cornelius de Groot
+
+      IV. Life of John de Groot
+
+       V. Birth of Grotius
+
+      VI. Great hopes conceived of him when a boy
+
+     VII. State of affairs in the United Provinces
+
+    VIII. Embassy from the States to Henry IV. of France; Grotius
+          accompanies the Ambassadors; is very graciously received by
+          the king
+
+      IX. His mortification at not having seen M. de Thou; he writes
+          to him; and keeps up an intimate correspondence with him till
+          his death
+
+       X. Grotius gives an edition of Martianus Capella
+
+      XI. Publishes the Limneu[Greek: retiche]
+
+     XII. Publishes the Phoenomena of Aratus
+
+    XIII. Cultivates the study of poetry
+
+     XIV. The States nominate him their historiographer
+
+      XV. Henry IV. of France intends to make him his librarian
+
+     XVI. Commences Advocate; dislikes this employment
+
+    XVII. Is nominated Advocate General
+
+   XVIII. Marries
+
+     XIX. His treatise of the Freedom of the ocean is published
+
+      XX. Prints his book De antiquitate Reipublicae Batavicae
+
+     XXI. Is made pensionary of Rotterdam
+
+    XXII. Voyage to England: dispute concerning the Fishery
+
+   XXIII. Grotius's intimacy with Casaubon
+
+    XXIV. A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to
+          Grotius's opinion
+
+     XXV. Sends Du Maurier a method of study
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+       I. Dispute between Arminius and Gomarus
+
+      II. Remonstrance of the Arminians
+
+     III. The troubles increase
+
+      IV. The edict of the States
+
+       V. The States grant the Magistrates of the Towns permission to
+          levy soldiers; which highly displeases the prince of Orange
+
+      VI. Grotius is deputed by the States to Amsterdam; falls ill
+          through chagrin
+
+     VII. The project of reunion proves fruitless
+
+    VIII. Prince Maurice disbands the new levies
+
+      IX. Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz taken into custody
+
+       X. The synod of Dort
+
+      XI. Barnevelt's trial
+
+     XII. The fruitless solicitations of the French court in favour of
+          the Prisoners: Barnevelt's execution
+
+    XIII. Trial and condemnation of Grotius
+
+     XIV. Grotius is carried to the fortress of Louvestein, his
+          occupations
+
+      XV. Grotius escapes out of prison
+
+     XVI. His writings on occasion of the disputes in Holland
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+       I. Grotius arrives at Paris, where he is well received
+
+      II. State of the French ministry: Du Vair's letter to Grotius: the
+          court grants him a pension
+
+     III. Grotius's occupations at Paris
+
+      IV. Grotius publishes his Apology: it is condemned in Holland: the
+          French king takes him again into his protection
+
+       V. He still maintains great connections in Holland; corresponds
+          with Prince Henry Frederic of Nassau
+
+      VI. He publishes his Stobeus, and the Extracts from the Greek
+          Tragedies and Comedies
+
+     VII. Goes to Balagni; is seized with the dysentery; publishes the
+          Phoenissae of Euripides
+
+    VIII. The death of Prince Maurice; Frederic is made Stadtholder;
+          Grotius writes to him
+
+      IX. Publishes his treatise, De jure Belli & Pacis
+
+       X. Has thoughts of leaving France
+
+      XI. Returns to Holland
+
+     XII. Is obliged to leave Holland
+
+    XIII. Goes to Hamburg
+
+
+BOOK IV.
+
+       I. The High Chancellor Oxensteirn invites Grotius to him: the
+          high esteem in which the latter held the King of Sweden
+
+      II. Grotius is appointed Ambassador from Sweden to the court of
+          France
+
+     III. Situation of the Swedes affairs
+
+      IV. Grotius sets out for France, makes his entry into Paris, and
+          has an audience of the King
+
+       V. Discussions between France and Sweden
+
+      VI. Arrival of the High Chancellor in France: a new treaty
+
+     VII. Disputes between Grotius and the ministers of Charenton
+
+    VIII. Grotius's several journeys to court, and his negotiations with
+          the French ministry: abstains from visiting cardinal Richelieu
+
+      IX. Uneasiness given Grotius
+
+       X. Dispute for precedency with the Venetian Ambassador
+
+      XI. Is of opinion that the Swedes ought not to send
+          plenipotentiaries to Cologn
+
+     XII. Disputes with the Venetian Ambassador
+
+    XIII. Quarrel between the English and Swedes for precedency
+
+
+BOOK V.
+
+       I. Different audiences which Grotius has of the French King
+
+      II. Conversation between the prince of Conde and Grotius
+
+     III. Grotius's negotiations in relation to the truce which was
+          proposed: misconduct of Schmalz
+
+      IV. Grotius is in great danger of his life
+
+       V. Divers audiences of the king and queen
+
+      VI. The death of the duke of Weimar
+
+     VII. The elector Palatine is arrested in France; Grotius obtains
+          his liberty
+
+    VIII. Grotius obtains the exchange of marshal Horn for John de
+          Vert
+
+      IX. Renewal of the alliance between France and Sweden
+
+       X. Deaths of cardinal Richelieu and the French king; the regency
+          of Anne of Austria
+
+      XI. Cerisante is sent to France; Grotius demands to be
+          recalled
+
+     XII. He sets out for Stockholm, and applies to the queen to obtain
+          his dismission
+
+    XIII. Grotius's death
+
+
+BOOK VI.
+
+       I. Grotius's embassy does not interrupt his literary labours
+
+      II. He again applies to the cultivation of poetry
+
+     III. His notes on Tacitus
+
+      IV. ---- notes on Statius
+
+       V. ---- notes on Lucan
+
+      VI. ---- Anthologia
+
+     VII. Antiquities of the Goths
+
+    VIII. Annals and history of the Low Countries
+
+      IX. Treatise of the truth of the christian religion
+
+       X. Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum
+
+      XI. Commentaries on the Bible
+
+     XII. Treatises on Antichrist, and other theological pieces
+
+    XIII. Of the origin of the people of America
+
+     XIV. Other printed pieces or Manuscripts of Grotius
+
+      XV. Grotius's letters
+
+     XVI. Grotius's sentiments in religion very distant at first from
+          those of the Roman Catholics
+
+    XVII. His attachment to antiquity
+
+   XVIII. Leans towards the Roman Catholics
+
+     XIX. Is a partisan of the Hierarchy
+
+      XX. His sentiments concerning the Eucharist
+
+     XXI. His sentiments concerning the seven Sacraments
+
+    XXII. Grotius's sentiments concerning several other points
+          controverted between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
+
+   XXIII. His project for reuniting all Christians
+
+    XXIV. Is accused of Socinianism
+
+     XXV. Opinions concerning Grotius
+
+    XXVI. An account of his family
+
+END of the TABLE of CONTENTS.
+
+
+
+
+BOOKS printed for A. MILLAR in the Strand; Messieurs WHISTON and
+WHITE, at Mr. Boyle's Head, and L. DAVIS, at Lord Bacon's Head, both in
+Fleet-street.
+
+QUARTO, Just Published, Printed on a fine Paper, illustrated with
+Maps and Copper-plates, Price One Pound ten Shillings bound, The Second
+Edition, Revised and Corrected, of
+
+1. An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea: With
+the Author's Journal of Travels from England through Russia into Persia;
+and back through Russia, Germany, and Holland. To which are added, The
+Revolutions of Persia during the present Century; with the particular
+History of the great Usurper Nadir Kouli. By JONAS HANWAY,
+Merchant.
+
+2. Tables of ancient Coins, Weights and Measures, explained, and
+exemplified in several Dissertations. By JOHN ARBUTHNOT, M.D. Fellow of
+the Royal Society, and of the College of Physicians. The second Edition.
+To which is added, An Appendix, containing Observations on Dr.
+Arbuthnot's Dissertations on Coins, Weights, and Measures, by BENJAMIN
+LANGWITH, D.D. Price 18 s. bound.
+
+OCTAVO.
+
+3. The Life of the Most Reverend Dr. John Tillotson, Lord Archbishop of
+Canterbury, compiled chiefly from his Original Papers and Letters. By
+THOMAS BIRCH, D.D. The second Edition, enlarged. Price 5 s.
+
+4. Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Mr. WILLIAM WHISTON, M.A.
+containing also Memoirs of several of his Friends. Written by HIMSELF.
+The three Parts compleat, in Two Volumes. Price 9 s.
+
+5. The Life of the Honourable Robert Boyle, Esq; with an Account of his
+great Improvements in Natural Philosophy. By THOMAS BIRCH, D.D. Price 5
+s.
+
+6. The Life of Francis Bacon, Lord Chancellor of England. By Mr. MALLET.
+Price 3 s. 6 d.
+
+7. Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, 3 Vol. Price 15 s. 6 d. By JOHN
+JORTIN, M.A. Rector of St. Dunstan's in the East.
+
+N.B. The second and third Volumes may be had separate.
+
+8. Discourses concerning the Truth of the Christian Religion. By JOHN
+JORTIN, M.A. The Third Edition, Price 3 s. 6 d.
+
+9. Mr. Whiston's Sacred History of the World, from the Creation to the
+compleat Establishment of Christianity under the Emperor Constantine the
+Great, Anno Dom. 317. Together with the Prophane History connected.
+Wherein also the Completion of the Prophecies in the Old Testament are
+shewn, and many difficult Passages of Scripture cleared up. Being an
+Improvement of Dean Prideaux, Dr. Shuckford, and Mr. Eachard's
+Histories. In Six large volumes Octavo. Price One Guinea bound.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK I.
+
+
+I. The learned and illustrious Writer whose Life we undertake to give,
+derived the name of Grotius from his great-grandmother, married to
+Cornelius Cornets. This was a Gentleman of Franche-Compte, who travelled
+into the Low-Countries about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and
+coming to Delft, got acquainted with a Burgomaster who had an only
+daughter: He took a liking to her, asked, and obtained her in marriage.
+
+The name of this magistrate was Diederic de Groot, or Diederic the
+Great; his family was of the first distinction in the country; and had
+produced several persons of great merit[2]. It is said the name of
+Great was given to one of Diederic's ancestors, above four hundred years
+ago, for a signal service done his country; and it has been observed[3]
+that all who bore the name of De Groot distinguished themselves by their
+zeal for the public.
+
+Diederic de Groot had several important employments, in which he
+acquitted himself with great honour. The name of his only daughter was
+Ermengarda de Groot: Her father, on giving his consent to her marriage,
+insisted that the children should bear the name of De Groot; and
+Cornelius Cornets agreed to it in the marriage contract. There were
+several branches of the Cornets: one settled in Provence, as we are
+informed by[4] Grotius.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[2] Acad. Leid. ed. 1614.
+
+[3] Vita Grotii ap. Batesium, p. 420.
+
+[4] Ep. 264. ad Peyresc. p. 91.
+
+
+II. Cornelius Cornets had by his marriage with Ermengarda de Groot a son
+named Hugo de Groot, distinguished by his knowledge of the Greek and
+Latin, and his skill in the Hebrew. He died in 1567, fifth time
+Burgomaster of Delft. He married Elselinga Heemskerke, of one of the
+ancientest noble families in Holland, and by her had two sons,
+Cornelius, and John de Groot.
+
+
+III. Cornelius de Groot, eldest son of Hugh, was born at Delft on the
+25th of July, 1544. He studied with much success at the University of
+Louvain, at that time very famous. The Greek and Hebrew he knew
+perfectly, and was well acquainted with the Mathematics. The Platonic
+Philosophy pleased him extremely, and he retained a liking to it all his
+life: he had read all the books of the sect, had commented their works,
+and knew them almost by heart.
+
+The Law wholly took him up afterwards: he went to study it at the
+faculty of law at Orleans, the most celebrated for that science, and
+took the degree of Licentiate. Returning home he followed the Bar; some
+time after, he was nominated Counsellor and Echevin: William prince of
+Orange made him Master of Requests.
+
+The University of Leyden being founded in 1575, Cornelius de Groot
+resigned his post in the magistracy, to follow his ruling inclination of
+being useful to youth; and did not think it beneath him to accept of a
+Professor's place in the new University: he first taught Philosophy, and
+was afterwards made Law-professor; an employment that pleased him so
+much, he preferred it to a seat in the Grand Council at the Hague, which
+was several times offered him, but which he constantly refused. His
+reputation was so great, the Grand Council often consulted with him on
+affairs of importance. Six times he was honoured with the dignity of
+Rector, a place of great honour and authority: the members of the
+University, and all who are enrolled in the Rector's book, depend on his
+jurisdiction; before him their causes, civil and criminal, are brought,
+and from his sentence there is no appeal: a revisal of it is all that
+can be demanded. Cornelius de Groot died without issue in the year 1610,
+on the same day of the month of July on which he was born. He left
+several Law Tracts which have never been printed.
+
+
+IV. John de Groot, brother to Cornelius and second son of Hugh, studied
+under the famous Justus Lipsius, who esteemed him much: in some letters
+of that learned man to John de Groot he speaks of him with great
+commendation. There is one, written in 1582, in which Lipsius tells him,
+"You have loved the Muses, they have loved you, they will love you, and
+I too with them will love you." We have still preserved by his son[5] a
+translation in verse, made by him in his youth of some Greek verses of
+Palladas. He also wrote a Paraphrase on the Epistle of St. John; which
+Hugo Grotius mentions in one of his Letters[6].
+
+Four times he was Burgomaster of Delft, and Curator of the University of
+Leyden: this last was a place of great consequence at that time. There
+are only three Curators in the University of Leyden; one is taken from
+the body of the nobility, and nominated by them; the two others are
+chosen by the States of the Province from among the cities of Holland,
+or the Courts of Justice.
+
+The Curators with the Burgomasters of Leyden have the direction of
+whatever regards the welfare and advantage of the University; they chuse
+the Professors, and have the care of the finances and revenues for
+payment of their salaries.
+
+John de Groot filled the place of Curator with great dignity and honour.
+Daniel Heinsius wrote some verses in his praise, in which he styles him
+the Apollo and Protector of the Muses.
+
+This dignity did not hinder him from taking the degree of Doctor of
+Laws. In the remaining part of his life he attached himself to the Count
+of Hohenloo, who made him his Counsellor.
+
+In 1582 he married Alida Averschie, of one of the first families in the
+Country; by whom he had three sons and a daughter. He died in the month
+of May 1640. In the same year his wife lost her eyesight; she lived till
+the beginning of the year 1643[7].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[5] Stobaeus, Tit. 98. p. 413.
+
+[6] Ep. xxii. p. 751.
+
+[7] Ep. 499. p. 898. Grotii Ep. 638. p. 948.
+
+
+V. Of the marriage of John de Groot with Alida Averschie was born the
+celebrated Hugo de Groot, better known by the name of Grotius: he was
+the first fruit of their coming together. Almost all who have mentioned
+his birth[8] fix it on the tenth of April 1583. The President Bouhier
+pretends they place it a year too late; and that he was born on the
+tenth of April 1582. To prevent the authority of such a learned man,
+which has already seduced several writers, from misleading others, we
+shall shew that by departing from the general opinion he has fallen into
+an error. Grotius writes to Vossius on Easter Sunday 1615[9], that on
+that day he reckoned thirty-two years: He dates another letter[10] to
+Vossius the twenty-fifth of March 1617; Easter-eve, "which, he observes,
+begins my thirty-fifth year." April 11, 1643, he says he had completed
+sixty years[11]. On Easter-day 1644 he reckons sixty-one years[12]. He
+acquaints us in his Poems[13], that he was fifteen when he went first to
+France: he went there in 1598; and speaking of Easter 1614 he informs
+us[14] he was then one-and-thirty. From all these different calculations
+it is manifest that Grotius was born in 1583.
+
+It must be owned, however, that the proof on which the President Bouhier
+builds his opinion, would be decisive, if there were no error in the
+text of a[15] letter written by Grotius to his brother, April 14, 1640,
+in which he says, "I have completed my fifty-eighth year:" but the other
+passages of Grotius just cited demonstrate that the editors of this
+letter, instead of _incepi_, I have begun, read _implevi_, I have
+completed: which Grotius could not have written without contradicting
+himself.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[8] Athenae Batavae, p. 205. Life of Grotius prefixed to his works. Le
+Clerc, Hist. de Hollande, l. 12. t. 2. See the critical Remarks on
+Bayle's Dict. ed. 1734.
+
+[9] Ep. 55. p. 18.
+
+[10] Ep. 95. p. 41.
+
+[11] Ep. 648. p. 952.
+
+[12] Ep. 697. p. 965.
+
+[13] Page 213.
+
+[14] Poemata, p. 217.
+
+[15] Ep. 491. p. 896.
+
+
+VI. It was therefore on the tenth of April in the year 1583, that
+Grotius was born, at Delft. It was Easter-Sunday that year: and he
+always observed the anniversary of that feast as his birth-day[16].
+
+He came into the world with the most happy dispositions. Nature bestowed
+on him a profound genius, a solid judgment, and a wonderful memory.
+Several authors report[17] that being employed to review some regiments
+he retained the name of every soldier. He was but eight years old, when,
+in 1591, he wrote some elegiac verses, very pretty for that age:
+afterwards he thought them not good enough to publish. M. le Clerc
+informs us, that he had seen a copy of them in the possession of a very
+able man, who purposed to write the life of Grotius.
+
+Nothing contributed more to his amazing progress, than the excellent
+education he received. He was so happy, as to find in his own father a
+pious and able governor, who formed his mind and his morals. He did not
+confine himself to making his son a man of learning, he purposed making
+him a good man. The young Grotius, like Horace, has celebrated his
+gratefulness for so good a father in some verses still extant. He often
+declared in the course of his life,[18] that he could never sufficiently
+acknowledge his obligation to his father and mother for the principles
+of piety they instilled into him. We learn from his letters[19], that
+his preceptor was one Lusson, whom he calls an excellent man; and seems
+to have been greatly affected with his death: which is all we know of
+him.
+
+He was scarce past his childhood[20] when he was sent to the Hague; and
+boarded with Mr. Utengobard, a celebrated clergyman among the Arminians,
+with whom he kept up the most tender friendship till his death, in
+return for the care he had taken of his education. Before he was twelve,
+he was sent to the famous university of Leyden to perfect himself: and
+continued there three years with the learned Francis Junius, who was so
+kind to superintend his behaviour. Joseph Scaliger, the ornament of the
+university of Leyden, who enjoyed the most brilliant reputation among
+the learned, and whom his worshippers regarded as the Dictator of the
+republic of Letters, was so struck with the prodigious capacity of young
+Grotius, that he condescended to direct his studies. In 1597 he
+maintained public theses in Mathematics, Philosophy, and Law with the
+highest applause. Hence we may judge with what ardour he applied to
+study. He tells us himself that he spent a part of the night in it.[21]
+The device which he adopted[22] shews that he had reflected on the
+swiftness of time, and the necessity of employing it well.
+
+The reputation of this learned youth spread every-where; and learned men
+spoke of him in their works as a prodigy. So early as the year 1597
+Isaac Pontanus calls him a young man of the greatest hopes; Meursius, in
+1599, declared he had never seen his equal. James Gilot, in a letter
+written from Paris to Meursius in 1601, affirmed the capacity of young
+Grotius bordered on prodigy; the famous Poet Barlaeus said the childhood
+of Grotius astonished all the old men. Daniel Heinsius maintained that
+Grotius was a man from the instant of his birth, and never had
+discovered any signs of childhood. He was scarce eleven when John Dowza
+bestowed the highest encomiums on him in some verses that might deserve
+to be copied entire: he can scarce believe that the great Erasmus
+promised so much as the young Grotius: and foretels that he will soon
+excel all his cotemporaries, and be fit to be compared with the most
+esteemed of the Antients.
+
+At this early age, Grotius ventured to form plans, which required very
+great learning; and he executed them to such perfection, that the
+Republic of Letters was struck with astonishment. But as he did not
+publish these works till after his return from France, we shall defer
+giving an account of them till we have first spoken of his journey
+thither, and displayed the situation of affairs in Holland, in whose
+government Grotius had soon a share.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[16] Ep. 490. p. 895.
+
+[17] Borremansius. Crenius Anim. Hist. t. 1. p. 20. Du Maurier.
+
+[18] Ep. 490, p. 895.
+
+[19] Ep. 500. p. 884.
+
+[20] Apol. c. 20.
+
+[21] In natalem patris, p. 199.
+
+[22] _Hora ruit._
+
+
+VII. He came into the world precisely at that time when the affairs of
+the United Provinces were in the greatest disorder. It was the year[23]
+that the duke of Anjou wanted to surprize Antwerp; and that the
+greatest lords, in despair of being able to resist the formidable power
+of the king of Spain, were seeking to obtain a pardon. To add to their
+distress, William prince of Orange, the greatest support of the infant
+Republic, was murdered the year following, 1584, at Delft. His talents,
+his experience, and his reputation were the principal resource of the
+Malcontents. The confusion, in which he left affairs, grieved him so
+much, that his last words were, _Lord, have pity on this poor people_.
+Every thing was prepared, when he died, for proclaiming him Count of
+Holland. The provinces of Zealand and Utrecht did not oppose it: only
+the cities of Amsterdam and Goude made some difficulty: however, the
+thing was so far advanced, that the States of Holland sent a deputation
+to those two cities, to acquaint them, if they refused any longer to
+give their consent, the States would nevertheless consummate the affair.
+The deputation had been gone a month, when the prince was assassinated
+on the tenth of July.
+
+The States in this kind of anarchy requested Henry III. of France to
+receive them for his subjects; but the embarrassments the League gave
+him hindered his accepting their offer. On his refusal they had recourse
+to Queen Elizabeth, who concluded a treaty with them, by which she
+engaged to furnish five thousand foot, and a thousand horse, under an
+English general, and to pay these troops during the war on condition of
+being reimbursed when it was over: and it was stipulated that for
+security of the payment some towns, particularly Flushing in Zealand,
+and the Brille in Holland, should be put into her hands, to be restored
+to the States when the money was repaid. The Queen of England at the
+same time published a manifesto, setting forth, that the alliance
+between the Kings of England and the Sovereigns of the Low Countries was
+not so much between their persons as between their respective States:
+from whence she concluded that, without violating her alliance with the
+King of Spain, she might assist the people of the Low Countries
+oppressed by the Spaniards.
+
+The Earl of Leicester was appointed to command the succours sent by the
+Queen to Holland. The States, to express their gratitude to England,
+declared him Governor and Captain-General of the United Provinces. No
+sooner did he see himself invested with this great power, than he began
+under-hand to form projects destructive of the liberty of the country he
+came to defend: it has been said, he designed to make himself Sovereign
+of the Provinces of which he was only Governor. He soon became odious to
+every one; and after a campaign, in which he performed no considerable
+exploit, returned to England to take measures for facilitating the
+execution of his ambitious designs.
+
+The States, who had no longer any confidence in him, gave, in 1587, the
+command of their own army to Count Maurice of Nassau, son of the Prince
+of Orange. He was then only eighteen: but he quickly justified by many
+signal successes the hopes they had conceived of him. The Earl of
+Leicester, returning to Holland, resolved to employ force to accomplish
+his design of making himself Sovereign: he wanted to get possession of
+several places at once; but his scheme for surprizing Leyden being
+seasonably discovered, all correspondence between the States and him was
+entirely broken off. The Queen recalled him, and sent in his room Lord
+Willoughby, who was to command only the English. The States thereupon
+appointed Count Maurice of Nassau Captain-General: the Grand Pensionary
+Barnevelt, who had distinguished himself by his firmness in opposing
+Leicester, contributed greatly to this nomination.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[23] Ann. Grotii L. 4. p. 81.
+
+
+VIII. The United Provinces had bravely defended their liberty for
+several years: it was a subject of astonishment to all Europe, that such
+a small State should be able to resist the formidable power of King
+Philip II. Henry IV. having triumphed over the League, had nothing more
+at heart than the restoring peace and order to his kingdom that had been
+exhausted by a long series of misfortunes, and found it impossible to
+bring about this without making peace with Spain. He communicated his
+intentions to the Dutch[24] above a year before there was any talk of
+negotiating: for though he had not been their adviser to take up arms,
+he wished they might make their peace at the same time he did: but the
+States would have no peace on the conditions on which Spain pretended to
+grant it: the French king's resolution, of consequence, put them in a
+great consternation, because they foresaw the whole force of Philip II.
+was coming to fall on them. They took a resolution to send to Henry, in
+1598, Count Justin of Nassau and the Grand Pensionary Barnevelt, to
+intreat him to continue the war, and not make a separate peace.
+
+The Dutch Ambassadors, in conjunction with Lord Cecil, Ambassador from
+England, omitted nothing to determine the King to conclude a new treaty
+of perpetual alliance with Holland and England against Spain. The King
+prayed them to consider, that the state of his affairs required him to
+make peace; but, for the rest, it would not hinder him, in case the
+Queen of England and the States did not chuse to be comprehended in the
+treaty, from doing them service; that the peace itself would enable him
+to assist them with money, without leaving Spain any room to complain,
+as he could pretend that he only repaid what money they had lent him in
+his greatest wants.
+
+The congress of Vervins, already begun, was still continued. Henry
+sincerely desired a general peace: and accordingly ordered Mess. de
+Bellievre and de Silleri, his plenipotentiaries, to obtain from the
+Archduke Albert a truce of four months between Spain and Holland; hoping
+that means of reconciliation might be found in that interval. The
+Archduke at first refused it: and this denial had well nigh broke off
+the congress: he consented at last to a truce of two months: but the
+Dutch would not accept it, finding the term too short. The only
+advantage which the States drew from this embassy was a promise from the
+King to assist them, in four years, with two millions nine hundred
+thousand florins; as Barnevelt informs us.
+
+Grotius, who had a strong inclination to see France, seized the
+opportunity of the Dutch ambassadors journey: he accompanied the Grand
+Pensionary, for whom he had the highest esteem, and justly regarded as
+one of the principal supports of the infant Republic.
+
+The learned Youth was advantageously known in France before. M. de
+Buzanval, who had been ambassador in Holland, introduced him to the
+King, by whom he was graciously received: that great prince presented
+him with his picture and a gold chain. Grotius was so transported with
+this present, that he caused a print of himself, adorned with the chain
+given him by Henry, to be engraved. He gives the history of this Embassy
+in the seventh book of his _Annals_: but is so modest not to mention
+himself. He reflects, however, with pleasure, in some part of his[25]
+Poems, on the honour he had of speaking to such a great King. "I had the
+honour to kiss the hand of that Hero, who owes his kingdom only to his
+valour."
+
+Grotius took advantage of this journey to get himself created Doctor of
+Laws.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[24] Mem. de Bellievre & de Silleri, T. 2. p. 348.
+
+[25] In Pasch. 1612.
+
+
+IX. After having been near a year in France, he returned to Holland. He
+had the greatest pleasure in his journey: one thing only was wanting to
+his satisfaction, a sight of the celebrated M. de Thou, the person among
+all the French whom he most esteemed. He had fought to get acquainted
+with that great man; but did not succeed. As soon as he returned to
+Delft, he wrote him[26] that he had been a year in France; had the
+pleasure of seeing a fine kingdom, a great king, very valuable noblemen,
+but had the mortification of not seeing him; that he would endeavour to
+repair this misfortune by his letters; and that he took the liberty to
+present him with a book he had just dedicated to the Prince of Conde.
+
+This Letter was extremely well received by the President; and from that
+time to the death of M. de Thou, notwithstanding the disproportion of
+their age and fame, a most intimate correspondence subsisted between
+them.
+
+Grotius sent him, July 4, 1600,[27] the _Epithalamium_ he had written on
+the Marriage of King Henry IV. with Mary of Medicis. Mention was made in
+it of the Massacre on St. Bartholomew's day: this was an invidious
+subject; but the author, after consulting Scaliger, thought he could not
+dispense with recalling the remembrance of that horrid scene. He was in
+doubt whether he ought to publish this piece: he asked the President de
+Thou's advice; and till he had his answer, shewed the verses to none.
+Whether it was that M. de Thou advised him to suppress them, or that he
+took this step of himself[28] because there were several facts in the
+_Epithalamium_ not strictly true, it is not to be found in the
+collection of his _Poems_. He intended to dedicate some Work to the
+President, as a public testimony of his profound esteem for that
+excellent Magistrate, whom he regarded as the greatest Man of his
+age[29].
+
+M. de Thou soon perceived the great merit of young Grotius; and had the
+highest affection for him[30]. They corresponded by Letter whilst the
+President lived: Grotius sent him memoirs[31] for his _History_, and
+hints relating to the lives and deaths of illustrious men in the United
+Provinces.
+
+It was a thing infinitely pleasing, and at the same time extremely
+honorable to a youth between seventeen and eighteen, to be most
+intimately connected with one of the greatest men of his time, already
+advanced in years, who filled a post of much eminence, and whom all
+Europe beheld with admiration. The friendship and esteem of such a
+personage is the highest encomium.
+
+M. de Thou gave Grotius, towards the end of his life, sincere proofs of
+the concern he took in his quiet and welfare. That great Historian, who
+had experienced the fiery zeal of some Divines, beheld with pain his
+friend engaging in controversies which would render him odious to a
+powerful party. As if he had foreseen what was soon to happen, he
+advised him to drop these dangerous disputes. Grotius wrote him in
+answer, that he had entered into them only through necessity, to serve
+his Country and the Church; that he thought himself obliged to obey
+those who wished he would write on those matters; that, for the rest, he
+would avoid, for the future, all disputes which were not absolutely
+necessary. This Letter is the last we have of the valuable
+correspondence between those illustrious men: the President de Thou died
+soon after. Grotius wrote his _Elogium_ in verse, addressed to Francis
+Augustus de Thou his son, and in this Poem, which was composed at the
+time he escaped from Antwerp to go to Paris, he appears to regret much
+that he had not the felicity to see his illustrious Father. It is looked
+on as one of the best Grotius ever wrote.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[26] Ep. 1. p. 1. April 1, 1599.
+
+[27] Ep. 2. p. 1.
+
+[28] Ep. 3. p. 1.
+
+[29] Poemata, p. 262. Ep. 24. p. 7.
+
+[30] Ep. 1581. p. 711. Ep. 325. p. 115.
+
+[31] Ep. 3. p. 1. Ep 4. p. 1.
+
+
+X. Grotius, who had resolved to follow the Bar, pleaded his first cause
+at Delft in the year 1599, at his return from France. The study of law
+and poetry employed one part of his time; he spent the other in
+publishing the works he had prepared for the press. The first he gave to
+the public was _Martianus Capella_. This is one of those obscure
+authors, who are commonly not read till we have nothing else to learn:
+the title of his work is, _Of the marriage of Mercury and Philology, in
+two books; to which are annexed seven other books on the liberal arts_.
+The author was an African, and his style, like that of most authors of
+his nation, obscure and barbarous; which makes it not easy to be
+understood. Before this there was no good edition of his works. John
+Grotius had put into his son's hands a manuscript of Capella: Hugo
+shewed it to Scaliger; and this learned man, whose counsels were
+commands to the young Grotius, engaged him to study that author, and
+publish a new edition of him.
+
+Though Grotius was then but fourteen, the difficulty of the undertaking
+did not discourage him: he read all the works that had relation to the
+matters Capella treated of; and at length acquitted himself of the task
+enjoined him by Scaliger with such abilities and success, as, to use Mr.
+Baillet's words, astonished the whole world.
+
+The work appeared in 1599. It would have been published before, but for
+his journey to France, and some delays occasioned by the bookseller.
+Grotius also informs us, that he would have printed it sooner, had he
+been less taken up with the study of the law.
+
+To judge of Grotius' labour it will be sufficient to read what he says
+in the preface. "We have collated _Capella_ with the several authors who
+have treated the same subjects: in the two first books with those who
+have written of the sentiments of the ancient Philosophers, Apuleius,
+Albricus, and others too tedious to name, on Grammar we have compared
+him with Grammarians: what he has said on Rhetoric, with Cicero and
+Aquila; on Logic, with Porphyry, Aristotle, Cassiodorus, Apuleius; on
+Geography, with Strabo, Mela, Solinus, Ptolemy, but chiefly Pliny; on
+Arithmetic, with Euclid; on Astronomy, with Hygin, and the rest who have
+treated that subject; on Music, with Cleonides, Vitruvius, Boethius."
+
+Rightly to understand _Capella_ requires an acquaintance with all the
+Sciences. The principal use of his book is to shew how far the knowledge
+of the Ancients extended. Grotius, when in France, had often the honour
+of paying his court to the young Prince of Conde, at that time
+presumptive heir of the crown: he was so well pleased with his genius,
+and learning, which was above his years, that he dedicated his _Capella_
+to him. The dedication is dated December 29, 1598.
+
+Men of the greatest learning publickly expressed their surprise to see a
+child of fifteen produce a work that would have done honour to the most
+celebrated Man of Letters. Scaliger made a very high encomium on the
+young author in some fine verses which are much to Grotius' honour. The
+President de Thou was very well pleased with _Capella_. [32]Casaubon
+declared that whatever high idea he might have of Grotius' labour, the
+success exceeded his hopes. [33]Vossius, in fine, after assuring Grotius
+that he had very happily restored _Capella_, compares the editor to
+Erasmus; and affirms that the whole world could not produce a man of
+greater learning than Grotius[34].
+
+The more we consider this work, the greater difficulty we have to
+believe it to have been executed by a boy. We would sometimes be
+inclined to think the great Scaliger had a hand in it; but this is only
+a conjecture: that Grotius was assisted by his father is very certain;
+he tells us so himself.
+
+Some perhaps will be glad to know how Grotius managed with the
+booksellers: for even little details that relate to famous men yield a
+pleasure. He never took money for the copy, though, he tells us, some
+people of good fortune were not so delicate: but he asked a hundred
+books on large paper handsomely bound, to make presents to his friends;
+it being unjust, he said, that while he served the public and enriched
+the booksellers, he should injure his own fortune.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[32] Ep. Gr. 3. p. 1.
+
+[33] Ep. Caus. 1030.
+
+[34] De Hist. Lat. lib. 3
+
+
+XI. The same year, 1599, Grotius published another work which discovered
+as much knowledge of the abstract sciences in particular, as the edition
+of _Martianus Capella_ did of his learning in general.
+
+Stevin, Mathematician to Prince Maurice of Nassau, had by his orders
+composed a small treatise for the instruction of pilots in finding a
+ship's place at sea. He formed a table of the variations of the needle,
+according to the observations of Plancius, a famous geographer, and
+added directions how to use it.
+
+Grotius translated into Latin this work, which he could not have
+understood without knowing the Mathematics, and particularly Mechanics;
+Statics, and the art of working a ship, and of finding her place at sea,
+being branches of that science.
+
+This translation he dedicated to the Republic of Venice by a letter
+dated April 1, 1599; in which he says, that having been in France about
+a year before, with the Ambassadors of the States, he there saw Signior
+Contarini, Ambassador of Venice; that a comparison happening to be made
+in conversation between the Republics of Holland and Venice, he
+immediately resolved to dedicate to the Venetians the first work he
+published that might be agreeable, or worthy to be presented to them;
+that an opportunity now offer'd of fulfilling this resolution, and that
+he dedicated to them the translation of Stevin's work because Prince
+Maurice had recommended it to the colleges of the Admiralty to be
+studied by all officers of the Navy; and as the Republic of Venice
+attentively cultivated Navigation, this book might be as useful to her
+as to Holland.
+
+
+XII. The year following, that is to say, 1600, Grotius published the
+Treatise which Aratus, of Sola in Cilicia, composed in Greek on
+Astronomy, two hundred and some odd years before the birth of Christ.
+It is known by the name or the _Phaenomena of Aratus_. The title fully
+shews what Grotius gives in this book. It contains the Phaenomena of
+Aratus in Greek with Cicero's Latin interpretation, the places where
+Cicero's Translation is wanting being supplied; a Translation of the
+same Phaenomena, ascribed to Germanicus; the fragment of Aratus's
+Prognostics, and the forms of the constellations as found in a
+Manuscript; with Remarks upon the whole, the Paraphrase of Festus
+Avienus, and marginal notes.
+
+This work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West Friesland: the
+author in the dedication promises them others more considerable. The
+book is a prodigy of science and erudition: it discovers a great
+knowledge of Physics, and especially of Astronomy. The Latin verses made
+by Grotius to supply those of Cicero that were lost, are not inferior to
+the lines of that great man, in the opinion of the Abbe d'Olivet, an
+excellent judge, who likewise thinks the supplement a very good
+commentary on Aratus's work. The corrections made by Grotius in the
+Greek are most judicious; and his notes shew he had read several of the
+Rabbi's, and had some tincture of the Arabic.
+
+Scaliger[35], M. de Thou, and Lipsius, speak of this edition with the
+highest praise. Lipsius, in thanking Grotius for his Aratus, says that
+notwithstanding his childhood he looks on him as his friend: he
+congratulates him, that, tho' so very young, he had by force of genius
+and labour accomplished what few could do in the flower of their
+age[36].
+
+Casaubon[37] tells us, every one was surprised at such an extraordinary
+production. Bonaventura Vulcanus, who took occasion from Grotius's
+publishing this book, to write his elogium in verse, says in the
+conclusion, that Apollo had opened to him his sanctuary, and that he was
+himself an Apollo.
+
+Grotius's modesty would not permit him to leave us ignorant that he had
+been assisted by his Father in this work. It may be proper to observe,
+that a library in Germany contains a copy of Grotius's edition of the
+Phaenomena of Aratus, collated with an ancient manuscript by the learned
+Nicholas Heinsius, who has added some Notes[38].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[35] Ep. Scal. 375. Ep. Gr. 2.
+
+[36] Ep. Lips. ad Belgas, Cent. 3. p. 83.
+
+[37] Ep. 130.
+
+[38] Fab. Bib. Gr. lib. 3. c. 18.
+
+
+XIII. These grave and profound studies did not hinder Grotius from
+cultivating Poetry. He had made some verses in his childhood which were
+thought very pretty: he continued this manner of writing in the midst of
+his greatest occupations, and with such success, that he was looked on
+as one of the best Poets in Europe.
+
+The Prosopopoeia[39] in which he makes the city of Ostend speak, after
+being three years besieged by the Spaniards, is reckoned one of the best
+pieces of verse since the Augustan age. Public fame gave it at first to
+Scaliger because he was considered as the greatest poet of that time.
+The celebrated Peyresc[40] hinted it to that learned man, who made
+answer, he was too old not to be the aversion of the Virgins of Helicon;
+and that the verses were not written by him, but by Grotius, a most
+accomplished youth. Notwithstanding this declaration, Mathieu, in the
+_Life of Henry IV._ ascribes them to Scaliger. They were thought so
+excellent, several men of learning set about translating them into
+French, particularly Du Vair, afterwards Keeper of the Seals; Rapin,
+grand Provost of the Constabulary, and Stephen Pasquier. Malherbe
+himself, the Oracle of the French Parnassus, did not think it beneath
+him to put this Epigram into French verse: and Casaubon translated it
+into Greek.
+
+Grotius did not confine himself to writing small pieces of verse: he
+rose to tragedy. We have three written by him. The first was called
+_Adamus exsul_. He sent it to Lipsius, who liked it[41]; and it was
+printed at Leyden in 1601. The author was afterwards dissatisfied with
+it, and would not suffer it to appear in the collection of his Poems
+published by his brother[42]. _Christus patiens_ was his second tragedy.
+It was printed at Leyden in 1608, and much approved. Casaubon greatly
+admires its poetic fire[43]. Sandes translated it into English verse;
+and dedicated it to Charles I. It was very favourably received in
+England; and in Germany it was proposed as the model of perfect Tragedy.
+
+The subject of his third Tragedy was the story of Joseph; and its title
+_Sophomphaneas_, which, in the language of Egypt, signifies the Saviour
+of the world. Vossius assures Meursius it is the most perfect thing in
+its kind the age has produced[44]: Vondel, a celebrated poet of Holland,
+translated it into Dutch: and Grotius expressed a high sense of Vondel's
+friendship, in condescending to translate his works, when he could write
+much better of his own[45].
+
+The most learned critics, many of whom were good versifiers, agreed that
+Grotius excelled in Poetry. Scaliger acknowledged his epigrams were
+admirable[46]. Casaubon being informed that Grotius had written some
+verses on the death of Theodore Beza, says, "he heard with infinite
+pleasure that so great a man had his elegy written by so great a
+poet[47]." Baudius calls him the darling friend of the Muses, and
+acquaints us that Scaliger thought some of his small poems equal to the
+best of the ancients[48]. Gerard Vossius speaks of him as the greatest
+poet of his age, and the prince of poetry. In fine, M. Baillet, who had
+examined the many opinions given of Grotius, assures us, that all who
+read his poems approved of them; that those of fine taste, and who could
+judge of epigrams, found many of his admirable, some discovering the
+subtilty of his genius, and the fertility of his imagination; others,
+the happy turn which he could give to his thoughts and expressions.
+
+Even his enemies did not presume to deny him the praise of an excellent
+Poet; and Salmasius, in a letter written with design to lessen Grotius's
+reputation, and dictated by jealousy, injustice, and spleen, allows
+however he was a great Poet. "But," he adds, "every one in this country
+prefers Barlaeus; and many, even Heinsius." Balzac, who in other things
+did justice to Grotius, wished he had employed his poetic talents only
+on proper subjects. "I never saw," says he, "the Swedish Ambassador, but
+I have long esteemed his genius: and if he had not put the _Institutes_
+into verse, and published some other pieces of the same nature, I should
+esteem him still more." But it is proper to observe that these were the
+amusements of his childhood, and never intended to be made public.
+Grotius had a meaner idea of his poetical talents, than even the rivals
+of his glory. "As to merit in poetry (he writes to the President de
+Thou) I yield it to every one."
+
+It was William Grotius who published the collection of his brother's
+poems. Some of them, and these not the best, had been printed before in
+Germany very incorrect: which induced William to look over his brother's
+papers, extract the poems, and publish them with those already printed.
+This Collection is dedicated to Vandermile, son-in-law of the Grand
+Pensionary Barnevelt, Deputy to the States General, Curator of the
+university of Leyden, and the great friend of Hugo Grotius. The
+dedication is dated September 1, 1616. A Letter of Grotius, written the
+14th of December in the preceding year, informs us he was very averse to
+his brother's project. He foresaw that he would one day be reproached
+with this edition; which accordingly happened, particularly when,
+endeavouring to reconcile the two Religions, he incurred the hatred of
+Rivet and some other ministers, who seeking to destroy his reputation,
+declaimed against his epithalamiums, and found fault with his
+introducing the false divinities in the manner of the ancient poets, and
+his speaking of war rather as a zealous citizen, than a pacific
+Christian. These reproaches touched him: and in the latter part of his
+life he wished only his sacred poems had been preserved[49]. But,
+notwithstanding the peevishness of those Divines, Grotius's Poems had a
+great run, were printed in England, and several times reprinted in
+Holland.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[39]
+
+     Area parva ducum, totus quam respicit orbis,
+     Celsior una malis, et quam damnare ruinae
+     Nunc quoque fata timent, alieno in littore resto.
+     Tertius annus abit; toties mutavimus hostem.
+     Saevit hiems pelago, morbisque furentibus aestas;
+     Et nimium est quod fecit Iber crudelior armis.
+     In nos orta lues: nullum est sine funere funus;
+     Nec perimit mors una semel. Fortuna, quid haeres?
+     Qua mercede tenes mixtos in sanguine manes?
+     Quis tumulos moriens hos occupet hoste perempto
+     Quaeritur, et sterili tantum de pulvere pugna est.
+
+[40] Gassendi's Life of Pyresc, lib. 2. p. 79.
+
+[41] Ep. 99. Feb. 3, 1602.
+
+[42] Ep. 87. ad Vossium, p. 34.
+
+[43] Casaub. Ep. 597. p. 313.
+
+[44] Ep. 313. p. 317.
+
+[45] Ep. 527. p. 204.
+
+[46] Scaligerana p. 178. ed. 1695.
+
+[47] Ep. 1089.
+
+[48] Ep. Baudii, 100. Cent. 3. Scal. Poemata, p. 359.
+
+[49] Discus. Apolog. Rivetiani, p. 740. Ep. 504, p. 885. Ep. 558. p.
+924. Ep. 664. p. 956. Ep. 736. p. 974.
+
+
+XIV. The United Provinces still bravely maintained their liberty against
+the efforts of Spain, who since the peace of Vervins had collected her
+whole force against them. The glory they acquired by this illustrious
+defence determined them to make choice of an Historian who might
+transmit with dignity to after-ages the signal exploits of this
+memorable war. Several learned men made great interest for the place;
+among others Baudius, the famous Professor of Eloquence in the
+university of Leyden: but the States thought young Grotius (who had
+taken no step to obtain it) deserved the preference: and what is still
+more singular, Baudius himself did not find fault with their choice,
+because he looked upon Grotius to be already a very great man.
+
+
+
+XV. His high reputation was on the point of procuring him, about the
+same time, a very honourable settlement in France. King Henry IV.
+sensible that he ought to have a man of the greatest merit at the head
+of his Library, had, at the recommendation of M. de Villeroi, while
+Gosselin his librarian was yet living, fixed upon Casaubon, who at that
+time had the greatest name for literature. This affair was carried on
+mysteriously: The King desired to see Casaubon in private: he told him,
+that he intended to make him his librarian; and that Gosselin could not
+live above a year; adding, with the frank and noble air which so well
+became that great Prince: "You shall see my fine books, and tell me what
+they contain; for I don't understand them myself."
+
+Gosselin lived three years after this conversation, till 1603. The
+Jesuits being informed Casaubon was to be set over the King's Library,
+represented to his majesty the inconveniences of confiding a treasure of
+that nature to the most obstinate of all heretics. This made some
+impression on the king: nevertheless he was afraid of a clamour were it
+known that he refused an employment promised to a Protestant on account
+of his religion. He consulted with some persons; and they advised him to
+send to Holland for Grotius, whom he knew, and appoint him his
+librarian; which would make the Public ascribe the change to some
+private discontent, and not to religion. Casaubon, apprised of what was
+doing, remained perfectly quiet: but the President de Thou, thinking the
+King's honour concerned in keeping his word, warmly solicited in his
+favour, and, after the affair had been suspended some weeks, Casaubon
+was at length nominated. Grotius had had no part in this whole
+proceeding: accordingly Casaubon was so far from being offended with
+him, that, writing to Daniel Heinsius, December 29, 1603, he assures him
+if the place could have made Grotius's fortune, he wished he had got
+it, because he loved him, and admired his prodigious genius.
+
+
+XVI. Grotius was at that time principally employed as an Advocate. He
+tells us that to make himself master of the forms of law, he carefully
+studied the practical part, transcribing precedents of Petitions,
+Prosecutions, and Defences. He pleaded his first cause when he was but
+seventeen, with universal applause, which he maintained whilst he
+continued at the Bar. We learn the method he followed in his pleadings
+from a letter to his son Peter advising him to imitate it. "That you may
+not, says he, be embarrassed by the little order observed by those
+against whom you speak, mind one thing, of which I have found the
+advantage. Distribute all that can be said on both sides under certain
+heads, which imprint strongly in your memory; and whatever your
+adversary says, refer it to your own division, and not to his[50]."
+Grotius's great attention was to avoid prolixity and confusion in his
+pleadings[51].
+
+The employment of an advocate, though he acquired infinite honour by it,
+did not however please him. The reasons of his dislike we have in a
+letter to Daniel Heinsius, dated July 21, 1603. "Besides that law-suits
+are improper for a peaceable man, what doth he derive from them? They
+procure him hatred from those against whom he pleads, small
+acknowledgments from his clients, and not much honour with the Public.
+Add to this, that the time spent in things so little agreeable, might be
+employed in acquiring others much more useful. I should have been a
+better philosopher, more master of the Greek, better acquainted with the
+manners of the Ancients, with the Poets, and Philologists, if I had
+practiced less as an Advocate."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[50] Ep. 1134. p. 512.
+
+[51] Ibid.
+
+
+XVII. His brilliant success at the Bar, which he treats as ungrateful,
+procured him, however, a very considerable promotion. The place of
+Advocate-general of the Fisc for Holland and Zealand becoming vacant, it
+was unanimously conferred on Grotius. This is an employment of great
+distinction and authority, the person invested with it being charged
+with the preservation of the public peace and the prosecution of
+offenders. It was in 1607 he took possession of this important office,
+which he filled with so much reputation, the States augmented his
+salary, and promised him a seat in the Court of Holland.
+
+
+XVIII. John Grotius, on his son's being made Advocate-general, began to
+think of a wife for him; and fixed upon Mary Reigersberg, of one of the
+first families in Zealand, whose father had been Burgomaster of Veer:
+the marriage was solemnised in July, 1608. The greatest encomium of the
+new-married lady is, that she was worthy such a husband as Grotius. The
+most perfect harmony subsisted between them, and Grotius held her in the
+highest esteem[52]. This alliance gave occasion to a number of poems.
+John Grotius wrote his son's Epithalamium; Daniel Heinsius composed a
+Poem on that subject, which, in the opinion of Grotius, was the best of
+the kind that ever had been written. Grotius himself celebrated his
+nuptials in some Latin verses, approved of by Scaliger, and translated
+them into Dutch: he also wrote some in French on that occasion.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[52] Ep. 423. p. 876.
+
+
+XIX. At the time of his marriage he was employed in a work of great
+importance, which was not published till the year following. This was
+his _Freedom of the Ocean, or the Right of the Dutch to trade to the
+Indies_; dedicated to all the free nations of Christendom, and divided
+into thirteen Chapters. The author shews in the first, that by the law
+of Nations navigation is free to all the world: In the second, that the
+Portuguese never possessed the sovereignty of the countries in the
+East-Indies with which the Dutch carry on a trade: In the third, that
+the donation of Pope Alexander VI. gave the Portuguese no right to the
+Indies: In the fourth, that the Portuguese had not acquired by the law
+of arms the sovereignty of the States to which the Dutch trade: He shews
+in the fifth, that the ocean is immense and common to all; that it is
+absurd to imagine that those who first navigate a sea ought to be judged
+to have taken possession of it; that a vessel which cuts the waves of a
+sea, gives no more right to that sea, than she leaves marks of her way
+in it; that, besides, the Portuguese are not the first who sailed in the
+Indian sea, since there are facts which demonstrate it was neither
+unknown to the Ancients, to the Spaniards, nor to the Carthaginians, nor
+even to the Romans. The sixth chapter proves, that the right of
+navigation in that sea cannot belong exclusively to the Portuguese by
+virtue of Alexander VI's donation, because donation cannot take place in
+things which enter not into trade; and that, besides, the Pope is not
+master of the sea. In the seventh chapter it is shewn, that the Eastern
+sea, or the right of navigation in it, cannot belong to the Portuguese
+by prescription, since prescription being only by the civil law it
+cannot operate against the law of nature, by virtue of which, navigation
+in that sea is free to all the world; that, moreover, prescription doth
+not take place in things that cannot be alienated, such as the sea, the
+use of the sea, and things common to all men: add to this, that the
+opposition of other nations, and their navigation in that sea would have
+hindered the prescription. It is proved in the eighth, that by the law
+of nations the commerce between nations is free, and cannot be
+prohibited without injustice. In the ninth it is shewn that the trade to
+the Indies doth not belong to the Portuguese, exclusive of other
+kingdoms, because they first took possession of it, since the title of
+first occupant takes place only in that which is corporeal. The tenth
+proves, that the Pope could not grant the Portuguese an exclusive trade
+to the Indies: the eleventh, that this trade does not belong to them by
+prescription: the twelfth, that nothing is more unjust than the claim to
+an exclusive trade set up by the Portuguese. The author concludes his
+work with the thirteenth chapter, exhorting the Dutch to continue their
+trade to the Indies in time of war, of truce, or of peace.
+
+This work was printed without Grotius's knowledge, and published without
+his consent. He appears not to have been quite satisfied with it: "My
+intention (says he in a letter to Camerarius, May 20th, 1637) was good;
+but the work favours too much of my want of years." They wrote against
+him in Spain: "I know (he writes his brother, April 1, 1640) that a
+treatise was written some time ago, at Salamanca, against mine _Of the
+Freedom of the Ocean_, but it was suppressed by the King of Spain."
+Another appeared, in 1625, at Valladolid, entitled, _De justo imperio
+Lusitanorum Asiatico_, by one Francis Seraphin de Freiras. _The Freedom
+of the Ocean_ was refuted in England by the famous Selden in his work
+entitled _Mare clausum, seu de dominio maris_. Grotius thought the
+Spanish author's book not ill done, and deserving of an answer[53]; and
+was pleased with the politeness shewn him by Selden[54]. But at the time
+these Answers appeared Grotius was so dissatisfied with the Dutch, he
+did not think himself obliged to employ his time for people void of
+gratitude. "Let them seek among my Judges (said he by way of irony on
+their ignorance) for one to answer the Spaniard[55]." As to Selden's
+book, Grotius seemed not to mind it; he looked on himself as no longer
+concerned in the controversy. "I wholly forget what I have been, says
+he, when I see those to whom I have done so great services, remember me
+only to hurt me." These sentiments of an indifference bordering on
+hatred he did not entertain till after the Dutch had done every thing to
+make him uneasy, as we shall see in the sequel.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[53] Ep. 144. p. 796.
+
+[54] Ep. 364. p. 858.
+
+[55] Ep. 144. p. 796.
+
+
+XX. The year after the publication of the treatise _Of the Freedom of
+the Ocean_, Grotius printed his work _De antiquitate reipublicae Batavae_,
+divided into seven chapters. In the first the author shews what is an
+aristocratical government: In the second he gives the history of the
+ancient Batavi, whose government, he says, was aristocratical, under the
+command of a head, who was sometimes styled King. He explains, in the
+third, the state of the Republic of the Batavi in the time of the Roman
+empire; and building on a passage of Tacitus he pretends they were
+allies, and not subjects of the Romans. In the fourth he enquires into
+the government of the Batavi after the fall of the Roman empire; from
+which aera till the establishment of the Counts of Holland we know very
+little of that nation. The author treats, in the fifth chapter, of the
+government of Holland in the time of the Counts. The first elected to
+that dignity was named Diederic, of Friesland, and was Count of the
+whole nation: He was not a vassal of the Empire, and, as Philip of
+Leyden observes, he was Emperor in his County. He was not so absolute as
+a Monarch, and though the Dutch in chusing their Counts generally
+followed the order of primogeniture, they never set up a Prince without
+first requiring of him an oath, to conform to the laws: so that he
+reigned rather by the consent of the people, than by right of
+succession. The power of the Counts was limited by law; and the taxes
+were always imposed by the States. In the sixth chapter the author shews
+that Philip II. King of Spain, endeavouring to change their form of
+government, occasioned the grand war which procured Holland her liberty.
+Grotius explains, in his seventh and last chapter, the form of
+government established in Holland after the Dutch threw off the Spanish
+yoke. The work is dedicated to the States of Holland and West-Friesland,
+March 16, 1610.
+
+The States were extremely pleased with it: they returned their thanks to
+the author, and made him a present[56]. He afterwards added notes,
+serving for proofs of the several facts: these were carried away with
+his other papers at the time of his arrest; but the Elzevirs, intending
+to publish a new edition of it, acquainted Grotius, who was at pains to
+get the notes returned; and they are now printed at the end of the
+Elzevir edition. His love to his country led him to advance several
+things in this work, which he afterwards owned to be mistakes[57]; in
+particular, that the Batavi had always been free, and not subject to the
+ancient Franks[58].
+
+While this book was in the press, Grotius, and his father, who commonly
+assisted him in his writings, translated it into Dutch[59].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[56] Apolog. C. 1.
+
+[57] Ep. 635. p. 947.
+
+[58] Grotii manes, Conringius, Pope, p. 947.
+
+[59] Ep. 662. p. 834.
+
+
+XXI. Elias Oldenbarnevelt, Pensionary of Rotterdam, and brother to the
+Grand Pensionary of Holland, dying in 1613, the city of Rotterdam
+offered that important place to Grotius, whose name was so famous,
+foreigners sought to draw him to them by offers of honours and lucrative
+posts, which love to his Country made him constantly reject. It was some
+time before he yielded to the desires of Rotterdam. By the ferment of
+mens minds he foresaw that very great commotions would speedily shake
+the Republic; this made him insist with the gentlemen of Rotterdam that
+he should never be turned out of his place of Pensionary: and on their
+promising accordingly, he accepted the employment, which gave him a seat
+in the assembly of the States of Holland, and afterwards in that of the
+States General.
+
+Hitherto Grotius had had very little connection with the Grand
+Pensionary; but from this time contracted an intimate friendship with
+him, which gave him the greater pleasure as he was most desirous of the
+counsels of a man of so much experience, who had been himself nine years
+Pensionary of Rotterdam, and above thirty years Grand Pensionary of
+Holland (in which employment he had done his Country most essential
+services) and who was famous not only in Holland, but in foreign
+countries, for his many embassies, and acknowledged prudence and
+abilities.
+
+The great intimacy between them gave rise to a report, that the Grand
+Pensionary, who was sensible of Grotius's great merit, and who loved
+him, designed to have him made Grand Pensionary. We have this particular
+from Grotius himself[60], who assures us he never desired that high
+office, the rather as his health would not then permit him to discharge
+the many functions belonging to it. For by the Grand Pensionary the
+States see, hear, and act; and though he has no deliberative voice, and
+is the lowest in rank, his influence is the greatest. He manages
+Prosecutions, receives Dispatches, and answers them, and is as it were
+Attorney-General of the States: before he be called to be
+Grand-Pensionary, he is nominated Advocate of the States.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[60] Apol. C. 19.
+
+
+XXII. There was at that time a high dispute between the English and
+Dutch concerning the right of fishing in the northern seas. Two vessels
+had sailed from Amsterdam to Greenland to kill walrus, a sea-animal,
+larger than an ox, with the muzzle of a lion, the skin covered with
+hair, four feet, and two large teeth in the upper jaw, flat, hard, and
+so white that in colour and value they equal those of the elephant: some
+even give them the preference, because, besides their exceeding
+whiteness, they are not subject to grow yellow. These two vessels having
+caught twenty-two walrus, were met by some English vessels bound to
+Russia, who hail'd them, and demanded whether they had pasports from the
+King of Great Britain to fish at Greenland? The Dutchmen answered, that
+the Sea was free, and they had pasports from Count Maurice their
+Stadtholder. "That is not enough, said the English[61]: and to let you
+know that that sea belongs to the King our master, if you will not give
+us instantly the walrus you have taken, with your boats, nets, and
+instruments for killing them, we'll send you to the bottom." The two
+Dutch vessels, unable to resist, were obliged to obey. Returning to
+Holland, they made their complaint; and the affair being laid before the
+States, it was resolved that Grotius, who had written on the subject and
+was more master of it than any one, should be sent to England to demand
+justice: But, says the _Mercure Francois_, he found the old proverb
+true: The strongest are masters of the sea, and such never care to make
+restitution: so that he could obtain no satisfaction.
+
+This denial of justice from the English determined the Dutch not to go
+to Greenland for the future without a force sufficient to revenge
+themselves on the English, or to have nothing to fear from them.
+
+The dispute growing serious, to prevent any acts of hostility, and to
+know on what grounds they went, a conference was held in 1615 between
+the Commissaries of England and Holland, in which the debate turned
+chiefly on the whale-fishery. Grotius, who was one of the Commissaries
+from the Province of Holland, gives the history of this conference in a
+Letter to Du Maurier, dated at Rotterdam, June 5, 1615. The Dutch
+Commissaries put the English to silence, by demonstrating, that neither
+the land nor the sea of Greenland belonged to them, and that they had no
+right to hinder the Dutch to navigate and catch whales in that sea, of
+which none could claim the property. That the land did not belong to
+them, because till the year 1596 no mortal had set foot on it; that the
+Dutch discovered it the year before, and gave it the name it still
+retains, as may be seen in all the modern geographers, on the globes,
+and carts. The English wanted to reply that Hugh Willoughby discovered
+it in 1553: but the Dutch shewed even by the Journal of his voyage, that
+setting out from Finland he landed on the Island which bears his name,
+at a great distance from Greenland; that he died of hunger and cold,
+with all his companions, on the coast of Lapland, where the Laplanders
+found him, next summer, and from whence his Journals were sent to
+England. The English, not knowing what to answer, said, it was a high
+indignity to their master, to dispute a right of which he had hitherto
+been in peaceable possession; and that their instructions imported, they
+should break off the conference unless the Dutch would acknowledge
+England's claim to Greenland. What was still more diverting (continued
+Grotius) they added, that they had not then their titles, but would shew
+them to Caron, the Dutch Agent in England, and, they flattered
+themselves, on seeing them, he would yield the point. They like better
+(adds he in the conclusion) to deal with him, than dispute with us,
+because they will take his silence, as they have done already, for
+submission.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[61] Mercure Francois, an. 1613.
+
+
+XXIII. If Grotius had ground to be dissatisfied with the
+disingenuousness and injustice of the English Ministry in his
+negotiation concerning the Fishery, he had at least reason to be pleased
+with the politeness of King James, who, Casaubon informs us, gave
+Grotius a most gracious reception, and was charmed with his
+conversation. But the greatest pleasure he received by this voyage was
+the intimate friendship he contracted with Casaubon. They knew one
+another before by character, and highly esteemed each other. They were
+made to be intimate friends: in both the most profound erudition was
+joined with the most perfect probity. They had still another sympathy to
+knit faster the band of this union: both ardently wished to see all
+Christians united in one faith and desired nothing more, than to be
+employed in that great work. They have left behind them testimonies of
+the satisfaction they found in each other's acquaintance. "For my part,
+says Grotius in a letter to John Frederic Gronovius[62], I reckon it one
+of the greatest felicities of my whole life to have been loved by a man
+as illustrious for his piety, his probity, and his candor, as for his
+extensive learning. It was by his counsels or those of persons he
+approved that I conducted myself in the most difficult times."
+
+"I respect no less, says he in another letter, his frankness and his
+probity, than his uncommon erudition. His letters sufficiently prove
+what great friendship he had for me."
+
+We find in fact that they contain evidences of the highest esteem for
+Grotius. To Daniel Heinsius he writes, April 13, 1613, "I am very well;
+and cannot say enough of my felicity in enjoying the friendship of such
+a great man as Grotius. O that incomparable man! I knew him before: but
+fully to comprehend the excellency of his divine genius, one must see
+him, and hear him converse. His countenance speaks probity, and his
+discourse discovers the deepest learning and the most sincere piety.
+Think not that I only am his admirer; all learned and good men entertain
+the same sentiments for him, particularly the King."
+
+Casaubon writes to the President de Thou, April 20, 1613, to acquaint
+him what pleasure he had received by seeing Grotius. "I must let you
+know, says he, that I have seen here Hugo Grotius. He is a man of
+admirable probity and learning[63]."
+
+They had long conversations together on religion. Casaubon ardently
+desired a reunion of the Protestants with the Roman Catholics[64]: and
+would have set about it, had he staid longer in France, as he informed
+Descordes, who repeated it to Grotius. He greatly respected the opinions
+of the ancient church[65], and was persuaded its sentiments were more
+sound than those of the Ministers of Charenton. Grotius and he had
+imparted their thoughts to each other before the voyage to England: for
+Casaubon congratulates him, January 8, 1612, on his desiring nothing but
+peace and a coalition; and communicated Grotius' sentiments to King
+James; who approved of them. This shews that Grotius thought it was
+wrong to depart from the discipline and forms of the ancient church:
+Casaubon was of the same mind; and his Letter to M. de Thou is a
+demonstrative proof that these two excellent men did not differ in
+matters of Religion. "I esteem him highly, says he[66], on account of
+his other great qualities; for he judges of the modern subjects of
+religious controversy like a learned and good man; and in his veneration
+for antiquity agrees with the wisest."
+
+The last Letter which we have from Casaubon to Grotius comprehends all
+these sentiments in few words[67]: "I heartily pray God to preserve you
+ever: and as long as I live, I shall hold you in the highest esteem, so
+much am I taken with your piety, your probity, and your admirable
+learning."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[62] Ep. 1168. p. 530.
+
+[63] Ep. 883 p. 531.
+
+[64] Ep. Grotii 610.
+
+[65] Ep. Grotii 613.
+
+[66] Ep. 531.
+
+[67] Ep. 890.
+
+
+XXIV. After his return from England, Grotius happened to be one day at
+the Assembly of the States of Holland and West-Friesland when an affair
+of consequence was under consideration. The States had granted
+commissions to several Privateers, some of which made depredations on
+the friends of the Republic, and, afterwards quitting the country,
+scowered the seas, refusing to return though summoned. Some people of
+Pomerania who had been ill used by these Corsairs, applied to the States
+for redress. The Question therefore was, Whether the States were
+answerable for the act of those privateers, either as having employed
+bad men in their service, or neglected to require security from them on
+giving them commissions. Grotius' advice being asked, his opinion was,
+that the States were only bound to punish the offenders, or deliver them
+up, if taken; and, for the rest, to make satisfaction to the sufferers
+out of the effects of the pirates. We learn from himself on what he
+grounded his opinion[68]. The States, said he, were not the cause of
+those unjust practices, nor had any part in them: so far from it they
+have prohibited, by express ordonnances, the injuring of our friends.
+They were not obliged to ask security from the privateers, since,
+without granting formal commissions, they might permit all their
+subjects to plunder the enemy, as was formerly practised; and the
+permission they granted to those privateers was not the cause of the
+damage they did to our allies, since any private person may, without
+such permission, fit out vessels, and sail on a cruize. Besides, it was
+impossible to foresee that these privateers would turn out wicked; and
+there is no taking such precautions as to employ only honest men. When a
+prince's troops, whether by sea or land, contrary to his order, injure
+his friends, he is not responsable for it; as appears from what has been
+acknowledged by France and England. To make one answerable for the acts
+of those who are in his service, even when no fault of his gave any
+occasion to them, would be to decide the question not by the law of
+nations, but by the civil law; and even the rule is not general in the
+civil law.
+
+The States were determined by this opinion.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[68] De jure belli et pacis, lib. 2. c. 17. sec. 20.
+
+
+XXV. The multitude of affairs with which Grotius was oppressed, and the
+continual journeys he was obliged to make, left him no time for
+cultivating Polite Literature. In the midst of his occupations Du
+Maurier, the French Ambassador in Holland, and his particular friend,
+having resolved to begin a course of study, applied to Grotius for
+directions. We shall here give an extract from his answer[69], because
+it may be of use to grown persons desirous of acquiring literary
+accomplishments.
+
+He shortened his method as much as he could out of regard to Du
+Maurier's age, dignity, and affairs. He advises him to begin with Logic,
+not that of Aristotle, which is too long, and contains many things of no
+great use: an abridgment was sufficient, such as Du Moulin's, the most
+esteemed at that time. "But your assistant, says he, must read the best
+that has been written on the subject, and communicate to you what is
+most remarkable: much may be learnt in an hour or two spent in this
+manner." The same method he would have observed in the other sciences,
+and even with regard to books; that is to say, the person under whom Du
+Maurier studies must read the best writers on every subject; and extract
+what is most essential, to be repeated to him. After Logic he directs
+him to the study of Physics, which he would not have carried too far;
+and recommends some plain and short abridgement: he could think of none
+at that time but _Jacchaeus_. He is of opinion, that as in Logic the
+rules of syllogism are chiefly to be attended to, so in Physics the
+enquiry into the nature and functions of the soul is of most importance.
+After Physics he advises him to proceed to Metaphysics, of which he
+might get some notion from Timplerus' book, which is neither long nor
+obscure. The study of Moral Philosophy is to be begun with Aristotle,
+whose books to Nicomachus are the best. "Your reader, says he, must give
+you in a small compass what the ablest interpreters have said. It is
+also necessary to be acquainted with the sentiments of the different
+sects of Philosophers; for without that knowledge you will be much at a
+loss in reading the Ancients, and profit little by them." To unbend
+after this serious study, some other short and agreeable books that have
+a relation to it may be read: such as _Ecclesiasticus_, the _Wisdom of
+Solomon_, _Theognis_, _Phocilides_, the _Golden Verses ascribed to
+Pythagoras_, _Epictetus's Enchiridion_, _Hierocles_, and the
+_Commentaries of Arrian_; not omitting the _Characters of Theophrastus_.
+What the Poets have written on Morality may also be perused; with some
+select Tragedies of Euripides, _Terence's Comedies_, and _Horace's
+Epistles_. Young people and grown persons admire different things in
+these writings: the beauty of the style pleases the first: the others
+learn by them to know men. To these works may be added _Cicero's
+Offices_, a piece not enough esteemed, purely because it is in the hands
+of every one; some of _Seneca's Epistles_, the Tragedies that go under
+his name; and the best of Plutarch's smaller pieces. After having gone
+through _Aristotle's Politics_, the excellent extract by Polybius of
+Republics is to be read; with the _Harangues of Mecaenas and Agrippa to
+Augustus_, in Dion; and _Sallust's Letter to Caesar_. _Plutarch's Lives
+of Pericles_, _Cato_, _the Gracchi_, _Demosthenes_, _and Cicero_, must
+not be omitted: much may be learned too from _Cicero's Letters to
+Atticus_, if they were translated by one well acquainted with the Roman
+History of that period.
+
+After this would be the proper time for reading _Aristotle's Rhetoric_:
+for, as is well remark'd by that great man, who possessed all the arts
+and sciences in an eminent degree, from Morals and Politics must the
+arguments be drawn that are to convince mens understandings; that is to
+say, it is impossible to be truly eloquent without extensive knowledge.
+The better to perceive the use of the precepts it would be proper to
+read with attention some Orations of Demosthenes and Cicero,
+particularly those which relate to public Affairs, such as the
+_Philippics_, the _Olinthiacs_, the Oration _pro lege Manilia_, that
+against the _Agrarian Law_, and some others. The next thing, to be
+applied to is _Jus publicum_, that is to say, the knowledge of the
+different forms of government, the Conventions between Nations, and, in
+fine, whatever regards Peace and War. The treatises of Plato and Cicero
+_On Laws_ shew in what manner the principles of this law are to be
+deduced from morality. It will not be unprofitable to read likewise, or
+at least to run over the second book of _St. Thomas Aquinas_, especially
+what he says of Justice and Laws: The _Pandecta_, particularly the first
+and last book, the first and the three last books of _Justinian's
+Codex_, point out the use to be made of those principles. The Lawyers
+who have best handled the questions relating to the Law of Nations and
+_Jus publicum_, are Vasques, Hotoman, and Gentilis. After the
+acquisition of these several branches of knowledge, the study of History
+will be extremely useful, by the application which may be made of the
+examples to the precepts. History is to be begun with an abridgement of
+universal history; such as _Justin_, _Florus_, and the abridgement of
+_Livy_. But in reading History a man ought to please his own taste: for
+they all contain many useful things: and we retain best those we read
+with pleasure. In general, we ought not to begin with the most ancient,
+but with such as, being nearer our own times, have greater relation with
+what we know already: we may afterwards go back to what is more distant.
+It is proper to observe, that there is more advantage to be reaped from
+reading the Greek historians who have written the history of Rome, than
+the Latin, who have treated the same subject; because Foreigners give
+more attention to the public manners and customs, than the Natives.
+
+M. du Maurier received this Letter with the highest satisfaction; he
+permitted several copies to be taken of it, and it was printed by the
+Elzevirs in 1637, in a collection of several Methods of Study, under the
+title of _De omni genere studiorum recte instituendo_.
+
+Grotius acquaints us[70] that it was published with out his consent.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[69] Ep. 54. p. 17.
+
+[70] Ep. 740. p. 976.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II.
+
+
+Grotius has hitherto appeared to us chiefly as a Man of Learning: we are
+now going to consider him entering into the affairs of the Republic,
+wholly employed in restoring the peace of his country, and receiving for
+the reward of his pacific intentions an imprisonment, which would in all
+probability have been perpetual, had not the ingenious friendship of his
+wife with great address procured his liberty. But as the occasion of
+these events was the warm dispute kindled in the United Provinces
+concerning Grace and Predestination, we must resume things a little
+higher.
+
+
+I. In the year 1608, while the truce between the Spaniards and the
+United Provinces was negotiating, Arminius, an eminent Professor in the
+University of Leyden, departing from the rigid sentiments of Calvin,
+publickly taught, that God, foreseeing Adam's sin, had resolved to send
+his only Son into the world to redeem mankind; that he had ordained
+Grace to all to whom the Law should be preached, by which they might
+believe if they would, and persevere; that this grace offered to all
+men was of such a nature, that not only it might be resisted, but men
+actually did often resist it; and that God had only chosen or reprobated
+those, who, he foresaw, would embrace or reject the grace offered them.
+
+Gomar, another Professor in the University of Leyden, warmly opposed
+this doctrine; maintaining, that by an eternal and irreversible decree
+God had predestinated some to everlasting life, and others to eternal
+damnation, without regard to their actions; that the grace given to the
+Elect was so powerful, they could not resist it; and that Jesus Christ
+did not die for the Reprobate.
+
+The doctrine of Arminius was directly opposite to that of Calvin:
+accordingly it met with great opposition; and he was accused before the
+Synod of Rotterdam, in which Gomar's party prevailed.
+
+Arminius, who knew that the Magistrates were as warm for him, as the
+Clergy and Professors were against him, presented a petition to the
+States of Holland and West-Friesland, praying that the Grand Council
+might take cognisance of this dispute. His adversaries maintained that a
+theological contest ought to be judged by a church judicature:
+Arminius's petition, however, was granted, and Gomar obliged to appear
+with him before the Magistrates, who promised to have the affair
+speedily discussed in a Synod; and forbad, in the mean time, the
+advancing any thing contrary to the Holy Scriptures, the Confessions of
+faith, and Catechism. The Grand Council reported to the States, that the
+whole dispute was about some obscure questions concerning Grace and
+Predestination.
+
+Barnevelt happening to say he thanked God that the fundamental points of
+Religion were not in question, Gomar, who was present, obtaining leave
+to speak, said, among other things, he would be very sorry to appear
+before God with Arminius's sentiments.
+
+The dispute still continuing with much bitterness, in 1611 the States of
+Holland ordered the principal Ministers of the two parties to appear
+before them: Twelve accordingly attended, six Arminians and six
+Gomarists, and disputed in presence of the States on Predestination, the
+Death of Christ, the necessity and nature of Grace and Perseverance. The
+States heard them, but would determine nothing, only recommended to them
+to live in peace. But the consequence of this conference was like that
+of all other disputes, especially in matters of religion, mens minds
+were the more inflamed and provoked.
+
+Arminius died on the 19th of October, 1609, some time before this
+conference; and Grotius made his elogium in verse. He had hitherto
+applied little to these matters, and even, writing to Rutgersius,
+December 24, 1609, he ingenuously owns, he did not understand a great
+part of them, because they were foreign to his profession. He had no
+inclination to offend Gomar in commending Arminius: he speaks with great
+moderation of their disputes, and doth not even affirm that the
+sentiments of Arminius were the only true ones: but entering afterwards
+into a more strict examination of those points, he was convinced that
+the idea we ought to have of God's goodness and justice, and even the
+earliest tradition of the church, favoured Arminius's system, and
+contradicted that of Gomar: and in these sentiments he persevered till
+his death.
+
+
+II. The partisans of Arminius, desirous to efface the bad impressions
+which Gomar's discourses and those of his adherents had made on the
+minds of the public, met privately, and drew up a Remonstrance, dated
+January 14, 1610, which they addressed to the States of Holland, setting
+forth, that they did not believe, like their adversaries.
+
+1. "That God, by an eternal and irreversible decree, had predestinated
+men, whom he did not consider as created, and still less as culpable,
+some to everlasting life, and others to everlasting death, without
+regard to their good or evil actions, from his mere good pleasure, for
+the praise of his Mercy, or his Justice, or, as others say, to manifest
+his saving grace, his wisdom, and his absolute power: And that God has
+also, by an eternal and immutable decree, preordained the proper methods
+of executing his will, by which those who are predestinated to salvation
+are saved in a necessary and inevitable manner, so that it is impossible
+they should perish; and such as are predestinated to eternal death (who
+are the greater part of mankind) are necessarily and inevitably damned,
+so that they cannot be saved.
+
+2. "That God, according to others, willing from all eternity to make a
+decree for electing some men and rejecting others, considered the human
+race not only as created, but also as fallen and corrupted in Adam and
+Eve our first parents, and thereby deserving of the curse; and that he
+resolved to deliver by his grace some men from this fall and damnation,
+for the manifestation of his mercy, and to leave others, both young and
+old, and even the children of those who are in the Covenant, and died in
+their infancy, by his just judgment, under the curse, for the
+manifestation of his justice; and this without any regard to the
+repentance or the faith of the first, or the impenitence and unbelief of
+the others. They pretend that for the execution of this decree God makes
+use of means by which the Elect are necessarily and inevitably saved,
+and the Reprobate necessarily and inevitably damned.
+
+3. "That accordingly Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, did not die
+for all men, but for those alone who were chosen in the first or second
+manner, as he was only appointed Mediator for the salvation of the
+Elect, and of no others.
+
+4. "That in consequence of this the Spirit of God and of Christ works so
+efficaciously in the Elect, that they cannot resist it; but must be
+converted, believe, and be necessarily saved: That this irresistible
+grace and strength is given to the Elect alone, and not to the
+Reprobate, to whom God not only refuses this irresistible grace, but
+even denies them necessary and sufficient grace for their conversion and
+salvation, though they be called and solicited to accept it, without
+compulsion, externally, by the revealed will of God; but the inward
+strength necessary to conversion and faith is nevertheless denied them,
+by the secret will of God.
+
+5. "That those who receive true and justifying faith by this
+irresistible power, cannot totally or finally lose it, even when they
+fall into gross sins; but are guided and supported by this irresistible
+strength, so that they cannot totally or finally fall away, or perish."
+
+The Arminians afterwards added their own sentiments on these matters,
+comprehended in five articles. They declare their belief,
+
+1. "That God, by an eternal and immutable decree, in Jesus Christ his
+son, before the world was created, resolved to save in Jesus Christ, on
+account of Jesus Christ, and through Jesus Christ, those from among
+mankind fallen in sin, who by the grace of the Holy Spirit believe in
+his same son Jesus, and through the same grace continue in the faith and
+obedience to the end; and on the contrary, to leave under sin, and
+wrath, and to condemn the obstinate and unbelieving, as having no part
+in Christ; according to what is said _St. John_ iii. 36.
+
+2. "That accordingly Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, died for
+all and every man; and by his death on the cross has merited for all
+reconciliation with God, and remission of sin; in such manner,
+nevertheless, that no one can partake of them but Believers, according
+to the words of Jesus, _St. John_ iii. 16. 1 _St. John_ ii. 2.
+
+3. "That Man hath not saving faith of himself, and by the strength of
+his own free will; since while in a state of sin and apostacy he cannot
+of himself think, desire, or do that which is truly good, which is what
+is chiefly meant by saving faith; but it is necessary that God in Jesus
+Christ, and by the Holy Spirit, regenerate and renew him in his
+understanding and affections, or in his will and all his powers; that he
+may know the true good, meditate of it, desire, and do it. _St. John_
+xv. 5. That to this grace of God is owing the beginning, the
+progression, and accomplishment of all good; in such manner that even
+the Regenerate, without this antecedent, of preventing, exciting,
+concomitant, and co-operating grace, cannot think that which is good,
+desire, or practise it, nor resist any temptation to evil; so that all
+the good works or actions he can conceive, spring from the grace of God:
+that as to what regards the manner of operation of this grace, it is not
+irresistible, since it is said of several, they resisted the Holy
+Spirit. See _Acts_ vii, and other places.
+
+5. "That those who by a lively faith are engrafted into Christ, and
+consequently made partakers of his quickening spirit, are furnished with
+sufficient strength to be able to combat and even overcome Satan, sin,
+the world, and their own lusts; and all this, as is carefully to be
+observed, by the assistance of the grace of the Holy Spirit; and that
+Jesus Christ succours them by his Spirit in all temptations, reaches to
+them his hand (provided they be willing to engage, ask his assistance,
+and are not wanting to themselves) supports and strengthens them so,
+that they cannot be led away by any wile or violence of Satan, or
+snatched out of Christ's hands, as he says himself, _St. John_ x. _My
+sheep shall no man pluck out of my hands._ For the rest, if it be asked
+whether these may not, through negligence, let go the confidence which
+they had from the beginning, Heb. iii. 6, cleave again to the present
+world, depart from the holy doctrine which was delivered, make shipwreck
+of a good conscience? (2 Pet. i. 10. Jude iii. 1. Tim. i. 19. Heb. xii.
+15.) This must be previously examined, with more care, by the
+Scriptures, to be able to teach it with full assurance to others."
+
+Such is the Arminians Confession of Faith, to which they gave the name
+of Remonstrance, and thence were styled Remonstrants. It was drawn up by
+Utengobard, Minister at the Hague, and signed by forty-six Ministers. It
+was probably made in concert with Grotius, the intimate friend of
+Utengobard, and at that time wholly employed in the subjects which were
+disputed by the Arminians and Gomarists.
+
+To resume in few words the doctrine of the Arminians, we shall say with
+Bossuet[71], their principles were, That there is no absolute election,
+nor gratuitous preference, by which God prepares for certain chosen
+persons, and for them alone, the infallible means of bringing them to
+glory; but that God offers to all men, and especially to those to whom
+the gospel is preached, sufficient means to convert themselves; which
+some make use of; and others not, without employing any other for the
+Elect, than for the Reprobate: so that election is always conditional,
+and a man may come short of it by failing in the condition: from whence
+they conclude, first, that justifying grace may be lost totally, that
+is, without any degree of it being left; and lost finally, that is,
+without its ever being recovered: secondly, that there can be no
+assurance of salvation.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[71] Hist. des Variations, Lib. xiv. 12. 30.
+
+
+III. This remonstrance not satisfying the Gomarists, they opposed to it
+a contra-remonstrance, which gained them the name of
+Contra-Remonstrants. As these disputes gave the States a good deal of
+uneasiness, they enjoined the Divines to deliver their thoughts of the
+most proper means to put an end to them. The Remonstrants proposed a
+Toleration; the Contra-Remonstrants, a national Synod, in which they
+were sure of a majority. Both these opinions were laid before the
+States, who declared for a toleration: this was the cause gained to the
+Arminians; but the Gomarists were favoured by the People, and grew very
+factious. The Grand-Pensionary, imagining that by making themselves
+masters of the election of the ministers, the States would insensibly
+appease these troubles, proposed the revival of an obsolete regulation,
+made in the year 1591, by which the magistrates and consistory were each
+to nominate four persons, who should chuse a Minister, to be afterwards
+presented to the body of Magistrates, who might receive or reject him.
+
+This motion was agreed to by the States, to the great mortification of
+the Contra-Remonstrants: they complained that the States had exceeded
+their power. Hence arose a grand contest who ought to be Judge in
+ecclesiastical matters. The Arminians said it belonged to the Civil
+Magistrate to decide them: the Gomarists maintained that the clergy
+alone had that power. They separated themselves from the communion of
+the Remonstrants[72], took possession of the churches by force, stirred
+up seditions, wrote libels, and deposed the Arminian Ministers. In other
+churches the Contra-Remonstrants were driven out as madmen and rioters.
+These violences gave rise to schisms, some joining the old Ministers,
+and others the new.
+
+It was at this time of confusion Grotius was nominated Pensionary of
+Rotterdam, and ordered to go over into England. It is imagined[73] he
+had secret instructions to get the King and the principal divines of
+the kingdom to favour the Arminians, and approve of the States conduct.
+He had several conferences with his Majesty on that subject. At his
+return to Holland he found the divisions increased. Barnevelt and he had
+the direction of the States proceedings in this matter; and he was
+appointed to draw up an edict which might restore tranquility. It was
+approved by the States, and is as follows.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[72] Grot. Apolog. Cap. 9.
+
+[73] Le Vassor, L. 4. p. 477.
+
+
+IV. "Whereas great dissentions and disputes have arisen in the Churches
+of this Country, on occasion of different explanations of some passages
+of Holy Writ, which speak of Predestination and what relates to it; and
+these contentions having been carried on with so much heat, that some
+Divines have been accused of teaching directly, or at least indirectly,
+that God has created some men to damn them; that he has laid certain men
+under a necessity of sinning; that he invites some men to salvation to
+whom he has resolved to deny it; other Divines are also charged with
+believing that mens natural strength or works may operate their
+salvation. Now these doctrines tending to the dishonour of God and the
+Christian reformation, and being contrary to our sentiments, it has
+appeared to us highly necessary, from a regard to the honour and glory
+of God, and for the peace and harmony of the state, to condemn them. For
+these causes, after having weighed the matter, and long examined it with
+much conscience and circumspection, employing the authority which
+belongs to us as rightful Sovereign, and agreeable to the example of the
+Kings, Princes, and Cities which have embraced the Reformation, we have
+ordained, and by these presents ordain, that in the interpretation of
+the passages of Scripture above-mentioned every one give diligent heed
+to the admonition of St. Paul, who teaches that no one should desire to
+know more than he ought; but to think soberly, according as God has
+dealt to every man the measure of faith; and agreeable to what the Holy
+Scriptures every-where set forth, that salvation is of God alone, but
+our destruction is of ourselves. Wherefore in the explanation of the
+Scripture, as often as occasion shall offer, the Pastors shall declare
+to the people, and instil into the minds of all under their care, that
+men are not indebted for the beginning, the progress, and the completion
+of their salvation, and even of faith, to their natural strength, or
+works, but to the sole grace of God in Jesus Christ our Saviour; that we
+have not merited it; that God has created no man to damn him; that God
+has not laid us under a necessity of sinning, and that he invites no man
+to be saved, to whom he has resolved to deny salvation. And, though in
+the universities, in conversation, and in those places where the
+Scriptures are expounded, passages may be treated of which relate to
+predestination and what depends on it, and it may come to pass, as hath
+happened formerly, and in our own times, to learned and good men, that
+persons may give into these extremes and absurdities which we disapprove
+and have forbidden; our will is, that they be not proposed publicly from
+the pulpit to the people. But as to those who in relation to such
+passages only believe and teach that God hath from all eternity chosen
+to salvation, from the mere motion of his will, through Jesus Christ our
+Saviour and Redeemer, those who by grace which they have not merited,
+and by the operation of the Holy Spirit, believe in Jesus Christ our
+Lord, and by free grace given them persevere in the faith to the end, we
+will that they be not molested on that account, nor pressed to embrace
+other sentiments, or teach other doctrine; for we judge these truths
+sufficient for salvation; and proper for the instruction of Christians.
+We moreover ordain, that all Pastors, in expounding the other articles
+of the Christian faith, make use of explanations agreeable to the word
+of God, to what is commonly received in the reformed churches, and what
+has been taught in those of this country, which we have maintained and
+protected, and now maintain and protect; that they exercise Christian
+charity; and that they avoid greater divisions: for in this manner, we
+judge, they ought to act for the good of the State and the Church, and
+the restoration of her tranquility."
+
+This Edict was too favourable to the Arminians not to give great offence
+to the Contra-Remonstrants. They complained that it misrepresented their
+sentiments[74] in order to render them odious, and that not only it
+wanted the approbation of the Cities, but had not even been sent to
+them: from whence they concluded that no regard was to be paid to it.
+
+The States were very desirous that the King of Great Britain and the
+English Bishops should be satisfied with the manner in which they had
+explained themselves in the Edict: they were the more anxious as they
+had reason to believe James unfavourable to the Arminians[75]. However
+the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishops of England
+allowed the doctrine of the Edict to be orthodox, and equally distant
+from Manicheism and Pelagianism: the only thing which gave the King some
+pain, was, to see the Civil Magistrate assume a right of making decrees
+in matters of religion[76].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[74] Vossius, Ep. 3. p. 5. Pres. Vir. Epist. p. 388.
+
+[75] Ep. Casaub. 933. Grot. Apolog. C. 6. Ep. Gr. 28, 29.
+
+[76] Ep. Caus. 863.
+
+
+V. This Edict served but to increase the troubles, by driving the
+Gomarists, against whom it was levelled, into despair. The riots which
+had already happened, and which they hourly apprehended, made the Grand
+Pensionary Barnevelt propose to the States of Holland, that the
+magistrates of the Cities of the Province should be impowered to raise
+troops for the suppression of the rioters, and the security of their
+towns. Dort, Amsterdam, and three others of the most favourable to the
+Gomarists, protested against this step, which they regarded as a kind of
+declaration of war against the Contra-Remonstrants. Barnevelt's motion
+was, nevertheless, agreed to, and on the fourth of August, 1617, the
+States issued a placard accordingly.
+
+This fatal decree occasioned the death of the Grand Pensionary and the
+ruin of Grotius, by incensing Prince Maurice of Nassau against them, who
+looked upon the resolution of the States, taken without his consent, as
+derogatory to his dignity of Governor and Captain General.
+
+He had entertained a mortal enmity for several years against the Grand
+Pensionary[77], who concluded the truce in 1609 without his concurrence.
+Hitherto he had stifled his revenge for want of a proper opportunity of
+executing it; but it blazed openly on occasion of this decree of the
+States, which he considered as Barnevelt's act. He accused him of
+labouring to diminish his authority: found fault with the Edict: that
+was made to engage the two parties to live in peace; declared publicly
+for the Gomarists, assisted at divine service only in their churches,
+and forbad the soldiers to obey the States when they would employ them
+to appease the riots. Some towns, however, levied men in consequence of
+the States decree, whether they suspected their garrisons, or thought
+there was no other way to suppress the enterprises of the rioters. The
+Contra-Remonstrants seeing themselves powerfully protected by Prince
+Maurice, separated from the communion of the Arminians in 1617.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[77] Grot. Hist. l. 17.
+
+
+VI. Amsterdam, almost as powerful singly as all Holland, favoured the
+Gomarists, and disapproved of the Toleration which the States wanted to
+introduce. These resolved therefore to send a Deputation to that city,
+in order to bring them over to their sentiments. The Deputies were
+Grotius, Adrian Mathenes, Hugo Musius, and Gerard Deich. April 21, 1616,
+they received their instructions to go to Amsterdam; on the morrow they
+left the Hague, and arriving the same day at Amsterdam, sent to desire
+the oldest Burgomaster to assemble the Town Council: they were told, the
+Council would meet the 23d at three in the afternoon. They employed this
+interval in removing a calumny spread by the Contra-Remonstrants, that
+they were sent to change the religion. One of the City-Secretaries
+waited on them to conduct them to the Council Chamber, and being come
+there, Grotius, as spokesman, said, "That Sovereigns had a right to
+watch over the proceedings of the Church; that the States had no
+intention but to protect the reformed religion; that they ardently
+desired the city of Amsterdam would agree with them in all that might
+relate to the government of the Church and mutual toleration; that the
+revival of the regulation of 1591, which gives the Magistrates a right
+to chuse the Ministers, after being examined and found well affected to
+the reformed religion, was of great service, by preventing the troubles
+which followed the elections; of which there were several recent
+instances: that mutual toleration was necessary when the difference in
+opinion regarded only points not fundamental; that it had always been
+practised by the reformed churches from the time of Calvin's
+reformation; that it was more necessary in the doctrine of
+Predestination, as this was a matter of great difficulty; that the first
+reformers, though of different sentiments, tolerated one another; that
+Bullinger and Melancton were tolerated by Beza and Calvin; that James I.
+King of Great Britain, had advanced in his writings, that the two
+opposite opinions concerning Predestination might be maintained without
+danger of damnation; that Gomar himself declared Arminius had not erred
+in fundamental points; that after the conference in 1611, the Ministers
+of the two parties promised to the States of Holland to live in peace;
+that the points controverted were not necessary to salvation, that they
+were very difficult, that they never had been determined, either in the
+ancient, or the reformed church; that the decisions of the councils held
+in the church on occasion of Pelagianism enjoined only a belief, that
+men are corrupted and have need of grace, and that the beginning of
+grace is from God; that even the church of Rome permitted the Doctors of
+different parties to dispute on these points; that it was not necessary
+to call a synod to examine them, because the authority of a Sovereign is
+sufficient in matters where only the preventing of schism for things
+unnecessary to salvation, is in question; that the Sovereign has a right
+to suppress disorders that arise in the church; that the business was
+not a change of religion, but the hindrance of schism; that the King of
+Great Britain and the Canton of Bern had justified the use of this right
+by examples; that if the utility of a synod to inform the Sovereign what
+he ought to do on such occasions should be maintained, it were easy to
+answer, that it is not necessary to assemble a synod to know that men
+must tolerate one another when their opinions differ concerning points
+not necessary to salvation; that this was a truth acknowledged by
+Calvin, Beza, Whittaker, Junius, Casaubon, Du Moulin, in fine by the
+most famous Ministers, whose authority is at least equivalent to that of
+a synod; that as the question was not about a point of heresy, there was
+reason to apprehend the division would be increased by calling a synod,
+so great was the ferment of mens minds; that, besides, the moderate
+party in such synod would not be the most numerous; that perhaps the
+Ecclesiastics would seek to diminish the sovereign authority; that they
+might make decisions which could not be enforced without throwing the
+Republic into the greatest confusion; that therefore, previous to the
+convocation of a synod, mens minds ought to be prepared by gentle
+methods; that the decree made in 1614 by the States of Holland, to which
+the city of Amsterdam made some difficulty of submitting, was neither
+partial, nor injurious to the reformed churches; that it was resolved
+on after mature reflexion, and was in itself agreeable to sound
+doctrine; that the reasonable men among the Contra-Remonstrants had
+nothing to apprehend, since the deposition of some Ministers was
+entirely owing to their attempts to introduce schism; that the
+Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, not differing in essential points,
+ought to tolerate one another, and agree on what they should preach;
+that if a Toleration were not admitted, they must depose such as would
+not submit to the decision that might be given, or introduce two
+churches, either of which steps would trouble the State, whereas a
+Toleration would restore tranquility and union, and favour the
+assembling of an impartial synod that might labour with success to
+restore peace to the church."
+
+The Senate, after hearing this Speech, made answer, that they would take
+it into consideration: and on the twenty-fifth of April the Burgomasters
+visited the Deputies, and told them, they would send to the States of
+Holland to acquaint them with their sentiments. Grotius, who perceived
+his discourse had not gained the Senate, replied, that if the Senate
+would mention their difficulties, the Deputies of the States would
+endeavour to resolve them. The Burgomasters answered, that the Senate
+did not intend to grant them a new audience; adding, that as there was
+reason to apprehend some alteration in religion, it was their opinion,
+that in the present circumstances a synod ought to be assembled; and
+that the city of Amsterdam could not receive the Edict of 1614, without
+endangering the Church, and risking the ruin of her trade. The Deputies
+wanted to answer, but were refused to be heard. Grotius drew up in
+writing an account of all that passed in this deputation, and presented
+it to the States at his return[78]. He flattered himself for a while
+with the hopes of some good effect from his deputation[79]: and the
+disappointment chagrined him so much, that he was seized with a violent
+fever, which had well nigh carried him off. It appeared plainly by the
+blood taken from him that melancholy was the occasion of his disorder.
+He was removed to Delft[80], where he found himself better. As he was
+forbid to do anything which required application, he wrote to Vossius
+that he was very desirous to see him for a few days, or at least a few
+hours; that it would be the means of restoring his health, since
+conversation with true friends is the best remedy against melancholy. He
+employed the time of his recovery in examining himself on the part he
+had acted in the present disputes; and the more he reflected on it, the
+less reason he found for blushing or repentance. He foresaw the danger
+he incurred; but his resolution was taken, not to change his conduct,
+and to refer the event to Providence.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[78] Grotius delivered his speech in Dutch. It was translated into Latin
+by Theodorus Schrivelius, and printed in the third tome of his
+theological works.
+
+[79] Ep. 77.
+
+[80] Ep. 83.
+
+
+VII. The States of Holland, wholly employed in seeking ways to compound
+matters, had come to a resolution on the twenty-first of February, 1617,
+that certain wise and learned men should be chosen to draw up a Rule or
+Formula, to which the Ministers of the two parties should be obliged to
+conform; that nothing should be advanced in it contrary to the doctrine
+of the reformed Churches; that it should be shewn to Prince Maurice,
+and, after having his opinion, presented to the States, that they might
+examine what was most for God's honour, the people's safety, and the
+Nation's tranquillity.
+
+In consequence of this resolution Grotius prepared a writing to be
+presented to Prince Maurice, importing, That the States were desirous
+the ministers should teach a doctrine agreeable to that of the Reformed
+Churches, and that those who departed from it should be proceeded
+against in the way of Church Censure, or even by the Civil Magistrate;
+that the five Articles of the Remonstrants doctrine should be examined
+in a Synod of Holland, and the decision carried to a Synod of all the
+Provinces; that previous to its meeting, the Sovereignty of each
+Province in things sacred should be settled; that no definition should
+be fixed without an unanimous content; that if they could not agree they
+should endeavour to convene a General Council of the Reformed Churches;
+that in the mean time a severe Edict be published against rioters and
+the authors of defamatory libels; that the ministers be charged not to
+treat one another abusively; that after the holding of the Council they
+should examine what was proper to be added to the Union of Utrecht
+concerning the authority of the Provinces in matters of Religion.
+
+This project did not please the Prince: he wanted a national Synod, of
+which the States of Holland were afraid, because they foresaw the
+Contra-Remonstrants would have more power in it than the Arminians, who
+would consequently be condemned by it; and that instead of forwarding
+the peace, it would increase the confusion and disorder.
+
+The States-General, entirely devoted to Prince Maurice, determined, in
+spite of the States of Holland, to convoke a national Synod in Holland
+itself, at Dort. The Provinces of Holland, Utrecht, and Overyssel
+protested against this resolution: Barnevelt was so thunderstruck by it,
+that he wanted to resign his place of Grand Pensionary: But Holland, who
+needed more than ever the counsels of such an experienced Minister,
+sending a Deputation to beseech him not to abandon the Republic in times
+of so much difficulty[81], he thought it his duty to yield to the
+intreaties of his masters, and resumed the functions of his office.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[81] Grotii manes, p. 78.
+
+
+VIII. Prince Maurice of Nassau, however, who saw with the utmost
+displeasure several Cities, agreeable to the permission granted them by
+the particular States, levy a new Militia without his consent, engaged
+the States-General to write to the Provinces and Magistrates of those
+Cities, enjoining them to disband the new levies, which were styled the
+Attendant Soldiers: but the particular States, who looked on themselves
+as sovereigns, and the Cities, who thought themselves obliged to obey
+only the orders of the States of their Province, paid no attention to
+the Letters of the States General[82]. The Prince considering this
+conduct as a Rebellion, concerted with the States-General that he should
+march in person with the troops under his command, to get these soldiers
+who were levied irregularly, disbanded; that he should depose the
+Arminian magistrates, and turn out the Ministers of their party.
+
+The Prince accordingly set out, accompanied by the Deputies of the
+States-General, in the year 1618. Beginning with the Province of
+Gueldres, he removed from the Senate of Nimeguen all who were known or
+suspected to favour Arminianism; and turned out the Ministers, obliging
+them instantly to leave the town. At Overyssel he met with no
+opposition. In Arnheim there was a numerous garrison of Attendant
+Soldiers; but the Prince having intelligence in the place, got into it
+by night: and the soldiers seeing themselves betrayed, laid down their
+arms. Some Senators were deposed, and the Secretary of the Council
+banished the City.
+
+The States of Holland, knowing that the Prince was to treat Utrecht in
+the same manner, sent thither Grotius, and Hoogerbetz, Pensionary of
+Leyden. Their instructions bore, first that they should consider and
+resolve on some method of opposing the commission given by the
+States-General to Prince Maurice: secondly, that they should consult in
+what manner the union between the particular States of the Provinces
+might be strengthened, for their mutual aid and assistance.
+
+The Magistrates of Utrecht, in consequence of the advices given them,
+doubled the guards at the gates, and armed all the militia they could
+assemble. Grotius and Hoogerbetz promised that the States of Holland
+would not abandon them on this occasion when their sovereignty was at
+stake: they also brought Letters from the States to the principal
+officers of the ordinary garrison, tending to persuade them that it was
+their duty to obey the States of Utrecht, who paid them, and to resist
+the Stadtholder.
+
+Every thing seemed ready for enabling the city to make a vigorous
+resistance: the Burghers had taken up arms, and the Attendant Soldiers
+were posted in the principal quarters of the town. These dispositions
+did not divert the Prince from his design of seizing it. The old
+garrison, from a jealousy of the new, declared for him; this occasioned
+a mutiny: some of the Burghers left the interest of the city, which
+being unprovided of good officers, the Prince and the Deputies of the
+States found means to enter, and reduce it. The Prince being now master
+of the town, disbanded the Attendant Soldiers, made Ledenberg, Secretary
+of the States, and some Senators, prisoners, and turned out of their
+places those who had distinguished themselves by their resistance,
+putting in their room such as he could depend on. The States-General at
+the same time published an Ordonnance at the Hague for disbanding the
+new levies. Grotius, who was returned to Rotterdam, finding resistance
+would only occasion new troubles, advised the city even before receiving
+the Ordonnance of the States-General, to dismiss the Attendant Soldiers.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[82] La Neuvill's Hist. of Holland. B. iii. c. 5.
+
+
+IX. The Prince of Orange's revenge was not yet satisfied: that was the
+name Maurice went by after the death of his brother Philip William,
+which happened at Brussels February 21, 1618. The destruction of the
+Grand Pensionary he had resolved on. In an extraordinary assembly of
+eight persons, who called themselves the States-General, he got an
+Ordonnance passed, without any previous information, as Grotius
+complained afterwards; importing, that Barnevelt, Grotius, and
+Hoogerbetz should be taken into custody.
+
+Accordingly on the 29th[83] of August, 1618, as Barnevelt was in the
+court of the Castle of the Hague[84] returning home from the Assembly of
+the States of Holland, one of the Prince of Orange's guards, attended
+with some soldiers, commanded him, in the name of the States-General, to
+follow him: He was carried to a room in the Castle, and there confined.
+The Prince had sent to acquaint Grotius and Hoogerbetz that he wanted to
+speak with them: they immediately came, and were arrested.
+
+The same day was published the following Placard: "Messieurs the
+States-General desire to acquaint all persons, that to avert the great
+peril which threatened the United Provinces, and restore and establish
+in the said Provinces harmony, peace, and tranquillity, they have caused
+to be imprisoned John de Barnevelt, Advocate-General of Holland and West
+Friesland, Romulus Hoogerbetz, and Hugo Grotius, it having been
+discovered and made manifest that they were the first authors of the
+insurrection at Utrecht, and of an attempt which would have been not
+only highly prejudicial to the country and Province, but to several
+other Cities. For these causes they have ordered, that the said three
+persons be arrested and confined in the Castle of the Hague, till they
+give an account of the administration of their offices." This Placard
+was without any signature.
+
+A report was at the same time spread by the prisoners enemies, that
+Barnevelt and Grotius received money from the Spaniards to deliver up to
+them the United Provinces; that they took money in 1609 to conclude the
+truce; that they fomented the disputes in order to disunite the
+Provinces; and that they had engaged to introduce into Holland the
+public exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion.
+
+It is said that Barnevelt had notice of the resolution taken to
+apprehend him; that he talked of it to his friends; and told them he was
+so secure in his innocence, he did not fear to take even his enemies for
+judges, if any should dare to attack his conduct. It was represented to
+him, that there were seasons of fanaticism and fury, in which innocence
+was sacrificed to the violence of powerful enemies: but the testimony of
+a good conscience hindered his attending to these remonstrances.
+
+A few days after Grotius' arrest, his wife presented a petition, praying
+that she might have leave to stay with her husband till the end of the
+process. This grace was refused: she was not even permitted to see him;
+and having asked to speak to him in presence of his guards, they were so
+hard-hearted, as to deny even this slight favour.
+
+Some days after these imprisonments, the Prince of Orange and the
+Deputies of the States-General made a tour through the towns of Holland.
+They had the power in their hands, and the Arminians were in the
+greatest consternation. The Prince met with no opposition to his
+designs: he deposed such magistrates as were relations or friends of the
+three illustrious prisoners, putting in their place others that were
+wholly devoted to him; and obliged some towns to receive a garrison,
+particularly Rotterdam. The Arminians had hitherto been the more
+powerful party there[85], and had excluded the Contra-Remonstrants from
+preaching in the great Church: but the Prince took that church from
+them, and gave it, with all the rest, to the Gomarists, leaving only two
+to the Arminians. He placed a garrison of an hundred men in the town and
+turned out and banished the Ministers who had distinguished themselves
+by their zeal for Arminianism, such as Vorstius, Utengobard, and
+Episcopius. Ledenberg, Secretary of Utrecht, hearing of these violences,
+was so terrified, that he made away with himself in prison.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[83] Du Maurier says the three prisoners were arrested the 22d of
+August; others assure us it was the 24th. La Neuville, Le Clerc. But it
+is evident from what Grotius says himself, Ep. 104, that it was the
+29th.
+
+[84] Le Clerc.
+
+[85] Mercure Francois, an. 1617.
+
+
+X. The warmest opposers of a National Synod being disabled from giving
+any further obstruction, the States-General proceeded to the holding of
+it. The States of Holland, who in May, 1618, had renewed their protest
+against the convocation of a National Synod, frightened by the violences
+exercised against the three illustrious prisoners, at last gave their
+consent; and it met at Dort.
+
+It was opened on the fifteenth of November, 1618, in the name of the
+States-General, who assisted at it by their Deputies; and was composed
+of about seventy Contra-Remonstrants, with only fourteen Arminians. John
+Bogerman, Minister of Leewarden in Friesland, was chosen President, and
+had with him four assessors; all five declared enemies of the Arminians.
+On the tenth of December the Remonstrants brought in a long Writing,
+containing their reasons for not acknowledging the Synod, as being an
+illegal assembly where the parties made themselves Judges, contrary to
+the laws of equity and the Canons of the Church. They further shewed,
+that most of those who composed the pretended synod were guilty of the
+schism complained of; that it was publickly notorious they were their
+declared enemies, and consequently incompetent judges. They afterwards
+proposed twelve conditions, without which they could not acknowledge the
+authority of the Synod, nor submit to any of its decisions. This paper
+put the Synod into a very ill humour. Next day the Arminians giving in
+a protest, it was censured, and a decree of the Deputies of the
+States-General ordered that the Synod should proceed, without regarding
+the protest.
+
+The Arminians wanted to leave Dort; but an order from the States-General
+obliged them to stay. Their five articles were condemned; and Episcopius
+and the other Arminian ministers deposed, and declared guilty of
+corrupting religion, breaking the unity of the Church, and occasioning
+great scandal. The Synod's sentence was approved by the States-General
+on the second of July, 1619. The same day the Arminian Ministers who had
+been detained at Dort, were banished, or imprisoned: they were deprived
+of their employments, and the effects of several were confiscated. They
+continued to assert the irregularity of this Council; and the Bishop of
+Meaux observes, that they employed the same arguments which the
+Protestants use against the Roman-Catholics concerning the Council of
+Trent.
+
+
+XI. The Prisoners were not brought to their trial till after the rising
+of the Synod of Dort. Their confinement had caused great murmuring in
+the Province of Holland: for not only all honest men were persuaded of
+their innocence; but it was also evident that the sovereignty of the
+province of Holland had been openly violated. On the 29th of August,
+1618, under the first surprise that an event of this nature must
+occasion, when it was mentioned in the Assembly of the States-General,
+the Deputies of the Province of Holland expressed great concern; they
+complained the rights of Holland had been invaded; adding, that they
+would ask their constituents what was to be done in such a melancholy
+and singular occurrence. The City of Rotterdam and some others made loud
+complaints: They acknowledged that if the three Prisoners were guilty of
+treason, or of unlawful correspondence with the Spaniards, they ought to
+be prosecuted; but maintained that they could not be legally tried but
+by the States of Holland, who alone were their Sovereigns. The Prince of
+Orange and the States-General found no way of putting a stop to the
+opposition of such Magistrates as were zealous for their Country, or
+friends to the Prisoners, but by deposing them. Nothing now remained to
+obstruct the Prince of Orange in his projects of revenge: The States of
+Holland, not being in a situation to hinder these violences, unwillingly
+left the management of this affair to the States-General: but were so
+much persuaded of the injustice done them, and the invasion made on
+their Sovereignty, that in the end of January 1619[86], notwithstanding
+the change of Deputies, they passed a Decree, importing that what had
+been done in the imprisonment of the Grand Pensionary, and the
+Pensionaries of Rotterdam and Leyden, should not be made a precedent for
+the future.
+
+The States-General, desirous of making an end of this affair, on the
+nineteenth of November, 1618, nominated twenty-six Commissioners, chosen
+from among the Nobility and Magistrates of the Seven Provinces, who were
+ordered to repair to the Hague to try the Prisoners. The Decree
+appointing these Judges mentioned that the Accused were taken into
+custody to secure the tranquillity of the Republic, to hinder the ruin
+of Religion and the destruction of the Union, and prevent disturbance
+and bloodshed: they were represented as ambitious men, who sought by
+secret practices to embroil the State: And to give some appearance of
+satisfaction to Holland, it was said in the Decree, that the
+States-General had issued it without prejudice to the rights of the
+Provinces. Care was taken to chuse for Judges the declared enemies of
+the Prisoners. Barnevelt objected to them; representing that he could
+not be tried by the States-General: but no regard was paid to his
+exceptions. Thus he was obliged to answer before incompetent judges,
+who were notoriously known to have sworn his ruin. He entered a protest,
+that his answering before them should not be construed an approbation of
+their infringement of the jurisdiction of Holland.
+
+In fine, after many iniquitous steps, which will be more particularly
+mentioned in Grotius' trial, Barnevelt was condemned to be beheaded. The
+principal grounds[87] of his condemnation were, That he had disturbed
+religion; that he had advanced that each Province in its own
+jurisdiction might decide in matters of religion, without the other
+Provinces having a right to take cognizance of it; that he diverted the
+King of France from sending the Reformed ministers of his Kingdom to the
+Synod of Dort; preferred the interests of the particular States of
+Holland and West Friesland to those of the States-General; made use of
+the name of the States of Holland and West Friesland for holding
+conventicles and unlawful assemblies; occasioned the insurrection at
+Utrecht; authorised the levying of the Attendant Soldiers; slandered
+Prince Maurice, accusing him of aspiring to the sovereignty of the
+United Provinces; and that he received large sums from foreign Princes,
+which he concealed from the State.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[86] Grotius, Apology, c. 15.
+
+[87] La Neuville, lib. 3. c. 16.
+
+
+XII. Lewis XIII. who had an affection for the United Provinces, with
+which he was connected by their common interest, beheld the domestic
+troubles of Holland with concern. The Prisoners, especially Barnevelt,
+whose merit was well known at the Court of France, were held by him in
+particular esteem. When he heard of their arrest he nominated Thumeri de
+Boissise his Ambassador extraordinary to Holland, ordering him to repair
+thither, immediately, and join Du Maurier the Ambassador in ordinary, in
+soliciting the States-General in favour of the Accused, and labouring to
+restore the public tranquillity.
+
+December 12, 1618, they presented to the States-General a Writing from
+the King, asking that the prisoners might have justice done them; that
+their judges might be persons impartial and dispassionate; that the
+States would rather chuse mild, than rigorous measures: "And, said the
+Ministers, his Majesty will take for a high offence the little regard
+you pay to his counsels, his prayers, and his friendship, which for the
+future will be as much cooled as it was heretofore warm in your
+interest."
+
+The States made answer on the nineteenth of December following, that
+they would act with all the lenity and clemency which justice and the
+safety of the State would permit; and that they hoped the King would
+leave it to their prudence.
+
+The French Ambassadors continued their solicitations[88]; but the answer
+made them March 23, 1619, must have left them no hope: it represented
+the Prisoners as turbulent men, suspected of very heinous crimes, and
+almost convicted of conspiring against the Republic, and projecting and
+attempting to destroy the Union and the State. This answer was certainly
+concerted with Prince Maurice, who was highly offended that the King of
+France should interest himself so much to save men whom he looked on as
+his declared enemies. Boissise quitted Holland, leaving Du Maurier alone
+to act in favour of the Accused. On Monday morning, May 13, 1619, the
+Ambassador was informed, that sentence had been passed the Day before,
+and that Barnevelt was to be executed that day. He went immediately to
+the Assembly of the States to get the execution suspended, but was
+refused audience: he wrote to the States, conjuring them by the regard
+they ought to have for the King his master, not to spill the blood of a
+Minister who had served them so faithfully; and, if they would not
+pardon him, to confine him to one of his country houses, his friends
+being bound for him; or banish him the country for ever. This Letter had
+no effect: their resolution was taken to destroy him. When the Grand
+Pensionary was informed of his sentence, he seemed less moved at it,
+than for the fate of Grotius and Hoogerbetz: he asked if they also were
+to die? adding, It would be great pity: they are still able to do great
+service to the Republic. The scaffold for his execution was erected in
+the court of the Castle at the Hague, facing the Prince of Orange's
+apartments. He made a short speech to the people, which is preserved in
+the _Mercure Francois_: "Burghers, said he, I have been always your
+faithful countryman: believe not that I die for treason; but for
+maintaining the Rights and Liberties of my Country." After this Speech
+the executioner struck off his head at one blow. It is affirmed that the
+Prince of Orange, to feast himself with the cruel pleasure of seeing his
+enemy perish, beheld the execution with a glass. The people looked on it
+with other eyes: for many came to gather the sand wet with his blood, to
+keep it carefully in phials: and the croud of those who had the same
+curiosity continued next day, notwithstanding all they could do to
+hinder them.
+
+Thus fell that great Minister, who did the United Provinces as much
+service in the cabinet, as the Princes of Orange did in the field. It is
+highly probable that the melancholy end of this illustrious and
+unfortunate man, to whom the Dutch are partly indebted for their
+liberty, was owing to his steadiness in opposing the design of making
+Prince Maurice Dictator. But this is a question discussed by several
+writers[89], and foreign to our subject.
+
+The French ministry discovered no resentment at the little attention
+paid by the States General to Lewis's solicitations. There is reason to
+think Barnevelt would have met with less cruel treatment, or at least
+that France would not have passed it over so easily, had Cardinal
+Richelieu, who was soon after Prime Minister, been then in place: for a
+book[90] ascribed to him censures the conduct of Messieurs de Luines,
+who were in power at that time, with regard to this affair.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[88] Apology, c. 15.
+
+[89] See Du Maurier, Le Vassor, La Neuville, Le Clerc.
+
+[90] Hist. de la mere & du fils, t. 2. p. 380.
+
+
+XIII. Grotius's trial did not come on till five days after Barnevelt's
+execution. September 3, 1618, the fourth day after he was arrested, the
+Burgomasters of Rotterdam presented a petition to the Prince of
+Orange[91], setting forth, that they had heard with great grief that
+Grotius, Counsellor and Pensionary of Rotterdam, being at the Hague at
+the assembly of the States, was arrested by order of the States General;
+and representing to his Excellency that it was a breach of privilege, by
+which no Deputy could be arrested during the sitting of the States; and
+as they stood in need of Grotius's assistance and counsels, praying that
+he, as Governor of Holland and West-Friesland, would prevail with the
+States General to set him at liberty, and put him in the same situation
+he was in before his imprisonment, promising to guard him at Rotterdam
+or elsewhere, that he might be forthcoming to answer any charge brought
+against him by the States General. The Prince gave only for answer, that
+the affair concerned the States General. Their petition having had no
+effect, on the 10th of September, 1618, the city of Rotterdam sent a
+deputation to the States of Holland, praying that Grotius and the other
+persons accused might be tried according to the custom of the country.
+But the States themselves were under oppression.
+
+Grotius's wife petitioned[92] for leave to continue with her husband
+whilst his cause was depending; but this favour was denied her. On his
+falling ill, she again pressed to be allowed to visit him, they had the
+cruelty to hinder her: she offered not to speak to him but in presence
+of his guards; this was also refused. Thus all the time of his
+confinement at the Hague, no one was permitted to see him, even when he
+lay dangerously ill.
+
+We may judge to what length his enemies carried their blindness and
+fury, by the following passage related by Selden[93]. When Grotius was
+arrested, some who bore him ill-will, prevailed with Carleton,
+Ambassador from Great Britain at the Hague, to make a complaint against
+his book _Of the Freedom of the Ocean_: the Ambassador was not ashamed
+to maintain that the States ought to make an example of him, to prevent
+others from defending an opinion that might occasion a misunderstanding
+between the two nations. Carleton and his advisers were the dupes of
+this contemptible step: the States General paid no regard to his
+complaint. The proposal was shameful in itself. Could they think that it
+would be made a crime in Grotius to have written a book, dictated by his
+love to his country, and deserving a recompence from the States to whom
+it had been of great use in the dispute with England concerning the
+right of navigation?
+
+At the first examination which Grotius underwent, he answered[94] that
+he was of the Province of Holland, Minister of a city of Holland; that
+he had been arrested on the territories of Holland; that he acknowledged
+no judges but that province, and was ready to justify all he had done.
+He maintained that the States General had no jurisdiction over him, and
+consequently could not nominate his Judges. He alledged also the
+privilege of the citizens of Rotterdam and demanded permission to set
+forth his reasons before the States of Holland and the States General;
+and that the validity of his objections might be determined by Judges of
+Holland. All these things were denied him. They insisted that he should
+plead: he protested against this violence; but this did not hinder them
+from proceeding against him, in contempt of all forms. He had been
+allowed the use of pen and ink[95], but, after his first examination,
+they were taken away.
+
+The rigour and injustice, with which he and the other prisoners were
+treated, are scarce conceivable. He tells us, that when they knew they
+were bad, they chose that time to examine them; that they did not give
+them liberty to defend themselves; that they threatened, and teazed them
+to give immediate answers; and that they would not read over to them
+their examinations. Grotius having asked leave to write his defence,
+they allowed him for that purpose only five hours, and one sheet of
+paper. He was always persuaded, that if he would own he had
+transgressed, and ask pardon, they would set him at liberty: but as he
+had nothing to reproach himself with, he would never take any step that
+might infer consciousness of guilt. His wife, his father, brother, and
+friends approved of this resolution[96].
+
+On the 18th of May, 1619, the Commissioners pronounced sentence against
+him, which we shall give at length.
+
+"Whereas[97] Hugo Grotius, who was Pensionary of the Magistrates of
+Rotterdam, and at present a prisoner before the Commissaries appointed
+by the States General to try him, has acknowledged without being put to
+the torture.
+
+That he ventured to endeavour to overturn religion, to oppress and
+afflict the Church of God, and for that end advanced heinous things
+pernicious to the Republic, particularly, that each Province has singly
+a right to decree in matters of religion, and that the others ought not
+to take cognizance of the disputes which arise on this subject in a
+particular province; that against order, and the custom of the reformed
+churches, he endeavoured to get opinions received which are contrary to
+the doctrine of those churches, without being sufficiently examined;
+that he opposed the convocation of a National Synod in the name of the
+States General, though it was judged by the King of Great Britain,
+Prince Maurice, the majority of the nation, and the principal persons of
+the province of Holland, a necessary and certain remedy for the
+disorders which had crept into religion; that he advanced the convening
+a synod would be prejudicial to the right of sovereignty belonging to
+the province of Holland, unless the whole or the greater part of the
+province would consent to it.
+
+That he held private meetings with the Deputies of some towns, with
+design to procure a majority in the assembly of the States of Holland.
+
+That without the orders of the States of Holland, Utrecht, and
+Overyssel, he ventured to make an act in the name of those provinces, in
+the house of John Barnevelt, protesting against what the Deputies of the
+other provinces might do, and declaring they would be the cause of the
+disorders that the Synod might produce; which act he read in the
+assembly of the States of Holland without being required, and carried it
+to the assembly of the States-General.
+
+That he made eight Deputies of the cities send back the letter of the
+States-General for the convocation of the Synod.
+
+That he wrote to the King of France in the name of the States of
+Holland, informing him that the name of the States-General was falsly
+made use of in the Letters for convoking the Synod, and desiring his
+Majesty not to suffer his subjects to attend the Synod, and to protect
+Holland against the other provinces.
+
+That, by the counsel of Barnevelt, he bestirred himself to get Ministers
+to come to the Synod who were of the new opinion.
+
+That he embroiled the Republic in order to get every thing passed
+according to his fancy and caprice.
+
+That he assisted in so far changing the form of government, that those
+who complained of oppression were not admitted to be heard, and the
+Magistrates of cities disobeyed the orders they received.
+
+That by the advice of John Barnevelt he held private meetings with the
+Deputies of some towns, whose deliberations were carried to the States
+of Holland, to serve for the model of their resolutions.
+
+That he was concerned in the odious decree of the 4th of August, 1617,
+permitting the cities of Holland to raise new troops for their defence,
+and to require of them an oath of fidelity to those cities.
+
+That he gave it as his opinion, the city of Rotterdam should raise those
+soldiers.
+
+That he also advised the city of Delft to raise them; that he wanted to
+lay the expence of these new levies on the Generality.
+
+That he asserted these new soldiers were not obliged to obey the
+States-General, if their orders were contrary to those of the cities.
+
+That he sent back the French auxiliaries in order to employ the money
+assigned for their subsistance in paying the new soldiers.
+
+That he pretended these soldiers ought to serve even against the
+States-General and against Prince Maurice.
+
+That he wanted to prevail with the cities to make a new union.
+
+That he held conferences with a foreign Ambassador.
+
+That he was concerned in the deputation sent to the Brille to oppose
+Prince Maurice.
+
+That, on the 14th of May, 1618, he made an act with eight Deputies of
+cities, by virtue of which they were permitted to oppose what the
+States-General might do for accelerating the holding of the Synod; which
+act they wanted to get approved by the States of Utrecht; that he
+endeavoured to divert the Deputies of Utrecht from disbanding their new
+troops agreeable to the intention of the States of that province, by
+promising them assistance.
+
+That he accused the States-General, as well as Prince Maurice, of evil
+designs.
+
+That he maintained, they ought to be resisted, and the revenue and
+forces of the State employed against them.
+
+That he said the disbanding the new soldiers would increase the boldness
+of the Disaffected, and the disorders in the State; that the ordinary
+troops were not sufficient; that the members of the province of Holland
+would abundantly succour such as did not obey the States-General; that
+he suffered himself to be deputed to Utrecht to offer his assistance to
+the States and the City; that this deputation was ordered only by a few
+Nobles, three Deputies of Cities, and some Deputies to the States of
+Holland, who had no instructions on that subject from their
+Constituents.
+
+That his acknowledged design, and that of those deputed to Utrecht, was
+to engage the States to require the ordinary soldiers to obey the States
+of Utrecht, in prejudice of the obedience due to the States-General.
+
+That he carried Letters of Barnevelt, which had not been read in the
+assembly of the States of Holland, declaring, that the soldiers ought to
+obey the States, and oppose whatever might be done against them.
+
+That he had combined with Ledemberg in the measures to be taken for
+preventing the new soldiers from being disbanded by the States of
+Utrecht.
+
+That he spoke against the States-General and against Prince Maurice in
+the assembly of the States of Utrecht; that he assisted the States of
+Utrecht in preparing their answer to Prince Maurice and the States
+General, by which they refused to acknowledge these Deputies as sent by
+the States-General, though they were in fact; that he held a conference
+with the Bailly of the city of Utrecht on the measures to be taken for
+resisting Prince Maurice if he should come to Utrecht to disband the
+new soldiers; and that he endeavoured to prevail with the States of
+Utrecht to have recourse to open force on this occasion.
+
+That he wanted to make the ordinary garrison oppose the Deputies of the
+States-General when their orders were contrary to those of the States of
+Utrecht; threatening to stop their pay if they did otherwise.
+
+That he advised the Bailly of Utrecht to obey only the Deputies of
+Holland or the States of Utrecht.
+
+That he conferred with the said Bailly on the means of hindering Prince
+Maurice from introducing soldiers into Utrecht; which might have
+occasioned much bloodshed in the city, and put the Prince and the
+Republic in the greatest danger; and which gave rise to dissentions and
+new treaties, contrary to the union of the provinces: whence the public
+order in Church and State was disturbed, the finances of the State
+exhausted, divisions arose between the States-General and the Provinces,
+and the union was on the point of being broke.
+
+For these causes the Judges appointed to try this affair, administring
+justice in the name of the States-General, condemn the said Hugo Grotius
+to perpetual imprisonment; and to be carried to the place appointed by
+the States-General, there to be guarded with all precaution, and
+confined the rest of his days; and declare his estate confiscated.
+Hague, May 18, 1619."
+
+Grotius, who enters into an examination of this sentence, charges it
+with many falsities: he maintains[98] that it makes him say several
+things which he constantly denied: and that he never acknowledged
+himself guilty. What is mentioned in the sentence concerning the
+deputation to Utrecht, he shews to be palpably false[99]. On the 20th of
+July, 1618, he acquaints us, certain Deputies to the States of Holland
+wanted to go home; that the assembly was summoned for the 24th; that
+some Deputies were indeed absent that day, but the Curators of the
+Republic of those Cities, agreeable to the order they had received,
+supplied their place; that the assembly was composed of the Deputies of
+Harlem, Delft, Leyden, Amsterdam, Goude, Rotterdam, Alcmaer, and the
+Nobles; that the Deputies of the other cities were summoned; that their
+absence could not stay the proceedings of the rest; that, excepting the
+Deputies of Amsterdam, all the others agreed to the deputation sent to
+Utrecht; that it was thrice approved; and that the Deputies at their
+return received the thanks of the States, who defrayed the expence of
+their journey.
+
+Grotius complains that he was not examined on the tenth part of the
+facts specified in his sentence, that his examination was not read over
+to him; in fine, that he was no ways reprehensible, since in all he did,
+he exactly followed the orders of the States of Holland, or those of the
+city of Rotterdam[100], as the States and the City allowed; and that if
+he was to be tried, it ought to be by Judges of Rotterdam, according to
+the privileges of that city. Hoogerbetz was also condemned to perpetual
+banishment. The body of Ledemberg, Secretary of the States of Utrecht,
+who, as hath been said, put an end to his life in gaol, was affixed in
+the coffin to a gibbet. Moerbergen, Counsellor of Utrecht, had only his
+country-house, for his prison, because, suffering himself to be moved by
+the tears of his wife and children, he made a kind of submission
+bordering on those which they wanted to draw from Hoogerbetz and
+Grotius.
+
+The Judges who condemned them were so ignorant of the laws, that they
+decreed penalties which are only enacted against persons convicted of
+high treason, yet omitted mentioning in the sentence that Grotius was
+guilty of that crime. They were told of this irregularity, and saw they
+were in the wrong: to remedy it, they declared, a whole year after the
+trial, without rehearing the cause, that their intention was to condemn
+Grotius and his accomplices as guilty of high-treason; which step was
+the more irregular[101], as delegated judges cannot, by law, add to
+their sentence after it is passed. This addition deprived Grotius's wife
+of the liberty of redeeming, at a moderate price, her husband's estate;
+a privilege which the law allows in all cases but those of treason. His
+estate was therefore confiscated: but by this he was no great loser. At
+that time he was very far from being rich: his father being alive, what
+properly belonged to him was only the savings of his salary and his
+wife's fortune.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[91] Hug. Grotii votum, p. 664.
+
+[92] Apol. c. 13.
+
+[93] Mare clausum l. 1. p. 198.
+
+[94] Apol. c. 15.
+
+[95] Apol. c. 13.
+
+[96] Ibid. c. 16.
+
+[97] Ibid. c. 19.
+
+[98] Dedication of his Apology.
+
+[99] Apol. c. 13. 17.
+
+[100] Hug. Grotii votum, p. 669.
+
+[101] Ep. Gr. 161.
+
+
+XIV. In consequence of the sentence passed against Grotius, the
+States-General ordered him to be carried from the Hague to the fortress
+of Louvestein near Gorcum in South Holland, at the point of the island
+formed by the Vahal and the Meuse; which was done on the 6th of June,
+1619; and twenty-four sols per day assigned for his maintenance, and as
+much for Hoogerbetz: but their wives declared they had enough to support
+their husbands, and that they chose to be without an allowance which
+they looked on as an affront. Grotius' father asked permission to see
+his son; but was denied. They consented to admit his wife into
+Louvestein, but if she came out, she was not to be suffered to go back.
+In the sequel it was granted her that she might come abroad twice a
+week.
+
+Grotius became now more sensible than ever of the advantages men derive
+from a love of the Sciences. Exile and captivity, the greatest evils
+that can befal Ministers of ordinary merit, restored to him that
+tranquillity to which he had been for some years a stranger. Study
+became his business and consolation. From the time he was a prisoner at
+the Hague[102], whilst he had the use of pen and ink, he employed
+himself in writing a Latin piece on the means of accommodating the
+present disputes. This treatise was presented to Prince Maurice; but it
+did not mollify the indignation he had conceived against the
+Remonstrants. Grotius maintained in it, as he had done often before,
+that notwithstanding difference of opinion in some points relating to
+grace and predestination, a mutual toleration ought to take place, and
+no separation be made.
+
+We have still several of his letters written from Louvestein, which
+acquaint us in what manner he spent his time. He gave Vossius an account
+of his studies. In the first of those Letters, without date, he observes
+to him that he had resumed the study of the Law, which had been long
+interrupted by his multiplicity of business; that the rest of his time
+he devoted to the study of Morality; which had led him to translate all
+the Maxims of the Poets collected by Stobaeus, and the fragments of
+Menander and Philemon. He likewise purposed to extract from the Comic
+and Tragic Authors of Greece what related to Morality, and was omitted
+by Stobaeus, and to translate it into free verse, like that of the Latin
+Comic writers. With regard to his translation of the fragments of the
+Greek Tragic authors, he intended that the verses of his Latin
+translation should resemble those of the original, excepting in the
+chorus's, which he would put into the verse that best suited him. He was
+in doubt whether he ought to print these additions with Stobaeus, and
+asks Vossius's opinion whether he should place them at the end, or
+entirely new-mould that collection. Sundays he employed in reading
+treatises on the truth of the Christian religion, and even spent some of
+his spare hours in this study: on other days, when his ordinary labour
+was over, he meditated some work in Flemish on religion. The subject
+which he liked best at that time was Christ's love to mankind: he no
+doubt intended to confute the extravagant opinions of the Gomarists. He
+purposed also to write a Commentary on the Sermon on the mount.
+
+Time seemed to pass very fast amidst these several projects. December
+15, 1619, he writes Vossius, that the Muses, which were always his
+delight, even when immersed in business, were now his consolation, and
+appeared more amiable than ever. He wrote some short Notes on the New
+Testament: these he intended to send to Erpenius, who was projecting a
+new edition of it; but a fit of illness obliged him to lay them
+aside[103]. When he was able to resume his studies, he composed in Dutch
+verse his treatise _Of the Truth of the Christian Religion_, and sent it
+to Vossius; who thought some places of it obscure. It makes no mention
+of the Trinity or Incarnation, because, the authority and authenticity
+of the sacred Books once proved, these great points ought to be held
+demonstrated. Those who since Grotius have written against infidelity
+with greatest success, have followed his example. Sacred and profane
+authors employed him alternately. In the end of the year 1620[104] he
+promises his brother to send him his observations on Seneca's Tragedies:
+These he had written at Vossius's desire[105]. He acknowledges his
+conjectures are sometimes very bold; but is not so attached to them, but
+he will submit them to Vossius, and leaves them entirely to him. We have
+seen that Du Maurier employed his best offices for Barnevelt and
+Grotius. From the time they were arrested all correspondence between the
+Ambassador and Grotius was probably cut off till the beginning of 1621;
+for it is not till the fifteenth of January that year, he returns him
+his thanks[106]. He says it is impossible for him to express his
+obligations to the Most Christian King, to his wife Council, and to Du
+Maurier in particular, for the pains they took to assist him in his
+misfortunes; that tho' their intentions had not the effect which might
+have been hoped for, it gave him great consolation to find persons of
+such importance interest themselves in his troubles. He calls his
+conscience, as the judge he most respected, to witness, that all he
+intended was the prevention of schism; that he never had a thought of
+making any innovation in the Republic; that he only purposed the
+supporting the rights of his Sovereigns, without invading the legal
+authority of the States-General; that such as were in the secret of
+affairs knew that his whole crime was refusing to comply with the
+caprices of those who wanted to rule according to their fancies; and
+that he chose rather to lose his estate and his health, than to ask
+pardon for a fault he had never committed.
+
+Du Maurier losing his lady about this time, Grotius writes him, February
+27, 1621, a very handsome consolatory letter, in which he deduces with
+great eloquence every ground of support that Philosophy and Religion can
+suggest in that melancholly event. The only method he took to unbend and
+recreate himself, was to go from one work to another. He translated the
+_Phoenissae_ of Euripides: wrote his _Institutions of the Laws of
+Holland_ in Dutch: and composed some short Instructions for his daughter
+Cornelia[107] in the form of a Catechism, and in Flemish verse,
+containing an hundred and eighty-five Questions and Answers: it was
+printed at the Hague in 1619. The author afterwards translated it into
+the same number of Latin verses for the use of his son: it is added in
+the later editions of his Poems. He wrote also, while under confinement,
+a Dialogue in Dutch verse between a father and a son, on the necessity
+of silence, explaining the use and abuse of Speech, and shewing the
+advantages of taciturnity. In fine, he collected, when in prison, the
+materials of his _Apology_[108].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[102] Apolog. Pref.
+
+[103] Ep. 126.
+
+[104] Ep. 23. p. 761.
+
+[105] Ep. 132.
+
+[106] Ep. 133.
+
+[107] Mem. Litt. de la Gr. Bretagne, t. xi. p. 66.
+
+[108] Ep. 144.
+
+
+XV. Grotius had been above eighteen months shut up in Louvestein, when,
+on the eleventh of January, 1621[109], Muys-van-Holi, his declared
+enemy, who had been one of his judges, informed the States-General, that
+he had advice from good hands their prisoner was seeking to make his
+escape: some persons were sent to Louvestein to examine into this
+matter; but notwithstanding all the enquiry that could be made, they
+found no reason to believe that Grotius had laid any plot to get out.
+
+His wife however was wholly employed in contriving how to set him at
+liberty. He had been permitted[110] to borrow books of his friends, and
+when he had done with them, they were carried back in a chest with his
+foul linen, which was sent to Gorcum, a town near Louvestein, to be
+washed. The first year his guards were very exact in examining the chest
+when it went from Louvestein; but being used to find in it only books
+and linen, they grew tired of searching, and did not take the trouble to
+open it. Grotius' wife observing their negligence, purposed to take
+advantage of it. She represented to her husband that it was in his power
+to get out of prison when he pleased, if he would put himself in the
+chest that carried his books. However, not to endanger his health, she
+caused holes to be bored opposite to the part where his face was to be,
+to breathe at; and made him try if he could continue shut up in that
+confined posture as long as it would require to go from Louvestein to
+Gorcum. Finding it might be done, she resolved to seize the first
+favourable opportunity.
+
+It soon offered. The Commandant of Louvestein[111] going to Heusden to
+raise recruits, Grotius' wife made a visit to his lady, and told her in
+conversation, that she was desirous of sending away a chest full of
+books, for her husband was so weak, it gave her great uneasiness to see
+him study with such application. Having thus prepared the Commandant's
+wife, she returned to her husband's apartment, and in concert with a
+valet and a maid, who were in the secret, shut him up in the chest. At
+the same time, that people might not be surprised at not seeing him, she
+spread a report of his being ill. Two soldiers carried the chest: one of
+them, finding it heavier than usual, said, There must be an Arminian in
+it: this was a kind of proverb that had lately come into use. Grotius'
+wife, who was present, answered with great coldness, There are indeed
+Arminian books in it. The chest was brought down on a ladder, with great
+difficulty. The soldier insisted on its being opened, to see what was in
+it; he even went and informed the Commandant's wife that the weight of
+the chest gave him reason to think there was something suspicious
+contained in it, and that it would be proper to have it opened. She
+would not; whether it was that she was willing to wink at the thing, or
+through negligence: she told him that Grotius' wife had assured her
+there was nothing but books in it; and that they might carry it to the
+boat. It is affirmed that a soldier's wife who was present, said there
+was more than one example of prisoners making their escape in boxes. The
+chest however was put into the boat, and Grotius' maid, who was in the
+secret, had orders to go with it to Gorcum, and put it into a house
+there. When it came to Gorcum, they wanted to put it on a sledge; but
+the maid telling the boatman there were some brittle things in it, and
+begging of him to take care how it was carried, it was put on a horse,
+and brought by two chairmen to David Dazelaer's, a friend of Grotius,
+and brother-in-law to Erpenius, having married his sister[112]. When
+every body was gone, the maid opened the chest. Grotius had felt no
+inconvenience in it, though its length was not above three feet and a
+half. He got out, dressed himself like a mason, with a rule and a
+trowel, and went by Dazelaer's back-door, through the market-place to
+the gate that leads to the river, and stept into a boat which carried
+him to Valvic in Brabant. At this place he made himself known to some
+Arminians; and hired a carriage to Antwerp, taking the necessary
+precautions not to be known by the way: it was not the Spaniards he
+feared, for there was then a truce between them and the United
+Provinces. He alighted at Antwerp at the house of Nicholas Grevincovius,
+who had been formerly a Minister at Amsterdam; and made himself known to
+no body but him. It was on the 22d of March, 1621, that Grotius thus
+recovered his liberty.
+
+In the mean time it was believed at Louvestein that he was ill; and to
+give him time to get off, his wife gave out that his illness was
+dangerous; but as soon as she learnt by the maid's return that he was in
+Brabant, and consequently in safety, she told the guards, the bird was
+flown. They informed the Commandant, by this time returned from Heusden,
+who hastened to Grotius's wife, and asked her where she had hid her
+husband? She answered he might search for him: but being much pressed
+and even threatened, she confessed that she had caused him to be carried
+to Gorcum in the book chest: and that she had done no more than kept her
+word to him, to take the first opportunity of setting her husband at
+liberty. The Commandant in a rage went immediately to Gorcum, and
+acquainting the Magistrate with his prisoner's escape, both came to
+Dazelaer's, where they found the empty chest. On his return to
+Louvestein the Commandant confined Grotius's wife more closely: but
+presenting a petition to the States-General, April 5, 1621, praying that
+she might be discharged, and Prince Maurice, to whom it was
+communicated, making no opposition, the majority were for setting her at
+liberty. Some indeed voted for detaining her a prisoner; but they were
+looked on as very barbarous, to want to punish a woman for an heroic
+action. Two days after presenting the petition, she was discharged, and
+suffered to carry away every thing that belonged to her in Louvestein.
+Grotius continued some time at Antwerp. March 30, he wrote to the
+States-General that in procuring his liberty he had employed neither
+violence nor corruption with his keepers; that he had nothing to
+reproach himself with in what he had done; that he gave those counsels
+which he thought best for appeasing the troubles that had arisen before
+he was concerned in public business; that he only obeyed the Magistrates
+of Rotterdam his masters, and the States of Holland his sovereigns; and
+that the persecution he had suffered would never diminish his love to
+his Country, for whose prosperity he heartily prayed.
+
+Grotius's escape exercised the pens of the most famous poets of that
+period. Barlaeus wrote some very good verses on it[113]: and also
+celebrated his wife's magnanimity[114]. Rutgersius composed a poem on
+his imprisonment, in which he places the day of his arrest among the
+most unfortunate for the Republic[115]. Grotius himself wrote some
+verses on his happy deliverance, which were translated into Flemish by
+the famous poet John Van Vondel. He made also some lines on the chest to
+which he owed his liberty, and in the latter part of his life was at
+great pains to recover it[116].
+
+Henry Dupuis, a learned man settled at Louvain, being informed that
+Grotius was at Antwerp, sent him a very handsome letter, to signify to
+him the share he took in the general joy of all good men, and offered
+him his house, and all that a true friend could give[117]: but Grotius
+chose rather to come to France, agreeable to the advice of Du Maurier
+and the President Jeannin; the latter assuring him he might depend on
+the King's protection, the esteem of men of the greatest consideration,
+and his friendship.
+
+But previous to the account of his journey to Paris it will be proper to
+say something of the writings that appeared relating to the disputes
+which divided the church and state.
+
+Among the Ministers who opposed the Arminians Sibrand Lubert was one of
+the most zealous and in greatest reputation. This man was a Professor in
+the university of Francker: he wrote against Worstius, who was suspected
+of Socinianism; and insinuated that the States of Holland favoured that
+heresy. He also complained of their renewing the law of 1591, concerning
+the election of ministers, and their opposing the convocation of a
+National Synod. The States, incensed at his presumption, employed
+Grotius to write their Apology, which he published in 1613.
+
+In this work he undertakes to shew that the Arminians have very
+different sentiments on grace from the Pelagians; that they join with
+the Greek and many Latin Fathers in their opinion about Predestination;
+that the Reformed did not always entertain such rigid sentiments,
+particularly Melancton, inferior to none in learning or piety; that
+since the rise of the disputes Arminius and Gomar had declared in
+writing, there was no difference between them in fundamentals; that
+after the dispute of those two Divines in presence of the States, it was
+determined that the two opinions might be tolerated; that since the
+death of Arminius twelve Ministers of the two parties having been
+heard, the States recommended to them mutual toleration and charity.
+
+He afterwards proves that the Synod was not necessary; that it could be
+of little use, because mens minds were too much inflamed; that as it
+could not be assembled in the present circumstances, it belonged to the
+States to find out ways of accommodating these disputes, which did not
+regard fundamental articles; and that Socinus had no defenders in
+Holland. He afterwards treats of the power which he ascribes to the
+Sovereign in matters ecclesiastic, and his authority in convoking
+Councils. He says the Sovereign has a right to judge in Synods, either
+in person or by his commissioners, and to judge Synods themselves; in
+proof of which he advances what passed in the first Councils; and
+regards as acts of jurisdiction and examination all that has been done
+by Princes for maintaining good order and polity. He is of opinion that
+public acts, even those which regard the doctrine of the Church, ought
+to proceed only from the Prince: he relates what Princes have done, at
+the solicitation of Bishops, for the assembling of Councils, as proofs
+of the Sovereign's authority over Councils; and omits nothing in
+antiquity that favours the authority of the Civil Magistrate in matters
+ecclesiastical, and especially in what regards elections: he shews that
+too much precaution, cannot be taken against the presumption of the
+reformed Ministers, who want to intermeddle with State Affairs, bringing
+with them their caprices and passions. "Upon the whole (he says in the
+conclusion) the more I read Church history, the more evident it appears
+to me, that the evils we complain of are the same which have been
+complained of in all past ages."
+
+This account of the work is sufficient to shew that the author, with
+much erudition, was strangely misled: if the proofs he makes use of are
+susceptible of different interpretations, he has not sufficiently
+unravelled their ambiguity and intent. It was received with great
+satisfaction by the Magistrates of Holland[118]: and the States returned
+him public thanks on the 31st of October, 1613, in very honorable terms.
+Casaubon[119] and Vossius[120] speak of this book with the highest
+commendation: but the Gomarists were greatly dissatisfied with it[121].
+Bogerman wrote some notes on it, serving to confute it; which were
+suppressed. Sibrand's friends complained that the author had dipt his
+pen in gall, and not in ink: and Sibrand himself wrote an answer, to
+which Grotius replied in some short remarks, exposing the false
+citations, the errors, and abusive language of his adversary.
+
+Sibrand's work was condemned by the States: but five years after, June
+28, 1618, on the imprisonment of Grotius, the States revoked the
+condemnation. Grotius's desire to bring about an union of sentiments led
+him, in 1613, while in England, to compose a small treatise, entitled,
+_A Reconciliation of the different Opinions on Predestination and
+Grace_. This piece contains a display of the Arminian system, which he
+endeavours to place in the most favourable light[122].
+
+The Edict which Grotius prepared by desire of the States[123], ordering
+the two parties to tolerate each other, having been warmly attacked by
+the Contra-Remonstrants, Grotius reprinted it, with a collection of
+passages justifying it against their censures. He afterwards wrote a
+defence of that decree, in which he complains of the schismatical spirit
+of the Gomarists; proves that the States did all that depended on them
+to reconcile mens minds: maintains, against an anonymous writer, to whom
+he gives the name of _Lucifuga_, that it is false the Remonstrants gave
+the draught of that Edict; asserts, on the contrary, that several things
+are omitted in it, which they wished to be inserted, and which had even
+an appearance of reason and justice; and sets forth the moderation and
+equity of the Edict upon the whole. Grotius did not finish this work;
+but on occasion of the dispute concerning the power of Sovereigns in
+things sacred; he composed a very considerable treatise. He had already
+handled this subject in a tract on the Piety of the States of Holland:
+he examines it more thoroughly in this, proceeding on the same
+principles. It is certain that this book may be read with some
+profit[124], that it contains many curious things, but some others also
+that are very bold, and very false. Such as are acquainted with the just
+rights of the two powers will never grant to Grotius, that the Sovereign
+has a right to judge in councils, to alter their decisions, and to
+depose the Ministers of the Church. Most of the proofs on which he
+builds consist of ambiguous passages, which he strains to his opinion by
+forced explanations. This work discovers rather the great lawyer, than
+the exact divine; and, what is singular, the author is afraid he has not
+granted enough to the Civil Magistrate, and been too favourable to the
+claims of the Clergy. He knew, however, that it would not please the
+King of Great Britain; and the Bishops of that kingdom were of opinion
+he had given too much authority to the Secular Power in things sacred:
+It is probable the Letter sent by the States of Holland and
+West-Friesland, in 1618, to King James I. was written by Grotius: it is
+his style and sentiments. The States, who foresaw that the troubles
+would still go on increasing, begin with a short recital of the rise of
+these disputes; they afterwards desire his Majesty to examine whether in
+the present circumstances a Synod would be of use, and whether there
+was not reason to apprehend it might occasion a schism: they ask the
+King to grant them his protection, and promise to employ their authority
+in supporting truth, and driving away error.
+
+Endeavours being used to render the Remonstrants odious by accusing them
+of Socinianism; Grotius, to shew that his sentiments were very different
+from those of Socinus, attacks him in a treatise, entitled, _A Defence
+of the Catholic Faith concerning the Satisfaction of Christ, against
+Faustus Socinus_. This work was read with great applause by all who did
+not profess an open enmity to the author; and many of the reformed
+Divines allowed that the subject had never been handled with more
+learning and strength of argument. It was approved of by several learned
+men in Germany and England, particularly the famous Overal, Bishop of
+Litchfield and Coventry.
+
+We find in this treatise, as in all those of Grotius, many learned
+discussions, which prove his profound knowledge of sacred and profane
+antiquity. In treating of the expiatory sacrifices of the Pagans, he
+examines with great depth of learning the custom of sacrificing men,
+which obtained in all nations.
+
+Grotius's enemies were very active in depreciating the merit of this
+work. Herman Ravespenger, Professor at Groningen, attacked it with so
+much rudeness, that Balthasar Lydius, who, however, was not of the
+Arminian party, told him his criticism was wretched, and he was ready to
+answer it. The Gomarists, far from recovering from their prejudices,
+took occasion from the book of the Satisfaction of Christ to accuse the
+author of Semi-pelagianism. He did not think it worth while to defend
+himself against an anonymous author[125], because in his book of the
+Piety of the States of Holland he had spoken of Semi-pelagianism as a
+very grievous error. Afterwards he enquired in an express treatise,
+whether the Arminians were Pelagians, and fully cleared them of teaching
+that heresy.
+
+It was during these contests, that he collected _The sentiments of the
+Greeks and Romans on fate and man's power_. He translated all that he
+found in the Ancients on this subject; and first published it at Paris
+in 1624.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[109] Le Clerc Hist. lib. 9. p. 71.
+
+[110] Du Maurier.
+
+[111] Grotii manes, p. 208.
+
+[112] Ep. 196.
+
+[113] Praest. Vir. Epist. p. 655.
+
+[114] Grotii manes, p. 230.
+
+[115] Ibid. p. 204. He compared Grotius to Moses, Observat. Hallens. 15.
+l. 7. p. 336.
+
+[116] Ep. 720 p. 670.
+
+[117] He wrote also some lines on the chest, in which Grotius was
+confined.
+
+[118] Burman's Collection of Letters, let. 211.
+
+[119] Ep. 925.
+
+[120] Ep. 1.
+
+[121] Ep. Utengobardi. Praest. Vir. Ep. p. 383.
+
+[122] It is printed among his theological works.
+
+[123] See above, sec. IV.
+
+[124] L'Abbe Longlet, Catalogue des Auteurs du Droit Canenique, p. 175.
+
+[125] Ep. 19. p. 760.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK III.
+
+
+Grotius was at no loss what country to chuse for his asylum. As he was
+invited by the men of learning in France, and sought after by the
+virtuous Ministers whom Lewis XIII. honoured with his confidence, he
+gave the preference to Paris, where he had already many friends. Du
+Maurier, the French ambassador in Holland, sent him from the Hague to
+Antwerp several letters of recommendation to persons in France: the
+President Jeannin[126] wrote him, that he might depend on the king's
+protection, who was informed by many good men that he had been unjustly
+condemned in his own country; promising him, at the same time, the
+friendship of the men of greatest distinction in France, and assuring
+him he would do him all the service that lay in his power. Grotius,
+therefore, set out for Paris with confidence. He would not ask an
+escort[127] though he was not without apprehension of some violence from
+the Dutch; but chose rather to travel in disguise and by bye-roads.
+
+He arrived at Paris on the 13th of April, 1621, at night. The King was
+at Fontainbleau. Boissise, who had been Ambassador Extraordinary in
+Holland at the time of Barnevelt's trial, had not followed his Majesty;
+but waited for Grotius at Paris, to direct him how to act. He assured
+him that the King bore him much good-will, that he did not doubt his
+Majesty would in a little time give him effective proofs of it, and
+advised him to continue at Paris till his friends did something for him.
+Grotius visited M. de Vic, and the President Jeannin, who received him
+with the greatest marks of friendship, and repeated what Boissise had
+already said. The States-General, in the mean time, ordered their
+Ambassadors to do him every ill-office; a commission which they executed
+with the greatest zeal. They did all they could to destroy his
+reputation, but it was too well established to be shaken. The revenge he
+took was by speaking of his Country like a zealous citizen; and by
+seeking every occasion to serve her: this gained him the applause of the
+King, who could not help admiring the greatness of his proceeding.
+
+When the Dutch Ambassadors saw that the French Ministry were favourably
+disposed towards Grotius, and that in all appearance the King would
+speedily give him public marks of his esteem, they spread a report that
+he had applied to the French Ministry, to use their influence with the
+States-General for obtaining his pardon: they added, that the Ministry,
+after praising the good disposition he was in, assured him the King
+suffered him in France only because he knew these were his sentiments,
+and that the way to obtain a pension from the Court was by seeking to
+recover the favour of the States-General.
+
+Grotius, informed of these reports, publicly declared he never
+acknowledged that he had failed in any part of his conduct whilst in
+place, and that his conscience bore him witness he had done nothing
+contrary to Law. In a Letter[128] to Du Maurier he speaks of this
+slander as what gave him great uneasiness. "An atrocious lye has been
+spread, which vexes me extremely: it is reported that I being at liberty
+have asked pardon, which I absolutely refused to do, even when it would
+have saved me from ignominy, imprisonment, and the loss of my estate."
+
+There was yet another sort of people of whom Grotius had no reason to be
+very fond[129]: these were the Ministers of Charenton. They had received
+the decisions of the Synod of Dort, and held the Remonstrants in
+abhorrence: they would not therefore admit Grotius into their Communion.
+But excepting these few all the French strove who should shew him
+greatest civilities. Messieurs du Puis and Peyresc[130] made haste to
+visit him as soon as they heard of his arrival. May 14, 1621, he writes
+to Du Maurier that he had as much pleasure at Paris, as he had chagrin
+in prison; that the Great gave him on all occasions marks of their
+esteem, and the men of learning anticipated his wishes. The only thing
+that troubled his joy for his happy escape was the thought of having
+left in prison a wife to whom he had so great reason to be
+attached[131]: this grieved him so much, as he afterwards declared,
+that, had they kept her still in prison, he would have surrendered
+himself to his persecutors, rather than have been separated from her for
+ever.
+
+The famous Peyresc took occasion to say, that by Grotius's arrival at
+Paris the Dutch had made amends to France for having formerly carried
+away from it the great Scaliger: this thought gave rise to two Latin
+Epigrams[132].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[126] Praest. Vir. Epist. p 656.
+
+[127] Ep. 136.
+
+[128] Ep. 147.
+
+[129] Du Maurier, p. 409.
+
+[130] Ep 137.
+
+[131] Ep. 164.
+
+[132]
+
+     Gallia, Scaligerum dederas male sana Batavis:
+       Grotiadem reddit terra Batava tibi.
+     Ingratam expertus patriam venerandus uterque est:
+       Felix mutato erit uterque solo.
+
+Ep. Grot. 401. p. 868.
+
+     Gallia magnanimis dedit exorata Batavis
+       Dis geniti aeternum Scaligeri ingenium:
+     Fallor an humanis male dura Batavia Gallis
+       Scaligerum magno reddidit in Grotio.
+
+Buchner. Vind. Grot. p. 237.
+
+
+II. The Constable De Luynes had the management of public affairs when
+Grotius came to France; Silleri was Chancellor, and Du Vair keeper of
+the Seals. This last had a particular esteem for Grotius, and employed
+all his credit to engage the King to make him a present till he should
+assign him a pension: He writes him a Letter, assuring him that he might
+depend on his friendship, which deserves to be copied entire.
+
+"Sir, Ingenuous and generous minds, such as yours, think themselves
+obliged by small favours. I have always, that is, ever since I heard of
+you, admired your excellent disposition and uncommon learning; and have
+since lamented your misfortune in suffering for your too great love to
+the liberties of your Country, and the favour you shewed to those who
+were beginning to bring back the truth to it: I have done all that my
+situation and my master's service would permit to alleviate your
+misfortunes, and procure your deliverance. It has pleased God you should
+owe it entirely to him, and not to the interposition of earthly powers,
+that being freed from worldly cares, you might employ the many rare
+talents, with which he has intrusted you, in advancing the work most
+agreeable to him, which is the common peace of Christendom, by reuniting
+the members which are separated from their spiritual mother, by whom
+they or their fathers were conceived. And forasmuch as I see so many
+honourable men hope for it from you, I cannot but rejoice with them, and
+encourage by my applauses your happy career. I promise myself, the King,
+whose liberality for the present only supplies your necessities, will
+then reward your virtues and merit; and give them honourable employment
+in the affairs of state, in the management whereof you have acquired
+great knowledge and dexterity. I shall never be the last to promote what
+may be agreeable to you, and shall always highly value, as I now do, the
+friendship of such an extraordinary personage; offering all you can
+desire of him who is, Sir, yours most affectionately to serve you. G. Du
+Vair, Bishop of Lisieux. Camp at St. John d'Angeli, June 13, 1621."
+
+Grotius answers this obliging Letter on the 24th of June following[133].
+He owns he was always a lover of Learning; but modestly acknowledges
+that his friends, by engaging him too early in the study of the law and
+public business, retarded the progress which he might otherwise have
+made. He hopes, with God's grace, that no worldly motives shall induce
+him to act or speak against his conscience; and that if he has the
+misfortune to be deceived, God will graciously enlighten him, or pardon
+him for his good intention: and prays for the return of peace among
+Christians, without prejudice to truth. "Some thousands, says he, of
+whom I am one, most sincerely wish for such a desirable event; in the
+mean time, if I can be of any use, you may command me. Though indeed the
+more I consider myself, the more I see I have no merit but that of good
+desires; but I will shew you by my obedience, that I have at least
+inclination."
+
+Du Vair died at Tonneins, August 3, 1621, six weeks after receiving
+Grotius's Letter. This was a great loss to him: but it would have been
+advantageously repaired, had the Seals, agreeable to the wishes of the
+Public, been given to the President Jeannin, the most esteemed
+Magistrate in the kingdom for his excellent talents and virtue. He had
+the highest friendship for Grotius, who ardently wished that great man
+might receive the reward of the signal services he had done the State:
+"But, he writes to Du Maurier[134], those who know the court, dare not
+flatter themselves with so much good luck." While the seals were vacant
+the Constable De Luynes did the office of keeper: they were at length
+given, not to the President Jeannin, but to De Vic, who had on all
+occasions given Grotius proofs of his friendship. He made profession of
+an esteem for men of learning; Casaubon held him in great veneration,
+and Grotius flattered himself that he would be his friend. "His
+behaviour to Casaubon, says Grotius to Du Maurier[135], proves his love
+to learning; and before he left Paris he gave me some evident marks of
+his good-will."
+
+It had been determined in the King's Council to do something for
+Grotius; but it was long before this resolution had its effect. Du
+Maurier had written to all his friends warmly to solicit the issuing of
+the warrant for the sum granted him: it was sent at length, but there
+was no money in the treasury. The King was absent, and when he returned
+to Paris, the thing, it was said, would be done. The Prince of Conde
+openly interested himself for him. What made Grotius uneasy was, that on
+the promises made him he had hired a house. His wife came to Paris in
+October, 1621[136], and their expences so much exceeded the small
+revenue which he had still left, that he wrote to Du Maurier, December
+3, 1621, that if something were not done for him soon, he must seek a
+settlement in Germany, or hide himself in some corner of France. He asks
+a recommendation to the Chancellor De Silleri: "and as he is somewhat
+slow, it would be proper (says he) to refresh the Marquis de Puysieux's
+memory." The King returned to Paris January 30, 1622. Grotius was
+presented to him by the Chancellor and the Keeper of the seals in the
+beginning of March[137]: the Court was very numerous. His Majesty
+received him most graciously, and granted him a pension of three
+thousand livres. He was much obliged to the Prince of Conde and the
+Keeper of the Seals on this occasion. The King did not only confer marks
+of his favour on Grotius; but on his account protected all who were
+persecuted by the States; and by his Letters Patent, dated at Nantes,
+April 22, 1627, takes such as were condemned in Holland under his
+protection as if they were his own subjects; willing, that in case of
+death, their children and heirs should succeed, and that their effects
+should not be liable to be escheated.
+
+De Vic dying on the second of September, 1622, his death filled Grotius
+and the Dutch Refugees in France with the greater concern, as the seals
+were given to Caumartin, a professed enemy of the Protestants. As soon
+as Grotius thought himself settled, he looked out for a better house,
+intending to go the length of five hundred livres a year; but Tilenus
+took half of it: its situation was in the Rue de Conde, opposite to the
+Prince's hotel: He probably made choice of that quarter, to be more at
+hand to pay his court to the Prince, with whom he had been in friendship
+above twenty years, and who had on all occasions given him marks of his
+esteem and protection. Tilenus's wife was very desirous of a coach;
+Grotius thought one equipage would serve both; but he was against
+setting it up immediately, in order to avoid an expence which perhaps he
+could not support. What farther restrained him was, that though the King
+had granted him a pension with the best grace that could be, and Marshal
+Schomberg, superintendant of the Finances[138], had ordered it to be
+paid quarterly, and one payment to be advanced on demand, he could not
+however come at the money. They had forgot to put it on the Civil
+List[139], and the Commissioners of the Treasury found daily some new
+excuse for delaying the payment. He imagined[140] those who raised the
+difficulty hoped by that means to make him turn Roman Catholic. A report
+that he was not far from changing his religion had reached Holland[141].
+It gave Vossius some uneasiness, and he wrote to him, acquainting him of
+this report, and begging that he would do nothing to give it
+countenance. Grotius removed his fears, assuring him he might make
+himself easy; for he might have avoided, he says, the grievous sentence
+passed upon him, and since his sentence would not have remained so long
+in captivity, and might also hope for greater honours than his country
+could bestow, if he would change sides. It is more probable that, the
+bad state of the finances of the kingdom, or the greediness of the
+Commissioners, were the only obstructions to his payment. He had at
+length reason to be satisfied: by the solicitations of powerful friends,
+who interested themselves for him, he received his pension; and it was
+paid as grants were paid at that time, that is to say, very slowly, till
+Cardinal Richelieu, who bore him ill-will, gave private orders to
+prevent his enjoying the benefit of the King's favour: which obliged
+Grotius to leave France, as we shall see in the sequel.
+
+He sustained a heavy loss in April by the death of the President
+Jeannin. This worthy Magistrate had so much acquired the esteem of the
+Dutch by the great services he did them when the truce was concluded
+with Spain in 1619, that all good men in Holland would have his picture.
+Grotius received from him testimonies of the greatest friendship, and
+regretted him most sincerely.
+
+In a Letter to his brother William Grotius, dated April 23, 1623,
+"Whilst I am now writing this, says he, I receive the melancholy news of
+the President Jeannin's death: it is a great loss to good men, to the
+King's business, and to me in particular."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[133] Ep. 150.
+
+[134] Ep. 156.
+
+[135] Ep. 171.
+
+[136] Ep. 165.
+
+[137] Ep. 29. p. 763.
+
+[138] Ep. 175 p. 65.
+
+[139] Ep. 32. p. 764.
+
+[140] Ep. 37. p. 765.
+
+[141] Ep. 158. p. 60.
+
+
+III. The pains which he was obliged to take, and the trouble he
+underwent at the beginning of his new settlement at Paris, did not
+diminish his passion for literature. April 23, 1621, he informs Vossius
+that the irksomeness of his solitary manner of life was relieved by his
+daily conversations with men of the greatest abilities. He writes to
+Andrew Schot from Paris, July 8, 1621, that, delivered from public
+business which never leaves the mind at ease, and from that croud whose
+conversation is contagious, he spent the greatest part of his time in
+prayer, reading the Scriptures, and the ancient interpreters.
+
+He enters into a detail of his studies in a letter to Vossius, September
+29, 1621, "I persist, says he, in my respect for sacred antiquity: there
+are many people here of the same taste. My six books in Dutch will
+appear soon (this was his treatise on the Truth of the Christian
+Religion, in Dutch verse) perhaps I shall also publish the Disquisition
+On Pelagianism, with the precautions hinted to me by you and some other
+learned men. In the mean time, I am preparing an edition of Stobaeus; and
+to render it more perfect I collate the Greek Manuscripts with the
+printed copies." He sometimes attended the courts of Justice to hear the
+Advocates plead, that he might judge of their talents and eloquence. To
+be applauded for eloquence at that time, says the Abbe D'Olivet, an
+Advocate was to say almost nothing of his cause; make continual
+allusions to the least-known passages of antiquity, and have the art of
+throwing a new kind of obscurity upon them, by, making his speech
+consist of a string of metaphors. This fault shocked Grotius much. He
+gives an account to his brother of the impression made upon him by the
+studied harangues which were delivered at Martinmas term 1622, by M.
+Servin and the First President: they were wholly taken from Greek and
+Latin authors. "Such, says Grotius, is the eloquence in fashion: it is
+much disliked by men of sound judgment." The celebrated Patru first
+attempted, and accomplished the reformation of this bad taste.
+
+Grotius's ardour for study did not prevent his employing a part of his
+time in reading the Scriptures and books of Theology. The Ministers of
+Charenton persisting in their refusal to receive him into their
+communion unless he would renounce his opinions, he resolved to have
+prayers read at home to his family.
+
+
+IV. Notwithstanding the inveterate enmity of the Dutch, which pursued
+him even to the French court, Grotius still preserved a sincere love to
+his Country. He wrote to his father and brother-in-law that he was
+continually soliciting all his friends in its favour; that no injuries
+should ever make him cease to love it; and that he stifled every thought
+of revenge as utterly repugnant to the precepts of the Gospel.
+
+He did not however think this disposition ought to hinder him from
+labouring to manifest to the world the innocency of his conduct, and
+that of those who were condemned with him.
+
+He had even collected when in prison some materials for his apology: the
+President Jeannin advised him to finish it while the facts were fresh in
+his memory, and he might print it at a favourable opportunity.
+
+Grotius followed this advice, and his Apology in Dutch was finished in
+the beginning of the year 1622. If it had appeared only in that language
+it could not have been read out of Holland; but as he intended that
+wherever he was known, that is to say, throughout all Europe, every one
+might be enabled to judge of the regularity of his conduct, he
+translated it into Latin: He was also desirous of having it done into
+French, that it might be printed at the same time in the three
+languages: but he could not find a French translator. He expected that a
+work, which set in the clearest light the injustices and prevarications
+of men in place, would increase their hatred to him: but this
+consideration did not restrain him from publishing it, because he was
+persuaded the laws of God and of nature allowed every man unjustly
+accused to justify himself.
+
+His Apology was soon translated into Latin, for it was published at
+Paris in the year 1622. In the dedication to the people of Holland and
+West Friesland the Author explains his reasons for so long delaying his
+vindication. During his nine months confinement at the Hague he could do
+nothing in it; when removed to Louvestein he wanted several necessary
+pieces; since his happy escape he was much busied; besides it required
+time to range the several parts of his defence in proper order. The work
+is divided into twenty Chapters: in the first he shews that each of the
+United Provinces is sovereign and independent of the States-General,
+whose authority is confined to the defence of the Provinces: in the
+second, that each Province is possessed of the Sovereignty in matters
+ecclesiastical, and that this sovereignty resides in the particular
+States of the Province: in the third and fourth, that the different
+opinions about Predestination ought to be tolerated: in the fifth, that
+the convocation of a Synod in the situation of affairs at that time must
+have been attended with great danger; that the assembling of the Synod
+of Dort was illegal, since it was done without consent of the Province
+of Holland: in the sixth, he sets forth the measures taken by the States
+of Holland to restore tranquillity; in the seventh, the reasonableness
+of the regulation of 1591 relating to the share which the Magistrates
+ought to have in the nomination of the Ministers of the Gospel; in the
+eighth, that the approbation of the majority ought to be looked upon as
+a decision: the excesses of the Contra-Remonstrants are particularised
+in the ninth: the tenth and eleventh justify the province of Holland in
+relation to the raising a new militia, which were called Attendants.
+The informality of his arrest is displayed in the thirteenth Chapter;
+Grotius there shews that he and the others arrested at the same time had
+only executed the orders of their Superiors and Sovereigns; that those
+who arrested him had no power to do it; that the States-General had no
+authority over the subjects of the Provinces; that they were a party in
+the dispute; that the persons arrested were members of the States of
+Holland, and were arrested in the Province of Holland, where the
+States-General had no jurisdiction. The fourteenth Chapter exposes the
+want of formality in the proceedings from the time of their arrest to
+the nomination of their judges. The fifteenth Chapter points out the
+want of formality in the nomination of the judges: and proves the
+extravagancy of making it a crime in them to maintain the rights of the
+States their Sovereigns, agreeable to the express orders they received.
+The sixteenth Chapter explains the informality committed after the
+Judges were nominated. The seventeenth displays the irregularity of the
+sentence passed upon them. The eighteenth gives a detail of the wrongs
+done to them after the Sentence. The nineteenth Chapter contains several
+remarks all tending to shew the irregularity of the sentence. The Author
+concludes this work, with a Prayer, imploring the Divine Goodness to
+pardon his enemies, and protect his Country. He farther prays that the
+Prince of Orange may merit the love of the People over whom he is
+governor; and that God may give himself grace to support with patience
+the persecution he suffers, that it may be meritorious to him in the
+other world.
+
+The Apology was sent to Holland as soon as published: it incensed the
+States-General the more, as they could not give a reasonable answer to
+it. The approbation it met with throughout Europe would not suffer them
+to remain silent; this would have confirmed all the disagreeable truths
+which the necessity of a just defence obliged Grotius to advance: thus
+destitute of any good arguments, they had recourse to authority, and
+made themselves judges in their own cause. They proscribed the Apology,
+and condemned it as slanderous, and tending to asperse by falshoods the
+sovereign authority of the government of the Provinces, the person of
+the Prince of Orange, the States of the particular Provinces, and the
+towns themselves; and therefore forbad all persons to have it in their
+custody on pain of death. The _Mercure Francois_ mentions this in the
+following terms. "The Apology is prohibited; and all persons of what
+quality soever are forbid to have it in their possession on pain of
+death; thus making Grotius as it were a prey to any person who shall
+apprehend him."
+
+These menaces gave him uneasiness: he consulted the French Ministry, his
+friends and protectors, how to behave in this situation, and what was to
+be done to prevent the consequence which might result from the
+proscription: he had several conferences on this subject with the
+Chancellor de Silleri and the President Jeannin. The Chancellor, who was
+naturally irresolute, contented himself with blaming the rigour of the
+edict, and making general offers of service. The President Jeannin was
+of opinion he should write a letter to a friend, shewing the injustice
+of the proscription: others advised him to despise these vain threats,
+and publish a new edition of the _Apology_ in which he might put the
+Authors of the Edict to confusion: some were of opinion he ought to
+complain to the States-General themselves; but others represented there
+would be danger in having recourse to this last expedient, as he might
+seem by it to acknowledge their authority. Against writing to the
+particular States of the Provinces there was one great objection,
+namely, the certainty of drawing upon himself a new proscription,
+because the power was in the hands of his greatest enemies. Those who
+wished to see him pass the rest of his days in France thought he should
+get himself naturalized a Frenchman, because the King by that would
+necessarily become his protector: they farther represented that this
+formality would qualify him to hold a place in France.
+
+What kept him in suspense was to know whether he should put himself
+under the protection of the parliament, or ask a safe-conduct from the
+king. In the beginning of the year 1623[142] he seemed resolved to
+present a petition to the Parliament, and afterwards write to the
+States-General. He was in doubt whether to write to the Prince of
+Orange; at length he took the most proper step, which was to apply to
+the King. He presented a petition to his Majesty to be protected against
+the above-mentioned Edict, "which imported that he should be apprehended
+wherever found;" these are the terms of the _Mercure Francois_; "and his
+Majesty took him into his special protection, the letters for that
+purpose being issued at Paris, Feb. 26, 1623."
+
+Although the greatest part of the Roman Catholics would have found
+nothing amiss in his _Apology_, yet many of them in the Low Countries
+were scandalized that he had not spoken of religion as they would have
+spoken: and it was condemned at Antwerp as dangerous to be read[143].
+
+This work was never answered. Some years after its publication[144] a
+report being spread that a private person had written against the
+Apology without being employed by the States-General, Grotius desired
+his brother to enquire into it. It is probable this news was without
+foundation: at least we know nothing of that work. The malevolence of
+those who were then in place made no change in Grotius's affection to
+his country: in the height of the new persecution he wrote to his
+brother that he would still labour to promote the interest of Holland;
+and that if the United Provinces were desirous of entering into a
+closer union with France, he would assist them with all his credit: for
+the public interest was not to be sacrificed to the resentment of
+injuries received from a few[145].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[142] Ep. 46, p. 768.
+
+[143] Ep. 102. p. 784.
+
+[144] Dec. 20, 1630.
+
+[145] Ep. 50. p. 759, 769.
+
+
+V. Though the Prince of Orange had taken care to leave none in place but
+such as were entirely devoted to him, and consequently declared enemies
+of the Remonstrants, Grotius still preserved many faithful friends who
+ardently desired his return. He had scarce been a month at Paris when
+they wrote to him that there were some hopes of his being recalled: but
+he rightly judged that they were without foundation. He even writes to
+his brother-in-law, Reigersberg, that he looked on that rumour as an
+artifice of his enemies, who sought by it to engage him to silence,
+which they intended to take advantage of to propagate their calumnies.
+He was not duped by it, since, as we have just mentioned, it did not
+hinder him from writing his Defence, and publishing it to the world.
+Among those who preserved a friendship for him, there was one whom it
+would seem he had no reason to count upon: this was Prince Frederic
+Henry of Nassau, brother to the Prince of Orange, and who after the
+death of Maurice was himself Stadtholder. They maintained a
+correspondence by letters even at the time when the people of Holland
+were most exasperated against Grotius; and by a Letter from that Prince,
+which is still remaining, we may judge that Grotius did him good service
+at Paris; and that Frederic Henry was greatly disposed to serve him.
+This Letter deserves to be copied entire: it is dated August 4, 1622.
+
+"Sir, I thank you for the good offices you have done me with some of the
+King's Council, and beg of you to continue them both with these, and
+with others, as you shall think proper; assuring you that I shall
+acknowledge your friendship on all occasions where I can serve you;
+being bound to it by the friendship which you have ever shewn to me. I
+have asked your brother-in-law Mr. Reigersberg to write to you
+particularly about an affair in which I should be glad to have your
+opinion: you will oblige me much by sending it, as you have already done
+by the memorial you remitted to me; for which I sincerely thank you. I
+could wish to be of use in your affairs in this Country, and would
+labour in them most chearfully: but you know the constitution of things
+is such, that neither I, nor your other friends, can serve you agreeably
+to our wishes. I would fain hope that time will bring about some change,
+and that I shall see you again here esteemed and honoured as your great
+qualities deserve; which will give me no less pleasure than I received
+from your regaining your liberty. In the mean time, I wish you, while at
+a distance from your country, all the satisfaction, prosperity, and
+happiness which you can desire. This I pray God to grant, and to me an
+opportunity of shewing by my actions that I am yours most affectionately
+to serve you, Henry de Nassau."
+
+
+VI. The year after the publication of the Apology, that is to say, in
+1623, Nicholas Buon printed at Paris Grotius's improvements and
+additions to Stobaeus. This author, as is well known, extracted what he
+thought most important in the ancient Greek writers, and ranged it under
+different heads comprehending the principal points of Philosophy. His
+work is the more valuable as it has preserved several fragments of the
+Ancients found no where else. Grotius when very young purposed to
+extract from this author all the maxims of the poets, to translate them
+into Latin verse, and print the original with the translation. He began
+this when a boy; he was employed in it at the time of his arrest, and
+continued it as an amusement, whilst he had the use of books, in his
+prison at the Hague. He tells us that when he was deprived of pen and
+ink he was got to the forty-ninth title, which is an invective against
+tyranny, that had a great relation to what passed at that time in
+Holland. On his removal to Louvestein he resumed this work, and he
+finished it at Paris. He made several happy corrections in the text of
+Stobaeus, some from his own conjectures or those of his friends, others
+on the authority of manuscripts in the king's library, which were very
+politely lent him by the learned Nicholas Rigaut, librarian to his
+Majesty.
+
+Prefixed to this book are Prolegomena, in which the author shews that
+the works of the ancient Pagans are filled with maxims agreeable to the
+truths taught in Holy Writ. He intended to dedicate this book to the
+Chancellor Silleri: he had even written the dedication; but his friends,
+to whom he shewed it, thought he expressed himself with too much warmth
+against the censurers of his _Apology_. They advised him therefore to
+suppress it; and he yielded to their opinion. It may be observed in
+reading the royal privilege that the present title of the book is
+different from what it was to have had. To these extracts from the Greek
+Poets translated into Latin verse, Grotius annexed two pieces, one of
+Plutarch, the other of St. Basil, on the use of the Poets; giving the
+Greek text with a Latin translation. Fabricius informs us, that in the
+Library of the College of Leyden there is a copy of the Geneva edition
+of Stobaeus, in the year 1609, with several notes in Grotius's own hand.
+Three years after the publication of his Stobaeus, Grotius printed a work
+which may be looked upon as a continuation of it; being an extract of
+the Comedies and Tragedies of the Greeks: the text is translated into
+Latin verse. In this work he inserted only such maxims as he thought
+best worth preserving. He began it, as we have observed, when a prisoner
+at Louvestein. The learned Fabricius very judiciously remarks, that it
+is to be regretted he did not mention the places of the Ancients from
+whence he took these extracts.
+
+
+VII. After having lived a year in the noise of Paris he was desirous of
+enjoying for some time the quiet of the country. The President de Meme
+offered him one of his seats, Balagni near Senlis. Grotius accepted it,
+and passed there the spring and summer of the year 1623. In this castle
+he began his great work[146] which singly would be sufficient to render
+its author's name immortal; I mean the treatise _Of the rights of war
+and peace_, of which we shall speak more fully elsewhere. He had with
+him his family and four friends; and was visited by the most
+distinguished men of learning, among others Salmasius and Rigaut. He had
+all the books he could desire: Francis de Thou the President's son, who
+succeeded to his father's library, one of the best in Europe, gave him
+the free use of it. Grotius, who knew the President de Meme to be a most
+zealous Roman Catholic, was careful to regulate his conduct in such a
+manner that the President might never repent his favouring him with the
+use of his house: he gave directions that while he was at Balagni no
+butchers meat should be brought to table on Fridays or Saturdays; he
+received none of the Dutch refugee Ministers there; no psalms nor hymns
+were sung; in fine, he would have no public nor even private exercise of
+the Protestant Religion performed; and would see only those whom he
+could not decently refuse. From Balagni he sometimes made excursions to
+St. Germain, where the court was, in order to cultivate the friendship
+of the ministry. Having learnt that the President de Meme wanted to
+reside himself at Balagni, he quitted it, and retired to Senlis in the
+beginning of August: in October he came back to Paris.
+
+His wife's affairs obliging her to make a journey to Zealand, she set
+out for that province in the summer 1624. In her absence Grotius was
+seized with a violent dysentery. October 18th, 1624, he writes to his
+brother that he had been three weeks confined to his bed, and four times
+blooded. The news of his illness threw his wife into a fever. As soon as
+it was abated she set out for Paris without waiting the return of her
+strength. The pleasure of seeing her again and the care she took of him
+wrought a wonderful change in Grotius: in fine, after two months
+dangerous illness he began to mend, and in a little time was perfectly
+recovered, so that he was never in better health than in the beginning
+of the year 1625.
+
+His illness did not hinder his studies: in this last he was employed
+about the _Phoenissae_ of Euripides. A part of his translation of this
+Tragedy had been lost when he was a prisoner at the Hague: he did it
+over again while confined by his dysentery, and put the last hand to the
+whole. It was not published till 1630. He dedicated it to the President
+de Meme. The preface confirms that he did this work in prison; that
+after his serious studies it served him for amusement and even
+consolation, for he was of Timocles's opinion, that Tragedies might
+serve to alleviate the idea of our misfortunes by carrying our
+reflexions to the vicissitude of human affairs; and begs some indulgence
+to a work done partly in prison and partly during illness. The
+translation is in Latin verse such as the ancient tragic writers used.
+In the preface Grotius enters into an examination of Euripides's
+tragedy. He shews that the time of twenty-four hours has been exactly
+kept to; that the unity of place is observed; that the manners are good;
+that it contains many useful maxims, and is upon the whole very well
+written.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[146] Ep. 56. p. 770. Ep. 57. p. 771.
+
+
+VIII. The Prince of Orange, Maurice de Nassau, falling ill in November,
+1624, died after six months indisposition, at the age of fifty-eight, on
+the 23d of April, 1625. This event raised the hopes of Grotius's
+friends: they flattered themselves that his return to his Country would
+no longer meet with any obstacle. Prince Frederic Henry succeeded his
+brother as Stadtholder. He had not entered into the malevolent projects
+formed by Maurice against the Arminians. The Count D'Estrades has given
+us some anecdotes on this subject, which we shall relate on his
+authority. He assures us that, being one day _tete a tete_ with Prince
+Henry Frederic in his coach, he heard him say that he had much to do to
+keep well with his brother Maurice, who suspected him of secretly
+favouring Barnevelt and the Arminians. "He told me (these are the Count
+D'Estrades words) that it was true he kept a correspondence with them to
+prevent their opposing his election in case his brother should die, but
+that as it imported him to be on good terms with his brother, and to
+efface the notion he had of his connection with the Arminians, he made
+use of Vandermyle, one of his particular friends and Barnevelt's
+son-in-law, to let the cabal know that it was necessary for him to
+accommodate himself to his brother, that he might be better able to
+serve them: which Barnevelt approved of."
+
+Hoogerbetz's situation, who, as we have seen, was condemned with
+Grotius, received some alleviation by the change of the Stadtholder.
+Four months after the death of Prince Maurice he was allowed to come out
+of Louvestein, and to reside at a country-house, upon condition of not
+leaving the country on pain of forfeiting twenty thousand florins, for
+which his friends and children were bound. "It is asserted (says the
+author of the _Mercure Francois_) that this liberty was granted him
+without any acknowledgment of his fault, and without asking pardon." He
+did not enjoy it long, for he died three weeks after he was discharged.
+
+Grotius's father, who knew his son was esteemed and even loved by the
+new Stadtholder, advised him to write to that Prince. He obeyed his
+father: but informed him that he was determined not to do a mean thing
+to procure his return. It was from mere complaisance that he wrote to
+the Prince, for he owns to his brother he had very little hopes of
+success from his letter: he was even desirous that his correspondence
+with the Prince might be kept a secret, lest its being publicly known
+should vex his Highness. The enemies of the Remonstrants would, no
+doubt, have been greatly offended with the Stadtholder, had they
+discovered that he was favourably inclined to the Arminians: and the
+Prince's authority was not yet sufficiently established to free him from
+the necessity of keeping measures with so powerful a party. Grotius's
+conjectures were but too true: and all that he and his friends could do
+to procure his return was absolutely fruitless.
+
+IX. He was now at the height of his glory by the prodigious success of
+his admirable book _Of the rights of war and peace_, which a celebrated
+writer[147] justly styles a master-piece. He began it in 1623 at
+Balagni, and in 1625 it was published at Paris. It was the famous
+Nicholas Peyresc, the Mecaenas of his age and the ornament of Provence,
+who engaged Grotius to handle this subject. He writes to that worthy
+magistrate, Jan. 11th, 1624. "I go on with my work _Of the law of
+nations_: if it may be of use to the world it is to you posterity will
+owe the obligation, since you made me undertake it, and assisted me in
+it." In the preliminary discourse he sets forth his motives for treating
+this subject. "Many strong reasons determined me to write at this time.
+I have observed in all parts of the Christian world such an unbridled
+licentiousness with regard to war as the most barbarous nations might
+blush at: they fly to arms without reason, or on frivolous pretexts; and
+when they have them once in their hands they trample on all laws human
+and divine, as if from that time they were authorised, and firmly
+resolved to stick at no crime." Thus it was from a principle of
+humanity that he composed this great work; and, as he writes to
+Crellius[148], to shew how unbecoming it was for a Christian and a
+reasonable man, to make war from caprice: which was too much practised.
+In the dedication of this book to the King the author observes, that
+Lewis XIII. like a propitious constellation, not satisfied with
+relieving the misfortunes of princes and protecting nations, had
+graciously supported him under his afflictions. He presented his book to
+the King and the principal nobility; who, he writes to his brother[149],
+received it very graciously, but made him no return. He imagined it was
+because he had handled in it several points of divinity: and the court
+would not shew any favour to heterodox works, in which such questions
+were discussed: but the favourable reception it met with from all Europe
+sufficiently made up this loss.
+
+It will not be expected that we should make an analysis or enter into an
+examination of the treatise _On the rights of war and peace_: that would
+be a subject for a large work. We shall only observe that those who
+would study the law of nations cannot read this book too often: they
+will find in it the most agreeable learning joined to the strongest
+reasoning. The whole is not equally correct: but what large work is not
+liable to the same censure? Besides, we must consider that it has the
+glory of being original in its kind[150], and the first treatise that
+reduced into a system the most excellent and useful of all sciences.
+
+It is divided into three books; to which is prefixed a preliminary
+discourse treating of the certainty of law in general, and containing a
+plan of the work.
+
+The first book enquires into the origin of the rights of war and its
+different kinds, as also the extent of the power of Sovereigns: he
+explains in the second the nature and extent of those rights, whether
+public or private, whose violation authorises the taking up arms: in
+the third he treats of all that relates to the course of the war and the
+treaties of peace which put an end to it.
+
+The celebrated translator of Grotius and Puffendorf assures us that
+Grotius took the hint of attempting a system of natural law from Lord
+Bacon's works; and certainly, he adds, none was more proper for such an
+undertaking. A clear head, an excellent judgment, profound meditation,
+universal learning, prodigious reading, continual application to study
+amidst many distractions and the duties of several considerable places,
+together with a sincere love to truth, are qualities which cannot be
+denied to that great man without wronging our own judgment and giving
+room to suspect us of black envy or gross ignorance. It is said that he
+designed at first to give his book the title, of _The law of nature and
+of nations_; but afterwards preferred that which it now bears, _Of the
+rights of war and peace_. Never book met with such universal
+approbation: Commentaries have been written upon it by many learned men,
+and it has been publicly read at Universities. Though M. Barbeyrac
+thinks Puffendorf's book much more useful, he is at the same time
+persuaded that if Grotius had not led the way, we should not yet have
+had any tolerable system of natural law: "and, he adds, if Puffendorf
+had been in Grotius's place, and Grotius in Puffendorf's, the treatise
+_Of the rights of war and peace_ would in my opinion have been much more
+defective; and that _Of the law of nature and nations_ much more
+perfect." Puffendorf himself owns that there remained few things to be
+said after Grotius.
+
+Though the Latin language was at that time more used than at present,
+the principal nations of Europe wanted to have this work in their mother
+tongue. Grotius, on examining the Dutch translation, found the
+translator often wilfully deviating from the true sense of the original.
+The Great Gustavus caused it to be translated into Swedish: a
+translation of it into English was preparing in the year 1639: Mr.
+Barbeyrac thinks it was not finished in Grotius's life-time, but there
+have been two English translations of it since his death. It was first
+translated into German in 1707 by Mr. Schutz. The Leipsick journalists
+speak of this translation as very correct. There are two in French; one
+by Mr. Courtin, which that of Barbeyrac has totally eclipsed, and most
+justly: for never did a great author meet with a translator more worthy
+of him. Mr. Barbeyrac possessed all the necessary qualifications for
+executing properly such a difficult translation as that of the treatise
+_Of the rights of war and peace_.
+
+This so excellent and highly esteemed work was however severely
+criticised by one of the most learned men of the last century.
+Salmasius, who had been Grotius's admirer, and who in the latter part of
+his life did all he could to destroy his reputation, never spoke of _The
+rights of war and peace_ but with the greatest contempt: which was the
+more shocking; as, in his dispute with the English on the right of
+Kings, he every where copies Grotius, and when he departs from him is
+sure to blunder: with which Boeclerus has justly reproached him.
+
+We cannot deny Salmasius profound learning; but he was a man swayed by
+his humour, often judged from passion and jealousy, had too high an
+opinion of himself and too much contempt for others, and in fine found
+fault with whatever was not his own thought, as the learned Gronovius
+remarks.
+
+He ventured to advance, some time after Grotius's death, that a
+professor of Helmsted had undertaken to prove that every page of
+Grotius's book contained gross blunders; and he speaks it in such a
+manner as gives room to think he was of the same opinion. This Professor
+was called John de Felde; he published his notes against Grotius in
+1653. Had the great Salmasius been still alive, I believe, says M.
+Barbeyrac, that with all his secret jealousy against the author
+censured, he would have found himself greatly disappointed in his
+expectations from John De Felde's project: never was any thing so
+wretched. One would be surprised a Mathematician could reason so ill,
+did not other much more signal examples clearly demonstrate that the
+knowledge of the Mathematics does not always produce justness of thought
+in matters foreign to that science. We find here a man who seeks only
+for censure, and knows not what he would have: he fights with his own
+shadow, and for the most part does not understand the thoughts of the
+author he attacks; and when he does understand them draws the most
+groundless consequences that ever were heard of. His gloomy and
+unhappily subtle mind cannot bear the light which Grotius presents to
+him. The embroiled ideas and distinctions of his Peripatetic philosophy
+form round him a thick cloud impenetrable by the strongest rays of
+truth. This is Barbeyrac's judgment of him. Felde met with some
+partisans of Grotius who confuted him: Theodorus Graswinckel, Advocate,
+his relation and friend, undertook his defence; and the redoubled
+efforts of the Helmsted Professor did not lessen his book in the esteem
+of the public. Not that the work is perfect; this, his admirers and
+those who were most disposed to do him justice, frankly own.
+
+His general principles touching natural law are very solid; but they are
+too intricate, and it requires deep meditation to unfold them. He does
+not sufficiently shew the chain of consequences to be deduced from them,
+and applied to particular subjects; which gave certain authors of little
+penetration, or candour, occasion to say, that after laying down his
+principles he makes no use of them, and builds his decisions on a quite
+different thing. He might have prevented these rash censures by
+enlarging somewhat more, and pointing out on each head the connection of
+the proofs he makes use of, with the general principles from whence they
+are drawn.
+
+With regard to the law of nations, which he considers as an arbitrary
+law in itself, but acquiring the force of a law by the tacit consent of
+nations, Barbeyrac observes that in the sense he understands it, and has
+endeavoured to establish its obligation, it has been shewn to be
+insufficiently grounded: yet the questions which he builds upon it make
+a great part of his work.
+
+It has been thought that his style is too concise; that he often
+expresses himself but by halves; that he supposes many things which
+require great study, passes over subjects of importance, and handles
+others which he might have omitted; such as questions relating rather to
+Divinity, than the science of Natural Law: in fine, it has been said
+that the desire of shewing his learning hurt him: and a very judicious
+Magistrate[151] justly observes, that by displaying less learning he
+would have appeared a greater Philosopher. Notwithstanding all these
+defects, it is universally acknowledged to be one of the finest works
+that ever was written.
+
+When this book appeared at Paris, Cardinal Francis Barberin, who resided
+there as Legate from his uncle Pope Urbin VIII. hearing it much spoken
+of, was curious to see it; and read it with attention. It is said he was
+shocked at first that the author, in speaking of the Popes, did not give
+them the titles which they are wont to receive from Roman Catholic
+authors; but was otherwise well pleased with the book. The reading of it
+had been permitted at Rome two years, when on the 4th of February, 1627,
+it was put into the _Index Expurgatorius_, with his _Apology_ and
+_Poems_[152].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[147] Bayle.
+
+[148] Ep. 280. p. 104.
+
+[149] Ep. 91. p. 782
+
+[150] Barbeyrac's Preface.
+
+[151] M. Daube, Essais sur les principes du Droit, Preface, p. 6.
+
+[152] Ep. 183. p. 798.
+
+
+X. In the mean time Grotius began to grow tired at Paris: his pension
+was ill paid, and his revenue insufficient to keep him decently with a
+wife and a numerous family. July 12, 1623, he writes to his brother,
+"Pensions are no longer paid here, which embarrasses me greatly. If any
+Prince, such as the King of Denmark or the Elector of Saxony, would
+employ me, and offer me a handsome salary, it would be worth my notice.
+At present nobody thinks of me, because they imagine I am employed by a
+great King. I have lost some powerful friends: those who are now in
+power wish me well; but they have too much business on their hands, and
+I don't love to importune."
+
+M. D'Aligre being made Keeper of the Seals, Grotius flattered himself
+that it would be an advantage to his affairs. "He is a good man, says
+he, and I shall be well recommended to him. I shall go to see him when
+he is less harrass'd with visits; and try whether his friendship can be
+of use to me. However (he writes to his father and brother, Jan. 21,
+1624) if any thing favourable should offer in Denmark or the Maritime
+Towns, I would consider of it." He made a visit to the new Lord Keeper,
+and received a promise of more than he hoped for: but he began to build
+no longer on compliments: he wished his friends would try to get him a
+settlement in the North; but would not have it known that he set them
+on. Some advised him to go to Spires, where there was an Imperial
+Chamber, and follow the profession of an Advocate: the writings there
+were all in Latin, the Roman law was followed, and the Augsburg
+confession the religion professed. January 26, 1624, he begs of his
+father to inform himself of the manner of living in that country, for he
+must soon come to some resolution.
+
+In the mean time hopes were given him of his pension[153]: though no
+pensions were paid, the Keeper of the Seals promised that he would take
+particular care of him; and was in fact as good as his word: one of the
+first things he did was to speak to the King in favour of Grotius[154],
+and to obtain an order for the payment of the greatest part of the
+arrears owing to him. However he still pressed his father and brother to
+seek out a settlement for him[155]. Feb. 16, 1624, he wrote to them that
+he persisted in his resolution of going to some town of the Augsburg
+confession, where he might live cheap, and wait for better times. "The
+state of the kingdom, says he, makes me uneasy; and I have no prospect
+of a certainty for myself. These negotiations must be managed with
+precaution and secrecy, lest the knowledge of them should lessen the
+consideration in which I am held. It is sufficient that those who wish
+me well know that I am not so fixed here but I can come away if any
+thing better offers." In the mean time the Keeper of the Seals and the
+Ministry heaped civilities on him[156]; they spoke of him to the King,
+and at length he received three thousand Francs, part in money, and part
+in bills.
+
+There were at that time Dutch Ambassadors in France, who carried their
+malice so far as to tell the King he could not be too much on his guard
+against Grotius, who carried on a private correspondence with the
+Spanish Ambassadors. He received information of this from one of his
+friends. The foul calumny stung him with indignation; and though he did
+not think it deserved to be confuted, he wrote of it to the Lord Keeper,
+and in a letter on this subject to Du Maurier he calls God to witness,
+that he had never seen any of the Spanish Ambassadors, and that there
+was not a man in the United Provinces who wished better to his Country.
+
+He had an offer of being Professor of Law in Denmark[157], but the
+character of the Danes made him averse to that country: besides, he
+thought the places he had already filled did not permit him to become a
+Professor in a College; as to the Salary, he was satisfied with it.
+While he was in suspense what he should do, the King nominated Cardinal
+Richelieu Prime Minister. His Eminence had a mind to be particularly
+acquainted with Grotius, and asked him to come to his house at Limours:
+he was introduced by Marshal de Fiat. We are ignorant of what passed at
+this interview: all we know is that the Cardinal, purposing to restore
+the navy and trade of the nation, talked of these matters to Grotius;
+who acquainted his brother with his visit to the Cardinal in a letter
+dated May 21, 1626.
+
+It is highly probable the Cardinal proposed to Grotius to devote himself
+entirely to him: that minister protected none but such as professed an
+absolute submission to his will in all things. He gave Grotius so great
+hopes that he thought he might write to his father, "If I would forget
+my country, and devote myself wholly to France, there is nothing which I
+might not expect."
+
+But there is room to imagine the proposals made to him by the Cardinal
+were inconsistent with his principles; and he was not a man to act
+against his conscience on any consideration. This sacrifice was the more
+praise-worthy as he really loved France: he mentioned it in confidence
+to Du Maurier. "I am extremely sorry, says he, that I can be of no use
+to France, where I have found a safe asylum: but I think it my duty to
+adhere to my former sentiments[158]."
+
+Thus the Cardinal being displeased with Grotius's reservations, his
+pension was unpaid, either for that reason or on account of the bad
+state of the finances. Grotius was greatly perplexed: "A man must have
+lived at Paris at his own expence, as I have done for eighteen months
+(he writes to his brother, July 17, 1626) to know what it costs. I
+should be extremely glad that you would inform yourself at your
+conveniency, whether there be any hopes from the Hans towns, and
+particularly Hamburg or Rostock." Sept. 19, 1626, he opens his mind to
+Du Maurier: "This is the second year since they have ceased all regard
+for me, and put in practice whatever might serve to depress a man of the
+greatest steadiness." It was precisely since Cardinal Richelieu became
+the Arbiter of France that Grotius was thus treated. The disgrace of the
+Chancellor D'Aligre deprived him of all remains of hope: the Seals were
+given to Marillac, who professed an open enmity to all that was
+Protestant. Learning was no merit with him if joined to heterodoxy. He
+gave a public proof of his zeal[159] when the parliament of Dijon
+petitioned the King that Salmasius might be permitted to exercise the
+office of Counsellor, which his father offered to resign in his favour:
+the Keeper of the Seals warmly opposed it, declaring that he would never
+consent to a Huguenot's acquisition of the office of Counsellor in any
+parliament of France. Grotius was patient for some time longer; for he
+liked Paris, and there were many persons in that city whose conversation
+gave him infinite pleasure: He told the celebrated Peyresc[160], he was
+so strongly attached to France on his account, that he would not leave
+it till his patience was worn out; and he wrote to his great friend Du
+Maurier, that he was resolved never to quit France till it deserted him,
+that all the world might be forced to own he could not have acted
+otherwise.
+
+In fine, having lost all hopes of pleasing the Ministry, he began to
+think in good earnest of retiring into some other Country. January 4,
+1630, he writes to his brother, "I am wholly taken up with the thoughts
+of settling in some part where I may live more commodiously with my
+family." The first condition that he required was liberty of
+conscience. Some advised his going to Rome, because Pope Urbin VIII. was
+a great Poet, and loved men of learning[161]. He thought the proposal
+very ridiculous, and joked on it to his brother. December 27, 1630, he
+writes to him, "It is not reasonable that I should be always in
+suspense. I shall leave this country too late, but I shall certainly
+leave it soon." What heightened his embarrassment was his uncertainty
+where to go. He writes to his brother, April 4, 1631, "I must speedily
+come to a resolution: provisions become every day dearer, and the
+payment of my Pension more uncertain: would it be proper to return to my
+Country by stealth, and with so little hopes, after doing her so great
+service? My Countrymen have not the same sentiments for me that I have
+for them."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[153] Ep 64. p. 773.
+
+[154] Ep. 65. p. 773.
+
+[155] Ibid. 67. p. 774.
+
+[156] Ibid. 68. p. 774. 69. p. 775. 7. p. 775.
+
+[157] Ibid. 79. p. 778.
+
+[158] Ep. 149. p. 84.
+
+[159] Ep. 267 p. 100.
+
+[160] Ibid. 201. p. 72.
+
+[161] Ep. 85. p. 780.
+
+
+XI. In fine, upon mature consideration, trusting to the good-will of his
+friends, and the protestations of friendship from the Prince of Orange,
+he ventured to return to Holland. He had always secretly wished to be
+restored; but, however ardent this desire might be, he was incapable of
+purchasing his restoration by any acts of meanness. They had discovered
+his inclination; and in 1623 a rumour spread that he was seeking to be
+reconciled to the States-General. He was sensible this report had
+reached Du Maurier, and therefore wrote to him on the 24th of
+September[162] that there was nothing in it; that the times were not
+favourable, and that the publication of his _Apology_ put an obstacle in
+the way of his return. Du Maurier was of the same opinion[163], and no
+body had better opportunities of knowing the disposition of mens minds
+and the situation of affairs.
+
+However in the year following Du Maurier began to entertain better
+hopes. Being come back from Holland to France, he wrote to Grotius that
+his affairs went on so well, he might flatter himself with the prospect
+of returning: but this agreed ill with other advices received by
+Grotius; and he wrote to Du Maurier, July 30, 1624, that he consulted
+his ancient friendship more than the situation of affairs; that his
+enemies were so powerful he did not see there could be any hopes for
+him; and that he was endeavouring to provide himself with patience to
+support perpetual banishment and the inconveniences annexed to that
+unhappy situation.
+
+One would imagine the death of Prince Maurice must make a speedy
+revolution in Grotius' favour: the friendship with which he was honoured
+by Prince Frederic Henry gave his friends ground to hope for it; but he
+himself was of a different opinion. July 31, 1625[164], he wrote to his
+father that his return was an affair of great consequence, which perhaps
+must not be mentioned at present. He sent his wife into Holland in the
+spring 1627[165], that she might enquire herself how matters stood. She
+found many friends[166]; but as she was convinced of her husband's
+innocence, and knew that in all Holland there was not a man capable of
+labouring so effectually for the interest of his Country, she imagined
+they ought to make the first advances, ask him to forget what was past,
+and pray him to return. This was to suppose the return of the Golden
+age; and experience ought to have informed her better. She would not
+therefore have recourse to petitions and entreaties to obtain Grotius'
+return, lest they should be taken for some acknowledgment of a fault.
+This encreased the malevolence of his enemies, and they fought to
+revenge themselves on his brother-in-law Reigersberg, to whom they
+wanted to make a crime of his corresponding with Grotius by letters; but
+their malice was ineffectual, because the calumnies to which they had
+recourse were too easily confuted. However his friends bestirred
+themselves in his favour: of which Grotius being informed, he begged of
+them to promise nothing in his name, that there might be no ground to
+imagine he solicited leave to return. "For (he writes to his brother)
+that is what my enemies want, that they may reproach me with asking
+pardon for my pretended faults." The endeavours of his friends were
+fruitless; and his brother wrote to him (February 21, 1630) that there
+was no hope of success.
+
+If they did not obtain his return they at least made him gain a cause of
+consequence. He reclaimed[167] his effects which were confiscated,
+grounding on the privilege of the Burghers of Delft; and his demand was
+granted. He says neither favour nor solicitations had any influence in
+his gaining this suit; and that he owed it to the incontestable right of
+which the town of Delft was long in possession.
+
+Though the information received from his brother of the inefficacy of
+his friends solicitations might have made him forget his country[168],
+he resolved to regulate his conduct by his wife's advice, who had been
+on the spot. On her return from Holland she told him it was necessary he
+should go thither. He immediately wrote to his brother that on his
+wife's information he resolved to go to see him and his father and
+mother; and that they would consult together what was best to be done
+for his advantage. He adds, that if after so long patience he still
+found his Country ungrateful, he had received advantageous proposals
+from more than one quarter, where he might live with ease and honour. He
+set out for Holland in the month of October, 1631.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[162] Ep. 199. p. 71.
+
+[163] Ep. 200. p. 71.
+
+[164] Ep. 98. p. 783. 99. p. 783. and 100. p. 784.
+
+[165] Ep. 148. p. 797.
+
+[166] Ep. 223. p. 77.
+
+[167] Ep. 261. p. 89.
+
+[168] Ep. 278. p. 838.
+
+
+XII. The sentence passed against him was still in force. His friends,
+afraid of his being arrested, as he had no safe-conduct, advised his
+concealing himself: this step appeared to him shameful and timid. He
+wrote to his brother on the nineteenth of November, 1631, that he would
+rather retire than conceal himself; and that by not appearing in public
+he had lessened the opinion of his innocence, and at the same time the
+courage of his friends.
+
+He came to Rotterdam[169], where he imagined he would be safest,
+because, having filled the post of Pensionary with much honour, he was
+greatly beloved in the town. He took it ill that the Magistrates did not
+make him the first visit after the signal services he had done the city;
+and hesitated whether he should go to see them: one of them sent his son
+to acquaint him that it was not perhaps prudent, after the sentence of
+condemnation passed upon him, to appear in public. Grotius made answer,
+that he had such a good opinion of the gratitude of the Burghers of
+Rotterdam, he was persuaded he had nothing to fear among them. The young
+gentleman replied, that in a populous town there might possibly be some
+one who would do him an ill turn to gain the reward. Grotius imagined
+this advice proceeded from the Magistrates jealousy, who were afraid
+that the people would discover too much attachment to him. They spread a
+report that he was not in the Remonstrants sentiments, and that the
+counsels formerly given by him had been frequently disapproved. In the
+mean time he was much embarrassed in what manner to behave, and
+consulted the most able lawyers on the subject, who refused to take any
+fee from him. He had no objection to writing to the States-General,
+provided the letter contained nothing to the disadvantage of his
+innocence. He met with more difficulties than he imagined: and wrote to
+his brother (November 28, 1631) "I am threatened with a storm; but I can
+live elsewhere, and I leave all to God's disposal."
+
+He left Rotterdam, and came in the end of the year 1631 to Amsterdam,
+where he was extremely well received[170]. He did not, however, trust
+his stay in the Low-Countries to the success of his negotiation, for he
+wrote to his father, December 10, 1631, "You may say you understand that
+I have taken my resolution to quit this cruel Country." He was not
+satisfied with the Magistrates of Rotterdam: but he spoke extremely well
+of the town of Delft[171]: however no City ventured publickly to protect
+him[172]. His great friend Gerard Vossius did every thing in his power
+to engage all who had any friendship for himself to befriend Grotius,
+and keep him in Holland. We have a letter written by him on that subject
+to Bevovicius, Magistrate of Amsterdam[173], who was in the interest of
+his friend: he represents to him what dishonour the States would bring
+on themselves by not permitting a man to live in their Country who was
+its greatest ornament, and the wonder of the age. He exhorts him to
+continue his good offices to prevent Amsterdam from disgracing herself
+by opposing that great man's return, and assures him that France,
+Germany, England, and all nations are waiting to see what Holland will
+do on this occasion. "Let us not, says he, have ground to regret the
+loss of a man whom it depends entirely on ourselves to keep."
+
+Vossius's desire to have Grotius continue in Holland was so great, that
+his friend's inflexibility gave him much uneasiness. He wanted him to
+make application to the Prince of Orange, and, after obtaining his
+consent, to write to those in power, asking permission to stay in the
+Country: but this was precisely the step to which Grotius had the
+greatest aversion.
+
+To employ himself till his fate should be determined, he resolved to
+exercise the profession of Consulting Advocate: with this view he
+desired his brother, in a letter dated February 16, 1632, to send him
+what law books he had, and which he might need for the proper discharge
+of his office.
+
+He could make no use of these books: for the States-General, thinking
+themselves affronted by his boldness in continuing in the Country
+without their leave, and by the repugnance he shewed to ask them pardon,
+on the tenth of December, 1631, issued an Ordonnance enjoining all the
+Bailiffs of the Country to seize his person, and give them notice. No
+body would execute it: which obliged the States to renew it, on the
+tenth of March in the year following, upon pain to those who would not
+obey of losing their places; and with a promise of two thousand florins
+to any one who would deliver Grotius into the hands of justice. There
+were many who interested themselves for him: besides private persons he
+was favoured by the Nobles, the Towns of Rotterdam, Delft, and
+Amsterdam. But the States-General were his Judges and his Adversaries.
+
+We do not find that the Prince of Orange, on whose friendship he had
+some reason to depend, protected him on this essential occasion. The
+intrigues of his enemies diverted him from it. They were at great pains
+to prejudice the Stadtholder against Grotius, by representing that he
+professed an inviolable attachment to the privileges of his Country;
+and, being of Barnevelt's principles, would support them with equal
+firmness; and that the Prince could never agree with him because he
+would always oppose his views. These reasons made an impression on
+Frederic, who being of the same character with all the Princes, of his
+house, wanted, says Du Maurier, to be Prince of Holland. He approved
+therefore of the proceedings of the States-General, who intended to give
+Grotius to understand by their last Ordonnances, that they condemned him
+to perpetual banishment.
+
+It will perhaps be wondered at that a wise man, such as Grotius, would
+hazard a journey to Holland without succeeding in the projects he had
+formed for obtaining permission to stay there: but on some occasions it
+is prudent to run hazards. The point is whether the appearance of
+success was such as a man of sense ought to build on. He was sensible
+this would be objected to him, and in some of his letters he endeavours
+to justify his return. He writes to Martinus Ruarus, January 19, 1632,
+that he came to Holland at the solicitations of his Friends, who
+imagined time and his services had mollified his enemies; but that
+immediately on his arrival he perceived his well-wishers would find
+great difficulty in bringing them to more moderate sentiments. He
+complains in another letter, written to Du Maurier Feb. 6, 1632[174],
+that he found a want of courage in good men, and his misfortunes
+prevented them from speaking with freedom.
+
+Vossius explains his friend's reasons for coming to Holland in a letter
+of the thirteenth of February, 1632[175], to William Laud, Bishop of
+London. "Grotius is returned to his Country by the advice of several
+illustrious men, some of whom are in great place. He has done this
+without the knowledge of such as condemned him twelve years ago to
+perpetual imprisonment, and of those who in that time of trouble
+attained to the highest dignities by deposing such as were in power. All
+these, excepting a few, think it their interest that this great man,
+whose merit they know, should be buried in obscurity; and therefore
+spoke against him with great warmth in the Assembly of the States. He
+had several illustrious friends who stood up for him: the nobility,
+three cities, Rotterdam, of which he was Pensionary; Delft, where he was
+born; and Amsterdam, no less famous for her prudence than her riches.
+Leyden is much against him: because the first Burgomaster was one of his
+Judges: Harlem, for the like reason, is of the same sentiments. Of the
+other towns some take a middle course: most of them join Leyden;
+especially the smaller towns, in which the preachers have great
+authority. Hence it is uncertain how this affair will end: he has the
+flower of Holland for him; but it often happens with us that the
+Zealots, like the rigid Puritans, by their menaces and clamour bear down
+the honest party, who are more modest. If it should so happen I fear
+much that this great man, fatigued with these squabbles, will of himself
+quit his ungrateful Country: I am the more apprehensive of this as I
+know for certain that some Kings and several Princes are endeavouring to
+draw him to their courts by offers of great honours and a considerable
+salary. If he is destined to live out of his Country, I shall be jealous
+of any place he settles in if it be not Great-Britain, where, I foresee,
+he would be of much service to the king and kingdom." Laud, in his
+answer to this letter, owns[176] that he always looked on Grotius's
+recall as a thing not to be expected: as to the proposal of employing
+him in England, he tells him it was in vain to think of it in the
+present circumstances.
+
+Grotius seeing so much opposition, judged it most proper to seek his
+fortune elsewhere; and left Holland.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[169] Ep. 297. p. 847.
+
+[170] Ep. 301. p. 844.
+
+[171] Ep. 304. p. 844.
+
+[172] Ep. 305. p. 844.
+
+[173] Ep. Vossii 38. p. 142.
+
+[174] Ep. 289. p. 105.
+
+[175] Praest. Vir. Epist. 507. p. 766.
+
+[176] Praes. Vir. Ep. 508. p. 567.
+
+
+XIII. It was on the seventeenth of March 1632 that he set out from
+Amsterdam on his way to Hamburg; but did not take up his residence in
+that City till the end of the year: the fine season[177] he passed at an
+agreeable country-seat, called Okinhuse, near the Elbe, belonging to
+William Morth, a Dutchman.
+
+He had left many friends in France. William De Lusson, First President
+of the Court of Moneys, was one who adhered to him most steadily: and
+we find by Grotius' letter to him that he was very active to obtain the
+payment of his pension though absent: In a letter whose date is
+false[178], Grotius informs him[179], that while he lived he would never
+forget the King's goodness and the gracious reception with which that
+Prince honoured him: and promises to write to Boutillier, Superintendant
+of the finances, as soon as an occasion offered. It is probable this
+Minister had made him an offer of service; for in speaking of him
+Grotius says, "It is very agreeable to me to be approved by a man who in
+such a high station has not lost the taste for polite literature: I wish
+him and his family uninterrupted prosperity, and the art of enjoying
+it."
+
+His wife, who had been in Zealand, came to join him, and the pleasure of
+seeing her again was a consolation under all his troubles. He writes to
+Vossius, August 17, 1632[180], "Oppressed by the violence of my enemies,
+to which hand shall I turn me, and to whom shall I have recourse, but to
+her who has been the faithful companion of my good and bad fortune; and
+to you who have given me public marks of your attachment in my greatest
+calamities? I have not yet (he adds) come to a resolution in my own
+affair; but as far as I can see I shall have it in my power to chuse. It
+ought not to appear hard to me to live under a Master, when I see that
+after so many efforts for preserving your liberty you have little more
+than the name of it. I am resolved to expose myself to every thing
+rather than stoop to those who have treated me so unworthily after many
+years patience. I value not that man who lays aside all sentiments of
+generosity." He no doubt means the Prince of Orange, of whom he thought
+he had reason to complain.
+
+He was well pleased with the air of the place where he resided, and met
+with so many Dutchmen[181], that he did not look upon himself as a
+stranger. He wanted his books; but the learned Lindenbrogius gave him
+access to his library to use it as his own.
+
+When winter came on, he lodged at Hamburg with Van Sorgen, a Merchant,
+who had a regard for men of learning: he was brother to Nicholas Van
+Sorgen an eminent Advocate at the Hague.
+
+Notwithstanding the embarrassment of his affairs he tells the First
+President of the Court of Moneys, that he did not pretend to draw money
+from the King of France for the future. "I shall always," says he,
+"retain a most grateful sense of the King's liberality: but it is enough
+to have been chargeable to you when in France. I have never done you any
+service, though I made an offer of myself. But it would not be proper
+that I should now live like a hornet on the goods of other men. I shall
+never forget, however, the kindness of so great a King, and the good
+offices of so many friends."
+
+His wife was gone to Zealand, "to receive," says he, "the remains of our
+wreck, which I am uncertain into what port to carry." He wrote to
+Descordes, to whom he had already spoke his sentiments in several
+Letters, that he most humbly thanked the King for his inclination to
+honour him with his benefactions though absent, and that he was
+extremely sensible of the constant attention of his friends to serve
+him; but that he saw no just reason for accepting the King's favours
+since his departure from France. "I earnestly wish," he adds, "that my
+excuses may be well received: I have no less grateful sense of what is
+offered me than of what was given me: and shall most chearfully testify
+my gratitude for the favours received from a most excellent King as
+often as occasion offers. In the mean time I pray God to give him a long
+life and vigorous health, and to restore the tranquillity of the
+kingdom, if France be capable of so great a blessing."
+
+There might have been a prudential reason for his declining at this time
+to be a pensioner of France, namely, lest his connexion with that crown
+should hurt his projects of a settlement which were then on the carpet.
+This conjecture is strengthened by what he writes himself to the First
+President of the Court of Moneys, that the Ministers of some Princes
+having asked him whether he were attached to any Court, as was reported;
+he answered, that he would always remember with gratitude the favours
+shewn him in France, but that since he came away he was free and his own
+master: he adds, that several considerable settlements both with regard
+to honour and profit were offered him; "but, says he, I keep always in
+mind the maxim, to deliberate long before coming to a resolution. I hope
+however that my situation will permit me to see France again, and my
+dear friends, and to thank them personally; you, Messieurs de Thou,
+Descordes, Du Puis, Pelletier, whose names will remain engraven on my
+heart wherever fortune carries me." Lusson yielded to his reasons, and
+approved of his disinterestedness[182].
+
+He led a dull life at Hamburg. "I am extremely solitary here (he writes
+to his brother August 3, 1633[183]:) even the men of learning keep up no
+correspondence with one another. I might easily support this irksomeness
+if I had my books and papers: for I could employ myself in some work
+that would be useful to the public and no discredit to me: but at
+present without these I am a kind of prisoner."
+
+The disagreeableness of his situation and the uneasiness of his mind
+were increased by the death of his Landlord after fourteen days
+illness[184]. He was a Merchant of more knowledge and good sense than we
+commonly find in men of that profession. He left some young children, in
+whose education Grotius interested himself. Writing on this subject to
+Vossius, he tells him that his Landlord's two sons were at the Hague
+learning Grammar; that they were beginning to make Themes and Versions;
+that if what they had already learnt were not cultivated, they would
+soon forget it; and that the time which boys spent in their Studies at
+Hamburg was lost, the method of teaching being only fit to make
+blockheads. "Several, he adds, employ preceptors in the education of
+their children; which method answers not expectation. I never approved
+of it because I know that young people learn not but in company, and
+that study languishes where there is no emulation. I also dislike those
+schools when the master scarce knows the names of his scholars, and
+where their number is so great that he cannot give that attention to
+each, which his different genius and capacity may require. For this
+reason I would have a middle course followed: that a master should take
+but ten or twelve, to stay in the house together, and be in one form, by
+which means he would not be overburdened." He begs of him to inform
+himself whether there was not such a house in Amsterdam where he might
+place Van Sorgen's sons. Vossius joined with Grotius in his thoughts on
+education[185].
+
+The death of his Landlord obliging Grotius to remove, he went to lodge
+with a Dutchman called Ahasuerus Matthias[186], formerly Minister at
+Deventer, which he left on account of his adhering to Arminianism. The
+return of his wife from Zealand in Autumn 1633, who had always been his
+consolation in adversity, rendered his life more agreeable. [187]He
+mentions it to Descordes Nov. 13, 1633, and informs him that though
+several settlements were offered him, he had not yet determined which to
+embrace, but would soon come to a resolution. He passed his time in
+writing his Sophomphanaeus, or Tragedy of Joseph[188], which he finished
+whilst at Hamburg. It is probable that if he had had his Books and
+Papers he would have applied himself to something else at his age: but
+this kind of study was suitable enough to his present situation.
+
+Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden, a great statesman, and a man of
+learning, was then at Hamburg. Grotius made acquaintance with him, and
+saw him frequently. Polite Literature was the subject of their
+conversation. Salvius conceived a great esteem for Grotius, and the
+favourable report he made of him to the High Chancellor Oxenstiern
+determined the latter to invite Grotius[189] to come to him, that he
+might employ him in affairs of the greatest importance, as we shall see
+in the following book.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[177] Ep. Grotii 245. p. 107. Ep. inter Vossianas 216. p. 131.
+
+[178] This Letter is dated at Hamburgh Feb. 9, 1632. He was still in
+Holland in the month of February. See the Letters written to his
+brother, 308 and following, p. 845.
+
+[179] Ep. 291. p. 106.
+
+[180] Ep. 298. p. 108.
+
+[181] Ep. 299. p. 108, and 300. p. 108.
+
+[182] Ep. 319. p. 114.
+
+[183] Ep. 322. p. 848.
+
+[184] Ep. 327. p. 448
+
+[185] Ep. Grotii 330. p. 119
+
+[186] Ep. 336. p. 121
+
+[187] Ep. 331. p. 113.
+
+[188] Ep. 337. p. 122.
+
+[189] Ep. 345. p. 123.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK IV.
+
+
+When it was known in Europe that Grotius had no longer any connexion
+with the Court of France, the greatest Princes sought to draw to them a
+Man who to the most profound learning and knowledge of public Law joined
+the strictest probity.
+
+In 1629 he was invited into Poland, as we learn from a letter to
+Vossius, dated November 29 that year[190]. Three years after, December
+30, 1632, Ruarus wrote to Grotius from Dantzick, "You have a very great
+name at our Court, and the good odour of it has induced the King to
+order Savasi, who goes as his Ambassador to Holland and England, to
+advise with you. He has not done it, according to what the Secretary of
+the embassy tells me; and I am ignorant of his reason: but this I know,
+that many are labouring to bring you here with a pension from the King.
+I know not what will become of this affair; but I believe it would be
+pushed more briskly, if those who concern themselves in it were not
+persuaded that you would decline the proposal." Grotius[191] answered,
+that he would readily have waited on Savasi if he had sent him his
+compliments; and that he guessed what it was that hindered him. "When
+your King, he adds, shall be disposed to employ me, and I know in what
+business, I shall not be long in taking my resolution." In the beginning
+of the year[192] 1632 he was flattered with the hopes of being employed
+by England.
+
+Christiern IV. King of Denmark loaded him with civilities when he was at
+Hamburg; and Vossius, who was well informed of every thing that related
+to his friend's affairs, writes to Meric Casaubon, Oct. 25, 1633, that
+the King of Denmark offered Grotius a considerable pension if he would
+enter into his service. Henry Ernestus informed Vossius, that Grotius
+had seen that Prince at Gluckstad, and was extremely well received by
+him: this he had from Grotius himself. He concludes his letter with an
+invective against the Dutch, who were so void of common sense, as to
+refuse the services of so great a man.
+
+It is said that even the King of Spain[193] had thoughts of taking him
+into his service: but this Prince's court suited him ill for many
+reasons easy to be imagined; one of which was that his going to Spain
+would be matter of triumph to his enemies, who would represent it, with
+some degree of probability, as a proof of what they had formerly
+asserted, that Grotius was a private Pensioner of Spain.
+
+The Duke of Holstein and several other[194] Princes made him likewise
+advantageous proposals. It was reported that the famous Walstein
+intended to take him into his service. Ruarus[195] wrote about it to
+Grotius, and tells him he could scarce give credit to this news, from a
+persuasion that Grotius would not employ his pen in writing things of
+which no doubt he partly disapproved.
+
+His remaining so long without coming to a resolution proceeded, it is
+probable, from his unwillingness to attach himself to any Prince, till
+he despaired of a reconciliation with his Country; of which he was so
+desirous, that above two years and a half after he had been so
+shamefully driven out, he had still thoughts of it. March 8, 1634[196],
+he writes to his brother, "It is of great importance to me that my
+affair may be no longer protracted, and that I know speedily whether I
+can see my Country again, or must relinquish it for ever." A fortnight
+after he writes to him[197], "I expect your letters with impatience, to
+know what I have to hope for from my Countrymen. I have been too long
+under uncertainty, and I am afraid of losing in the mean time the
+opportunities which offer elsewhere. I would not however have any thing
+asked in my name directly or indirectly; but if they make any proposal
+of their own accord, I shall be glad to know it."
+
+He ought to have determined himself long before. Convinced at last that
+he must lay aside all thoughts of returning into Holland, he yielded to
+the pressing instances of the High Chancellor of Sweden, who wanted to
+employ him in affairs of importance. Grotius gave the preference more
+readily to this Minister, the greatest man perhaps of his age, because
+he followed Gustavus's plan, for whom Grotius had a singular veneration:
+in January, 1628[198], he speaks of him as a Prince whose greatness of
+soul and knowledge in civil and military matters placed him above every
+other. March 12, in the same year, he writes to his brother[199], that
+on every occasion he would do all in his power to serve such a virtuous
+Monarch. On the 28th of April following, he congratulates
+Camerarius[200], whose father was Ambassador from Sweden, on his serving
+a Prince who merited every commendation. "The whole universe will not
+furnish his equal in virtue[201]. Men of the greatest merit in this
+country think the brilliancy of this Prince's actions and virtues must
+strike even envy dumb. Happy are they who are under the protection of so
+great a King. He proves the possibility of what appeared incredible in
+the great men of antiquity: he is a witness who gives evidence in their
+favour: he will serve for a master to posterity; and the best lessons in
+the art of war will be taken from his history. He is no less eminent as
+a warrior, than as a statesman[202]; and in him is found all that makes
+a great King. He is the wisest Monarch now reigning, and knows how to
+improve every opportunity to the best advantage, not only when the
+injustice of his enemies obliges him to have recourse to arms, but also
+when he is allowed to enjoy the blessings of peace." The Letters, in
+which he expresses his profound esteem for the Great Gustavus, were all
+written before the month of June, 1630, whilst he resided at Paris and
+had no thought of entering into the Swedish service.
+
+Gustavus had sent to Paris Benedict Oxenstiern, a relation of the High
+Chancellor, to bring to a final conclusion the treaty between France and
+Sweden. This Minister made acquaintance with Grotius, and in a short
+time conceived such a high esteem for him, that he resolved to employ
+his credit to draw him to his Master's court. A report of this spread in
+Holland; and William Grotius wrote about it to his brother, who made
+answer, Feb. 6, 1632, That these reports were without foundation; that,
+besides, he had an aversion to following an army. It was said that King
+Gustavus intended to employ him at the Court of France; and he answered
+his brother on this subject, Feb. 18, 1632, That if this Monarch would
+nominate him his Ambassador, with a proper salary for the decent support
+of that dignity, the proposal would merit his regard.
+
+This Prince, who was certainly the greatest Captain of his age, had at
+the same time an affection for men of learning. The reading of the
+treatise _Of the Rights of War and Peace_ gave him the highest opinion
+of its author, whom he regarded as an original genius[203]; and he was
+persuaded that one who wrote so well on the Law of Nations must be an
+able Statesman. He resolved to gain him, and to employ him in some
+embassy. The High Chancellor of Sweden, who was of the same opinion with
+his Master, was Grotius's patron at Court.
+
+Gustavus, who looked upon Grotius as the first man of his age, was on
+the point of shewing all Europe how much he esteemed him, when he was
+unhappily slain, on the 6th of November, 1632[204], in a famous battle
+against the Imperialists, in which the Swedes gained a signal victory.
+Some time before, this great Prince[205], as if he had had a foreboding
+of his end being near, gave orders for several things to be done in case
+of his death; among others that Grotius should be employed in the
+Swedish Ministry. The High Chancellor Oxenstiern, who governed the
+kingdom during the minority of Queen Christina, the daughter of Gustavus
+Adolphus, thought it his duty and honour to conform to his Master's
+intentions: he therefore pressed Grotius to come to him, promising him
+an employment suited to his merit[206]. Grotius did not yield
+immediately, not only because he had still hopes of being recalled to
+Holland, but also because he was persuaded that one ought to deliberate
+long before taking a resolution which cannot be altered. It may not be
+improper to observe that the book _Of the Rights of War and Peace_ was
+found in King Gustavus's tent after his death. Grotius also gives us an
+anecdote concerning his entering into the Swedish service which deserves
+to be mentioned, namely, that it was Marshal Bannier's brother, who gave
+him the first hint of preferring Sweden to the other States, by whom he
+was solicited.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[190] Ep. 250. p. 85.
+
+[191] Ep. 336.
+
+[192] Ep. 309. p. 845.
+
+[193] Henry Dupuis. Grotii manes, p. 299. Niceron.
+
+[194] Ep. Vossii, 257. p. 150.
+
+[195] Ruari Ep. 36. p. 186.
+
+[196] Ep. 326. p. 849.
+
+[197] Ep. 326. p. 849.
+
+[198] Ep. 163. p. 801.
+
+[199] Ep. 170. p. 805.
+
+[200] Ep. 173. p. 805.
+
+[201] Ep. 184. p. 809. 212. p. 819.
+
+[202] Ep. 215. p. 820. ep. 229. p. 824. & ep. 242. p. 829.
+
+[203] Prefacio Man. Grotii Vir. Grot. p. 300.
+
+[204] At Lutsen.
+
+[205] Ep. Grotii, 87. p. 384.
+
+[206] Ep. 344. p. 123. & 346. p. 124.
+
+
+II. Grotius, on the invitation of the High Chancellor of Sweden, set out
+for Franckfort on the Main where that Minister was. He had no notion
+what they purposed to do with him; but he was quite easy with regard to
+his settlement, being persuaded that a Minister of Oxenstiern's prudence
+and credit would not engage him to take a wrong step: his only anxiety
+was, lest the High Chancellor, whom he looked on as the greatest man of
+his age[207], and fit to be compared with the most famous in antiquity,
+should entertain too high an idea of his merit, from the advantageous
+testimonies given of it, and lest he should be unable to answer the
+hopes that Minister had conceived of him.
+
+He arrived at Franckfort in May, 1634[208], and was received with the
+greatest politeness by the High Chancellor, who did not however explain
+his intentions: Grotius wrote to his brother, July 13, 1634, that the
+Chancellor proceeded with great slowness in his affair; but that every
+body assured him he was a man of his word: "If so, he adds, all will go
+well." He wrote for his wife, and she arrived at Franckfort, with his
+daughters and son Cornelius, in the beginning of August. The Chancellor
+continued to heap civilities[209] on him without mentioning a word of
+business: but ordered him to follow him to Mentz; and at length[210]
+declared him Counsellor to the Queen of Sweden and her Ambassador at the
+Court of France.
+
+The authority of Oxenstiern was so great that this kind of nomination
+needed not the Queen's confirmation: it was not till almost two years
+after[211] that Christina ratified by her letters Grotius's embassy.
+Before their arrival he enjoyed the same honours and prerogatives as if
+the Queen herself had nominated him.
+
+As soon as he could depend upon an establishment, he purposed to make it
+known by some public act that he considered himself no longer as a
+Dutchman. On the 13th of July, 1634[212], he sent his brother letters
+for the Prince of Orange and the Dutch: but desired him to read them
+first himself, and advise with the Counsellor Reigersberg and Beaumont
+about them. "I have ceased, says he in another place[213], to be a
+Dutchman since I entered into the service of Sweden; which I have
+sufficiently intimated to the States of Holland. I have written to them,
+but not as their subject. Thus the Spaniards used to act in such cases,
+as Mariana informs us in several places of his History of Spain. When I
+bad adieu to the United Provinces (he writes again[214]) I signified to
+them that I was a member of another nation; that I should give myself
+little trouble about what might be said or thought of it; and that I
+reckoned never to see the Country again." We may judge by these
+expressions that his patience was at length worn out.
+
+He wrote to the City of Rotterdam, which had deferred nominating a
+Pensionary since the sentence passed against Grotius, that they might
+now chuse one, since they ought no longer to look on him as a Dutchman.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[207] Ep. 349. p. 125. & ep. 346. p. 124.
+
+[208] Ep. 330. p. 849.
+
+[209] Ep. 352. p. 127.
+
+[210] Ep. 337. p. 851.
+
+[211] Ep. 577. p. 227.
+
+[212] Ep. 330. p. 849.
+
+[213] Ep. 572. p. 958.
+
+[214] Ep. 719. p. 970.
+
+
+III. At the time that Grotius entered into the service of Sweden, the
+affairs of that Crown were in a very bad situation. The death of the
+Great Gustavus had made a strange change in them. He left at his death a
+young Princess under age, whose right was even disputed. Ladislaus IV.
+elected King of Poland on the death of his father Sigismond, set up a
+claim to the Swedish crown, and had a party in the kingdom capable of
+forming a dangerous faction. Sweden was unable singly to support the war
+in Germany; and saw the allies, whom she had hitherto kept on her side
+by her authority and the eclat of her victories, ready to fall off: the
+weaker, in consternation at the death of their leader, wished for peace;
+the more powerful, such as the Dukes of Pomerania, the Elector of
+Brandenbourg, the Dukes of Meklenbourg, and some others, jealous of the
+authority usurped by the Swedes in Germany, would acknowledge them only
+as allies, and not as the head of the Protestant party. The Duke of
+Brunswick was already levying men in his own name, and intended to form
+a separate party composed of the Circle of Lower Saxony. The Elector of
+Saxony carried his views still farther. He wanted to have the supreme
+direction of affairs; and, if thwarted, there was reason to apprehend he
+would soon relinquish the common cause. In this perilous situation the
+Swedes, hardening themselves against danger, trusted to their courage
+and address: and after nominating regents to govern the kingdom during
+Queen Christina's minority, they committed the care of Sweden's
+interests in Germany to Baron Oxenstiern the High Chancellor with an
+almost absolute power.
+
+That great man supported this important charge in the most difficult
+times with a firmness, address, and capacity, which justly made him be
+looked upon as one of the ablest Ministers of Europe. He inspired those
+who were wavering through fear with new Courage; brought back those who
+on private views had detached themselves from the common cause; broke
+the measures of the Duke of Brunswick; suspended the effects of the
+Elector of Saxony's jealousy, and made all the allies sensible that they
+could only find their true interest, their security, and safety, in
+their union. By this means the bands which knit them together were
+strengthened, and Sweden preserved the principal direction of affairs,
+and almost as much authority as she had in the time of Gustavus. The
+Swedes had lately lost the famous battle of Norlingen in September; and
+Marshal Horne their General was made prisoner. This disaster was
+followed by the peace of Prague, in which the Emperor Ferdinand II.
+engaged the Electors of Saxony and Brandenbourg to unite against the
+Swedes; and it would have been all over with them in Germany, had not a
+power which hitherto faintly seconded them, brought them powerful
+assistance. Lewis XIII. by the advice of his Prime Minister, sent
+Cardinal De la Vallette at the head of an army into Germany; and
+concluded a treaty with the Duke of Weimar, engaging to pay him a
+subsidy of one million five hundred thousand Livres, and the sum of four
+millions yearly for maintaining an army of eighteen thousand men, which
+the Duke obliged himself to furnish, and command under the direction of
+France.
+
+Such is the exact portrait which Father Bougeant gives of the state of
+Germany. Let us hear what a cotemporary author says of it[215]. "Fortune
+smiled on the Imperialists on every side. There was nothing but conquest
+and victories and a happy change of affairs: for in less than a month
+the Swedes, who were become so powerful and formidable, were defeated,
+and entirely dispersed in one battle, and an unheard-of victory gained
+most gloriously with inconsiderable loss on the side of the
+Imperialists. Bavaria was entirely delivered; the Swedes driven out of
+Swabia, the dutchy of Wirtemberg conquered; and almost all Franconia:
+the rivers Ocin and Iser remained free; the Lek, the Danube, the Necker,
+and almost all the Main cleared, with the loss of so many towns and
+provinces in such a short time, almost deprived the Swedes of a
+retreat; Ulm and Nuremberg refusing them admittance, whereas formerly
+they were welcome, and masters every where."
+
+These descriptions agree with that given by Grotius. Sept. 20, 1634, he
+writes to Du Maurier[216], "Had I come sooner to the High Chancellor, I
+should have found the times more favourable; but as his great courage is
+most conspicuous in adverse circumstances, it is proper we should
+conform to the example of so great a leader. France is at present the
+sole resource of Germany in her affliction: since the loss of Ratisbon
+and Donavert, and the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the towns are
+all frightened, and it is a great happiness that the conquerors have not
+approached Franckfort: they have divided their army; the King of Hungary
+has led one into Bohemia, and his brother is marched with the other
+towards the United Provinces. France alone is able to restore our
+affairs." The Swedes, in the consternation occasioned by the defeat at
+Norlinguen, were threatened with seeing Franckfort, Mentz, Augsburg,
+Nuremberg, and Ulm fall into the hands of the Imperialists; but by good
+luck they did not take the advantage of their victory. Grotius assures
+us the Swedes were obliged to the King of France for it, who kept the
+projects of the enemy suspended by the apprehension of his declaring
+war. Such was the situation of affairs when Grotius received orders to
+repair to the French Court. It was the most important commission with
+which a Minister could be charged, since the principal resource of the
+Swedes and their allies was in the protection of France; and
+Oxenstiern's nominating Grotius to be the Ambassador who was to
+strengthen the union between Sweden and France is a demonstration of
+that great man's particular esteem for him.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[215] Mercure Francois, an. 1634, p. 621.
+
+[216] Ep. 354, p. 127 et 355. p. 128.
+
+
+IV. In the beginning of the year 1635 Grotius set out from Mentz on his
+embassy to France. He was obliged to go a great way about, to avoid
+being surprised by the enemies parties. Beginning his journey in very
+rainy weather, succeeded by a hard frost, he arrived at Metz much later
+than he expected, and indisposed with a cholic occasioned by the great
+cold; which obliged him to continue there some time till he recovered.
+It was five days before he could write to the High Chancellor. January
+30, as soon as his pain abated, he wrote to him that he hoped to be able
+to continue his journey in two or three days, and that the vexation of
+his mind at being hindered from getting so soon as he wished to the
+place of his destination, was greater than the indisposition of his
+body. He was extremely well received by the Commandants of Haguenau and
+Saverne. At the former of those towns he met some waggons going to the
+army with a million of money, which it was said would soon be followed
+by other two.
+
+He left Metz February 2[217], and was at Meaux the 7th, from whence he
+went to St. Denis. On the 14th he wrote to the High Chancellor, that by
+the advice of his friends he had given the introductors of Ambassadors
+notice of his arrival, that they might pay him the usual honours; and
+that he would write to the Queen of Sweden as soon as he had his
+audience of the King[218]. Francis de Thou, hearing of his arrival, came
+immediately to visit him.
+
+Grotius was suffered to remain long at St. Denis: February 12, he wrote
+to Oxenstiern[219] that Count Brulon, introductor of Ambassadors, had
+been with him to acquaint him that the troubles of the Court had
+hitherto prevented the appointing a day for his entry. In fact, the Duke
+de Puy-Laurens, and some other Lords, accused of giving bad counsels to
+Gaston of France Duke of Orleans, had been just arrested.
+
+But Grotius suspected that his entry was deferred for other reasons;
+that they waited for the answers of La Grange and Feuquieres, employed
+by the Court of France in Germany, to know whether the High Chancellor
+would conform to the intentions of the French Ministry, and in
+consequence to proportion the honours to be paid Sweden's Ambassador to
+Oxenstiern's compliance. Count Brulon assured Grotius that in two or
+three days every obstruction to his entry would be removed, and in the
+mean time gave him an invitation to see _incognito_ the ballets and
+entertainments that were to be given the Sunday following, in the King's
+apartments: which the Ambassador thought fit to decline. February
+23[220] Count Brulon came to make Grotius another visit, and asked, who
+sent him into France? Grotius answered, that he was the Queen of
+Sweden's Ambassador, and was nominated to that employment by the High
+Chancellor of Sweden, by virtue of the powers given to his Excellency.
+Brulon said, that the King of Spain had formerly empowered the Duke of
+Mentz to nominate Ambassadors; but they were never regarded as such.
+Grotius replied, that was owing to the war, and a dislike to the duke of
+Mentz; that when the truce between Spain and the United Provinces was
+treating at the Hague, the Ambassadors sent thither by the Arch-Dukes
+were received by the French and English Ministers as Ambassadors of the
+King of Spain; and that if during the late war in Italy Cardinal
+Richelieu, who had very extensive powers, had nominated Ambassadors,
+they would have been every where received in the same manner as those
+sent by the King; that the High Chancellor's powers could not be
+disputed; that they were given him by the whole kingdom; that the King
+of France had already treated as Ambassadors Ministers nominated by his
+Excellency; and that the Ambassadors of the King of France, in the
+treaty which they made with Oxenstiern, acknowledged this power. Brulon
+declared, that the difficulty did not proceed from any aversion to
+Grotius, whom the King highly esteemed. He repeated this so often, that
+the Swedish Ambassador imagined they wanted to make him quit the service
+of Sweden, and enter into that of France. The Count promised to return
+in three or four days: he did not keep his word; he sent however to
+acquaint Grotius that the Wednesday following, which was the last of
+February, every thing would be ready for his entry; but that he must
+first receive the King's commands who was at Chantilly.
+
+Du Maurier, Son of the Ambassador to Holland, an intimate friend of
+Grotius, pretends, in his _Memoirs_, that the Swedish Ambassador was
+suffered to remain so long at St. Denis because Cardinal Richelieu, who
+had a dislike to him, was vexed to see him nominated Ambassador to
+France; that he wrote to Oxenstiern, asking him to appoint some other,
+and that the High Chancellor paying no regard to the Cardinal's whim, he
+was obliged to acknowledge Grotius's quality. The Letters of Grotius
+rather contradict than confirm this anecdote, though Du Maurier assures
+us Grotius was fully informed of this secret negotiation.
+
+Grotius made his public entry into Paris on Friday the 2d of March,
+1635. The Marshals D'Estres and St. Luc were nominated to attend him;
+but, the latter falling ill, Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors,
+supplied his place. They came in the King and Queen's coaches to take
+him up. The coaches of the Venetian, Swiss, and Mantuan Ministers were
+at this entry, together with those of the German powers allied to
+Sweden. The Princes of the Blood did not send their coaches because they
+were not at Paris; Gaston Duke of Orleans was at Angers; the Prince of
+Conde had a cause depending at Rouen; and the Count De Soissons was at
+Senlis with the Court.
+
+Pau, Ambassador from Holland, greatly chagrined to see Grotius in such
+an honourable place, was much embarrassed[221] in what manner to behave:
+he wrote about it to the States-General, and in the mean time sent to
+make him his compliments. The States-General answered, that they
+intended their Ambassadors should shew the same regard to Grotius as to
+the Ambassadors of powers in friendship with them. Pau, not satisfied
+with this, wrote to the particular States of Holland. Grotius was
+informed of it, and seemed little concerned, because, he said, they knew
+little, were very inconstant, and took their resolutions on slight
+grounds.
+
+May 5, the Count de Nancei, Master of the Wardrobe, came to compliment
+him on the part of the King. He told him that his nomination to the
+French Embassy was most agreeable to his Majesty[222], who wished he
+might long continue in that post. Count Brulon assured him that he had
+orders to present his lady to the Queen, who remained at Paris, whenever
+she pleased: but Grotius thought this ought to be deferred till he had
+seen the King.
+
+Grotius was carried to Court at Senlis on the sixth of March, by the
+Duke De Mercoeur, whom he calls the most learned of all the
+Princes[223]: on the death of his father he became Duke of Vendome, and
+in the end a Cardinal. The new Ambassador was extremely satisfied with
+his reception: the King's guards were under arms[224]: Lewis XIII. spoke
+much to him, and with so great goodness, that he conjectured from it he
+should bring the affairs with which he was entrusted to the desired
+conclusion. His Majesty gave him to understand by his gracious manner,
+and by his[225] talk, that they could not have sent into France a
+Minister so agreeable to him. He made him be covered in his presence,
+and repeated his civilities on Grotius's presenting to him his son
+Cornelius.
+
+March 8, Grotius sent Queen Christina news of his entry and his audience
+of the King: Next day he wrote to Salmasius: after acquainting him with
+the agreeable revolution in his affairs, he adds, that the first
+formalities of his embassy being over, he hoped to have leisure to
+resume his studies. Salmasius had at that time the greatest esteem for
+Grotius, and on hearing of his being nominated Ambassador to France,
+took occasion to say that Grotius's friends were only sorry the affairs
+of Sweden were not in such a good situation, as might render the embassy
+of so great a man as agreeable as could be desired.
+
+After having an audience of the King, Grotius made his visits to
+Mademoiselle[226], the Prince of Conde, the Count of Soissons, the
+Countess of Soissons the Count's mother, and to his lady the Princess of
+Conde. The Prince[227] received him with the greatest politeness, spoke
+to him of their old acquaintance, and next day returned his visit.
+Cardinal Richelieu, before he would see him, wanted to know his
+instructions relating to the treaty lately concluded between France and
+several German Princes, with which the Swedes were dissatisfied. He went
+to his Abbey of Royaumont till Grotius should see Boutillier,
+Superintendant of the Finances, with whom he was to discuss the late
+treaty; and as things passed at this conference the Cardinal was to talk
+to the Swedish Ambassador.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[217] Ep. 360. p. 130 & 361. p. 610.
+
+[218] Ep. 362. p. 130.
+
+[219] Ep. 363. p. 131.
+
+[220] Ep. 364. p. 132.
+
+[221] Ep. 374. p. 137.
+
+[222] Ep. 374. p. 137.
+
+[223] Ep. 339. p. 851.
+
+[224] Ep. 367. p. 134.
+
+[225] Ep. 388. p. 142.
+
+[226] Ep. 370. p. 135.
+
+[227] Ep. 339. p. 851.
+
+
+V. The subject of the dispute between France and Sweden was this: after
+the unfortunate battle of Norlinguen, the Swedes and their allies being
+reduced to the last extremity, judged the support of France must be
+their principal resource. They made no doubt that such an able
+statesman as Cardinal Richelieu would seize every opportunity to abase,
+or at least embarrass the house of Austria, the eternal rival of France.
+James Laefler and Philip Strect were sent in 1634, by the Protestant
+Princes and States of the Circles and Electoral Provinces of Franconia,
+Suabia, and the Rhine, to solicit succours from the King of France, and
+prevail with him to declare war against the Emperor. They proposed that
+the King should send an army to the Rhine, and advance a large sum of
+money to enable the allies to recruit their army, which was almost
+wholly destroyed. They treated with the Cardinal de Richelieu, who
+endeavoured to avail himself of the situation of affairs and their
+necessities, to make the most advantageous treaty he could for France.
+He offered only five hundred thousand Livres, six thousand foot in six
+weeks, and twelve thousand when they had put France in possession of
+Benfield: but their powers did not extend to the cession of that place.
+However they promised it without making any condition; and had not the
+precaution to stipulate that France should furnish every year the same
+subsidies which she engaged to give King Gustavus by a treaty which was
+renewed at Hailbron. The Cardinal gave them hopes that France would
+declare war against the Emperor; that after the declaration the King
+would keep twelve thousand men in Germany, and a strong army on the
+Rhine; advance immediately five hundred thousand Francs to be divided
+among the army or the allies; nominate a Prince to command the army of
+twelve thousand men, with a lieutenant under him as his collegue; and
+have one to assist in his Majesty's name at the Councils of war.
+
+After signing the treaty Laefler and Strect returned to Germany in
+December 1634.
+
+When a motion was made in the assembly of the Allies at Worms to ratify
+this Treaty, the High Chancellor of Sweden opposed it. He maintained
+that it was obscure and ambiguous, and discordant with the private
+treaty made with Sweden. This Minister was chiefly chagrined at Sweden's
+losing the principal direction of affairs in Germany by the nomination
+of a German Prince to be Generalissimo of the allied army. He declared
+that he thought himself obliged to propose his difficulties to the Queen
+of Sweden: and besides would send an embassy to Paris on the subject.
+This then was the business which Grotius had to manage at the Court of
+France. The Commission was the more delicate as Cardinal Richelieu, a
+positive man, absolutely required that the treaty made with the Envoys
+of the German Princes should have its full effect.
+
+It was to confer on this affair that Grotius made a visit to Boutillier,
+Superintendant of the Finances. The Swedish Ambassador represented, that
+the Treaty ought not to be in force till Sweden's ratification of it,
+which could not be expected, as it made void the Treaty of Hailbron.
+This was not what the Cardinal wanted: he commissioned Father Joseph to
+employ all his address to bring Grotius into his measures. The Capuchin
+was the Cardinal's confident, and it was then thought that he was
+destined to succeed him in the Ministry in case of the Cardinal's death.
+March 14, the Superintendant sent to acquaint Grotius that he purposed
+to make him a visit with Father Joseph; but as the Father was taken ill
+he asked him to go with him to the Convent of the Capuchins; that he
+ought to have no reluctance to this, since the Cardinal himself had
+lately visited Father Joseph there when he was ill. Grotius went to the
+convent, and was conducted from thence to the Garden of the Thuilleries,
+where he found Boutillier and Father Joseph. After the usual
+compliments, the Capuchin shewed that the late treaty at Paris was made
+in consequence of a full power given the Ministers of the German
+Princes, and concluded and signed without any stipulation concerning
+the necessity of ratifying it. Grotius replied, that the High Chancellor
+himself had said the contrary; that the towns who approved of the treaty
+owned the necessity of its being ratified; that a ratification was so
+necessary to give a treaty the force of a law, that that which was
+concluded at Ratisbon, in 1630, by Father Joseph himself, had not its
+full execution because the King did not think proper to ratify it; that
+the Swedes only asked what was just, and would consent that some
+addition should be made to the treaty of Hailbron, if that were proper.
+Grotius was asked, which article of the late treaty Sweden complained
+of? he first mentioned that of the Subsidies, the disposition of which
+was left to the four circles of Germany, though it was on the express
+condition of receiving them that Sweden had engaged in the war: he
+added, that it was unjust to take Benfield from the Swedes without
+giving them an equivalent, since the Germans had given them that place
+as a pledge. The two French Ministers, unable to make Grotius approve of
+the treaty of Paris, had recourse to menaces and caresses: they imagined
+that his instructions bore that he might ratify it provided it was not
+till the last extremity. Grotius saw through their design, and told them
+they deceived themselves. They said, they would write to Sweden to
+complain of the High Chancellor; that the King would no longer treat
+with Grotius as Ambassador; that orders would be sent to the Marquis de
+Feuquieres to complain to Oxenstiern himself of his contempt of a signed
+treaty, and want of due regard to the King. Grotius answered, that the
+Marquis de Feuquieres had already made representations to the High
+Chancellor, without effect, on this subject; that if France would not
+have him for Ambassador, he would be employed elsewhere; that it would
+be in vain to write to Sweden because Oxenstiern's reasons for not
+ratifying the treaty of Paris would certainly be approved there. They
+cooled a little; and gave him to understand, that an alteration might
+be made in some of the articles, and that the King would consent that
+the Swedes should not be excluded from the chief command, though the
+treaty imported that a Prince should be General. Grotius shewed that
+there were many other articles, which occasioned great difficulty both
+by their ambiguity and their opposition to the interests of Sweden. The
+two Ministers put themselves into a passion, and concluded with
+complaining that they would inform the King and the Cardinal that they
+could settle nothing with Grotius, and that the Swedes made a jest of
+treaties. Father Joseph retiring, the conversation became milder with
+the Superintendant: Grotius shewed that it was the promise of assistance
+from France, which engaged Sweden in such a burthensome war; that the
+High Chancellor had done essential services to the common cause; that if
+the King should drop his alliance with the Swedes, they should be
+obliged to take care of themselves; that France might give subsidies to
+the Germans, but it was just that those promised to Sweden should be
+exactly paid. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this conference in
+a letter of the 15th of March, 1635.
+
+Cardinal Richelieu[228], to induce the Swedes to conform more to his
+measures, spread a report, and even said himself often, that he was in
+treaty with the Emperor, and the accommodation on the point of being
+concluded: but Grotius, who knew the Cardinal's character, was not duped
+by it; and wrote to the High Chancellor that it was only a stratagem of
+that Minister, and the report ought to make no change in Sweden's
+conduct.
+
+On the 28th of March the Cardinal sending to acquaint Grotius[229] that
+he wanted to confer with him, he immediately waited on his Eminence:
+which shews the inaccuracy of Du Maurier, who assures us that Grotius
+never saw Cardinal Richelieu whilst he was Minister from Sweden in
+France, because his Eminence gave not the precedence to Ambassadors.
+
+He complimented the Cardinal (with whom he found Father Joseph) in the
+name of the Queen, the Regents of Sweden, and the High Chancellor, and
+delivered to him his Letters of Credence. The treaty of Paris was soon
+brought on the carpet: the Cardinal pretended that it ought to be
+executed without any restriction; he said the King, by assisting the
+Germans with men and money, sufficiently favoured the Swedes; adding,
+that Sweden did not apply the subsidies granted by France to the uses
+agreed on. Grotius made answer, that Laefler and Strect could not make a
+treaty contrary to the interests of Sweden. Father Joseph added that the
+King was informed that it was he (Grotius) who advised the High
+Chancellor not to ratify the treaty of Paris, giving him hopes that he
+through his friends would obtain one more advantageous. Grotius assured
+him it was a falshood; and that what had been said of the misapplication
+of the Subsidies was a gross calumny. The Cardinal interposing said that
+he perceived Father Joseph and the Swedish Ambassador were not in good
+understanding, and he would endeavour to reconcile them. Grotius sounded
+high the wealth of France, as being more than sufficient to assist the
+Germans without abandoning the Swedes, who had entered into the war
+solely at her felicitation and on her promise of succours. The Cardinal,
+without explaining himself what sum would be given, hinted that Sweden
+must not expect for the future a Subsidy of a million. Father Joseph
+pretended, that he knew from good hands the High Chancellor only wanted
+that article changed which excluded the Swedes from the command in
+chief, and that regard should be had to their interests in concluding a
+peace. The Cardinal said the King would consent to this alteration; but
+that he was surprised the High Chancellor, after giving so many
+assurances of his satisfaction, should make new demands. Grotius still
+insisted that it was but just to adhere to the treaty of Hailbron, and
+that Sweden, which kept up armies and fleets, had a better claim to the
+King's liberality, than several other Princes to whom the King
+generously gave subsidies.
+
+The Cardinal receiving notice that a Courier was just arrived with
+Letters from the High Chancellor, ordered him to be brought in. He
+presented Oxenstiern's Letters to the Cardinal, who, on reading them,
+was much surprised to find the High Chancellor desirous of coming into
+France to settle all difficulties in a conference. This journey was not
+at all agreeable to the Cardinal: however, as it would have been
+indecent and improper to oppose it, he answered that he would write
+about it to the King, and he did not doubt but his Majesty would consent
+to it; that it would give him the greatest pleasure to see Oxenstiern,
+but if his errand was to set aside the treaty of Paris, he foresaw the
+interview would do more harm than good; and that he would dispatch La
+Grange to the High Chancellor to compliment him, and assure him he must
+not think of concluding a treaty contrary to what had been agreed on
+with Laefler and Strect.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[228] Ep. 375. p 137.
+
+[229] Ep. 380. p. 139.
+
+
+VI. The King being informed that Oxenstiern, to serve the common cause,
+wanted to come to France, consented to it, and gave orders for his being
+received with great magnificence: the Hotel for Ambassadors
+Extraordinary at Paris was fitted up for him[230]. All business was
+suspended till his arrival[231]: and the King went to Compeigne to be
+nearer Flanders and Germany. The High Chancellor came thither. Grotius
+had purposed to go to meet him as soon as he heard of his being on the
+way; but Oxenstiern not giving him notice what rout he would take, nor
+whether he would come directly to Paris, or alight at Compeigne, Grotius
+remained in suspense till April 21, that a Courier[232] from the High
+Chancellor brought him word that he had taken the road through the Three
+Bishoprics and Champagne, and desired him to come to him. Grotius set
+out immediately; and met him at Soissons, from whence they came to
+Compeigne. The High Chancellor had two hundred men in his retinue. The
+Count de Soissons was at first nominated to go to meet that
+Minister[233]; it was however the Count D'Alais, Son of the Duke
+D'Angouleme, who went with Count Brulon in the King's coach. They
+proceeded the distance of three leagues, and on their coming up the High
+Chancellor stept with them into his Majesty's coach. He was conducted to
+the Hotel prepared for him, and splendidly entertained at the King's
+expence. On the 26th of April, 1635, he came to Compeigne; and next day
+had an audience of the King, who received him very graciously, and
+expressed a high esteem for him. The visit lasted half an hour: the
+Scots Colonels Hepburn and Leslie were present; and Grotius served as
+Interpreter. He afterwards visited the Queen, and also Cardinal
+Richelieu, who took the right hand of him; he offered it indeed to
+Oxenstiern; but he in civility refused it. They were together at this
+visit three hours, but said not a word of business; nothing passed but
+compliments and mirth, says the _Mercure Francois_. Both spoke in Latin.
+Two days after, that is to say, on the 29th, the Cardinal returned the
+High Chancellor's visit: his Eminence was booted as if he were returning
+from the country, that this visit, says Puffendorf, might not be looked
+upon as a debt. They conversed long together about business. Oxenstiern,
+like an able Politician, made no mention of the treaty of Paris, nor of
+that of Hailbron: he foresaw that it would draw on discussions which
+might breed ill blood, and hurt the common cause: he only talked of a
+treaty with Sweden. There was some alteration made in the old one; and
+it was agreed that no peace or truce should be concluded with the
+Austrians without the consent of the two Crowns. The same day, according
+to the _Mercure Francois_, or on the 30th of April, according to
+Puffendorf, the High Chancellor had his audience of leave of the King:
+his Majesty took a diamond ring from his finger, valued at that time at
+ten or twelve thousand crowns, which he gave him, together with a box
+set with diamonds, in which was his Majesty's picture. All the time he
+was at Compeigne, he was served by the officers of the King's kitchen
+with so much splendor and magnificence, that he complained to Grotius of
+the too great expence they were at on his account. He set out from
+Compeigne on Monday the 30th of April for Paris. He wanted to be there
+_incognito_; and lodged with Grotius[234]; but as soon as his arrival
+took air, the crowd to see him was so great that they could scarce keep
+them from forcing into Grotius's house. Had he been one descended from
+heaven they could not have shewn more eagerness. He staid only two or
+three days at Paris, during which he went to see the Church of Notre
+Dame, the Louvre, the Palace of Luxembourg, and some of the fine Seats
+near the City. He was so well satisfied with the manner in which Grotius
+received him, that he made a considerable present to his lady. She would
+have refused it, if she could have done it with a good grace. Grotius,
+in returning his humble thanks for it to the High Chancellor, told him
+that he owed all he had to his goodness, and that if he could have done
+more, he would have thought himself sufficiently recompensed by the
+honour of lodging so great a man. Oxenstiern went from Paris to embark
+at Dieppe; and Grotius accompanied him a part of the way[235]. As soon
+as the High Chancellor arrived at Dieppe, he wrote Grotius a very
+obliging letter[236]. The Court had prepared vessels at Dieppe, on
+board which Oxenstiern embarked for Holland, from whence he proceeded to
+Lower Saxony.
+
+This treaty occasioned a difference between the Duke of Weymar and the
+High Chancellor[237]. The Marquis de Feuquieres insinuated to that
+Prince, that Oxenstiern, in treating with France, had shewn no regard to
+the interests of Germany. The fact was most false; for Grotius was a
+witness that the High Chancellor had recommended the affairs of Germany
+to the King with great warmth: it was agreed that neither peace nor
+truce should be concluded but in concert with the Allies; and he had
+ordered Grotius to solicit their affairs, who had in consequence pressed
+the sending the promised succours. It was not probable that Feuquieres
+should of himself venture to talk in this manner, which was enough to
+ruin him: there was therefore reason to suspect that he did it by
+private orders from the Cardinal, that the Duke of Weymar, distrusting
+the Chancellor, might place his confidence in his Eminence. It is
+certain, that notwithstanding what was agreed on at Compeigne, the
+Cardinal had the treaty with Laefler and Strect still much at heart; and
+Avaugour[238], the French Minister at Stockholm, was ordered to demand
+its ratification. But he was answered, that those Ministers were not
+sent by Sweden, and exceeded their powers, and that the affair was
+referred to Oxenstiern. After such a formal denial, Avaugour was forced
+to confine his demands to the ratification of the treaty of Compeigne.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[230] Ep. 383. p. 140.
+
+[231] Ep. 390. p. 142. & ep. 391. p. 143.
+
+[232] Ep. 393. p. 143 & ep. 396 p. 144.
+
+[233] Ep. 387. p. 141.
+
+[234] Ep. 400. p. 146.
+
+[235] Ep. 344. p. 853.
+
+[236] Ep. 408. p. 1, 8.
+
+[237] Ep. 432. p. 159.
+
+[238] Puffendorf, l. 8. n. 4.
+
+
+VII. Grotius was not only fatigued and embarrassed with State affairs;
+the reformed Ministers gave him uneasiness at a time when he imagined
+they had room to be satisfied with him.
+
+He was at a loss[239] at first how to act with regard to the celebration
+of divine service. March 30, 1635, he wrote to his brother: "You have
+reason to ask how I must act in the affair of religion; it greatly
+embarrasses me. It would be an odious thing, and might displease the
+High Chancellor, to introduce, by my own authority, a new reformed
+Church: besides, those, to whom I might apply for a Minister, are of
+different sentiments from me. What you propose, that I should hear the
+Ministers of Charenton, since they receive the Lutherans into their
+communion, is not amiss."
+
+We have seen that Grotius, on his arrival at Paris after his escape from
+Louvestein, had room to be dissatisfied with the reformed Ministers,
+who, under pretence of his refusing to receive the Synod of Dort, and
+his attachment to Arminianism, would not communicate with him. The happy
+revolution in his fortune made one in their minds, as he writes to
+Vossius[240]. Immediately on his arrival at Paris in quality of
+Ambassador from Sweden, he was visited by six of the principal reformed
+Ministers, among whom were Faucher, Aubertin, Daille, and Drelincourt.
+They were not much attached to the rigid sentiments on Predestination:
+some even seemed to prefer Melancton's system to that of Calvin. Before
+Grotius had determined in what manner he should act with the Ministers
+of Charenton, Faucher, Mestrezat, and Daille came on the 2d of August,
+1635[241], to ask him to join their communion; which, they assured him,
+discovered a greater disposition than ever towards an union among
+Protestants, having lately resolved to admit Lutherans. "They hoped,
+they said, that he looked on their Confession of Faith as consistent
+with Christianity; that they had the same charitable sentiments
+concerning that of the Arminians; that they had not forgot what he had
+formerly said, writing against Sibrand, 'that he wondered whether the
+Contra-Remonstrants would refuse to admit St. Chrysostom and Melancton
+into their communion, if they should offer themselves;' that they had
+read and approved of his Treatise on the Truth of the Christian
+Religion, and what he had lately written, exhorting Christians to live
+in peace; that they had written to Holland, to make no more difficulty
+about admitting the Remonstrants into their communion; and that the
+Dutch, become more moderate in process of time, would give attention to
+their reasons." Grotius answered, that he was ready to give them public
+proofs of his willingness to join in communion with them, and that it
+was not his fault he had not done this sooner: adding, that if he should
+go into any Country where the Lutherans, knowing his sentiments on the
+Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, should be willing to receive him into
+their communion, he would make no difficulty of joining with them: which
+the Ministers approved of.
+
+He had not yet determined to go to Charenton on the 23d of August, 1635.
+"I weigh matters (he writes to his[242] brother) that I may do what is
+most agreeable to God, useful to the Church, and advantageous to my
+Family."
+
+This affair seemed almost finished when the Ministers sent to tell
+him[243] that they would willingly receive him, but not as Ambassador
+from Sweden, because that kingdom was of a different persuasion. "I am
+surprised (he writes to his brother) at the fickleness of people, who
+invite the Lutherans to partake with them, and say they cannot receive
+me in quality of Ambassador from Sweden, on account of their differing
+in opinion from that kingdom." To go to sermon as a private man would
+have been no great inconveniency to him[244], but he could not do this
+without contradicting his principles, which made him look on the Swedes
+as orthodox. He resolved therefore to have Divine Service celebrated
+for the future in his own house.
+
+It is evident from this recital, which is faithfully taken from
+Grotius's letters, that Du Maurier is mistaken in saying[245], that the
+Ministers of Charenton, when they knew that Grotius was Ambassador from
+Sweden, deputed one of their number to invite him to their Church; and
+he answered, that having neglected him when a Fugitive he would now
+neglect them when Ambassador.
+
+Not having been able to settle matters with the reformed Ministers, he
+resolved to have Divine Service performed at home. The Lutherans
+attended his Chapel as if he publicly professed their religion. He
+writes to his brother, Dec. 28, 1635[246], "We celebrated at my house
+the Feast of the Nativity: the Duke of Wirtemberg, the Count de
+Suarsenbourg, and several Swedish and German Lords assisted at it."
+
+George Calixtus, an eminent Lutheran Minister[247], procured him
+Brandanus for his Chaplain. This man was a zealous Lutheran: Grotius
+recommended moderation to him, and took him upon condition[248] that he
+should be upon his guard in his Sermons, and never enter into
+controversy in public, either with the Roman Catholics or the Reformed.
+But his zeal carried him away; and seeing his Master's Chapel much
+frequented, he took occasion to rail sometimes against the Papists and
+even sometimes against the Reformed. Grotius was much offended at it,
+not only because it was contrary to agreement, but also because, by
+publicly attacking in his own house the established Church and the
+others who were tolerated, he exposed himself to the hatred of the whole
+kingdom. He several times intimated to Brandanus[249] to behave
+otherwise; but his representations and orders having no effect, in
+autumn, 1637, he forbad him his Chapel: he kept him however in his house
+till the end of February following. To supply the place of Brandanus he
+pitched upon Francis Dor, who had been deposed at Sedan for his
+adherence to Arminianism, and since lived by keeping a boarding-school,
+and teaching French to young Flemings and Germans on their travels in
+France. It was some time before he could resolve[250] to quit this
+manner of life; but at length accepted of Grotius's offer. They lived in
+good understanding together, because their opinions were almost the
+same.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[239] Ep. 340. p. 151.
+
+[240] Ep. 378. p. 138.
+
+[241] Ep. 350. p. 854.
+
+[242] Ep. 354. p. 856.
+
+[243] Ep. 358. p. 857.
+
+[244] Ep. 360. p. 857.
+
+[245] Memoirs, p. 414, 415.
+
+[246] Ep. 363. p. 858.
+
+[247] Ep. 674. p. 275.
+
+[248] Ep. 410. p. 872.
+
+[249] Ep. 840. p. 369.
+
+[250] Ep. 423. p. 879.
+
+
+VIII. Soon after Oxenstiern left the kingdom, the peace of Vervins was
+broken, and the French and Spaniards began that long war which was not
+ended till the Pyrenean treaty. The King went to Chateau-Thierry; and
+the Cardinal followed him, though indisposed. Grotius went to Court on
+the eve of Whitsunday, 1635[251], as well to solicit the affairs of
+Sweden, as to attend to the interest of their allies. France was at this
+time in great joy on account of the victory at Ardenne, gained by the
+Marshals de Breze and de Chatilon over Prince Thomas of Savoy. The
+Marshal de la Force had also gained a great advantage over the Cravats
+in Lorrain: which happy beginning raised the hopes of the French
+exceedingly. It was at this point of time Grotius arrived at Court. He
+went first to Cardinal Richelieu, who was three leagues from
+Chateau-Thierry; but as that Minister had been blooded on Whitsunday, he
+referred the Ambassador to Boutillier the Superintendant. They talked
+about several things: the chief was the payment of the Subsidies.
+Grotius after this conference sending to ask how the Cardinal did, his
+Eminence desired him to wait on the King. Grotius accordingly went to
+compliment his Majesty on the victory of Ardenne, and afterwards begged
+that he would be pleased to give orders about the money which was
+demanded by the Swedes. The King heard him with great goodness, and
+desired him to give in a state of his demands to Boutillier. At taking
+his leave, Grotius told his Majesty that he should think himself most
+happy if he could do him any service, or promote the common cause. The
+King answered, that he might be of great use in what concerned the
+affairs of Holland. He afterwards related to him what had passed between
+the Marshal de la Force and the Cravats; the news of which, he had just
+received.
+
+Grotius was preparing to visit the Superintendant again, when the
+Cardinal sent to acquaint him, that he should be glad to see him.
+Grotius went: he spoke to his Eminence of the sums due to Sweden before
+the death of King Gustavus, and which Chavigni, Secretary of State for
+foreign affairs, and Boutillier's son, promised the High Chancellor
+should be paid. The Cardinal answered, that his bad state of health and
+greater affairs had made him much a stranger to those particulars; and
+that since the Superintendant and Bullion said they were ignorant of the
+King's intentions on the subject, he must wait Chavigni's return, who
+was expected at Court in a few days.
+
+Grotius after this visit went to the Superintendant, with whom he left a
+memorial of his demands as his Majesty had desired. Boutillier talked in
+the same strain the Cardinal had done concerning the money due to the
+Swedes.
+
+Things being in this situation, Grotius returned to Paris, leaving his
+Secretary at Court, who was to give him notice of Chavigni's return.
+
+The King drawing nearer Paris, Chavigni came back to that city. The
+Swedish Ambassador[252] sent several times to demand an interview, which
+he eluded; sometimes it was pretended he was gone out; at other times he
+was busy: he once made a positive appointment with him; but when
+Grotius came to his house, he was gone to wait upon the King at
+Monceaux. At his return he appointed another meeting; Grotius did not
+fail to be there: Chavigni assured him, that some pressing business
+hindered him from conferring with him at that time. The Cardinal
+returning very ill to Ruel, Chavigni went to see him; Grotius followed,
+and pressed him so closely, he could not put him off. Bullion was
+present: Chavigni pretended that there never had been any positive
+promise to pay the arrears of the old subsidies; that he had only said
+from the King, that as far as the situation of affairs would allow, his
+Majesty would endeavour that the High Chancellor should have no reason
+to complain. However Grotius recommended this affair to Bullion as being
+just in itself; and Bullion answered, that he would give as much
+attention to it as the state of the finances would permit. Grotius
+shewed them his letters from Germany, informing him that the body of
+twelve thousand men, which the King engaged to furnish, was in a very
+bad condition, and that even the interest of France required that it
+should be speedily completed. They made answer, that the King intended
+it, and that this army would soon be increased to seventeen thousand
+men.
+
+Grotius's pressing solicitations were troublesome to Chavigni[253], and
+we see that he was afraid of his visits. He sought pretences for delay,
+and even often broke his appointments with so little decency, that
+Grotius complained to the High Chancellor that Chavigni did not shew
+proper respect to the dignity of an Ambassador from Sweden.
+
+The King going to Fontainebleau in summer, 1635[254], and carrying
+Boutillier with him, whose son was with the Duke of Orleans, Servin,
+Secretary at War, remained at Paris. Grotius went to see him and was
+received with great politeness and friendship.
+
+He spoke to him of the subsidies; Servien promised his good offices.
+Grotius also recommended to him the interests of the Duke of Weymar, who
+was hard pressed by his enemies: and he received fair promises. Some
+days after, Servien returned his visit[255]. July 20, 1635, Grotius went
+to see the Cardinal at Ruel[256]; and spoke to him of the money owing to
+Sweden. His Eminence owned it; but enlarged much on the great expence
+France was put to for the allies; and wished the Swedish Ambassador
+would confer on this and other matters with Father Joseph, who had an
+apartment at Ruel near the Cardinal's. Grotius saw him, and received
+much satisfaction. The Father said he had always disapproved of the
+delays in the payment of the subsidies; that he would use his endeavours
+to get the promises made to Sweden punctually performed, and to
+perpetuate a good understanding between the two crowns, which would be
+for the interest of both: he added, that the troops intended for
+augmenting the army in Germany were already on their march.
+
+Grotius met with the better reception as the French Court was under some
+uneasiness lest the allies should make a separate peace. The Cardinal
+gave some hints of what he apprehended on this subject: Grotius removed
+his fears in relation to Sweden, and the Cardinal promised that France
+would be faithful to her engagements. Grotius did not lose sight of the
+affair of the subsidies[257]: he went several times to Bullion, on whom
+it partly depended as belonging to his department: but Bullion always
+refused to speak to him under pretence of indisposition or multiplicity
+of business, which did not leave him master of his own time. Grotius
+judging this behaviour equivalent to a positive denial, wrote to the
+High Chancellor, that he thought his Excellency should write to the King
+himself. The answers of the Ministry depended on the situation of
+affairs[258]: when France had need of Oxenstiern they made fine promises
+to Grotius, who was not duped by them. At last he saw Bullion[259], who,
+after enlarging much on the King's great expence in maintaining an
+hundred and fifty thousand men, promised to advance two hundred thousand
+Francs; but never issued the order. Lewis XIII. making a progress
+towards Lorain, Cardinal Richelieu was left at Paris with absolute
+power. Grotius had an audience of him in September 1635. He found him in
+a very bad humour. His Eminence said he was well assured the High
+Chancellor was negotiating a separate treaty with the Elector of Saxony;
+that it was vain to make alliances if they were not faithfully observed;
+that for his part he was resolved to adhere to his engagements, and
+chose rather to be deceived than to deceive. Grotius answered, that it
+was true the Elector of Saxony had made proposals to the High
+Chancellor, but his Excellency had written to the Elector himself, had
+told his Envoys, and sent a deputation to inform him, that a separate
+treaty would be injurious to France and the other allies of Sweden: The
+Ambassador added, that he had orders to declare to his Eminence, that in
+case Sweden should be abandoned by France, he must not be surprised if
+the necessity of affairs should oblige the Swedish Ministers to have
+recourse to expedients which were very far from their intention. The
+Cardinal replied, that that was the usual style of such as depart from
+their engagements and treat separately. Grotius assured him that there
+was nothing yet done; that it were to be wished France would send a
+Minister to Oxenstiern to act in concert with him; and that it was time
+to pay the arrears which were still owing to Sweden notwithstanding the
+frequent promises to the contrary, and whose payment Bullion always
+deferred. The Cardinal made no answer to this article: he asked the
+Ambassador whether he thought the High Chancellor had an inclination to
+return to his own country. Grotius replied, that that illustrious
+minister entertained no thoughts but what were honourable and great, and
+that his principal object was to terminate with dignity the great
+affairs with which he was entrusted. The Ambassador at the same time
+took occasion to thank the Cardinal for the attention which the King and
+his Eminence gave to what passed on the Rhine. The Cardinal intimating
+that he heard the Princes in those parts had a great aversion to
+Oxenstiern, Grotius replied, that it was impossible it should be
+otherwise as things were situated; and that a Foreigner, however great
+his prudence and modesty might be, would be always odious to Princes
+whose authority and dignity he eclipsed. The end of the conference was
+more calm: The Cardinal conducted Grotius to the door of the chamber,
+excusing himself that his health did not permit him to go farther. A
+month after this audience Grotius demanded another of his Eminence,
+which he obtained, after asking it five days successively[260], at Ruel.
+Grotius gave him to understand that the letters he received from Germany
+ought to make them very uneasy. The Cardinal replied, that he
+apprehended the bad state of affairs was exaggerated in order to excuse
+a separate peace; but that no honourable or lasting one could be made
+but in conjunction, as he desired. His Eminence grew more mild
+afterwards, and promised that the Marquis de St. Chaumont should in a
+little time set out for Germany with very ample powers to act in concert
+with Oxenstiern for the good of the common cause. He desired the
+Ambassador to see Bullion in relation to the subsidies. Father Joseph
+was present at this audience. The Cardinal treated Grotius with more
+respect than he had ever done: he waited on him a little beyond the
+door of his Chamber, and gave him the upper hand.
+
+Bullion being at Ruel, Grotius went to wait on him: he promised to give
+two hundred thousand Francs, and even to add three hundred thousand more
+as soon as the state of the King's affairs would permit it. The
+Ambassador answered, that was putting off the payment to a long day.
+Bullion represented that the King sent large sums into the Valtoline,
+Italy, Germany, Lorain, Piccardy, and Flanders. All this was very true;
+but the greatest part, Grotius said, remained in the hands of harpies.
+He informed the Chancellor of these conferences in a letter dated at
+Paris, October 12, 1635, which he concludes with saying that the
+fidelity which he owed to the kingdom of Sweden and to his Excellency
+obliged him to observe, that money was very scarce in France, and that
+the way to derive advantage from the peace was to hasten its conclusion.
+The Marquis de St. Chaumont, who was nominated to go to Germany, was not
+liked by Grotius: he was a declared enemy of the Protestants[261], and
+it has even been said that he was made choice of for the embassy into
+Germany out of compliment to the Court of Rome, who complained loudly of
+the protection given by France to Heretics. St. Chaumont's zeal, which
+was to do him much honour at the Court of Rome, was no merit in Germany,
+where it might even injure the common cause. He set out on his embassy
+without having had any conference with the Swedish Ambassador[262], and
+even without visiting him; which seemed contrary to custom and decency.
+
+November 3, 1635, Grotius went to Ruel to see the Cardinal[263] whom he
+found in a very bad humour. His Eminence thought Sweden wanted to make a
+separate peace: he enlarged much on the respect due to the observance of
+treaties, and that there could never be any necessity for acting
+dishonourably; he added, that the design of Grotius's embassy was a very
+bad one, and that he could only derive dishonour from it, since it had
+led him first to make objections against the treaty of Paris, and
+secondly to acknowledge that the Swedes would not abide by what they had
+agreed on at Compeigne. Grotius answered, that the High Chancellor was
+in the greatest dilemma, surrounded by enemies, and abandoned by his
+allies; that he himself had long solicited the money promised, but could
+never obtain payment; that the sending a French Minister into Germany,
+so often demanded, was agreed to much later than the good of the common
+cause required; and that the High Chancellor desired nothing more than
+to remedy the unhappy situation of affairs. The Cardinal made no answer
+concerning the remedy to be applied; and contented himself with saying
+that these general discourses sufficiently shewed a formed design of
+making a separate peace. He added, that all the Protestants were
+treacherous; which was a reason not only for being on one's guard in
+treating with them, but also for thinking their religion bad. Grotius
+grew warm, and said, that he needed not produce former instances to
+prove the integrity and sincerity of the Protestants, since the High
+Chancellor and the Duke of Weymar had never departed from their
+engagements. The Cardinal pretended that the peace which was just
+concluded between Poland and Sweden, by the mediation of France, put the
+Swedes in condition to continue the war against the Emperor. Grotius
+answered, that it was not yet ratified; that, besides, the cession of
+Prussia, stipulated by this treaty, was very disadvantageous to Sweden,
+because that province not only covered the kingdom, but also yielded a
+rich revenue. The Cardinal seemed to be in some emotion, and said that
+it required a great command of temper to listen patiently to discourses
+that bordered so near on ingratitude. Grotius assured him, that in all
+he had advanced he exactly followed his instructions. The Cardinal
+seemed displeased with those who had given them; and added that if the
+High Chancellor was not content with the peace between Sweden and
+Poland, it was from private views, because he lost the government of
+Prussia. After this sharp conversation, the Cardinal appeared more calm;
+and said, that he had nothing to do but hear what might be advanced, and
+would not judge till he had seen what was done. Grotius answered, that
+the High Chancellor would always act as a man of honour and a man of
+courage.
+
+November 5, Grotius had an audience of the King, who complained much,
+that after having been at so great expence, to the prejudice of his own
+affairs, on account of the Germans, they should break their treaties.
+
+Grotius went to Ruel on the 14th of December[264], again to solicit the
+payment of what was due to Sweden. He found there a courier from the
+Marquis de St. Chaumont, who delivered to him some letters he had
+brought with him from the High Chancellor. Grotius suspected that they
+had been opened, for besides their being dirty, the Courier had been
+arrived near a month; and he gave very bad reasons both for the
+condition of the letters, and his not delivering them sooner; he said
+they had fallen into the sea; that he had been at Paris, but could not
+find Grotius's house; and that he had been since kept at Ruel. What made
+Grotius easy, was that these letters were written with so much
+circumspection, had they been intercepted, the reading of them would
+rather have been advantageous than hurtful to Sweden. The French Court's
+fears lest the Swedes should conclude a separate peace made the
+Ministers promise him speedy payment of the arrears of the subsidies:
+Bullion assured him that he would without delay advance three hundred
+thousand Francs at several small payments (which Grotius disliked) and
+that he had already given orders for paying other two hundred thousand
+Francs: Servien promised that France would make greater efforts next
+campaign, if Sweden would continue the war.
+
+In the beginning of 1636[265] Grotius went to see the Cardinal, who
+complained bitterly that Grotius had written to Holland that the affairs
+of France were in a deplorable situation, and the French still on the
+point of making their peace. Grotius assured him it was a pure calumny:
+the Cardinal pretended that it was known to the French Ambassadors at
+the Hague. Grotius assured him these false reports owed their rise to
+the artifices of Pau and Aersens his declared enemies, that Camerarius
+the Swedish Ambassador in Holland, with whom he corresponded by letters,
+would attest the contrary; that this report was probably occasioned by
+an article inserted in the Brussels Gazette, that his letters had been
+intercepted, representing France as in the greatest declension, of which
+he had never had a thought; and that this was done with design to make
+him lose the friendship of his patrons. He added, that he had forgot his
+Country; that indeed he wished its preservation on account of the
+friends and the small estate he had in it; but that he had given himself
+entirely to Sweden, and was not so ignorant, not to know how much it
+imported Sweden that whilst she was in arms the Dutch should continue
+the war; nor so dishonest, to give counsels contrary to the interest of
+Sweden and of the High Chancellor, to whom he owed every thing; and that
+if his Eminence would put it in his power to do some service to France,
+he would much more chearfully refute these calumnies by his actions,
+than by his words. The Cardinal resumed an air of serenity, said several
+obliging things, and assured him that for the future he would behave to
+him with more openness. He reconducted him a pretty way, politely
+excusing himself that he did not go farther lest he should be oppressed
+by the croud that wanted to speak to him.
+
+[266]The Duke of Parma arriving about this time at Paris to negotiate
+with the Court of France, great difficulties arose with regard to the
+ceremonial. The Pope's Nuncios, Mazarin, and Bolognetti, and the other
+Ambassadors, would not visit him because they could not agree about the
+manner in which he should receive them: the English and Swedish
+Ambassadors did not even send their Coaches to meet him, because they
+knew that those of the Nuncios would take the precedence. The Duke of
+Weymar came to Paris in spring 1636. Grotius[267], who was extremely
+circumspect, was in doubt whether he should pay him the first visit: and
+before he determined, he wanted to see what the English Ambassador would
+do. The Duke sent him his compliments, and the Ambassadors coming to an
+agreement to wait first on that Prince[268], Grotius went to see him,
+and was extremely well received: the Duke returned his visit. As it was
+through the mediation of the Count d'Avaux that the truce of twenty-six
+years between Sweden and Poland was concluded, Queen Christina[269]
+ordered her Ambassador to return her thanks to the King of France.
+Grotius obtained an audience, April 17, 1636, at Chantilly, and gave an
+account of what passed at it in a letter to her Majesty, dated April
+24[270]. Having presented to the King the Queen of Sweden's letter, his
+Majesty assured him, that he interested himself most sincerely in her
+Majesty's health and prosperity; that she might depend upon the
+constancy of these his sentiments; that he had had the conclusion of the
+war between Sweden and Poland the more at heart, as he hoped her Swedish
+Majesty, having no longer any differences with the Poles, would give all
+her attention to the affairs of Germany; that he already saw with
+pleasure his hopes had not been without foundation: that he would write
+to his Ministers to know how the payment of the subsidies stood; that he
+had always had a good opinion of D'Avaux and therefore employed him in
+affairs of importance, and intended to make farther use of his service.
+Grotius sent the High Chancellor[271] a copy of this letter to the
+Queen. He used to send her Majesty the substance of any affair of
+importance without descending to particulars, as Oxenstiern[272] had
+recommended to him.
+
+He had an audience of Cardinal Richelieu[273] in the beginning of May,
+1636: The affairs of the allies were in a good situation. His Eminence
+greatly extolled the High Chancellor: he said what he had done was not
+inferior to the exploits of the great Gustavus; that it was a kind of
+miracle that the Swedes, after being betrayed by their friends, and
+forced into a corner of Germany, should have been able in such a short
+time to penetrate into the heart of the Empire. He assured Grotius, that
+a part of the money due had been paid by St. Chaumont, and that in a
+little time there would not be one sol owing. Afterwards embracing the
+Swedish Ambassador with great cordiality, he begged of him in the name
+of polite learning, which they both professed to cultivate, to do all in
+his power for the advantage of the common cause, especially with the
+English: and, to efface the remembrance of the ill treatment Grotius had
+received, he told him with a smile, that the French were often fools in
+the opinion of other nations, but they soon recovered their right
+senses. This change in the Cardinal proceeded from the Queen of Sweden's
+approving Oxenstiern's nomination of Grotius to be Ambassador in France;
+from the confidence which the High Chancellor placed in him; from Pau's
+having lost his authority in Holland; and from the Prince of Orange's
+having spoken of him in terms of friendship. The Cardinal magnified the
+preparations made by France at sea, from which great things, he said,
+might be expected if the English would join: he wanted they should be
+given to understand that the French and Swedes would undertake to obtain
+the restitution of the Palatinate to Prince Charles Lewis the King of
+England's nephew, if the English would unite their forces with those of
+France and Sweden. He added that it was unjust in the English to claim
+the Empire of the sea, but that it would be improper for some time
+openly to dispute their pretensions, for fear of preventing their
+joining in the treaty, or on the other hand to acknowledge directly the
+right they assumed.
+
+This was all that passed directly between Cardinal Richelieu and
+Grotius: they never conferred together afterwards. The Swedish
+Ambassador thought he should derogate from his dignity by visiting a
+Minister, who, because he was invested with the Purple, refused to give
+the upper hand to Ambassadors. He resolved therefore to see his Eminence
+no more, but to treat with the other Ministers.
+
+The English were the first who disputed the privileges of the
+Cardinalship. Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England to
+France[274], would not see Cardinal Richelieu: he sent to tell him that
+he was expressly ordered to visit no one who assumed in his own house
+the precedency of the Ambassadors of Kings. The English had been induced
+to take this step by the representation of the Protestants, that to
+suffer a Cardinal to take the upper hand of an Ambassador was to
+acknowledge the Pope's dignity. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of
+this by a letter of the fourth of September, 1635, where he adds, "I say
+not this as if I thought the English ought to be imitated in every
+thing, but that we may avoid whatever might expose us to contempt: than
+which nothing, I am persuaded, can be of more prejudice to the interests
+of kings and kingdoms."
+
+He continued, however, to see the Cardinal till the arrival of the Earl
+of Leicester, who came to Paris in spring 1636, as Ambassador
+Extraordinary from the King of England, with orders not to visit the
+Cardinal, because the British Court thought it indecent that Ambassadors
+should yield the precedence to Cardinals; and that it was even contrary
+to the ceremonial of the Court of Spain. "I commend, says Grotius
+writing to the High Chancellor[275], those who defend their rights: I
+dare not however imitate them without orders." He thought it most proper
+therefore not to visit the Cardinal till he knew the High Chancellor's
+intentions. Receiving no orders to continue his visits to him[276], he
+wholly left them off; and the Queen's Ministry thinking the crown of
+Sweden at least equal in dignity to that of England, approved of his
+conduct. Count d'Avaux was ordered to use his endeavours with the
+Swedish Ministry to write to Grotius that he should continue to visit
+the Cardinal as formerly: D'Avaux spoke of it to Salvius, a
+Privy-Councellor, and Chancellor of the Court, who was with him at
+Hamburg negotiating a new treaty. Salvius answered, that Grotius had
+received orders to conform to the Earl of Leicester's example; that it
+would be absurd that the Minister of such a King as yielded not the
+precedence to any other King, should yield it to a Minister; and, in
+fine, that the dignity of Cardinal was unknown in Sweden.
+
+Grotius informs us in several of his letters, that the English were the
+first who refused to give the Cardinal the upper hand. He writes to the
+High Chancellor, "[277]Chavigni asked, as by chance, whether I would see
+the Cardinal? I answered, that since the English had ceased to visit
+him, I was ordered not to see him. I have in fact letters on that
+subject from Schmalz. I added, if the Earl of Leicester, who wished so
+well to the common cause, and greatly desired the Cardinal's friendship,
+should find an expedient to reconcile what is due to the dignity, of his
+King to that of the Cardinal, it would be an example for me to follow:
+but (continues Grotius) the Earl of Leicester has assured me that the
+King will not change his resolution: and I dare make no innovation
+without a new order." He writes to Muller[278], "I have no personal
+dealings with the Cardinal: the Regents of the kingdom must send me
+their orders if they would have me follow the example of the English. If
+they think it improper, they need only speak, it is mine to obey. I have
+no interest in the matter."
+
+We have enlarged so much on this article, because Puffendorf, the author
+of _Vindiciae Grotianae_, and Father Bougeant have pretended[279] that the
+Earl of Leicester only followed Grotius's example, in refusing to give
+the upper hand to Cardinal Richelieu; which they would not have advanced
+had they read with attention the Ambassador's letters.
+
+Grotius's steadiness in supporting the interest and dignity of the crown
+of Sweden rendered him most odious to the court of France. The Marquis
+de St. Chaumont was ordered to demand his recall. Oxenstiern, who knew
+that it was his great zeal for the service of the Queen his mistress
+that displeased the Cardinal, would not consent to it: he apprised
+Grotius of what was plotting against him, and the Swedish ambassador
+wrote him a long letter on this subject[280], in which he tells him that
+St. Chamount's demand proved how greatly the Courtiers were changed
+towards him, for he had been extremely well received by the King at his
+last audience; Madam de Combalet, the Cardinal's niece, assured his wife
+in presence of several persons, that the Cardinal had a high esteem for
+him; and Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, had asked him to wait
+upon the King whenever he pleased, even if he had no business, his
+Majesty would take it extremely well. Grotius was persuaded that the
+ill-offices done him proceeded from Pau the Dutch Ambassador, and some
+Frenchmen. Pau and his accomplices hoped by this persecution to force
+Grotius to seek a reconciliation with the Dutch by some meanness. As to
+the Frenchmen, their dislike to Grotius was occasioned by his opposition
+to their design of abasing the crown of Sweden. "If the dignity of the
+crown of Sweden is to receive any diminution, I would rather, he says,
+it should be by another than by me." Father Joseph was one of the
+greatest opposers of Grotius[281], who would not visit him because the
+Capuchin had no title; and, besides, the English Ambassadors had
+declared they would not see him. As often as they met, Grotius treated
+him with civility; but the Monk, who had all the Cardinal's confidence,
+wanted to be considered as a Minister.
+
+The Count d'Avaux was also against Grotius. There having been some
+interruption in the payment of the subsidies, the Count said
+publicly[282] it was owing to the Swedish Ambassador in France, who did
+not make his court to the first Minister, though he was known to possess
+all the King's authority; and even refused him the honours paid by the
+other Ambassadors.
+
+Grotius, informed of the French Ministry's dislike to him, wrote to the
+High Chancellor[283], praying him to consider whether it would not be
+better that Sweden should have no Ambassador in France, but only an
+Agent without a public character, to enquire into what passed, and hear
+what was said to him. The Swedish Ministry judged that the more Cardinal
+Richelieu desired Grotius's removal, the greater reason they had for
+supporting him, since he displeased only by doing his duty too well.
+Grotius was informed of their sentiments, and wrote to Salvius[284],
+that the justice which the Regents of Sweden did him would serve to
+confirm his steadiness. Father Joseph said[285] publicly, the French
+Ministers desired Grotius's removal, because it was evident to them that
+he opposed the success of the affairs of France. This being repeated to
+Grotius, he answered, that it was of little importance to him whether he
+served Sweden in France or in another kingdom, but that the French might
+be persuaded if a successor were sent he would be of the same opinion.
+He himself informed the High Chancellor of what was plotting against him
+in France; and the Regents of Sweden, notwithstanding this violent
+opposition, wrote to him that they were well satisfied with his good
+services[286].
+
+The Cardinal's tools endeavoured to render Sweden suspicious of him, by
+insinuating that he was a Pensioner of France. His friends told him one
+day his name was in the list of pensioners. He immediately informed the
+Chancellor of it; adding, that he did not know whether it was done by
+mistake or with a bad design; that having been formerly a Pensioner of
+the King, his name might possibly have been copied from some old list;
+but there was also reason to think it was done with a design to injure
+him: he farther adds, "I can assure your Excellency, before God, that I
+have not received a farthing from the Court of France since I have been
+in the service of Sweden; and that I am determined to accept of only
+what is usually given Ambassadors when they have their audience of
+leave."
+
+It is probable that his name was put in the list of Pensioners, because
+the Ministry imagined if they could get him to accept of a pension, they
+would more easily bring him to their ends. It is certain they offered
+him one[287]; and when they saw that he absolutely refused it, as not
+thinking he could with decency be a Minister of Sweden and a Pensioner
+of France at the same time, they rightly judged that he would never
+sacrifice the interest of the Crown of Sweden to the pretensions of the
+French Ministers. They sometimes caressed him[288], however, because
+they saw him powerfully protected. Feuquieres was ordered to tell him
+they were very well satisfied with him: but he believed these
+compliments were made, that, being less on his guard, they might have a
+better opportunity to hurt him. "For (he writes to Oxenstiern[289]) I am
+persuaded they would be glad to see me gone, because I absolutely refuse
+the presents they offer me; and suffer not myself to be led by them like
+some other Ambassadors. For this reason they put me in such a situation
+that I must either sacrifice the dignity of the kingdom, or expose
+myself to be hated. I will never do any thing against the honour of
+Sweden; and I will shun, as much as I can, what may render me odious.
+Whatever I may do on such critical occasions, I shall be censured; but I
+rely on the testimony of a good conscience."
+
+They often threw difficulties in his way, hoping that the Regents of
+Sweden, tired out with these disputes, would recall him. We are
+assured[290], that when he went to see the Chancellor Seguier, one of
+the Cardinal's creatures, Seguier seated himself in the higher place;
+which obliged Grotius to take his chair himself to place it above the
+Chancellor. Besides the vexation which they endeavoured to give him in
+France, he met with some disgust even from the Swedes. It was intimated
+to him at the Court of France, that the High Chancellor's nomination to
+the embassy of Paris was not sufficient; it must be approved of by the
+Regency of Sweden. This difficulty gave him uneasiness: he writes to
+Schmalz, Feb. 28, 1636[291], "I know the High Chancellor has authority
+enough to maintain me in the post to which he has raised me; but I think
+I should be better able to defend the interest of the crown, if it were
+made to appear that what the High Chancellor has done for me is approved
+of in Sweden. He is mortal; and besides I find his power of sending
+Ambassadors is sometimes called in question here." Grotius was soon
+after satisfied, the Regency of Sweden confirming his nominations[292].
+
+Having been some time without receiving letters from the Swedish
+Ministers, it gave him much chagrin, because it disabled him from
+serving them effectually: besides, he looked on it as a want of respect.
+August 31, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor[293], "Since your
+Sublimity set out for Hamburg, I have received no letter from you, nor
+from any of your attendants: what grieves me is, that not knowing the
+actual state of things, I scarce have assurance to speak to those to
+whom I must recommend the affairs with which I am charged." Eight days
+after, he renewed his complaint in a more bitter tone: "I have desired
+nothing so much, says he, as to give proofs of my zeal and fidelity to
+the kingdom of Sweden, and to your Sublimity, in this embassy: I have
+not yet failed in my duty, and I hope I never shall fail; but it is
+impossible for me to discharge it properly, if I am kept ignorant of
+those things which an Ambassador ought to know. I have no accounts from
+Sweden. If I have not received letters from your Sublimity since you
+set out for Hamburg, I ascribe your silence to the multiplicity of your
+affairs: but Schmalz has not written to me since; and for some time I
+have had no letter from Camerarius or Grubbius. If they imagine my
+enemies so powerful, that I ought to remain here Ambassador only in
+name, without being let into affairs, and without doing any thing; that
+will not suit me. I am not a man that would be chargeable or a dishonour
+to those who nominated me to my employment. Besides, they are mistaken
+if they think my enemies have so much credit in my native Country; and
+those who know what passes there think as I do. I humbly beg you would
+be pleased to indemnify me for the expences I have been obliged to be
+at, and let me at liberty: wherever I go, it will be a sufficient
+recommendation not to have displeased your Sublimity."
+
+Whilst he was thus tormenting himself without much reason, he received
+two letters from the High Chancellor which made him easy. He thanked him
+for them, assuring him that he desired information of what passed, not
+from any eager desire for news, but to enable him better to fulfil the
+functions of his embassy. Oxenstiern fully satisfied him; and Grotius
+was extremely pleased, in the end of 1635 and the beginning of 1636,
+with the attention paid him by that great minister. Dec. 20, 1635[294],
+he writes, "I cannot sufficiently thank your Sublimity for the care you
+have taken of my private affairs and my dignity; it is my duty so to act
+as not to appear unworthy such great and continual favours. God forbid
+that I should want to penetrate into those things which prudence
+requires to be buried in mystery; but as to public matters, I would not
+be the last to know them, and to learn them from strangers." "It gives
+me great satisfaction (he writes to Oxenstiern's Secretary[295]) that
+the High Chancellor is pleased to remark that I discharge my embassy
+with honour."
+
+Besides the embarrassment which always attends difficult negotiations,
+the trouble of contenting several masters, and the difficulty of
+treating with Ministers to whom one is disagreeable, Grotius, who
+thought it essential to an Ambassador to live with dignity, received
+almost continual uneasiness from the ill payment of his appointments.
+Sep. 14, 1635, he wrote to the High Chancellor[296], that the Treasurer
+of Sweden refused to pay his quarter's salary; that the expences of his
+journies were still unpaid, and that he had exhausted all his private
+resources. He repeats in a letter of the 8th of November, 1635[297],
+that he had received but one quarter, which was owing even before his
+arrival at Paris; that there were two others due since: that he spared
+no expence in order to live with more dignity; that his journies and the
+furnishing of his house were very expensive; that he could borrow no
+more, and what he had already borrowed, was done on very disadvantageous
+terms. At the end of 1638 there were six quarters owing, amounting to
+twelve thousand rixdollars, besides twelve hundred which he had laid out
+for the service of Sweden. He was desirous of being permitted to pay
+himself out of the subsidies given by France. He represented that his
+expence was considerably increased by the high tax laid on all sorts of
+goods, which made living so dear, that his salary was insufficient for
+supporting his dignity. For two whole years he received no remittance,
+and in the end of May, 1639[298], there were forty thousand francs owing
+besides what he had laid out on several occasions. His salary was,
+therefore, twenty thousand francs _per annum_. Salvius ordered one half
+of what was owing him to be paid out of the subsidies received by
+Sweden from France; but it was long before Grotius got the money: for on
+the 9th of July, 1639[299], he pressed Salvius very warmly to order
+immediate payment; and went so far as to tell him that if he still left
+him in this perplexity, he would demand to be reimbursed and recalled.
+It was in these critical circumstances that the French Ministry offered
+him a supply, which he refused with great disinterestedness[300].
+
+Living at Paris growing every day dearer, the Swedish Ambassador, not
+knowing how to support his dignity, took a resolution to ask of the
+Queen of Sweden, Jan. 21, 1640[301], that, as he was unable to make any
+more advances, and his anxiety about this matter hindered him in some
+measure from attending to her Majesty's more important concerns, he
+might be permitted to pay himself out of the French subsidy. Without
+waiting for an answer he took sixteen thousand rixdollars of it; and
+wrote to the High Chancellor, April 14, 1640[302], that he was compelled
+to this by necessity, and that it was no more than had been usually done
+by the Ambassadors who resided in France. There is reason to think that
+Oxenstiern, who had a friendship for the Ambassador, found no fault with
+his boldness, as he did not venture on this step till all his resources
+were exhausted.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[251] Ep. 413. p. 150.
+
+[252] Ep. 419. p. 153.
+
+[253] Ep. 426. p. 157.
+
+[254] Ep. 434. p. 160.
+
+[255] Ep. 436. p. 162.
+
+[256] Ep. 437. p. 162.
+
+[257] Ep. 438. p. 163.
+
+[258] Ep. 468. p. 177.
+
+[259] Ep. 475. p. 181.
+
+[260] Ep. 491. p. 188.
+
+[261] Ep. 475. p. 180. 492. p. 189. 504. p. 194. & 517. p. 200.
+
+[262] Ep. 475. p. 180.
+
+[263] Ep. 505. p. 194.
+
+[264] Ep. 528. p. 204.
+
+[265] Ep. 534. p. 208.
+
+[266] Ep. 556. p. 219.
+
+[267] Ep. 560. p. 221.
+
+[268] Ep. 562. p. 222.
+
+[269] Ep. 577. p. 227.
+
+[270] Ep. 580. p. 228.
+
+[271] Ep. 581. p. 229.
+
+[272] Ep. 557. p. 210.
+
+[273] Ep. 585. p. 231.
+
+[274] Ep. 475. p. 180.
+
+[275] Ep. 598. p. 239.
+
+[276] Ep. 800. p. 347.
+
+[277] Ep. 1135. p. 513.
+
+[278] Ep. 226. p. 553.
+
+[279] Puffendorf, l. 11. sec. 78. Vindiciae Grotianae, p. 396. Hist. des
+guerres de Vestphalie, t. 1. l. 5. p. 362.
+
+[280] Ep. 636. p. 256.
+
+[281] Ep. 598. p. 235.
+
+[282] Vin. Grot. p. 394.
+
+[283] Ep. 690. p. 284. Vin. Grot. p. 378.
+
+[284] Ep. 716. p. 301.
+
+[285] Ep. 739. p. 313.
+
+[286] Ep. 745. p. 317 & 754. p. 323.
+
+[287] Ep. 636. p. 257. 1263. p. 575. & 1289. p. 583.
+
+[288] Ep. 958. p. 428.
+
+[289] Ep. 958. p. 428.
+
+[290] Puffendorf, l. 11. sec. 78. Bougeant, l. 5. p. 362. See Ep. 1414. p.
+645.
+
+[291] Ep. 557 p. 219.
+
+[292] Ep. 585. p. 231.
+
+[293] Ep. 470. p. 178.
+
+[294] Ep. 528. p. 204.
+
+[295] Ep. 533. p. 207.
+
+[296] Ep. 475. p. 181.
+
+[297] Ep. 505. p. 195.
+
+[298] Ep. 1177. p. 533. 1183. p. 536. & 1199. p. 542.
+
+[299] Ep. 1203. p. 544.
+
+[300] Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1289. p. 583.
+
+[301] Ep. 1308. p. 592.
+
+[302] Ep. 1350. p. 612.
+
+
+IX. The French Ministry carried their animosity against Grotius so far,
+that, if we may believe the Swedish Historian[303], they instigated the
+Venetian Ambassador to dispute with him for precedency at the public
+entry of the Ambassador in ordinary from England. The French took the
+part of the Venetians. Grotius imagined they did it to make their court
+to the Pope. He wrote to the High Chancellor, that Father Joseph, who
+had a great desire to be a Cardinal, always favoured such counsels as
+might please the court of Rome. Besides, the Capuchin fought to make a
+merit with the Cardinal of vexing Grotius, whom they both hated.
+
+About a year after this dispute between the Venetian Ambassador and
+Grotius, when they both were waiting in a hall for the King, the
+Introductors of Ambassadors placed their seats in such manner, that the
+Swedish Ambassador might be dissatisfied. They expected a quarrel, which
+would have afforded them diversion. Grotius disappointed them by chusing
+rather to stand, than take the seat intended for him. It was on this
+occasion he wrote to the High Chancellor, desiring him to consider,
+whether, to avoid all those difficulties, it would not be most expedient
+to have only a Resident at Paris: but Oxenstiern thought his honour and
+duty was the more concerned in protecting Grotius, as his strong
+attachment to the honour and interest of his Masters was the reason of
+his being harrassed.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[303] Puff. l. 8.
+
+
+X. The war which was at this time ravaging Europe gave the greater
+uneasiness to the Court of Rome, as there was ground to apprehend that
+the success of the Swedes, who were the allies of France, might greatly
+prejudice the Roman-Catholic Religion in Germany. Pope Urbin VIII.
+ardently desired the re-establishment of Peace, and offered his
+mediation for attaining that laudable end. The City of Cologn was chosen
+for the place of holding the conferences. The Pope deputed Cardinal
+Ginetti in quality of Legate and mediator between the Roman Catholic
+Princes; and the Emperor and the King of Spain sent thither their
+plenipotentiaries: all this was done without consulting the Dutch and
+the Swedes. The great point was, to gain their consent, without which
+nothing could be done. The Count de Berlise was ordered to talk with the
+Swedish Ambassador on this head. Accordingly he made him a visit,
+November 12, 1636[304], and after conversing some time asked Grotius
+whether Sweden intended to send plenipotentiaries to Cologn. The
+Ambassador made answer, he concluded from the High Chancellor's letters
+that the President of the kingdom, to whom that matter had been
+referred, would determine it; that the Pope's mediation would be
+objected to; but that difficulty, however, might be got over; and then
+Oxenstiern would chearfully come himself to Cologn, if business
+permitted him, in order to act in concert with the French
+Plenipotentiaries, who, he did not doubt, would be persons of the
+greatest merit.
+
+Grotius was of opinion that the Swedes ought not to accept of the Pope's
+mediation, or send Ministers to Cologn. He wrote a letter about it to
+the High Chancellor, Dec. 12, 1636[305], in which he acquaints him, that
+talking with Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary from England, he
+told his Lordship that he foresaw the Protestant Plenipotentiaries would
+suffer many mortifications in a city where the Pope was held in so great
+consideration, and the dignity of Cardinal so much respected.
+
+The Venetian Ambassador, who, agreeably to the intention of his Masters,
+ardently desired that the congress might take place, came to make
+Grotius a visit: he told him that the Protestants apprehensions of ill
+offices from the Pope were without foundation; that he knew from the
+Nuncio that the Legate was ordered to concern himself only with the
+affairs of the Roman Catholic Princes, and had no intention to
+intermeddle with those of the Protestants: he added, that Pessaro, whom
+the Republic of Venice had nominated her Plenipotentiary to the
+Congress, was extremely well affected to the Swedes. Grotius could not
+discover whether the Venetian came of himself, or was sent by the French
+Ministry: he suspected that Cardinal Richelieu, who wanted him
+[Grotius] out of the kingdom, wished he might go to Cologn.
+
+The learned Godefroy[306], whom the Court of France nominated to
+accompany and direct the Plenipotentiaries, had several conferences with
+Grotius concerning the peace which they seemed desirous to conclude. The
+Swedish Ambassador gave the High Chancellor an account of them in a
+letter of the 22d of January, 1637. [307]He acquaints him that Godefroy
+himself thought the Swedes ought not to send Plenipotentiaries to
+Cologn. He gave for his reasons, that the whole town hated the Swedes;
+that the Legates had such aversion to the Protestants, that at Vervins
+the Legate declared he would withdraw rather than admit the English
+Ministers to the conferences; and that the disputes, which would
+infallibly arise between the Plenipotentiaries concerning precedency,
+would serve only to sour their minds.
+
+This discourse from one, who was only to speak agreeable to the
+intentions of the French Ministry, made Grotius doubt whether Cardinal
+Richelieu ever sincerely desired peace. Godefroy also insinuated that
+the King of France ought to have the first place after the Emperor, in
+political assemblies. Grotius would not allow this claim: he maintained
+that the rank granted to Princes in Ecclesiastical Councils ought not to
+serve for a rule in Congresses, because in the former regard was only
+had to the time of their embracing Christianity; and that the Archbishop
+of Upsal had proved at the Council of Basil that the Kingdom of Sweden,
+on account of its antiquity and extent, the two most decisive arguments
+that could be used in this matter, ought to take place of all others.
+Godefroy opposing to them the French King's possession of the
+precedency, Grotius, like a zealous Minister of Sweden, maintained, that
+that title could only serve against such as had never disputed it; that
+in former times the Kings of Sweden had no transactions of this kind but
+in the North, where they never yielded the precedency to any person; and
+that since they had affairs with France, they always treated upon an
+equality. Such were Grotius's pretensions, the validity of which remain
+to be proved.
+
+The minds of the contending parties were not yet disposed to conform to
+the good intentions of the Pope: and the congress of Cologn did not take
+place because the Swedes positively refused to send thither
+Plenipotentiaries[308].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[304] Ep. 632. p. 277 & 278.
+
+[305] Ep. 690. p. 284.
+
+[306] Ep. 699. p. 288.
+
+[307] Ep. 709. p. 296.
+
+[308] Ep. 389. p. 865
+
+
+XI. Some time after, the Republic of Venice acted in conjunction with
+the Pope in order to procure peace to Europe. She made an offer of her
+mediation to the Swedes[309], and engaged to send an Ambassador to
+Cologn, who would be less suspected of partiality than the Pope's
+Legate. The Doge, writing on this subject to the Queen of Sweden, in the
+titles given to her omitted that of _most powerful_: this gave great
+offence to the Swedes[310]; and the Venetian Ambassador being informed
+of it, came to visit Grotius in order to discuss the point. He told him
+that the Republic had followed the ancient ceremonial in the titles
+given to the Queen; that she gave the King of France only the title of
+_most serene and most christian_, and to the King of Spain that of _most
+serene and catholic_, without adding _most powerful_. Grotius answered,
+that, without presuming to prescribe to the Senate, he would only
+observe, that as the Kings of France and England gave the King of Sweden
+the title of _most serene and most powerful_, it did not become any
+other Prince, much less a Republic, to treat him with less distinction.
+He added several facts tending to give a high idea of the dignity of the
+Swedish nation. The Venetian promised to write about it to his Masters.
+The Queen of Sweden[311] declared that she would accept of the mediation
+of the Venetians provided the Republic gave her the honours that were
+due to her. Christina had at length satisfaction[312], and the Venetian
+Ambassador promised to conform to her intentions.
+
+The name of this Venetian Minister was Corraro. Grotius had reason to be
+dissatisfied with him[313]: he had been to visit him, and the Venetian
+gave him not the title of Excellency, nor the precedency due to an
+Ambassador of Sweden. Grotius determined to cease visiting him for some
+time. One thing, however, embarrassed him: as the Republic of Venice was
+to be mediator for a general peace it was necessary he should confer
+with Corraro: for this reason he wrote to the High Chancellor to know,
+whether, in consideration of the public good, he ought to dissemble his
+grounds of complaint against the Venetian Ambassador. He had not time to
+receive Oxenstiern's answer when Corraro came to visit him[314], and
+gave him satisfaction; he assured him, that if he had given him any
+offence, it was not from design, but through ignorance and want of
+attention. Grotius informed the High Chancellor of this, adding that he
+accepted of Corraro's excuses; that he would go to see him, and do all
+in his power to gain his friendship. Accordingly he visited him some
+days after, and no notice was taken of what had passed, the conversation
+turning wholly on public affairs and the projects of a peace.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[309] Bougeant l. 4. n. 30. Puffendorf l. 10. n. 63.
+
+[310] Grotii Ep. 851. p. 374.
+
+[311] Ep. 949. p. 421.
+
+[312] Ep. 1014. p. 457.
+
+[313] Ep. 947. p. 419.
+
+[314] Ep. 960. p. 429.
+
+
+XII. There happened at this time a more considerable broil between the
+English and Swedes at Paris. Pau the Dutch Ambassador in France being
+recalled, Oostervich, Ambassador of the United Provinces at Venice, was
+appointed to succeed him[315]. He had been formerly very intimate with
+Grotius; and signified to him by their common friends that he intended
+to renew their ancient friendship, and live with him in that good
+understanding which ought to subsist between the Ministers of allied
+powers. Grotius made a proper answer to these advances. Oostervich
+preparing to make a public entry into Paris, informed the Swedish
+Ambassador of it, February 16, 1637, by his Secretary, asking him at the
+same time to send his coach to his entry on the second day following,
+according to custom[316]. Grotius sent to make his compliments to the
+Dutch Ambassador, and to tell him that he would not fail to send his
+coach. He sent it accordingly. There were at that time at Paris an
+Ambassador in ordinary and an Ambassador extraordinary from England, who
+both sent their coaches, with a great number of their attendants. The
+Swedes took the precedency of the English and kept it some time. They
+quarrelled; and swords were drawn. The Swedes were worsted, for the
+English were much more numerous. The Marshal de la Force, who conducted
+the Dutch Ambassador, came to make up the quarrel. The Swedes maintained
+that they ought to have the precedency of the English, because the
+kingdom of Sweden was more ancient than that of England. The Marshal de
+la Force pretended that this question had been decided in the reign of
+Henry III. in favour of the English. The Swedes being unequally matched,
+agreed to the Marshal's proposal, that the coach of the English
+Ambassador in ordinary and that of Grotius should withdraw, without
+prejudice to the rights of Sweden.
+
+On the nineteenth of February the two Ambassadors from England sent to
+Grotius, to know if it was by his order that his attendants had acted
+and spoke in the dispute they had with the English. Grotius answered,
+that he had ordered them to support the dignity of the kingdom of Sweden
+the most ancient and extensive in Christendom; but that he had no
+intention to offend the English; that in the treaties which Sweden made
+with France there was always one copy in which Sweden was named first;
+that if his people had transgressed in point of form, it was not by his
+order; that the small number he sent to the entry, was a demonstration
+he did not think the quarrel ought to be determined by strength; that as
+to the accommodation, he had no power to make it, nor consequently given
+any order on the subject: that he was desirous of maintaining the good
+understanding between the two kingdoms, and to live well with the two
+English Ambassadors. The Deputies, without making any reply to this
+answer, civilly withdrew.
+
+The quarrel was mentioned in the Gazette of France[317]; and Renaudot,
+in the account he gave, named the English before the Swedes, and spoke
+of the affair as accommodated. Grotius was very angry at this: he sent
+to tell him, to name the Swedes first in another Gazette, and to retract
+what he had said of the accommodation: Renaudot was even threatened,
+that if he did not give this satisfaction to the Swedes, he would be
+made to feel to his cost that Sweden was powerful enough to do herself
+justice. The Gazetteer replied, that he was obliged to obey only the
+King and the Cardinal.
+
+This grand dispute did not hinder[318] the English Ambassador from
+visiting Grotius on public business. The Earl of Leicester[319],
+Ambassador extraordinary from England, had a long conference with him
+concerning their quarrel: he pretended that what Grotius advanced in
+favour of the precedency of the Swedes, was a thing unheard of. The
+Ambassador from Sweden replied, that the same facts had been already
+maintained in the Council of Basil; and took occasion to set forth the
+extent and antiquity of the kingdom of Sweden. Leicester said, that they
+had been of the same opinion formerly in France, since they decided
+against the Swedes. Grotius answered, that he much questioned this
+decision, and that at the time it was pretended to be made he did not
+think there was any Ambassador in France from Sweden, which nation was
+little known to those of the South: The English Ambassador wanted to
+avail himself of the Pope's authority in favour of his nation: Grotius
+rejected it. Leicester insisted that England had been converted to
+Christianity before Sweden: Grotius replied, that this was a very bad
+reason for precedency; and the employing it might be a prejudice to the
+Christian religion by hindering the conversion of the Pagans and
+Mahometans.
+
+The King of England was not offended with Grotius on account of this
+dispute; for after it happened Lord Scudamore, Ambassador in ordinary
+from King Charles, told him from his Master, that he would be glad to
+see him in England to restore the union between the English and Swedes.
+The Earl of Leicester, who had the affair of the precedency much at
+heart, had another conferrence on that subject with Grotius, of which
+the latter gives an account to the High Chancellor, July 26, 1637. The
+English Minister represented, that as the Danes and Norwegians, whose
+kingdoms were very ancient, yielded the precedency to England, the
+Swedes ought to follow their example. Grotius answered, that he did not
+know how the Danes and Norwegians acted; but their conduct ought not to
+prejudice the rights of Sweden. Leicester asked, how high the antiquity
+of Sweden reached. Grotius answered, that it was older than the most
+ancient annals; that, without going higher, it was sufficient to mention
+the testimony of Tacitus, who speaks of the Swedish nation as very
+powerful by sea and land. Leicester replied, that a long space of time
+had elapsed since Tacitus wrote, in which no mention was made of the
+Swedes. Grotius shewed him that in every age they were spoken of by the
+Germans, French, and English; and that even if less frequent notice had
+been taken of them, it would not be matter of surprise, since in those
+times the Swedes had no disputes but with the Russians, the Sclavonians,
+the Danes, and Norwegians; that their embracing Christianity late could
+not prejudice the dignity of the kingdom, or the claims of the Swedes.
+The Ambassador of Sweden afterwards asked Leicester what rank the
+English pretended to give the Czar, to whom the Kings of Sweden would
+never yield the precedency. He added, that many people were surprised
+when the truce was negociating at Holland, that the French always
+preceded the English, who contented themselves with a writing,
+signifying that it was without prejudice to their rights. Leicester said
+he did not see how it was possible to assemble a congress of ministers
+of Princes who would all have the first place. Grotius made answer, that
+several expedients might be found to save the claim of each.
+
+This quarrel, from which a rupture between the two nations was
+apprehended, had no bad consequence, and did not even lessen the
+friendship which subsisted between the Ministers of the two kingdoms.
+Lord Scudamore's lady being brought to bed at Paris, the lady of the
+Swedish Ambassador stood godmother[320] to the child in the month of
+March, 1638, that is, during the height of the quarrel.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[315] Ep. 718. p. 302.
+
+[316] It is surprising that Father Bougeant, after reading the
+DCCXVIIIth letter of Grotius, should contradict him so manifestly by
+placing this quarrel in 1639. Hist. l. 5. n. 5.
+
+[317] Ep. 719. p. 304.
+
+[318] Ep. 722. p. 305.
+
+[319] P. 306. & epist. 395. p. 866.
+
+[320] Ep. 919. p. 406.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK V.
+
+
+Grotius, notwithstanding his resolution to abstain from visiting
+Cardinal Richelieu, often paid his court to the King, and was well
+received. His Majesty returning to Paris after the campaign of 1636,
+Grotius went on the 22d of November[321] to compliment him. The speech
+he made was short, such as Kings love. It is in these terms he speaks of
+it to the High Chancellor, to whom he sent it. He has preserved to us
+the substance of his Majesty's answer. "The King, says he, answered me
+with great goodness, that the success of the Swedes would always give
+him much pleasure; that they began the year well, and the French
+followed their example; that the Spaniards made great efforts, but were
+nevertheless driven out of Picardy and Burgundy; that Cardinal Richelieu
+deserved thanks for what he did in the recovery of Corbia, and that the
+Marshal de Chatillon also behaved well: he concluded with complaining of
+the Germans, who did not observe their treaties."
+
+The divisions in the court being healed up for some time, by the
+reconciliation of Gaston of France with the King, who was returned to
+Paris, Grotius, at an audience of his Majesty on the 23d of February,
+1637[322], complimented him on the restoration of peace in the Royal
+Family. The King assured him that he and his brother were on the best
+terms, and that this reunion gave him the highest satisfaction: he
+promised to make very great efforts against the common enemy, and never
+to separate his interests from those of Sweden. The Ambassador did not
+fail to represent[323] in strong terms to his Majesty all the pains
+taken by the High Chancellor to keep together the allies, who were
+oppressed by such a burthensome war; and took occasion to beseech the
+King to redouble his assistance, that they might extricate themselves
+with honour from so great embarrassments.
+
+The King going in August, 1637, to Chantilli, Grotius went thither[324]
+to compliment him on the success of the Campaign; and at the same time
+recommended to his Majesty the sending a reinforcement of men to the
+Duke of Weymar, who had crossed the Rhine, that so he might be enabled
+to make farther progress, and to keep the German allies of the two
+crowns from joining with their enemies. He assured him recruits were
+raising in Sweden for Marshal Bannier's army, that he might make an
+invasion into Silesia or elsewhere; and that the Swedes had rejected all
+the proposals of peace made to them, because they believed the intention
+of the enemy was to sow division between them and the French. The King
+answered, that he most sincerely wished the prosperity of the Queen his
+sister; and that he would send the Duke of Weymar as many troops as the
+state of his affairs would permit; adding, that the enemy laboured
+chiefly to divide them, against which they could not be too much upon
+their guard.
+
+September 23, in the same year, 1637, Grotius[325], agreeable to the
+orders received from the Queen of Sweden, demanded an audience of the
+King, which he obtained at St. Maur. He represented to his Majesty, that
+the Queen had nothing so much at heart as the success of the common
+cause; and that she hoped her zeal would induce the King to make
+powerful efforts to triumph over their enemies. He gave a particular
+account of what the High Chancellor had done, and the marvelous
+resistance of Marshal Bannier, besieged as it were by five armies,
+against which, however, he could not make head much longer without
+speedy and powerful succours. He assured him that Sweden was making
+numerous levies, but would be obliged to keep a part of her troops at
+home on account of the frequent broils she had with the Poles, the
+Danes, and the Russians. He then enlarged on the interest which France
+had in maintaining the Swedes in Germany; for no sooner would they quit
+it, he said, than the Austrians would turn all their efforts against
+France. He shewed, that, besides being in possession of the Imperial
+crown, the house of Austria was very powerful by the hereditary
+dominions of Hungary, Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Lusatia,
+Tirol, Carinthia, Dalmatia, and Croatia, which furnished her with large
+supplies of men and money; that the branch which ruled in Spain had
+dominions in the four parts of the world; that the Emperor knew well
+France was the greatest obstacle to his projects of ambition; that he
+would leave nothing unattempted to destroy a power which gave him so
+much umbrage; that the Emperors, even before the empire came into the
+house of Austria, had always regarded the Kings of France as their
+Rivals and Enemies; that this hatred and jealousy were much increased
+since the Austrian family obtained the Imperial throne; that it was so
+difficult to make any accommodation with them, they would not consent to
+peace even if the King yielded up his late conquests, since they had the
+assurance to claim the three bishoprics, and to demand that the kingdom
+of Arles, comprehending the three best provinces of the kingdom, the
+dutchy of Burgundy, Provence, and Dauphiny, should be re-annexed to the
+empire. He represented the importance of making great efforts, and
+carrying the war into the enemy's country before their armies should be
+augmented. He beseeched his Majesty to make such a powerful diversion as
+might oblige the Austrians to recall a part of the army sent against the
+Swedes: and shewed that nothing was more easy, since the Duke of Weymar
+had fortified himself beyond the Rhine; that it was only sending him a
+powerful reinforcement, the princes and towns which groaned under the
+Austrian yoke would then be seen joining themselves to the French and
+Swedes; and that the Swedes, no longer so hard pressed, would return
+into the heart of Germany or penetrate into the hereditary estates.
+After this harangue, the Swedish Ambassador presented a letter from the
+Queen, adding that her Swedish Majesty begged of the King to make speedy
+efforts worthy of himself, and he might depend on the Queen's doing all
+that could be expected from a steady and magnanimous Princess. He
+concluded with complimenting his Majesty on the happy success of affairs
+in Italy, the transactions on the Rhine, and the retaking of Capella.
+The King sometimes interrupted him during this long Speech; but it was
+only to approve of what he said, to confirm the facts, and acknowledge
+that his reflections were most judicious. He assured him that he had
+already sent succours to the Duke of Weymar, that he was resolved to
+augment the troops of that Prince in order to enable the Swedes to enter
+Germany; and that Marshal de Chatillon would have already been on the
+banks of the Rhine if the siege of Ampvillers had not detained him. He
+ended with protesting that it was his earnest desire to be more closely
+united with the Queen his most gracious sister; which his future actions
+would shew. Grotius gave an account of this audience in a letter to the
+Queen of the 26th of September, 1637, a copy of which he sent to the
+High Chancellor. By the letter that he wrote the same day to Oxenstiern
+we are informed, that the Count de Berlise, Introductor of the
+Ambassadors, came to him before he had this last audience of the King,
+to know if he would not first have a conference with Chavigny, Secretary
+of State for foreign affairs, agreeable to the usage of the Ministers
+from England, Venice, and Savoy. Grotius replied, that he understood
+from the English Ministers themselves they did not always observe this
+custom; which Berlise acknowledged. The Ambassador added, that at
+another time he would consider what would be most proper; but, on the
+present occasion, having a letter from the Queen to the King, he thought
+it his duty to give the first notice of it to his Majesty; that he was
+afraid if he acted otherwise the King might be offended; but if, after
+reading it, his Majesty were desirous he should confer with his
+Ministers, he would not fail to wait upon them.
+
+The Swedes being still very hard pressed in Germany, the Queen sent
+fresh orders to her Ambassador at Paris to represent their situation to
+the King. Grotius demanded an audience, which he obtained on the 1st of
+October, 1637, at St. Germains. He assured his Majesty, that it was not
+without reluctance he so frequently laid the necessities of the allies
+before him, and the importance of their being assisted by France, but he
+did it by express order; that he was particularly charged with two
+things; first, to compliment his Majesty on the advantages gained in
+Piccardy and Burgundy; and secondly to solicit him to send speedily a
+powerful force over the Rhine. He added, that the Queen would not have
+thought this request necessary, had she received the letters in which he
+gave her a particular account of what passed at the last audience he had
+of his Majesty. He beseeched the King to be pleased to give orders that
+the promises, which he had graciously made, might be speedily executed.
+He represented, that if succours were not immediately sent into Germany,
+the Austrians, after vanquishing their enemies, would go and overpower
+the Duchess of Savoy the King's sister, and penetrate into France. He
+afterwards shewed that the Swedish army was in great danger of being
+overwhelmed, if a powerful diversion were not speedily made. After this
+speech, Grotius presented a letter from the Queen, of the 19th of
+August, 1637. Lewis XIII. replied to the Swedish Ambassador, that he was
+determined to fulfil his promises; that he had already sent some troops
+to the Duke of Weymar; that he would speedily send him a farther
+reinforcement, and employ all the forces of his kingdom in defence of
+his sister the Duchess of Savoy.
+
+The Duke of Weymar began the campaign of 1638 in a very brilliant
+manner[326]: he gained a signal victory over the Imperialists on the 2d
+of March; and, what was very remarkable, all the enemy's generals were
+taken in this engagement, and among the rest the famous John de Vert,
+whose name was become the terror of the Parisians. The King, on
+receiving this important news, immediately sent notice of it to Grotius;
+signifying that he knew no body would receive it with more pleasure.
+March 16[327], he had an audience of the King, at which he thanked his
+Majesty for sending him the first news of the victory gained in Germany,
+and doing him the justice to believe that it would give him infinite
+satisfaction: he added, that it was a happy prognostic for the rest of
+the campaign: that God had confounded the pride of the Imperialists, who
+publicly gave out that they intended to come to pillage Paris[328]. He
+said he had certain advice by letters from the army, that the enemy's
+generals had been at great pains to provide themselves with maps of
+France, in order to examine at what part they could best enter it. He
+pressed the King to put the Duke of Weymar in a condition, by sending
+him immediately a considerable reinforcement, to make a proper advantage
+of this happy beginning of the campaign; and concluded his compliment
+with good wishes for the King's happiness and that of his posterity, of
+which there began to be then some hope. People flattered themselves the
+Queen was with child; and she was actually in the third month of her
+pregnancy. The King received this compliment with great gaiety: he
+promised to send immediately five or at least three thousand foot to the
+Duke of Weymar, with some horse, under the command of the Count de
+Guebriant. Grotius had a fresh audience of the King on the 19th of
+April, 1638[329]. He represented to his Majesty, that though the Duke of
+Weymar had begun the year well, he could not make great progress if an
+additional force were not sent him: that by proceeding so slowly in this
+measure, the enemy had got time to recruit their army: and if it were
+not now taken with great expedition, they would lose the fruits of their
+late advantages, and the affairs of the allies suffer much; that her
+Swedish Majesty was in the same disposition with the King, and had no
+other view than to procure an equitable, honourable, and lasting peace;
+that the only way to obtain this great end was by making the most
+powerful efforts: that the Queen, agreeable to his Majesty's desire,
+would accept of the mediation of the Venetians, provided the republic
+would treat her with due respect: that his most Christian Majesty being
+of opinion that a long truce would lead to a peace, the Queen, who was
+sensible of his great prudence, had given her Ambassador in France full
+power to treat of this affair, and to draw up a plan of it in
+conjunction with such persons as the King should nominate. After this
+speech Grotius delivered to Lewis XIII. a letter from the Queen,
+acquainting him at the same time, that had her Swedish Majesty been
+informed of the Queen's pregnancy, she would undoubtedly have ordered
+him to signify to the King her extreme satisfaction at such important
+news; that he knew the Queen and all the Swedes passionately desired
+that the posterity of St. Lewis, of Henry the Great, and Lewis the Just,
+might long govern France; and that under them the kingdom might flourish
+in piety, increase in power, and be established in justice. The King
+received these good wishes with much satisfaction, and desired Grotius
+to acquaint her Swedish Majesty that the Queen was certainly with child.
+He farther assured him that the Count de Guebriant was already on his
+march to join the Duke of Weymar, and he was going to give orders for
+sending an additional reinforcement, and seconding that Prince's
+efforts. He desired him to press her Swedish Majesty to send numerous
+recruits to her armies: adding, that he hoped the Venetians would do
+nothing derogatory to the dignity of the crown of Sweden; that he would
+attend to that point himself; and would nominate Chavigny to confer with
+him in relation to the truce. Grotius also set forth on this occasion
+what pains the High Chancellor had taken for the advancement of the
+common cause; and the King did justice to the merit of that great
+Minister. The Queen's pregnancy being declared at court, Grotius's lady
+went to make her compliments: on the 8th of May, 1638[330], he himself
+waited on her Majesty for the same end: he had demanded an audience for
+this purpose as soon as it was publicly known that she was with child.
+He told the Queen, that, being eager to express his joy, he could not
+think of waiting for orders from his court, to make his compliment; that
+well knowing the sentiments of the Queen his mistress he could affirm,
+with great certainty, that her Majesty and all her subjects were filled
+with the highest joy; that he had lately met with a Greek inscription in
+honour of a Queen, containing a very short but very emphatical encomium:
+it was said of this Princess, that she was the daughter, sister, wife,
+and mother of a King, yet without any pride in so high elevation: that
+this modesty was the more to be admired in the Queen of France, as she
+was much above the Grecian Queen, and even all other Queens, since she
+was the consort of a King, whose provinces and even towns were
+equivalent to kingdoms; that she had a King for her father, and was
+descended from Kings and Emperors who conquered and long possessed
+kingdoms in the four parts of the world; in fine, that she was sister of
+a most powerful King; that only one thing was wanting to her happiness,
+to be mother not of a King, since France and all the friends of France
+wished that the King might attain to the most advanced age, but of a
+Prince capable of ruling over a great nation; that God had at length
+granted her this felicity, and rendered her fruitful when it was no
+longer expected, as happened formerly to an illustrious woman of the
+same name mentioned in Scripture; that history sacred and prophane
+informs us, that children born at a time when they are no longer
+expected are designed by God for great things; that in reflecting on the
+Queen's pregnancy he attended to what the Naturalists teach, that the
+tumbling of the Dolphin [_Fr._ Dauphin] predicted the end of the
+tempest, and fine weather; that there was reason to hope peace would
+re-appear in the world at the birth of a Dauphin, which was so
+passionately desired; and what increased this hope was, that at the time
+her Majesty's pregnancy was declared he received orders to confer with
+the French Ministers on the means of obtaining a peace, or at least a
+truce, if the conclusion of a peace met with too many difficulties;
+that he laboured in it with the more chearfulness, as he knew he would
+be aided by the Queen's prayers, the efficacy of which was so great that
+they could obtain of heaven things almost miraculous; that her Swedish
+Majesty would shew that the Great Gustavus and she had never any other
+intention, than to insure the quiet and tranquillity of Christendom;
+that he earnestly wished the negotiation for a peace might turn out
+well; that the Queen might have a happy delivery, and be the mother of a
+Prince, whose glory and posterity would continually increase. The Queen
+answered, that she did not doubt of the sincerity of her Swedish
+Majesty's wishes; that she reciprocally desired the prosperity of that
+Princess, and offered her all that was in her power.
+
+In the beginning of June, 1638[331], Grotius waited on the King at St.
+Germains: he first thanked his Majesty for intimating to him the Queen's
+pregnancy; and afterwards enlarged on the praise of justice, and on the
+title of Just which the King had merited by the laws he enacted,
+particularly that for abolishing duels, and the protection granted to
+foreign princes. He entered into a detail of the favours which the King
+had received from Providence since his accession to the throne: the
+extinction of the civil wars, the restoration of the royal authority,
+the successes both by sea and land, the passage of the Alps forced, and
+the frontiers of the kingdom enlarged. He added, that after such a
+series of felicity, the only thing left to be desired was that his
+Majesty's posterity might long reign in France; and for this her
+Majesty's pregnancy entitled them to hope; that the Swedes entertained
+the same sentiments, and flattered themselves a perfect harmony would
+always subsist between the two kingdoms. He concluded with soliciting
+the King to augment the Duke of Weymar's troops, against whom the
+Imperialists made the greatest efforts; and to procure Marshal Horne's
+liberty, who was made prisoner at the battle of Nordlinguen: he
+represented that his Majesty might obtain it when he pleased, since he
+had so great a number of the enemies generals in his power, and assured
+him that the Queen his mistress would take it as a very high obligation.
+The Ambassador presented afterwards letters from the Queen of the
+twelfth of April, and concluded with observing, that he had reason to
+think a considerable body of troops would be sent from Sweden into
+Germany this same month of June. The King replied, that he had a great
+friendship for the Queen of Sweden, and had already given proofs of his
+good disposition towards her; that he had sent succours to the Duke of
+Weymar, and would send still more considerable ones if necessary; that
+as to the exchange of Marshal Horne, there was only John de Vert with
+whom it could be made; and that General was not his prisoner, but the
+Duke of Weymar's, to whom he had promised to deliver him on demand.
+Grotius replied, that he did not doubt but the Duke of Weymar would shew
+all possible deference to the King's inclination, if he should find his
+Majesty disposed to procure Marshal Horne's discharge, and that the
+Queen had written to the Duke on that subject.
+
+Some days after this audience, Chavigny[332] informed the Swedish
+Ambassador that John De Vert was the King's prisoner, though Lewis XIII.
+had said the contrary.
+
+Grotius had another audience of the King in the middle of July
+1638[333]. He complimented his Majesty on the happy success of the
+French arms on the frontiers of Spain, and exhorted him to set about the
+recovery of Navarre, which belonged to him of right, and was unjustly
+usurped by Spain; he also recommended to him the Duke of Weymar's
+affairs, and gave reason to hope that something great would be done by
+General Bannier, who had just received reinforcements from Sweden. At
+this audience the Ambassador presented Crusius to the King as a Swedish
+Nobleman who was returning to Stockholm, and would soon be employed in
+public affairs, and might contribute to strengthen the union between the
+two kingdoms. The King received him very graciously, and desired him to
+make his compliments to the High Chancellor.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[321] Ep. 688. p. 281.
+
+[322] Ep. 719. p. 303.
+
+[323] Ep. 720. p. 303.
+
+[324] Ep. 813. p. 354.
+
+[325] Ep. 327. p. 363.
+
+[326] Ep. 923. p. 408.
+
+[327] Ep. 926. p. 410.
+
+[328] Ep. 927. p. 411.
+
+[329] Ep. 949. p. 421.
+
+[330] Ep. 957. p. 426.
+
+[331] Ep. 968. p. 434.
+
+[332] Ep. 971. p. 495.
+
+[333] Ep. 988. p. 447.
+
+
+II. Grotius had always been attentive to cultivate the friendship of the
+Prince of Conde: they visited one another often. The Swedish Ambassador
+relates in one of his letters[334] that the Prince having been nominated
+to command in Paris in the absence of the King and Cardinal Richelieu,
+he waited on him in the beginning of February 1637: the Prince returned
+his visit soon after. The conversation turned on the marriage of
+Monsieur, which the King had hitherto considered as void, because it was
+made without his consent. Gaston's constancy in persisting to keep his
+wife had in the end obliged the King to approve of the match. The Prince
+told Grotius that he had always thought this marriage valid, and did not
+doubt but he was of the same mind. Grotius answered, that the opinion of
+those who regarded such marriages as good, was without doubt most
+generally received. They afterwards talked of Divinity: the Prince had
+been well educated, and loved this kind of conversation. The grand
+controversies concerning the Eucharist and the Pope's authority came
+under consideration; but we know not the particulars.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[334] Ep. 714. p. 299.
+
+
+III. The Pope, foreseeing that the conclusion of a peace was still very
+distant, proposed a truce, in hopes that while it continued they might
+labour more effectually in bringing about a peace. France[335] and
+Sweden discovered no reluctance to suspend for some time the operations
+of the war; and Grotius received orders, as we have already seen, to
+confer with the French Ministry in order to settle the subsidies to be
+given Sweden, and the conditions of the truce. Chavigny was nominated to
+treat with the Swedish Ambassador on this matter. He visited Grotius on
+the twenty-seventh of April, 1638[336], and the Swedish Minister telling
+him, that he had full powers from the Queen to examine, in concert with
+the Minister whom the King should nominate, what was necessary to obtain
+an advantageous truce; Chavigny asked if he had also power to conclude
+the truce. Grotius answered, if France and Sweden could agree, he had in
+that case permission to sign the truce. Chavigny replied, that Cardinal
+Richelieu had learnt from Schmalz, lately arrived from Sweden with
+instructions for Grotius, that the Swedes wanted to have the same
+subsidies during the truce as they had during the war; which appeared
+very surprising; that he did not doubt but Grotius himself would think
+the claim unreasonable, since the truce was to be of long continuance,
+and the expence would be much less than in the time of war. Grotius
+answered, that the truce would be attended with as much expence as the
+war, since the Swedes could not keep the countries, of which they were
+in possession, without great armies. Chavigny replied, that the number
+of troops to be kept on foot during the truce might be settled: upon
+which Grotius observed, that during the truce between the Spaniards and
+the United Provinces the latter preserved the liberty of maintaining as
+large garrisons as they thought necessary for their security; and that
+the King, after the example of Henry the Great his father, furnished
+them with the same succours during the peace as in time of war. Chavigny
+maintained that the Swedes would have nothing to fear from their
+enemies whilst the truce lasted, on account of the great number and
+power of its guarantees: to which Grotius answered, that the countries
+possessed by the Swedes were so distant from their allies, that if they
+did not continue in arms to guard against any unlooked-for invasion,
+those countries would be lost before they could receive assistance.
+
+The King was gone to Chantilly, and from thence he was to proceed to
+Compeigne. Chavigny, who was to follow him, but had not yet fixed the
+time of his departure, told Grotius he would speak to Cardinal Richelieu
+to know whether the conferences in relation to the truce were to begin
+before he went to Chantilly, or after his return, and would signify to
+him the Cardinal's intentions. Grotius answered, that he would bring
+Schmalz with him, because he knew the sentiments of the Swedish
+Ministry, and that he might make an exact report of what passed at his
+return to that kingdom. Schmalz was present at this conversation: he was
+Secretary of the High Chancellor and his confident: Grotius till now had
+numbered him among his friends.
+
+April 30, Chavigny sent to acquaint Grotius that if he pleased they
+would hold a conference the next day. They accordingly met on the first
+of May[337], 1638, at Chavigny's house. Grotius asked that Minister what
+conditions of truce the King would have. Chavigny answered, that the
+conditions were not yet agreed upon; that a truce had only been barely
+proposed, and that his Majesty, as a good friend and faithful ally, was
+willing the Queen of Sweden should be informed of it; that the custom in
+truces was, that each one should keep the countries of which he had
+possession; that it was proper the Princes who had been driven from
+their estates should receive a decent pension during the truce, to be
+paid by those who enjoyed their country; that it was the King's opinion
+they ought not to be too hasty, but wait with patience for the proposals
+of the mediators. Grotius said, if the King would signify on what
+conditions he would agree to the truce, it would be highly agreeable to
+the Swedish Ministry. Chavigny assured him that he had no instructions
+on that head; but if he would acquaint him with the intentions of the
+Swedes, he would lay them before the Cardinal. They entered on the
+business. In the claims of the Swedes there were two articles which met
+with much difficulty: they took it for granted that France should
+continue the same subsidies whilst the truce lasted, and wanted not only
+to keep that part of Pomerania which they had already, but that the
+other should also be ceded to them. These proposals were put in writing.
+Chavigny promised to send them to the Cardinal, and to give a speedy
+answer. May 18[338], Chavigny went to Grotius's house, who immediately
+sent for Schmalz: the matter under consideration was the amount of the
+subsidies: Chavigny said the Swedes asked too much for a time of truce;
+that the King could only give three hundred thousand florins a year
+whilst it lasted. Grotius maintained that the sum was too small in
+proportion to the expence which the Swedes were obliged to be at; and
+that in one word he could consent to no diminution of the subsidies.
+Pomerania was next brought on the carpet. Chavigny pretended that the
+King neither ought, nor could with decency propose to the enemy to yield
+to Sweden what they still held in Pomerania. Grotius maintained that
+Sweden's right to that province was not founded on force, but supported
+by treaties made with the Duke and the people; that, besides, Sweden was
+in no hurry about a truce; that it would even be burdensome to her if
+she were not furnished with sufficient subsidies for paying her
+garrisons; and if she were not left in the possession of all Pomerania.
+He added, that to enable the Swedish Ministry to judge whether the truce
+would be of advantage to the kingdom, they must first be made acquainted
+with its conditions. The conference was concluded by a promise from
+Chavigny that he would communicate the King's intentions to Grotius in
+writing. Schmalz in the mean time did Grotius all the ill offices he
+could: he wrote to Court that they could no longer refuse the instances
+of France to recall the Ambassador: but it was from jealousy or hatred
+that he acted in this manner; for at the same time that he was seeking
+to hurt Grotius, the Count de Feuquieres waited on him from the
+Cardinal, to tell him that they were extremely well pleased with him in
+France, and that far from desiring he should be recalled, his Eminence
+would solicit his stay at Paris.
+
+Schmalz, displeased with Grotius's firmness[339], went privately and
+told Chavigny, that the Ministry of Sweden had resolved to consent to a
+considerable diminution of the subsidies: which he could prove by their
+letters written in Swedish. Grotius was informed of this, and complained
+to the High Chancellor; at the same time assuring him, that Schmalz had
+presumed to vent the highest menaces against him and his wife, because
+(says he) we oppose his unjust designs.
+
+Chavigny falling ill, Desnoyers[340], Secretary at war, was appointed to
+confer with Grotius: He came to his house, and after making him the King
+and the Cardinal's compliments, delivered an answer to the memorial he
+had given Chavigny; acquainting him that every thing was settled between
+the Cardinal and Schmalz. On reading this answer, Grotius said, that
+before he explained himself he must speak with Schmalz, who was joined
+with him in this negotiation; and therefore it was improper for him to
+act alone. Desnoyers being withdrawn, Grotius informed Schmalz of his
+visit. Schmalz maintained that he had settled nothing, and had made
+only a draught of a convention; which he at the same time pressed
+Grotius to approve of, because, he said, it was agreeable to his Swedish
+instructions, which empowered him to accept of two hundred thousand
+florins. Grotius answered, that as this article was directly contrary to
+his instructions, he would, give them the preference; especially as he
+did not understand Swedish. The dispute grew warm[341]; Schmalz asserted
+that he had full powers to act independently of Grotius not only in this
+negotiation, but even in every affair which regarded his embassy: "If it
+be so, the latter writes to the High Chancellor, the French will make a
+jest of him and of me: they, will look on me as Ambassador only in name;
+and on him as Ambassador in fact, though he has not the name: nay he
+actually allows himself to be treated at home as if he were Ambassador,
+and to be written to as if he had the title. It is indeed very hard that
+I, who am advanced in years, should have disputes with a hot-headed
+youth." This quarrel gave him great uneasiness: he writes to
+Oxenstiern[342], "I beg it as a favour of your Sublimity, that if I can
+be of any use to you, you would be pleased to protect me, as you have
+done hitherto. I have had nothing in view in all I have done but the
+welfare of Sweden; and it has cost me much pains to raise, by my words
+and actions, the credit of a nation hitherto little known in this
+country. If I cannot serve with utility, I had much rather return to the
+condition of a private man, than be a burden to the kingdom, or
+dishonour myself."
+
+Schmalz lived on very ill terms with Crusius, a Swedish Lord, whom
+Grotius, as we have just seen, had presented to the King.
+Notwithstanding the grounds of complaint which the Ambassador had
+against Schmalz, he thought the public service required him to reconcile
+them, and for this end he often made them dine with him. One day, at
+the Swedish Banker's, both rose from table after dinner heated with
+wine, and came together to Grotius's: there was only his lady at home.
+They quarrelled, and Schmalz had the impudence to call Crusius several
+times a rascal; with the addition of some threatening gestures. Crusius,
+highly provoked, gave him a box on the ear, and an English colonel in
+company was so enraged against Schmalz, that had it not been for
+Grotius's lady he would have run him through. Notwithstanding this gross
+insult, Schmalz and Crusius[343] were reconciled at Grotius's house; but
+Schmalz still continued his extravagancies. He had the indiscretion one
+time to let his tongue loose against the Duke of Weymar: Baron Erlac,
+who was attached to that Prince, was highly incensed, and the
+consequences might have been very fatal. Grotius again employed his good
+offices to pacify Erlac. But this wrought no change in Schmalz's
+behaviour towards the Swedish Ambassador. In a letter of the sixteenth
+of October, 1638[344], Grotius observes: "It is near two months since
+Schmalz was to see me, though I have been ill; his reasons I neither
+know nor enquire. I am conscious he has no subject of complaint against
+me; but I have much to complain of him. He will return to you richer
+than he came out: I do not envy him the money, which, it is said, he
+received above two months ago from the French; being firmly resolved to
+adhere to the rule I have laid down, and hitherto observed, to accept of
+nothing from them." Schmalz continued to seek every opportunity of
+injuring Grotius[345], who, he said, was a burden on Sweden; and
+Grotius[346] was persuaded that Schmalz had betrayed the secret of
+affairs to the French Ministry in order to prejudice him. Schmalz
+returned to Sweden, where his misconduct being made manifest, he
+incurred the displeasure of the Ministry[347]. He afterwards embraced
+the Roman Catholic Religion, privately abjuring Lutheranism in Baron
+Roste's chapel, the French Resident at Stockholm. The Regency hearing of
+it, complained bitterly that the Resident should suffer it. Schmalz was
+thrown into gaol under pretence of some malversation; but had the good
+fortune to make his escape, and took refuge in Germany, entering into
+the service of the Emperor.
+
+To return to the truce. The negotiation not succeeding at Paris, it was
+transferred to Hamburg, to be managed by D'Avaux and Salvius; but as it
+was very coldly desired either by the French, the Swedes, or even by the
+Imperialists, the conditions could not be settled, and the project was
+dropt.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[335] Bougeant, l. 5. n. 33.
+
+[336] Ep. 950. p. 421.
+
+[337] Father Bougeant Hist. l. 5. n. 35, places this negotiation in
+1639, in which he contradicts Grotius. See Ep 954. p. 424.
+
+[338] Ep. 960. p. 428.
+
+[339] Ep. 974. p. 438.
+
+[340] Ep. 976. p. 439.
+
+[341] Ep. 976. p. 440.
+
+[342] Ep. 982. p. 444.
+
+[343] Ep. 993. p. 450.
+
+[344] Ep. 1046. p. 472.
+
+[345] Ep. 1111. p. 500.
+
+[346] Ep. 1237. p. 560.
+
+[347] Ep. 1263. p. 573. & 1301. p. 590. Bougeant l. 6. n. 32.
+
+
+IV. As Grotius was returning from the audience of the King, at which he
+introduced Crusius, there happened a melancholy adventure which had like
+to have cost them both their lives. In passing through a village where a
+great crowd was assembled to see the execution of some highwaymen[348],
+one of the Swedish Ambassador's domestics on horseback, to make the mob
+give way for his master's coach, struck some of them with his whip: the
+alarm was instantly given that they were persons come to rescue the
+prisoners: upon which some shot were fired at the coach: the coachman
+received two balls in his body, of which he died some days after: the
+balls passed within two inches of the Ambassador's head. On calling out
+who they were, the tumult ceased. The King being informed of this
+outrage, ordered Count Brulon, one of the Introductors of Ambassadors,
+to wait on Grotius, and assure him that he was extremely sorry for his
+misfortune; and that as soon as the offenders were taken, they should
+receive the punishment they merited. Count Berlise, the other
+Introductor of Ambassadors, came also to visit Grotius, and acquaint
+him that the King was greatly concerned at the danger he underwent, and
+that his Majesty had ordered the Chancellor to prosecute the offenders
+with the utmost rigour. Grotius answered, he was so far from being
+animated by a spirit of revenge, that he intended to solicit a pardon
+for the offenders; but that it was proper, however, the King should
+publickly express his indignation, both for the safety of Ambassadors,
+and from a regard to the Law of Nations.
+
+In consequence of his Majesty's orders the Chancellor[349] sent to the
+Swedish Ambassador's to take the depositions; and seven or eight persons
+of the village where the crime was perpetrated were taken up and thrown
+into prison at Paris. The Lady of the Manor came to Grotius, to solicit
+for the prisoners: he told her she must have patience till the trials
+were over, and then he would employ his interest in behalf of those who
+should be found guilty. He informed the High Chancellor of all these
+particulars; observing to him that he was very glad the King gave public
+proofs that he had the safety of Ambassadors at heart; and that for his
+part he would do all in his power to save the offenders from capital
+punishment.
+
+The most guilty had had the precaution to abscond[350]: these, for their
+contempt of the court, were condemned to be broke on the wheel: but the
+sentence was not made public, because the Judges imagined they might
+suffer themselves to be taken if the affair seemed to be dropt. Some
+Lords, however, who had got notice of the sentence[351], were preparing
+to ask their forfeited effects: the Count de Berlise informed Grotius of
+it, and the Ambassador desired him to beg the favour of the King not to
+dispose of their effects, but to order them to be sequestrated, that he
+might restore them to the owners, when the time of their pardon came.
+"I have the honour to inform you of this, he writes to the High
+Chancellor, that it may not be thought I wanted to take advantage of the
+misfortune of these wretches, as some here are wicked enough to
+believe."
+
+The sentence was at length executed on them[352]: but it was only in
+effigie; for none of the offenders had been taken. Grotius was then ill
+of an ague[353], and postponed his application for their pardon till his
+recovery. As soon as he could go abroad[354] he asked an audience; at
+which, after thanking the King for doing justice on them, which proved
+how much his Majesty had the respect due to Ambassadors at heart, he
+entreated him to grant a pardon to the offenders, and not only spare
+their lives, but also restore their effects; of which he claimed no
+part, though the King had left them to his disposal. Lewis XIII. seeing
+him earnest in his request, made answer, that he would give directions
+to the Chancellor that their pardon should pass the seals. Grotius
+promised to go to that Magistrate to solicit it; which he did
+accordingly[355], and the Chancellor promised to finish the affair
+agreeable to his desire.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[348] Ep. 988. p. 447.
+
+[349] Ep. 993. p. 450.
+
+[350] Ep. 438. p. 879.
+
+[351] Ep. 1025. p. 462.
+
+[352] Ep. 1028. p. 463.
+
+[353] Ep. 1043. p. 470.
+
+[354] Ep. 1038. p. 468.
+
+[355] Ep. 1041. p. 469.
+
+
+V. It was on the first of October, 1638, that Grotius went to solicit
+the King in favour of those who had insulted him: the Court was then in
+great joy for the happy birth of the Dauphin[356], who came into the
+world on the 5th of September. The Swedish Ambassador saw the King, the
+Queen, and the Dauphin, and made them his compliments such as the
+occasion required, though it was not the principal object of his journey
+as he could not have received orders on the subject. He recommended to
+the King the affairs of the Duke of Weymar, whom the Imperialists were
+going to attack with a force infinitely superior. His Majesty promised
+to augment that Prince's army as much as his other affairs would
+permit. Grotius having represented of what advantage an extraordinary
+gratification might be to the good of affairs in Germany, the King
+exclaimed against the great expences with which he was overpowered, but
+gave hopes that he would advance a sum of money beyond what he engaged
+to furnish. November 10, 1638[357], Grotius had another audience of the
+King, to entreat him not to abandon the Duke of Weymar in his present
+extremity: he assured his Majesty that he had precise orders to
+recommend to him the affairs of that Prince with the same zeal as those
+of Sweden. The King contented himself with giving a vague answer, which
+did not satisfy the Ambassador. December 4[358], he waited on the King
+and Queen to compliment them, by order of the Queen of Sweden, on the
+birth of the Dauphin. A letter written by him next day to Queen
+Christina relates all that passed at these audiences. After observing
+that he had publicly expressed his joy for the desired birth of the
+young Prince by bonfires, entertainments, and distributions of wine to
+all the neighbourhood, he tells her that he had seen the King, whom he
+informed of the entertainments made in Sweden on occasion of the birth
+of the Dauphin of France; that he observed to his Majesty, if it were
+true, as the Ancients believed, that names were not given by chance, one
+ought to prognosticate great things of the Dauphin [_Anglice_ Dolphin];
+that the signs which surrounded the Constellation bearing his name,
+denote the most happy presages; that it was surrounded by the Eagle,
+Pegasus, Sagittarius, Aquarius, and the Swan; that the Eagle denoted a
+superior genius; Pegasus presaged that he would be powerful in cavalry,
+Sagittarius in infantry, and Aquarius in naval force: the Swan signified
+that his great actions would be celebrated by poets, historians, and
+orators: that the nine stars in the sign of the Dolphin denoted,
+according to astrologers, the nine Muses, who were to render the Prince
+illustrious and receive lustre from him: that the Dolphin being near the
+Equator, signified that the King's justice would be hereditary to his
+son; that naturalists had remarked three properties in the Dolphin,
+which ought to be considered as happy presages of what the Dauphin of
+France would be: that it loved men; that it came quickly to maturity;
+and had much activity.
+
+Grotius, it is probable, had recourse to these unnatural and
+consequently ridiculous allegories in compliance with the bad taste of
+the age. It is to be presumed that such an elevated genius, who knew the
+rules of eloquence, and disapproved of the wretched strain of the
+advocates of that time, was not pleased with himself on this occasion.
+He concluded his harangue with beseeching the King to be persuaded that
+her Swedish Majesty would faithfully execute her treaties; that nothing
+would be more agreeable to her, than to live in the best understanding
+with the King, and to hear of the prosperity of his kingdom; and that
+she would chearfully employ all her forces to encrease the power of
+France. He afterwards excused the Queen for not sending an Ambassador
+extraordinary to compliment the King, giving as a reason, that such a
+commission could only be executed by one of the first Lords of the
+Kingdom, who were all employed in the army, or in the ministry; and the
+Queen presumed his Majesty would like better that they should discharge
+their duty, than undertake so long a journey. The King seemed much
+pleased with the conclusion of this compliment. He promised to be
+constant in his friendship, and faithful in the execution of his
+treaties, and to continue the war with the fame ardour as his good
+sister.
+
+Grotius afterwards waited on the Queen, to whom he said, that his
+complimenting her so late on the part of the Queen of Sweden, was owing
+to the distance of Stockholm: he observed to her that Gothland was a
+province of Sweden, from which the Kings of Spain were not ashamed to
+derive their origin: he expressed his joy at seeing on the throne of
+France a Queen descended from the Goths, and who had brought forth a
+Prince who by his mother belonged to that nation: he assured her that of
+all the Princes who had borne the name of Deodatus, none deserved it so
+well as the Dauphin, whom Providence had given to the prayers of the
+kingdom almost against all hope; that he was born on the day of the Sun,
+which presaged that by his heat and light he would confer happiness on
+France, and the friends of France, among whom her Swedish Majesty held
+the first rank; that he was born in Autumn, the season of the year
+abounding most in fruit, which denoted that with him would be found the
+fruit of all virtues. The Queen received the compliment with great
+politeness, and made an offer of her services to her Swedish Majesty.
+
+The important fortress of Brisac having been obliged to surrender to the
+Duke of Weymar in the end of the year 1638[359], Grotius went to
+compliment the King on that event: he first thanked him for sending
+reinforcements to the Duke, and afterwards enlarged on the advantages of
+taking Brisac, the conquest of which contributed to the security of
+Burgundy and Champaigne, facilitated the preservation of Lorain, the
+towns of Alsace, and the liberty of the Swiss, and, in fine, enabled
+them to make farther progress in Germany: he concluded with beseeching
+his Majesty to order the money promised, to be paid to the Swedes, that
+they might put Marshal Bannier in a condition to accomplish what might
+be of service to the King. Lewis assured him, that he would take care
+the money should be remitted.
+
+Grotius having asked an audience of the King in the month of March,
+1639[360], Count Brulon, Introductor of Ambassadors, waited on him to
+know what he purposed to say to the King, under pretence that when his
+Majesty was not previously apprised of certain affairs, he was too much
+affected by them. Grotius answered, that he should say nothing
+disagreeable to the King. Brulon wanting to enter into farther
+particulars, the Ambassador told him, he would follow his orders. The
+audience, however, was granted: he remonstrated to the King the
+necessity of sending speedy succours to the Duke of Weymar to enable him
+to penetrate into the heart of Germany, whilst Marshal Bannier did the
+same on his side: and assured him, that the Queen was determined to
+embark the recruits and provisions for that General's army as soon as
+the season would permit. The King answered, that he had affairs in so
+many places he could not do at once all that he desired.
+
+Grotius ascribed the King's explaining himself so coldly to the offence
+taken by Cardinal Richelieu at the Duke of Weymar. His Eminence wanted
+to prevail with that Prince to come and pass the winter at Paris, in
+order to enter into a closer connection with him, and to get from him
+the possession of Brisac. The Duke, who was informed of his intentions,
+chose rather to remain in Germany, than to be near an absolute Minister
+whom it was dangerous to contradict. It is said that from this time the
+Cardinal resolved to obstruct the progress of a Prince, whose ambition
+and valour filled him with apprehensions. Grotius had a new audience of
+the King in the middle of April following, to represent to him the
+necessity of augmenting the army commanded by the Duke of Weymar, who
+had sent Erlac to court to obtain speedy succours. The King promised
+that Erlac should be satisfied.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[356] Ep. 1038. p. 468.
+
+[357] Ep. 1064. p. 480.
+
+[358] Ep. 1079. p. 485.
+
+[359] Ep. 1090. p. 490. & 1093. p. 491.
+
+[360] Ep. 1137. p. 514.
+
+VI. These were only vague promises which the Ministry never intended to
+fulfil. The Cardinal had made no secret[361] of his desire to gain the
+Duke of Weymar by giving him his niece in marriage: the Prince's refusal
+and his desire to keep Brisac had so much offended his Eminence, that he
+even told Erlac that the Duke hearkened to bad counsels, and that his
+behaviour to France was not such as gratitude and civility required. The
+malevolence of the French Minister[362] chagrined the Duke so much that
+he fell ill: it was only a slight indisposition, but, however, he did
+not long survive it[363]: a violent fever seized him at Neubourg, which
+on the fourth day cut off a Prince, whom Grotius calls the honour and
+last resource of Germany[364]: the tenth of July, 1639, was the last of
+this illustrious personage. It was at that time very doubtful[365]
+whether he died of the plague, which prevailed in those parts, or of
+poison. Grotius tells us[366], that the Duke himself thought they had
+shortened his days: he even cites on this subject the Prince's funeral
+oration delivered at Brisac, wherein the author was not afraid of
+advancing this anecdote. Grotius was also persuaded[367] that the Prince
+died by poison: he mentions it in a letter to the High Chancellor of the
+10th of October, 1639. "The more I reflect on the Duke of Weymar's
+death, the more I am persuaded that he had on his body no marks of the
+plague, and that it was not in his house: accordingly the reports of his
+being poisoned again prevail, and the suspicion falls upon the Geneva
+physician, who was brought to remove his cholic."
+
+As this Prince's victories made even his allies uneasy, they were
+accused of contributing to his death. Cardinal Richelieu's enemies
+spread the report, without ground, that it was he who caused the poison
+to be given to the Duke, that he might get Brisac more easily; and the
+Swedish historian[368] seems inclined to think he was poisoned, without
+imputing it, however, to the Cardinal. "At the time of the Duke of
+Weymar's death, says he, there was a grand negotiation on foot to know
+whether Brisac should be yielded to France. Grotius pressed the Prince
+to keep it; and the refusing to yield that place disgusted France. He
+died soon after, not without suspicion of poison. The court of
+Vienna[369], to whom his death was of great advantage, was also accused
+of committing the crime: but these were all vague and ill-grounded
+reports, which consequently merit little attention." The Duke of
+Weymar's death[370] occasioned the greatest consternation among the
+Swedes; the army was left without a leader, the towns without a master,
+and for some time there was nothing but anarchy in the country where he
+commanded. This Prince placed the greatest confidence in Grotius, who
+had for him the most perfect esteem. When at Paris he was most intimate
+with the Swedish Ambassador[371], and deposited with him some valuable
+things which he would neither intrust to the King, nor to any of his
+subjects.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[361] Grotii Ep. 1153. p. 524.
+
+[362] Ep. 1140. p. 516.
+
+[363] Ep. 1226. p. 548.
+
+[364] Ep. 1207. p. 549. & 1224. p. 553.
+
+[365] Ep. 1223 p. 557.
+
+[366] Ep. 1254. p. 569.
+
+[367] Ep. 1249. p. 566.
+
+[368] Puffendorf, l. 11. sec. 39.
+
+[369] Le Vassor, l. 45. p. 265, 266.
+
+[370] Ep. 1216, p. 548.
+
+[371] Ep. 876 p. 384.
+
+
+VII. When the Duke of Weymar's death was publicly known, Charles Lewis,
+Elector Palatine, son of the unfortunate King of Bohemia, purposed to
+get the Weymarian army to acknowledge him for their General. This
+negotiation could not be carried on without a large sum of money. The
+Elector went to his uncle the King of England, from whom he got 25000 l.
+sterling, with the promise of a larger sum in case of need. He might
+have returned into Holland, and would in all probability have succeeded
+in his project, but the King of England, it is said, advised him to act
+in concert with France, whose interest was connected with his, and
+without whose assistance he would have much difficulty to accomplish his
+design. King Charles spoke of it to Bellievre[372] the French
+Ambassador at London: he told him the Elector was determined to go to
+France, and lodge with the Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassador at
+Paris, that he might have an opportunity of conferring with the King.
+Bellievre, who was informed of the intentions of the French Court, and
+those of the Elector, represented to the King, that the Prince, before
+he embarked for France, ought to get a passport from the Court,
+otherwise he would be in danger of being arrested by the Governor of the
+first town. Bellievre was desired to write to France about it: the
+Ministry were in no hurry to give him an answer, because they disliked
+the prince's project. The Elector in his impatience resolved to go over
+_incognito_ to France. M. Pelisson assures us[373] it was Montreuil, one
+of the first Academicians, at that time employed by France in England,
+who gave the Court notice of the Elector's design. That Prince managed
+his matters with so little address, that his journey was a secret to no
+body. He went on board publicly[374], suffered the English ships to
+salute him at his departure, and on landing him at Boulogn, the King his
+uncle's ships, which escorted him, made a general discharge of their
+great guns.
+
+After coming on shore[375] he set out with five of his servants for
+Paris; and, changing his name, would not lodge with the Earl of
+Leicester; but took the road to Lyons, where the King was, and travelled
+very slowly. His design was to turn off to Switzerland, and proceed from
+thence to the Weymarian army. The Cardinal, who was informed of his
+rout, suffering him to advance into the heart of the kingdom, caused him
+to be arrested at Moulins in the Bourbonoise. He denied at first that he
+was the Elector Palatine; but was at last obliged to own it. [376]He was
+confined in the citadel; where he was civilly treated, till orders
+should be received from the King. He was from thence carried to
+Vincennes[377], where he was permitted to see no body, and denied the
+use of pen and ink. For six days he was not suffered to walk in the
+garden. The Prince had two brothers at Paris, Maurice and Edward, who
+came there to learn Riding and Fencing. They were narrowly watched, and
+ordered not to leave Paris; and their Governor was charged to attend
+them wherever they went. About a month after the Elector's confinement,
+they were permitted to see him[378]; but it was in presence of
+witnesses: the Elector was also suffered to walk sometimes in the garden
+on condition that the guard went with him.
+
+Cardinal Richelieu and the French Ministers, to justify this conduct,
+gave out that it was not allowable for a foreign Prince to pass through
+the kingdom without the King's permission; that the Elector's conduct
+shewed that he had some bad design; that they knew he wanted to go to
+Geneva, to proceed from thence to the Duke of Weymar's army, to seize
+the towns of Alsace, and exchange them afterwards with the Emperor in
+order to obtain restitution of the Palatinate; and that such a project
+must be very prejudicial to France, to whom the conquest of Alsace had
+cost so many men and so much money. This imprisonment made a great noise
+in Europe: the Earl of Leicester, Ambassador from England, demanded the
+Prince's release; and Christiern King of Denmark used some strong
+expressions. The King of England wrote to the French King, that it was
+he who sent his nephew into France to confer with his Majesty on the
+state of his affairs; and that if the King would not give him an
+audience he ought at least to send him back to England. This letter
+having produced no effect, the English applied to the Queen of Sweden
+to intercede for the discharge of the captive Elector; and the King
+declared at last that he would let Grotius treat with the Ministry about
+the accommodation of this affair. He drew up a plan, in concert with the
+Earl of Leicester, for giving satisfaction to the Court of France that
+the Prince might be set at liberty. The Elector was to give it under his
+hand, that he never intended to negotiate with the Duke of Weymar's army
+without the concurrence of the Queen of Sweden and the most Christian
+King: and on making this declaration he was to remain at Paris, giving
+his parole not to leave it without the King's permission; and the
+English Ambassador was to be security for the observance of it.
+
+Grotius, in communicating this project to Camerarius the Swedish
+Ambassador in Holland, acquaints him that he was persuaded nothing could
+have greater weight with the French Ministry than what he had suggested;
+and that he expected letters from the Queen his mistress, who was much
+affected with the Elector's misfortune. Chavigny made two visits on the
+subject of this negotiation to Grotius, who communicated to him what he
+had concerted with the English Ambassador.
+
+As the French Ministry had need of Grotius in this affair[379], he was
+now treated by them with more civility. Chavigny came to him, by order
+of the King, about the middle of January, 1640[380], and told him that
+his Majesty and the Cardinal esteemed him highly, and for the future
+would treat him with friendship and candour; that if any thing had
+happened formerly, which might displease him, it was wholly owing to
+Father Joseph; and that Cardinal Richelieu was now sensible he had been
+injustly blamed. Grotius returned his thanks for these civilities; he
+assured Chavigny that the Ministry might expect from him all that could
+be hoped for from an honest man; that he knew the disgusts he had
+received proceeded from the Dutch, who, after having treated him
+unjustly, still continued to persecute him; and that he had determined
+to meddle no otherwise in their affairs than as they were connected with
+those of Sweden. Chavigny commended this resolution; adding, that the
+King intended to employ him in accommodating the affair of the Elector
+Palatine; which might be accomplished, if the Prince would only declare,
+that he had not proposed to himself any views on the Duke of Weymar's
+army but with the King's consent, whom he designed to consult; and if he
+would promise to carry on no intrigue for the future in that army
+without the approbation of the Queen of Sweden and the French King; that
+he might then be permitted to remain at Paris, after giving his parole,
+and engaging the English Ambassador to give his, that he should not
+leave it without the King's permission. Grotius answered he would be
+always glad to serve the King. After this conversation Grotius visited
+the Earl of Leicester, and communicated the project to him as his own;
+for Chavigny had desired him not to speak of the conversation which they
+had together: he assured the English Ambassador, that he knew for
+certain if he approved of the proposal the Prince would not only obtain
+his liberty, but might also hope to recover his dominions if his
+Britannic Majesty would bestir himself for that purpose; and that he
+hoped his mediation would not be less agreeable to the King of England,
+than to the French King. The Earl of Leicester answered, that he had
+orders to demand the Elector's discharge without any condition; that he
+would write to England; and till he received an answer must exactly
+follow his instructions. He asked Grotius to continue his good offices
+in this affair, assuring him that they would be most agreeable to the
+King of England. The Swedish Ambassador informed the High Chancellor of
+these particulars, in a letter dated Jan. 22, 1640[381].
+
+Chavigny soon returned to Grotius to know what had passed between him
+and the English Ambassador: and on this occasion assured him of the
+Cardinal's favourable disposition towards him. Some time after, a person
+belonging to Chavigny brought Grotius some papers relating to the
+accommodation of this affair; in which the Weymarian army was supposed
+to belong to the King of France, because he alone paid it. Grotius, on
+the contrary, was persuaded that that army belonged to Sweden and the
+confederate Princes of Germany; and that the Duke of Weymar, as he
+himself had several times said, received the French subsidies in quality
+of ally of that crown, as the Landgrave did in his life-time. On reading
+these papers he told the person who brought them, they would not please
+the English; and asked permission to make some alteration in them.
+Chavigny's Secretary answered, that he had orders to leave them with
+him, that he might shew them to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied,
+that he would first examine them farther, and see what was to be done.
+Some days after, Chavigny sent another Secretary, asking him to confer
+as soon as possible with the Earl of Leicester. Grotius answered, that
+he had read the papers with attention; and finding in them some things
+to the prejudice of Sweden, he would consult the Queen that he might do
+nothing to the prejudice of her rights; that he was sorry the distance
+would not permit him to receive her orders soon, but if the other
+Ambassadors who had offered their good-offices in this affair could
+obtain the Prince's liberty he would be well satisfied.
+
+These papers differed in many places from what had been settled between
+Chavigny and Grotius. They had agreed that the Elector, on coming out of
+Vincennes, should remain at Paris: the new regulation obliged him to
+follow the Court, that he might be more easily observed; besides, it
+only made mention of the King of France, and said nothing of Sweden. The
+French Ministry would absolutely[382] have the Weymarian Army to be the
+King's; and that it was a high offence against him to attempt to get the
+command of it without his consent. The Landgravine of Hesse[383], Amelia
+Elizabeth of Hanau, whose uncommon merit and attachment to France had
+gained her the greatest confederation at Court, wrote to the King in
+favour of the captive Prince, assuring him, that all Germany was under
+affliction on account of his situation. The Queen of Bohemia[384], the
+Elector's mother, approved of the difficulties started by Grotius; and
+Queen Christina ordered him to demand an audience of the King to present
+a letter from her, dated Dec. 19, 1639[385]. It was some time before he
+could obtain this audience, the King being ill of the gout. Some
+imagined this was only a pretext, and that his Majesty refused to see
+him because the Ministers were treating directly with the Elector, who
+was to be set at liberty as soon as they could agree with him, without
+its appearing to be done at the solicitation of any foreign Prince.
+
+The 18th of February, 1640, was at last appointed for the audience:
+Grotius told the King that by clemency men approached nearest to the
+Divinity, and that it became no Prince so well as him who bore the title
+of Most Christian King; that the Kings of France had always
+distinguished themselves by this virtue, particularly Henry IV; and that
+he himself had on several occasions given signal proofs of his clemency.
+He afterwards set forth the ancient splendour of the Palatine house, the
+most illustrious of the empire, whose heir was now in captivity, without
+lands, without subjects, and reduced to seek shelter among strangers:
+he shewed that his house was ever closely attached to France; that it
+defended with all its forces the rights of Henry the Great to the Crown
+when unjustly disputed; that the Austrians were always declared enemies
+of this house, and now kept the second Prince of it in prison; that the
+Courts of Vienna and Madrid ardently desired the continuation of the
+Elector's captivity; that this Prince deserved the better treatment in
+France, as during his minority he was ever an ally of the Crown of
+Sweden, and those, who managed his affairs in his youth, conformed with
+the greatest zeal and fidelity to all the desires of the King's
+Ministers, and contributed much to the success of their demands in the
+diets of Hailbron, Francfort, and Worms; that his Majesty, by setting
+the Prince at liberty, would not only do a great pleasure to Germany,
+but her Swedish Majesty would consider it as a high obligation, and take
+every opportunity to express her gratitude. The King seemed to be
+affected with this discourse. He said, Grotius was not ignorant of his
+reasons for arresting the Elector Palatine; that the good of the common
+cause induced him to do it; that he had always had the restoration of
+the Palatine house much at heart, and caused it to be mentioned to the
+King of England, whom this affair regarded more, and had made several
+proposals on the subject to the Earl of Leicester. Grotius replied, that
+it did not become him to enter into a dispute concerning the reasons
+which determined so great a King to act as he had done; but if, without
+breach of the respect due to his Majesty, he might be permitted to speak
+his sentiments, he thought the best measure that could be taken was to
+forget what was passed, and attend only to the advantage of the common
+cause; adding, that some allowance must be made for the Prince's youth,
+and it ought to be considered, that the bad situation of his affairs did
+not permit him to engage in his service such as were most capable of
+giving him good advice. The King said, he had heard what the Ambassador
+represented, and that he was going to read the Queen of Sweden's
+letters. The audience concluded with the Swedish Ambassador's instances,
+that the King would remember clemency and goodness. Grotius acquainted
+the Queen of Sweden with all these particulars, in a letter dated the 3d
+of March, 1640[386].
+
+As soon as it was known in France, that Grotius had received orders to
+intercede for the Prince, he was confined more closely; so that those of
+his family, who were at Paris, had no communication with him, as before;
+hence it was concluded, that the French Ministers wanted to negotiate
+directly with him, and prevent his holding any correspondence with such
+as might divert him from giving the King the satisfaction he desired.
+These suspicions were well grounded[387]: Chavigny was treating at
+Vincennes with the Prince, who, tired of his confinement, signed the
+declaration which the King wanted, namely, that he had no design to get
+the command of the Weymarian troops contrary to his Majesty's
+inclination, and would not leave France without his permission. The King
+alone was mentioned in this writing, and no notice taken of the Swedes.
+
+The Court being satisfied[388], Chavigny went on the 13th of March,
+1640, at night, to Vincennes, and brought the Prince to the Earl of
+Leicester's house; where he staid _incognito_ till the Hotel of the
+Ambassadors Extraordinary, then occupied by Prince Casimir, should be
+empty. In this manner the Prince recovered his liberty[389], which he
+owed to the powerful solicitation of the Queen of Sweden, and the
+good-offices of her Minister. Grotius informed the Queen, that the
+Prince was come out of Vincennes, by a letter of the 7th of April,
+1640[390]. He went to pay his compliments to his Highness, and gave him
+all the honours due to an Elector, though he was not treated as such by
+the French, because they were in negotiation with the Duke of Bavaria,
+who was invested with the title of Elector, which the Palatine house
+enjoyed before the troubles in Bohemia. But Sweden had still continued
+to regard the Prince as if he had been in possession of his electorate.
+Grotius held a correspondence with him before this event: we have a
+letter of that Ambassador, written on the 16th of November, 1638, to the
+Elector Palatine, in which he allures him, that he had spoken to the
+Most Christian King and his Ministers, and to the English Ambassador,
+for the restoration of the Palatine house; and that he had also written
+about it to the Queen of Sweden and the Grandees of the kingdom.
+
+The Elector came to make Grotius a visit[391], and begged he would
+recommend him to the favour of the Queen of Sweden. Grotius demanded an
+audience of the King, to thank him for the regard he had shewn to the
+Queen his Mistress's recommendation.
+
+The Prince made his court so well to the King, and so managed the French
+Ministry, that he at last got the title of Elector. He was extremely
+well received at Court: but grew weary, however, of France, and was
+desirous of obtaining full and entire liberty by the Queen of Sweden's
+credit. He spoke of it to Grotius; who promised him his good-offices.
+The uneasiness, which the protracting of this negotiation gave the
+Prince, threw him into an ague. At length, after much ado, he obtained
+full liberty. July 25, 1640, the King gave him permission to go where he
+pleased, after giving assurances, that he would adhere to the writing
+signed at Vincennes, by which he engaged to do nothing against the
+interest of France. He came to acquaint Grotius with this agreeable
+news; adding, that he was resolved to go to Holland, and continue there
+till the troubles in Scotland were ended. It was not then foreseen that
+they would last so long, and still less that they would bring the King
+to the block.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[372] Ep. 1876. p. 578.
+
+[373] Hist. de l'Acad. p. 162.
+
+[374] Ep. Grot. 1629. p. 575.
+
+[375] Ep. 1250. p. 576.
+
+[376] Ep. 1271. p. 576.
+
+[377] Puffendorf, l. 11. sec. 60.
+
+[378] Ep. 1283. p. 581.
+
+[379] Ep. 1311. p. 593.
+
+[380] Puffendorf, l. 11. sec. 78.
+
+[381] Ep. 1312. p. 594.
+
+[382] Ep. 1313, p. 595.
+
+[383] Ep. 1317. p. 596.
+
+[384] Ep. 1320. p. 598.
+
+[385] Ep. 1319. p. 597.
+
+[386] Ep. 1328. p. 601.
+
+[387] Ep. 1333 p. 613.
+
+[388] Ep. 1337. p. 607. Puffendorf, l. 12. sec. 52.
+
+[389] Ep. 1338. p. 607.
+
+[390] Ep. 1344. p. 609.
+
+[391] Ep. 1548. p. 611.
+
+
+VIII. Grotius was at this time engaged in another very delicate
+negotiation at the Court of France. Marshal Horn, the High Chancellor's
+son-in-law, had been taken at the battle of Nordlinguen, and Sweden was
+most desirous to recover her General. The famous John de Vert was at the
+same time prisoner at Vincennes[392]: nothing seemed more natural or
+easy than the exchange of these two great Captains: it was obstructed,
+however, by two considerable difficulties. The Duke of Weymar pretended
+that John de Vert was his Prisoner, and that he only sent him into
+France to be kept there till he should redemand him. Besides, the French
+Court were afraid that Marshal Horn's return would be rather hurtful,
+than advantageous to the common cause: there was no longer any
+employment for the Marshal in the army, and as he was supported by the
+credit of his father-in-law, his return to it might occasion a dangerous
+division, the consequences whereof were to be apprehended even by France
+herself. Grotius[393] nevertheless was ordered to solicit the King in
+favour of this exchange: he spoke of it first to Bullion[394], who
+frankly promised to do all in his power for Sweden in the affair. He
+afterwards spoke of it to the King at an audience in the beginning of
+November, 1639; an account of which he sends to the Queen, in a letter
+of the 9th of November. He tells her, that, having pressed the King to
+procure the Marshal's liberty, Lewis discovered great readiness to do
+it, and promised to propose it in council. The Ambassador, to engage the
+King more warmly for this exchange, represented to his Majesty, that the
+late Duke of Weymar designed the generals John de Vert and Enkefort to
+be exchanged for Marshal Horn: that the Prince thought his glory
+concerned in making this exchange; that he had mentioned it to the Queen
+of Sweden; and often written to his Majesty about it, and several times
+employed others to solicit it, and that he died in these sentiments.
+
+Marshal Horn's liberty could not be obtained without the consent of
+another Prince, the Duke of Bavaria, with whom he was a prisoner. That
+Prince, being spoke to, readily gave his consent to the exchange.
+Marshal Horn wrote this to Grotius, in a letter delivered to him by John
+de Vert: and the Ambassador immediately wrote to the High Chancellor,
+May 16, 1640, that he thought the Queen should make new instances by
+letter to the King, and give him [Grotius] fresh orders on the subject.
+
+The taking of Arras furnishing an occasion to compliment the King,
+Grotius went to St. Germains in the beginning of November, 1640. He
+expressed to his Majesty the joy he received by his happy return, his
+good health, and the conquest of such a considerable town as the capital
+of the Artois: he added his sincere wishes for the further increase of
+the prosperity of France, and the happy delivery of the Queen, who was
+then with child of the Duke of Anjou, afterwards Duke of Orleans. The
+King seemed to be pleased with this compliment, and mentioned some of
+the difficulties which attended the siege of Arras. Grotius afterwards
+spoke to the King of Marshal Horn: he told his Majesty that he had
+received letters from him, assuring that the Duke of Bavaria consented
+to his being exchanged for John de Vert. The Ambassador added, that the
+Duke of Weymar always desired the exchange: and that, if his Majesty
+would do Sweden this pleasure, John de Vert might be sent to Benfeld,
+and Marshal Horn to Landau, and both be afterwards set at liberty at
+Basil. The King answered, that he would think seriously of it.
+
+In fact, Chavigny came soon after to see Grotius, and told him that the
+King, after reflecting on the proposals he had made to him concerning
+Marshal Horn's release, had resolved to send John de Vert to Nancy as
+soon as the troops were in winter quarters, that he might be sent back
+with a more considerable escort; that he consented the Marshal should be
+exchanged for John de Vert, on condition, however, that the treaty
+between France and Sweden should be renewed. Chavigny added, that the
+King, having learnt that Grotius complained of the Chancellor Seguier
+for denying him the honours due to an Ambassador, had signified his
+intentions, that he should be treated as the other Ambassadors of
+crowned heads. Grotius having made a visit a little before[395] to the
+Chancellor of France, he had neither advanced to meet him, according to
+custom, nor given him the place that was due to him, nor re-conducted
+him on coming away. The Ambassador complaining of it, Count Brulon came
+and told him in presence of the Chancellor's servants, that if any
+offence had been given him, it proceeded from inattention, and not from
+design; for the King would have him treated with the same honours as
+other Ambassadors of Kings. Grotius replied, that he expected to receive
+the same treatment as the English Ambassador: on which Count Brulon
+said, France gave to each power the honour due to its rank.
+
+The exchange, however, was not executed. Grotius made a journey to
+Rheims, where the King was, to speak to him of it[396]. The King gave
+him the most positive promises, and engaged to give John de Vert his
+liberty, if the Duke of Bavaria sent Marshal Horn to Landau. Grotius
+wrote to the Court of Bavaria; John de Vert was conducted to Selesdad:
+and at last the exchange was made at Strasbourg. Grotius wrote a
+letter[397] of compliment on it to the Marshal, and desired him to come
+and lodge with him, if he purposed to pass through Paris in his way to
+Sweden.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[392] Bougeant, l. 6. sec. 14.
+
+[393] Ep. 1259. p. 371.
+
+[394] Ep. 1263. p. 573. 1276. p. 578.
+
+[395] Ep. 1414. p. 645.
+
+[396] Ep. 1512. p. 685. 1517. p. 687. 1523. p. 690 & 1532. p. 693
+
+[397] Ep. 1565. p. 708.
+
+
+IX. The renewal of the treaty of alliance between France and Sweden,
+which was almost expired, was now on the carpet. This grand affair was
+negotiating at Hamburg between Claude de Meme count d'Avaux, and John
+Adler Salvius, Vice-Chancellor of Sweden. Grotius[398], who was
+attentive to give such counsels as might be useful to the crown of
+Sweden, wrote to the High Chancellor on the 29th of September, 1640,
+that if the subsidies made the only difficulty to the conclusion of the
+treaty, he knew the Cardinal would augment them. And accordingly,
+instead of a million, which France promised to Sweden by the last[399]
+treaty, by this she gave her twelve hundred thousand Francs. The
+negotiation meeting with many obstacles, it was drawn into a great
+length and not concluded till the last of June, 1641.
+
+In the beginning of November in the preceding year, Chavigny came to
+acquaint Grotius, that the King was astonished that nothing was done in
+the eight months that the renewal of the alliance had been negotiating
+at Hamburg; that it would seem the regents of Sweden imagined by these
+delays to obtain better conditions; but the King could add nothing to
+the former subsidies by reason of his exorbitant expences both on his
+own account and that of the allies; that he was desirous of being
+speedily informed of the intentions of the Swedish Ministers; that the
+renewal of the treaty would contribute to the obtaining a good peace;
+that if they would not renew it, it was time the King should know it,
+that he might take his measures; and that the peace was greatly retarded
+by the hopes which the enemy entertained of a difference between France
+and Sweden. He added, that if a separate treaty should be set on foot,
+France could obtain better terms than Sweden. The whole drift of this
+discourse was to let Grotius know they were not ignorant that he had
+written to Sweden, advising the Regency to take advantage of the present
+occasion to obtain more advantageous conditions from France; which would
+be granted. The Swedish Ambassador answered Chavigny, that he had
+received a letter from the Queen for his Majesty, which he purposed to
+deliver immediately; that the war was very burdensome to the Swedes, who
+had so many enemies to combat with, especially this year and last; and
+that as to the renewal of the treaty, he had nothing to say to it; for
+that affair did not concern him, but Salvius.
+
+He demanded an audience; but it was denied on several pretexts[400];
+because they wanted farther information of what was doing at Hamburg. It
+was at last granted[401] on the 16th of November, 1640. He saw the Queen
+first, whom he complimented on the birth of the Duke of Anjou: he
+afterwards saw the King, and delivered to him the Queen's letters of the
+10th of September. He congratulated him on the advantages gained last
+campaign, and on the birth of a second son of France; and entreated his
+Majesty to send a greater force into Germany as the only means to obtain
+a glorious peace. The King promised it, and afterwards repeated to
+Grotius what Chavigny had said; that the treaty of alliance would soon
+expire; that he would be glad to renew it on the former conditions; but
+that if her Swedish Majesty disliked them, he wished to know it
+immediately, that he might regulate his measures accordingly. He often
+repeated that it was not in his power to augment the subsidies, though
+the Ambassador proved that he could never make a better use of his
+money. Grotius informed the Queen of what passed at this audience by a
+letter of the 17th of November, 1640, in which he assures her that the
+true reason why the King deferred seeing him was his waiting for
+Cardinal Richelieu, with whom he wanted to concert the answer he should
+make. He acquainted this Princess at the same time, that it was from the
+Superintendant's own friends he understood the Swedes might hope for an
+increase of the subsidies on renewing the alliance.
+
+Salvius informed Grotius of the state of the negotiation[402], that they
+might act in concert. The Vice-Chancellor was the _primum mobile_ of
+this great affair: Grotius was subordinate to him, and did him great
+service by the instructions which he sent him.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[398] Ep. 1420. p. 647.
+
+[399] Bougeant. l. 6. n. 38.
+
+[400] Ep. 1440. p. 653.
+
+[401] Ep. 1442. p. 654.
+
+[402] Ep. 1472. p. 666.
+
+
+X. Cardinal Richelieu died the year after the renewal of the treaty of
+alliance between France and Sweden, on the 4th of December, 1642. This
+famous Minister was not much regretted by the Swedish Ambassador:
+independent of the grounds of complaint which Grotius thought he had
+against the Cardinal, it is not surprising that he should have no great
+veneration for him; they were of too different sentiments to esteem, or
+perhaps to do one another justice.
+
+Lewis XIII. did not long survive his Prime Minister; the fourteenth of
+May, 1643, was his last. Anne of Austria, his widow, was Regent of the
+Kingdom during the minority of her son Lewis XIV. She told the Swedish
+Ambassador by Chavigny, and repeated it herself, that the King's death
+would make no change in the alliance between France and Sweden; that she
+would follow the intentions of the late King in every thing, and observe
+with the greatest fidelity the treaties made with the allies.
+
+The Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Conde were of the same
+sentiments[403]. Cardinal Mazarin soon gained all the Queen's
+confidence, and the principal part in the Ministry: he pretended to
+support the dignity of Cardinal with the same grandeur as his
+predecessor: which made Grotius resolve[404] to wait for orders from
+Sweden before he saw his Eminence. September 26, 1643, he writes to
+Salvius[405], "I received with great pleasure your Excellency's letters.
+I caused them to be delivered to Cardinal Mazarin, whom I have not seen,
+nor will see, unless the Queen order it. He takes the precedence of the
+Ambassadors of Kings; and though the title of Eminence be given him, he
+refuses that of Excellence to Ambassadors." Sweden having declared war
+against the King of Denmark[406], who had taken several Swedish ships
+trading in the Sound, Grotius communicated the Queen of Sweden's motives
+to the French Queen[407], without having orders for it, in an audience
+which he had of her Majesty about the middle of April, 1644; acquainting
+her that justice and necessity obliged Sweden to have recourse to arms
+against the Danes; he also shewed her the declaration of war, which he
+translated into Latin, and printed at Paris. Some time after, Christina
+sent him orders to inform the Queen of France of the reasons which
+obliged the Swedes to enter into a war with Denmark; which Grotius did
+accordingly at an audience in the beginning of June, 1644.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[403] Ep. 1594. p. 743.
+
+[404] Ep. 632. p. 946.
+
+[405] Ep. 1611. p. 717.
+
+[406] Bougeant, l. 8. p. 542.
+
+[407] Ep. 1661. p. 721.
+
+
+XI. It was the adventurer Cerisante who brought Grotius Queen
+Christina's letters, ordering him to lay before the Queen of France
+Sweden's grounds of complaint against Denmark. He had had interest to
+get himself nominated Agent of the crown of Sweden at Paris, with orders
+however to do nothing but in concert with the Ambassador[408]. Some
+years before, the continual jars between Grotius and the French
+Ministers made the Regents of Sweden[409] hesitate whether it would not
+be proper to recall Grotius: he himself had wrote to the High
+Chancellor[410], that, to obviate all difficulties raised against him,
+it would perhaps be more proper to have only an Agent at Paris. It is
+pretended that the inclination which he was suspected to have for the
+Roman Catholics contributed to set the Swedes against him; and Crusius
+wrote from Bremen, November 27, 1642[411], "It is publicly reported that
+Grotius is become a Papist, and has lost all credit in Sweden." He was
+not consulted in the nomination of Cerisante; accordingly it gave him
+much uneasiness, which he did not dissemble[412]: he regarded this Agent
+as a spy sent to observe his conduct, and his mission as a proof that
+the Ministry were not satisfied with him: this greatly contributed to
+increase the disgust he had taken to his embassy, which he had already
+hinted in confidence to some of his friends. February 16, 1641, he wrote
+a letter of compliment to Lewis Camerarius[413] on his being recalled
+from his embassy to Holland, and assures him that it would give him
+great pleasure to live in such quiet. He writes to his brother, November
+1, 1641[414], "If they threatened to recall me from my embassy I should
+not be sorry: it is not a lucrative thing. I am surfeited with honours;
+old age comes on, and will soon demand ease." A year after, he writes to
+him[415], "I am come to the age at which many wise men have voluntarily
+renounced places of honour. I love quiet, and would be glad to devote
+the remainder of my life to the service of God and of posterity. If I
+had not some hope of contributing to a general peace, I should have
+retired before now."
+
+The headstrong and forward temper of the person who was appointed his
+coadjutor crowned all his uneasiness. In effect, no body could be more
+the reverse of Grotius than Cerisante. The Memoirs of the Duke of Guise
+have placed this man in a very ridiculous light: his family indeed
+complain that the duke of Guise did not do him justice; but we know from
+others that he was as vain as he was inconsiderate. He was the son of
+Duncan, Minister of Saumur, and being perfect master of the Belles
+Lettres, he had been nominated Governor to the Marquis de Foix, who
+afterwards made him Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment of Navarre; but a
+quarrel with the Duke of Candale in the beginning of Anne of Austria's
+regency obliged him to quit the kingdom. He retired into Sweden, in
+hopes that the Queen, who loved men of wit, would make his fortune. He
+was not disappointed: she gave him a commission to levy a regiment,
+which he never raised; and sent him into France with the titles of
+Colonel and Agent of Sweden.
+
+He soon laid aside that regard for Grotius which was recommended to him;
+and gave on all occasions proofs of his rash and vain-glorious humour.
+Grotius tells us that he sent very false intelligence to Sweden, which
+he affirmed that he had from the first hand: in short, he was guilty of
+so many extravagancies, that Queen Christina, being informed how little
+he was esteemed, and that she was in some sort censured on his account,
+dismissed him her service; but it was not till after Grotius's departure
+from Paris.
+
+It will readily be judged that a man of this character could ill agree
+with Grotius: accordingly they were soon at great variance. Their
+misunderstanding was quickly known. Sarrau wrote to Salmasius, June 1,
+1644[416], "Duncan the Swedish Agent at this Court gives the Ambassador
+much uneasiness." Grotius's patience being therefore worn out, he wrote
+to Sweden, desiring the Queen to recall him: his request was granted
+with great readiness. As she did not dignify to him where he must
+go[417], he wrote to Baron Oxenstiern, the Swedish Plenipotentiary to
+the peace of Munster and Osnabrug, and son of the High Chancellor,
+desiring him to inform him of the Queen's intentions, if he knew them;
+or to advise him whither he ought to go, to Osnabrug or elsewhere; and
+in fine, to send him a safe-conduct from the Ambassadors of the Emperor
+and the King of Spain, and even, if he could, from the Elector of
+Cologn. Grotius was strongly persuaded that they would employ him
+elsewhere[418]. He demanded an audience of Queen Anne, whom he informed
+of his being recalled. The Queen of Sweden wrote to the French Queen a
+letter highly to Grotius's honour[419], in which she said that she would
+never forget his great services. She wrote also to himself[420],
+signifying to him her satisfaction with his fidelity and prudence, and
+making him the fairest promises: which confutes what we find in the
+_Menagiana_[421], that Queen Christina began her reign with recalling
+Grotius; since it is beyond doubt that it was Grotius himself who asked
+to be recalled. But we must not expect great exactness in this kind of
+works, compiled for the most part by persons who relate ill what they
+heard, and are not always acquainted with the matters of which they
+write.
+
+Before we consider Grotius returned to a private station, we shall
+observe that he always supported with great firmness the rights and
+honours belonging to the rank of Ambassador, not from vanity, but
+because he thought it his duty to prevent a dignity conferred on him
+from being depreciated. He imagined[422], that the Dutch, from ill-will
+to him, had entered into a kind of conspiracy not to treat him as
+Ambassador, and to make him be considered as a simple Resident[423];
+and afterwards to make a crime of his weakness in giving up any part of
+his right. They denied him the title of Excellency when speaking to him
+of private business, under pretext that his embassy was not concerned:
+but he shewed this to be a very bad reason, since the greatest Noblemen
+in Sweden treated him as Ambassador even in private letters: he
+therefore burnt all those letters which did not give him the proper
+titles, without answering them; and even would not receive in his house
+such persons as denied him the honours due to the Ambassadors of crowned
+heads.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[408] Ep. 716. p. 970.
+
+[409] Puffendorf, l. 13. n. 77.
+
+[410] Ep. 690. p. 284.
+
+[411] Inter Vossianas Ep. 656.
+
+[412] Ep. 1689, p. 731.
+
+[413] Ep. 1477. p. 668.
+
+[414] Ep. 572. p. 928.
+
+[415] Ep. 620. p. 942.
+
+[416] Ep. 83. p. 84. Sarravii.
+
+[417] Ep. 1743. p. 746.
+
+[418] Ep. 1745. p. 746.
+
+[419] Ep. 1757. p. 749.
+
+[420] Ep. 1753. p. 748.
+
+[421] Tom. 2. p. 298.
+
+[422] Ep. 532. p. 912.
+
+[423] Ep. 542. p. 918.
+
+
+XII. When the news of Grotius's recall was known at Paris, it was
+publicly said that he was going to Sweden to complain of his collegue.
+Sarrau writes thus to Salmasius, March 15, 1645[424]. "Grotius is
+preparing to set out for Sweden after Easter, to complain of the injury
+done to him by appointing for his successor a young man who was his
+rival. He must however obey; and return into a private station: but this
+Colossus, though thrown down, will be always great; this statue will
+still be very high without its base." Whilst Grotius waited for Baron
+Oxenstiern's answer, he wrote to Spiringius, the Swedish Agent in
+Holland, asking him, in case he should not receive a favourable letter
+from Osnabrug, to send him a ship of war to some French port, on board
+of which he might embark for Gottenburg; or, if that could not be done,
+to obtain a passport to go from Holland to Gottenburg; but on condition
+that no mention should be made of what passed in his youth; otherwise,
+he declared, he would take another rout. It is probable he obtained such
+a passport as he desired; for embarking at Dieppe[425], he went to
+Holland, where he was extremely well received. The Burgomasters of
+Amsterdam paid him all honour, and he was entertained at the public
+expence. He had also reason to be satisfied with the town of Rotterdam:
+not but there were at this time some mean souls in Holland, who wanted
+to make the States of Holland, then assembled, deny him a passage
+through the Province: but this shameful step served only to draw upon
+them the public indignation. The City of Amsterdam fitted out a vessel
+to carry him to Hamburg, where he was May 16, 1645, on which day he
+writes to his brother[426] that the wind had been against them; that he
+had been eight days by the way; and that Schrasvius, the Dutch Resident
+at Hamburg, came to visit him, and had a conversation with him full of
+friendship. He was resolved to set out next day for Lubeck, and hoped to
+find at that town, or at least at Wismar, a vessel that might carry him
+to Calmar, where he believed the High Chancellor to be with the French
+and Dutch Ambassadors. In this letter he asked his brother to give him
+only the title of Counsellor to her Swedish Majesty. He speaks much of
+the honourable reception which the Magistrates of Lubeck gave him[427].
+"You cannot believe, he writes to his brother, how many friends I have
+found." He was in the end of March at Wismar[428], where Count Wrangel,
+Admiral of the Swedish fleet, gave him a splendid entertainment, and
+afterwards sent a man of war with him to Calmar[429]. The High
+Chancellor was not there, but at Suderacher, four leagues distant,
+negotiating a peace between Sweden and Denmark. Grotius wrote to him
+immediately, and received a speedy answer: on the 8th of June the High
+Chancellor sent a Gentleman with his coach to bring him to Suderacher,
+where he remained a fortnight[430] with the Chancellor and, the other
+Ambassadors, who treated him with great honours: returning to Calmar, he
+went by land to Stockholm. Queen Christina was then at Upsal: but, as
+soon as she heard of Grotius's arrival in her capital, she came back to
+see so great a man: a desire to be acquainted with such as distinguished
+themselves in the republic of letters is well known to have been one of
+her favourite passions. On the morrow of his arrival[431], she gave him
+a long audience, with which he appears, by a letter written to his
+brother July 15, 1645, to be well satisfied. "I am now at Stockholm,
+says he, and have seen the Queen. She makes me great promises. I do not
+know yet what she will do with me. The Senators seem well satisfied with
+all that I have done."
+
+Christina gave him several audiences; made him dine with her; and he
+appeared to be abundantly pleased with the honours he received: but as
+he saw they were in no haste to do any thing for him, and only rewarded
+him with compliments, he grew uneasy, and asked permission to retire. He
+was confirmed in this resolution by finding the Court filled with
+persons who had conceived a jealousy against him; besides, the air of
+Sweden did not agree with him. The Queen several times refused to grant
+him his dismission, and signified to him that if he would continue in
+her service in quality of Counsellor of State, and bring his family into
+Sweden, he should have no reason to repent it: but he excused himself on
+account of his own health, which was much altered, and of his wife's
+health, who could not bear the cold air of that kingdom. He asked a
+passport, which they delayed granting. In the mean time he grew so
+uneasy at Stockholm, that he resolved to be gone without a passport.
+Leaving that city therefore, he went to a seaport two leagues distant,
+in order to embark for Lubeck. The Queen being informed of his
+departure, sent a Gentleman to inform him that she wanted to see him
+once more; otherwise she should think that he was displeased with her:
+he returned therefore to Stockholm, and explained himself to the Queen,
+who seemed satisfied with his reasons, and made him a present in money
+amounting to twelve or thirteen thousand Imperials[432], about ten
+thousand French Crowns, adding to it some silver plate, that was not
+finished sooner: which, he was assured, delayed the granting of his
+passport. It was afterwards issued, and the Queen gave him a vessel, on
+board which he embarked the 12th of August for Lubeck.
+
+The _Menagiana_ contains an anecdote relating to the last audience that
+Grotius had of Queen Christina, which we shall relate rather to throw
+contempt on this kind of works, than to give weight to it. When Grotius,
+it tells us, had his audience of leave of Queen Christina, she said some
+sharp things to him; on which he immediately left her, saying only,
+Madam, I remain your most humble servant. The Queen was afterwards vexed
+at it, and could not help observing, that he ought not to have gone away
+without taking leave of her. Marigny said to her, Madam, he did take
+leave of you. You do not know what you say, replied the Queen; if he
+had, I should have known it. Madam, added Marigny, what I say is true; I
+was there; when they say in France, on going away, I remain your most
+humble servant, it is taking leave of a person. The Queen sustained
+this; and sending for Grotius, made him a present of copper to the
+amount of forty thousand livres.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[424] Ep. Sarr. p. 116.
+
+[425] Le Clerc, l. 12. t. 2. Latin Life of Grotius. Barleus, in
+Vicquefort's Letters, Ep. 79. p. 416. Vind. Grotii, p. 472.
+
+[426] Ep. 760. p. 749.
+
+[427] Ep. 761. p. 749.
+
+[428] Ep. 1762. p. 749.
+
+[429] Ep. 1793. p. 749.
+
+[430] Ep. 1764, p. 750.
+
+[431] Ep. 1765. p. 750.
+
+[432] Vind. Grot. p. 478.
+
+
+XIII. Grotius's departure from Stockholm gave rise to several very
+uncertain reports. Vondel, a famous Dutch Poet, and a friend of that
+learned man, pretends that he designed to go to Osnabrug[433], where the
+peace was negotiating; others assure[434], that he was desirous of
+retiring to Holland, where the Republican party was beginning to gain
+the ascendant. A modern author has advanced[435], that he resolved to go
+into Poland, in hopes that the King would send him Ambassador to the
+court of France: but it is more probable, that, disgusted with
+negotiations and business, he only sought a place of retreat, where he
+might complete his imaginary project of forming a coalition of
+Christians, and prepare for his latter end.
+
+The vessel was scarce sailed for Lubeck, when she was overtaken by a
+violent storm, which obliged her to put in, on the 17th of August,
+fourteen miles from Dantzick. Grotius set out in an open waggon for
+Lubeck, and arrived at Rostock[436] on the 26th of August very ill.
+Nobody knew him: his great weakness determined him to call a physician:
+his name was Stochman, who, on feeling Grotius's pulse, said his
+indisposition proceeded from weakness and fatigue; and that with rest
+and some restoratives he might recover: but next day he changed his
+tone; on seeing his weakness increase, with a cold sweat, and other
+symptoms of nature being spent, he judged that his end was near. Grotius
+then asked for a clergyman. John Quistorpius was brought, who, in a
+letter to Calovius, gives us the particulars of Grotius's last moments.
+We cannot do better than copy it.
+
+"You are desirous of hearing from me how that Phoenix of Literature,
+Hugo Grotius, behaved in his last moments, and I am going to tell you.
+He embarked at Stockholm for Lubeck; and after having been tossed for
+three days by a violent tempest, he was shipwrecked and got to shore on
+the coast of Pomerania, from whence he came to our town of Rostock,
+distant above sixty miles, in an open waggon, through wind and rain. He
+lodged with Balleman; and sent for M. Stochman, the physician, who
+observing that he was extremely weakened by years, by what he suffered
+at sea, and the inconveniences attending the journey, judged that he
+could not live long. The second day after Grotius's arrival in this
+town, that is, on the 18th of August, O.S. he sent for me about nine at
+night. I went, and found him almost at the point of death. I said there
+was nothing I desired more than to have seen him in health, that I might
+have the pleasure of his conversation. He answered, God had ordered it
+otherwise. I desired him to prepare himself for a happier life, to
+acknowledge that he was a sinner, and to repent of his faults: and
+happening to mention the publican, who acknowledged that he was a
+sinner, and asked God's mercy, he answered: _I am that publican._ I went
+on, and told him, that he must have recourse to Jesus Christ, without
+whom there is no salvation. He replied, _I place all my hope in Jesus
+Christ._ I began to repeat aloud in German the prayer which begins _Herr
+Jesu_[437]; he followed me, in a very low voice, with his hands clasped.
+When I had done, I asked him, if he understood me. He answered, _I
+understand you very well._ I continued to repeat to him those passages
+of the word of God which are commonly offered to the remembrance of
+dying persons, and asking him if he understood me, he answered, _I heard
+your voice, but did not understand what you said._ These were his last
+words: soon after he expired, just at midnight. His body was delivered
+to the Physicians; who took out his bowels. I easily obtained leave to
+bury them in our principal Church, which is dedicated to the Virgin."
+
+Thus died this celebrated man, on the 28th of August at night, or rather
+in the morning of the 29th, 1645. A number of falshoods were published
+on occasion of his death. Du Maurier relates[438], that a Roman Catholic
+Priest, and Ministers of different persuasions, hearing that Grotius was
+dying, came to him to dispose him to die in their communion: that he
+made them no answer, but, _I don't understand you_; and on their silence
+said to them, _Exhort me to die like a Christian._
+
+Quistorpius's relation, ill understood, has given rise to several
+groundless stories. M. Arnaud[439] assures us that he had the
+particulars of Grotius's death from one of his Secretaries, who told
+him, that when he was at Rostock a Lutheran Minister came to see him in
+his illness, and speaking to him of religion, Grotius answered, I don't
+understand you; willing to let him know that his conversation was not
+agreeable. M. Jurieu[440] maintains, that he died without making any
+profession of religion, and that he answered those who exhorted him to
+prepare for death in these words, I don't understand you: turning his
+back to them.
+
+If we may believe the _Menagiana_, the Minister who came to wait upon
+him at his death, said to him what was very poor; and Grotius, to gain
+time, and let him know that he could well dispense with his
+exhortations, said to him, I am Grotius. To which the Minister answered,
+What! are you the great Grotius? M. Le Clerc[441] mentions his having
+seen in an English book that Grotius said when dying, "By undertaking
+many things I have accomplished nothing."
+
+Not even so much as the cause of his death has escaped without
+misrepresentations. M. Le Clerc informs us, that some of his enemies
+spread a report, that he was killed by lightning: and not long ago, he
+adds, a learned man of my acquaintance asked me by letter if it was
+true.
+
+Patin[442] writes, that it was suspected he had been poisoned. "We hear,
+says he, that Grotius is dead at Rostock, on his return from Sweden, of
+a fever, not without suspicion of being poisoned by the Lutherans, on
+account of what he says about Antichrist in favour of the Pope: but I do
+not think that poisoning is used in that country."
+
+They carried their wickedness to such a height as to accuse Queen
+Christina of shortening that great man's days. The new Memoirs of the
+Abbe d'Artigny[443] acquaint us, that Antony Argoud, Dean of the
+Cathedral of Vienne, haranguing Queen Christina the 13th of August,
+1656, pleased her so much, that she gave him broad hints that she would
+do great things for him if he would attend her in quality of first
+Chaplain. The Queen had in her retinue Lesseins, one of the Gentlemen of
+the King's Bedchamber, who was ordered to accompany that Princess from
+Marseilles to Lions. Argoud telling him of the Queen's proposals, he
+diverted him from accepting them by painting out Christina as an
+inconstant and capricious Princess. "He forgot nothing to set him
+against her, even to telling him that Grotius would have been still
+alive, if he had had nothing to fear from the jealousy of the Swedes;
+but that the ill treatment of the Queen brought that great man to his
+grave." It is very possible that not having been treated by the Queen so
+well as he expected, it chagrined him much: but whatever is not
+conformable to Quistorpius's letter, against which nothing solid can be
+advanced, ought to be rejected as apocryphal. His corpse was carried to
+Delft, and deposited in the tomb of his ancestors. He wrote this modest
+Epitaph for himself[444]:
+
+     _Grotius hic Hugo est, Batavum captivus et exul,
+           Legatus regni, Suecia magna, tui._
+
+Grotius had the precaution to make his will at Paris on the 27th of
+March, 1645, a little before his departure. He had a very agreeable
+person, a good complexion, an aquiline nose, sparkling eyes, a serene
+and smiling countenance. He was not tall, but very strong, and well
+built.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[433] Vind. Grot. p. 478.
+
+[434] Menagiana.
+
+[435] Hist. du Socinianisme, c. 42. p. 831.
+
+[436] Observat. Hallen. 15. t. 7. p. 341.
+
+[437] It is a prayer addressed to Jesus Christ, and suited to the
+condition of a dying person who builds his hope on the Mediator. M. Le
+Clerc has recited it at large in the Sentimens de quelques Theologiens
+de Hollande, 17 Lettre, p. 397.
+
+[438] Memoirs, p. 431.
+
+[439] Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, p. 395.
+
+[440] Esprit de M. Arnaud, t. 2. p. 308.
+
+[441] Sentimens des Theologiens de Hollande, Lettre 17. p. 402.
+
+[442] T. 1. Lettre 7.
+
+[443] T. 1. p. 340.
+
+[444] Ep. 536. p. 915.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VI.
+
+
+However much Grotius was employed in the business of his embassy, he
+still found time for study, which was one of the greatest pleasures of
+his life. He has even been accused of applying too much to literature
+for an Ambassador[445]; but his letters testify that he did not go to
+study till he had finished what his duty to the crown of Sweden required
+of him, and spent in it the time only which other Ministers give to
+their pleasures, to conversations often useless, and visits sometimes
+unnecessary.
+
+Eight days after making his entry into Paris in quality of Ambassador,
+he wrote to Salmasius, March 9, 1635[446], informing him of the happy
+change in his affairs. He acquaints him, that when he shall be a little
+used to business, he hopes to have leisure enough to continue the
+cultivation of learning. "How desirous soever I may be of serving the
+public in this respect, he says, I know not where I ought to begin. My
+Commentaries on the Evangelists would be apt to expose me to hatred in
+the present age, when every one maintains his opinions with obstinacy.
+The History of the Low-Countries, tho' written with great simplicity,
+will find malevolent readers. Shall I return again to trifles, such as
+are not unworthy men of learning, and turn into Latin the Epigrams
+collected by Planudas? One thing hinders me: I know you have made
+several corrections in the Manuscripts, and I am unwilling to translate
+from a faulty copy. Yet I cannot expect that you should interrupt your
+studies, to send me the corrections you have made."
+
+"My greatest relief from the languors of the Court, he writes to
+Schmalz[447], is the conversation of men of learning, to whom I
+chearfully give all the time that I can spare from business."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[445] Du Maurier, p. 418. & 423. Wiquefort Ambas. l. 1. p. 95.
+
+[446] Ep. 368. p. 134.
+
+[447] Ep. 373. p. 136.
+
+
+II. Neither his serious studies, nor his public occupations, ever made
+him relinquish the Muses: Amidst his embarrassments and anxiety in the
+beginning of his embassy, he put his tragedy of Joseph to the
+press[448], which had all the success that could be hoped for; and wrote
+several Latin Epigrams. June 26, 1637[449], he sent some to his brother
+that were just finished; observing to him that he would possibly one day
+add to them a Greek translation in verse of the Latin verses in
+Suetonius; and a Latin translation of Euripides's Iphigenia in Tauris.
+
+He wrote to Gronovius, February 17, 1638[450], that he unbended himself
+at times, after his weightier business, in the company of the Muses.
+"However much I am busied, he writes to Freinshemius[451], I still
+preserve my affection for the Muses, and look upon them as the most
+agreeable of all Amusements."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[448] Ep. 378. p. 138 & 339, p. 851.
+
+[449] Ep. 402 p. 869.
+
+[450] Ep. 915. p. 402.
+
+[451] Ep. 909. p. 435.
+
+
+III. He made _Tacitus_ his particular study, and, writes to Vossius,
+July 6, 1635[452], to inform himself, whether a new edition of that
+celebrated Historian, was any where printing, because he had a mind to
+communicate his notes to the Editors[453]. "They are neither," says he,
+"political dissertations, nor a commentary; but corrections which may be
+useful. I call them, to speak modestly, conjectures[454], tho' I am
+persuaded most of them will appear to be well grounded." However, as
+they filled but a few sheets[455], he did not think proper to print
+them, at Paris; but sent them, in 1640, to his brother, who
+communicating them to the Elzevirs, they were published the same year in
+their edition of _Tacitus_[456], and have been several times reprinted.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[452] Ep. 430. p. 159.
+
+[453] Ep. 573. p. 225.
+
+[454] Ep. 402. p. 869.
+
+[455] Ep. 444. p. 897.
+
+[456] Fabricius, Biblioth.
+
+
+IV. The learned Gronovius, intending to publish an edition of _Statius_,
+requested Grotius to send him his remarks on that Poet: this he complied
+with, in a letter of the 28th of October, 1636[457], containing the
+several corrections he had made in the margin of this author, whom he
+had often read with pleasure and application. The edition of _Statius_
+was published: and Gronovius, without receiving Grotius's letter[458],
+had made most of the remarks that were sent to him: Grotius, however,
+suspected[459] Gronovius had perhaps been persuaded to pretend that he
+did not receive his letter, that he might be under no obligation of
+commending a man, whose name was odious to those in power.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[457] Ep. 673. p. 274.
+
+[458] Ep. 808. p. 357.
+
+[459] Ep. 406. p. 871.
+
+
+V. Grotius also wrote notes on _Lucan_, which he offered to any
+bookseller who would make use of them. He wrote to his brother[460], to
+enquire when any new edition of that Poet should be printed, that he
+might contribute to make it better by communicating his remarks. They
+are to be found in some of the editions printed in Holland, and are
+very highly commended by Vossius[461], who says the learned world is
+much obliged to their author.
+
+A letter from Grotius to his brother[462] informs us, that the latter
+part of the notes of _Lucan_ were by William Grotius.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[460] Ep. 859. p. 377. & 402. p. 869.
+
+[461] Praes. Vir. Epist. p. 377.
+
+[462] Ep. 128. p. 792.
+
+
+VI. A work, which he had much at heart, was the collection of Greek
+Epigrams, known by the name of _Anthologia_: he was long about it, and
+thought to publish it soon after his return to Paris in quality of
+Ambassador. As he knew that Salmasius had made this collection his
+particular study, he requests him, June 11, 1635[463], to communicate to
+him the corrections he had made in the Greek text, either by the
+assistance of manuscripts, or from his own conjectures. He gives a long
+account of his design to Gerard Vossius, in a letter of the 20th of
+December, 1635. "When I was here a private man, says he, in order to be
+useful to the lovers of learning, after translating Stobaeus and the
+Maxims of the Comic and Tragic Poets, I also translated the Collection
+of Greek Epigrams by Planudas; adding several Epigrams which are not in
+Henry Stephens's edition: on coming here Ambassador, I thought I should
+do well to finish what I had begun; and knowing that the great Salmasius
+had collated these Epigrams with ancient manuscripts, I prevailed on him
+to communicate to me his remarks; and I had the satisfaction to find my
+conjectures confirmed by the authority of manuscripts. The whole is now
+ready to be printed in the same form as _Stobaeus_ and the Extracts from
+the Greek Tragedies and Comedies. When I think of a Bookseller, Blaeu
+first occurs to me: he loves me and all my friends: but one thing vexes
+me; if I give him my manuscript, I shall not know when it will be
+published: besides, I doubt whether he has any one that can correct the
+Greek proofs, and make the Indexes which are necessary for rendering the
+book useful to youth. If I could be assured of this, I would readily
+give him the preference. I shall afterwards think of publishing more
+considerable works." New reflections on Blaeu's dilatoriness set him
+against him, especially as he was not satisfied with his Greek
+types[464]: he therefore wrote to his brother, to consult with Vossius
+what he ought to do. "I would not, he adds, have recourse to the
+Elzevirs, not so much on account of this book, as of some others which I
+am preparing for the press, and which will not be to their taste." It is
+unlucky for the republic of letters, that Grotius was obstinately bent
+on printing his _Anthologia_ in Holland; Morelle would gladly have
+printed it at Paris[465]; Cramoisi would not have refused it. Grotius
+writes to his brother, June 26th, 1637, "I am deliberating, whether to
+make use of Cramoisi, the eminent Bookseller; but I have some reason to
+question the abilities of his corrector." He once thought to send it to
+England[466]; but he was diverted from this by reflecting, that
+Franciscus Junius, who resided in that country, printed his works out of
+the kingdom. The answers he received concerning the printing of the
+_Anthologia_ not satisfying him, he wrote to his brother, April 20,
+1639[467], "If my _Anthologia_ cannot be printed, or not printed
+correctly, I would have it sent back to me; Cramoisi, the richest
+Bookseller in this country, will undertake it." He was kept in hopes of
+its appearing in Holland; but the printing of it was put off from time
+to time: he wrote to several of his friends about it; however no
+progress was made. Isaac Vossius, son of the famous Gerard, who
+inherited his father's sentiments for Grotius, making an offer of his
+service for his literary commissions, Grotius thanked him most
+affectionately, in a letter of the 12th of November, 1644[468], in which
+he says a great deal about his _Anthologia_. "I cannot sufficiently
+thank you for the kind offer of your good services in relation to the
+printing of my works. No body can be of more use to me than you: for who
+has more friendship for me, or better understands those matters? I would
+have the _Anthologia_ printed directly; and have desired my brother to
+shew you my Prolegomena, and inform you in what manner I would have the
+Indexes made. I shall repeat it, for fear that I have not sufficiently
+explained myself in what I wrote to my brother. I would first have an
+Index of the Poets, expressing exactly from what places the Epigrams are
+taken. There must also be another Index of the persons who are the
+subject of the Epigrams, and of those to whom they are addressed: there
+should be a third, which may be called Chorographical, containing the
+mountains, rivers, towns, baths, bridges, and other public works
+mentioned in the Epigrams. There must be an Historical one for the great
+actions which have happened in war or peace. To the two last Indexes I
+would have the names of the authors added, who have mentioned such of
+those actions as are least known; as Strabo, Pausanias, Procopius, and
+others. After these Indexes there must be another, comprehending the
+natural history, morality, and other particulars omitted in the
+preceding ones. This work may be useful; but I would not, however,
+charge any one with it, who could employ his time better. If, without
+losing too much time, you could do it yourself, it would give me the
+highest satisfaction, not only on my own account, but on the reader's,
+to whom these Indexes would render the edition much more useful: for it
+is proper to observe, that these Epigrams contain what is most important
+in history, from the time of Plato to that of Justinian, and even
+later."
+
+This was the subject of the Preface, or Prolegomena, that was to be
+prefixed to the work, and which, with his usual modesty, he says will
+not be wholly useless[469].
+
+The _Anthologia_ appears to have been put to press in Jan. 1645, under
+the inspection of Isaac Vossius: for, on the 21st of that month, Grotius
+writes thus to him. "I have seen a proof of the _Anthologia_, and like
+the type very well. I would absolutely have it printed in quarto, like
+_Stobaeus_, and the Extracts from the Tragic and Comic Poets: but if it
+will make too large a volume, it may be divided into two, and the Greek
+and Latin printed to face one another."
+
+Grotius left France a little after the date of this letter; and his
+death, which soon followed, was no doubt the greatest obstacle to the
+publication of the _Anthologia_, the printing of which Blaeu
+discontinued. Grotius's copy falling into Le Clerc's hands, he gave
+hopes that he would publish it with considerable additions. He has a
+great deal about it in his _Bibliotheque Choisie_[470]. "Those who shall
+read Grotius's version, says he, will equally admire the happy genius,
+and the uncommon patience of that excellent man, who translated the
+whole book in the same number of verses as in the original, which he
+very often equals, and sometimes even surpasses. There will be an
+excellent Preface by Grotius, treating of the _Anthologia_ and his
+version of it."
+
+Unhappily M. le Clerc did not fulfil the engagement he entered into with
+the public. Father Berthier, a famous Jesuit, who, to solid piety joins
+extensive learning, has lately given us, in the _Memoirs de Trevoux_, a
+very curious article relating to Grotius's _Anthologia_. It is entitled,
+_An Account of a Manuscript version of the Greek Anthologia by Grotius_.
+He tells us, that the original, in Grotius's own hand, is in the library
+of the Jesuits College at Paris, where it was deposited in the year 1665
+by Edmund le Mercier, Grotius's Secretary. This work, the learned Jesuit
+observes, is valuable on three accounts. First, because the Latin verses
+are excellent, and of the same measure with the Greek; so that if the
+text be Elegiac verses, or pure Hexameters, or Iambics of six feet, or
+Anacreontics, the version is always of the same species of poetry.
+Secondly, he has every where confined himself to the number of verses in
+the original, being never more laconic nor more prolix; which discovers
+a very ready genius, and a singular patience. Thirdly, he corrects the
+text from time to time by short notes placed in the margin.
+
+Father Berthier gives afterwards Grotius's translation of several
+Epigrams; which makes it earnestly to be wished, that the learned Jesuit
+would publish the whole work: but the present prevailing taste for
+trifles gives us ground to apprehend, that the booksellers of France
+dare not undertake this work, which deserves so well to be transmitted
+to posterity.
+
+Besides the Epigrams that are to be found in all the editions, Grotius's
+manuscript contains, first, those which were collected by Henry
+Stephens, and are placed at the end of his edition of the _Anthologia_.
+2dly, A very large number of inscriptions from Gruter. 3dly, A
+collection made by Grotius himself from manuscripts.
+
+A note at the beginning of this valuable manuscript informs us, that the
+version of the seven books of the _Anthologia_ was begun by Grotius in
+September, 1630, and finished before next September: which shews the
+wonderful ease with which this great author wrote.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[463] Ep. 418. p. 153.
+
+[464] Ep. 368. p. 859.
+
+[465] Ep. 612. p. 244, 692. p. 285. & 402. p. 869.
+
+[466] Ep. 964. p. 432.
+
+[467] Ep. 505. p. 885.
+
+[468] Ep. 1698. p. 733.
+
+[469] Ep. 486. p. 896. & 369. p. 860.
+
+[470] Fabric. Bibl. Gr. l. 3. c. 28. p. 707. tom. 2
+
+
+VII. He was so sensible of his obligations to Sweden, that, as a public
+testimony of his gratitude, he undertook to throw light on the History
+of the Goths, in hopes of doing honour to the Swedes, who regarded them
+as their ancestors. He wrote to Rome to[471] get what was wanting in
+Heschelius's Greek edition of Procopius communicated to him, and
+obtained it by the recommendation of Messieurs du Puis; as we learn from
+a letter to the celebrated Nicholas Peyresc, dated April 8, 1636, in
+which he adds, "I have translated the History of the Goths and Vandals
+by Procopius, in honour of a nation who adopted me after being thrice
+sold by my Country."
+
+He communicated this project to Schmalz, July 24, 1636[472], "The time,
+says he, which I am not obliged to spend in public business, I devote to
+an enquiry into the antiquities of Sweden. Be so kind to send me, for
+this work, a Swedish Dictionary, a New Testament in Swedish, and the
+ancient inscriptions in that language, which are to be met with on
+tombs, or in other places. I have seen a Latin translation of the
+Swedish laws, which I should be glad to see again if possible. If you
+can procure me all these, I shall think myself highly obliged by you;
+and I hope you will not find me ungrateful."
+
+He explains his project more at large in a long letter to Oxenstiern,
+Aug. 28, 1636[473]. "Your Sublimity, he writes to him, shews me so much
+favour, and you interest yourself so much in what concerns me, that I
+think it my duty to give you an account, not only of my negotiations,
+but of my leisure hours. As I intend to devote the time that is not
+employed in the affairs with which I am charged, to the honour of a
+kingdom which has loaded me with honours, I had begun to read all that
+has been written on the great Gustavus in Latin, Italian, German, and
+French: but soon perceiving that these writers did not know the
+intentions of the ministry, were unacquainted with the places of which
+they speak, and were ignorant of the art of war, I concluded that it was
+impossible, with such materials, to complete a work that might deserve
+the approbation of posterity. This has made me turn again to
+antiquities. Of all the Ancients Procopius has best handled the History
+of the Goths and Vandals: he was an able man, was Secretary to
+Belisarius, had been on the spot, and speaks not only of what happened
+in his own time, but also of the facts which happened before his time.
+The Latin version is very faulty, imperfect, and inelegant: I have made
+a new translation from the Greek Edition of Heschelius; with the
+assistance of two manuscripts in the King's library, which enabled me to
+make several corrections in the text; others I made by conjecture. I
+intend to extract all that has relation to this subject from the Secret
+History of Procopius, printed by Alemannus at Rome, and from Agathias.
+Being informed, that the manuscript of the History of the Goths and
+Vandals, in the Vatican library, was more complete than what Heschelius
+followed, I have asked my friends at Rome to fill up the gaps in the
+printed copies: which I hope they will do. That nothing may be omitted,
+which has a relation to the antiquities of Scandinavia, I intend to add
+what is contained in Strabo, Pliny, Tacitus, Ptolemaeus, and those who
+have written since, as Helmoldus, Eginhart, Adam of Bremen, and others.
+I shall farther add the Gothics of Jornandes, the Epistle of Sidonius
+Apollinaris on the manners of Theodoric King of the Wisigoths; the
+Panegyric of Ennodius of Pavia in honour of Theodoric King of the
+Ostrogoths and Italy; the Laws of the Ostrogoths, Westrogoths, and
+Lombards, with the Book of Paulus Diaconus, who was himself a Lombard,
+and makes his nation come from Scandinavia. We shall add, at the end,
+the appellative names contained in the laws, with their original and
+explication. I would beg of your Sublimity, that being now returned to
+Sweden, you will give orders for communicating to me the old
+inscriptions, the ancient laws, and, in fine, whatever is not printed
+and may contribute to throw light on the antiquities of Sweden; that the
+work which I am about may be the more perfect. I earnestly intreat your
+Sublimity to be assured, that I will do all that depends on me, not only
+to procure the advantage of Sweden, but also to contribute to her
+glory."
+
+Schmalz going to Rome about this time with Reigersberg, son to Grotius's
+wife's brother[474], Grotius took that opportunity of renewing his
+acquaintance with Holstenius, his ancient friend, who resided at Rome;
+and to ask of him what was wanting in the printed editions of Procopius.
+On receiving these valuable additions[475], he communicates the good
+news to the High Chancellor, whom he entertains with a further account
+of his work, in a letter dated June 25th, 1637[476]. "Your Sublimity, he
+says, will pardon me, if, having little public business on my hands, I
+give you an account how I employ my time. I send you a pretty long
+Preface, in which I inscribe the new translation of Procopius, which
+differs greatly from the old one, to your Sublimity, who have deserved
+so well of Sweden, and to whom I am under so great obligations. The work
+itself will include the authors who have written of the antiquities of
+the Goths, Vandals, Wisigoths, and Lombards. Two reasons induced me to
+make the Preface so long: the first, that I was obliged to answer
+Cluverius, who, either from envy, or hired by the Danes, first sought to
+darken our glory; but I have confuted him by such clear evidence, that I
+think no person of sense will now attempt to repeat the same falsities.
+The other was, that, the testimonies in favour of a nation being liable
+to suspicion when built only on the assertions of the natives, I have
+collected the authorities of foreigners, who have spoken honourably of
+the Swedes and of the nations sprung from them."
+
+Thus in appears that his design was to dedicate this work to the High
+Chancellor[477], who heard with infinite pleasure of this new occupation
+of Grotius. He liked the Preface much; spoke of it with the highest
+esteem[478], and wrote to Grotius[479], thanking him in his own name and
+in the name of the whole nation, and pressing him to publish the work.
+
+However he was in no hurry[480], because he wanted to exhaust the
+subject, and to make all proper enquiries for enabling him to treat it
+thoroughly. He imagined he should find in Gallia Narbonensis, and the
+neighbouring places, several things that might contribute to embellish
+his work; and that the French, from envy to the Swedes, hindered his
+friends from communicating them.
+
+This work was finished before Grotius died; but it was not printed till
+after his death: and whether it was that the intended Dedication to the
+High Chancellor was never written, or was suppressed, it is not now to
+be found. The title of the work is: _Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, &
+Longobardorum, ab Hugone Grotio partim versa, partim in ordinem digesta:
+praemissa sunt ejusdem Prolegomena; ubi Regum Gothorum ordo e
+Chronologia, cum elogiis; accedunt nomina appellativa & verba Gothica,
+Vandalica, Longobardica, cum explicatione. Auctorum omnium ordinem
+tabula centenorum indicat. Amstelodami, apud Ludovicum Elzevirium,
+1655._
+
+At the head of this work is a very learned Preface, in which the author
+acquaints us, that he revised the Gothics and Vandalics of Procopius by
+the Greek manuscripts; that he new-translated them because there were
+many things omitted in the old translations, which were otherwise badly
+done; and that, by the assistance of the Vatican manuscripts, he filled
+up large gaps. There follows a geographical description of the ancient
+country of the Goths, a character of the people, much in their favour; a
+catalogue of their Kings; a chronological table of the time when they
+lived; a list of the Lombard Kings, and another of the Kings of the
+Vandals; the testimonies of the Ancients in favour of the people of
+Sweden and the nations which derive their origin from the Swedes.
+
+After the translation of all that Procopius has concerning the Goths and
+Vandals there follows an Index, with this title: _Nomina appellativa &
+verba Gothica, Vandalica, & Longobardica, quae in hoc volumine
+reperiuntur._ It appears from the author's researches, that almost all
+the appellative names of the Lombards had, like those of the Greeks,
+some signification. This collection concludes with the following pieces:
+Jornandes _De Getarum sive Gothorum origine & rebus gestis_; the
+_Chronicle_ of St. Isidorus, and Paulus Wanefridus _De Gestis
+Longobardorum_. The Prolegomena acquaint us, that Grotius intended to
+expound the ancient laws of the Goths and Vandals: but unhappily death
+prevented his executing this design, for which no one was better
+qualified.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[471] Ep. 572. p. 225.
+
+[472] Ep. 622. p. 250.
+
+[473] Ep. 641. p. 259.
+
+[474] Ep, 645. p. 263.
+
+[475] Ep. 676. p. 275.
+
+[476] Ep. 780. p. 331.
+
+[477] Ep. 825. p. 360.
+
+[478] Ep. 408, p. 871.
+
+[479] Ep. 410, p. 872.
+
+[480] Ep. 1667, p. 727.
+
+
+VIII. The nomination of Grotius, when very young, to be Historiographer
+of the States, led him to enquire particularly into the troubles of the
+Low Countries and their consequences with regard to the Seven Provinces.
+He was employed about this in the year 1614, as appears by a letter,
+written on the 8th of February, to the President de Thou. He informs
+him[481], that love to his Country had engaged him in a work very like
+his, but as much inferior as Holland is to France. "I own, indeed, the
+work is above my abilities, but I shall not publish it till years and
+judgment enable me to mend it." Communicating this work to Heinsius,
+with whom he was then very intimate, that learned youth wanted words to
+express his admiration. Balzac informs us of these particulars in a
+letter to Chapelin, dated Sept. 20, 1640, in which he mentions a letter
+from Heinsius concerning this History when Grotius was very young.
+
+An author, more fond of his works than Grotius, would have made haste to
+publish this, which appears to have been finished in 1636; for that year
+he wrote to Martinus Opitius[482], "My Belgic annals are transcribing."
+He writes to his brother the year following[483], "My Annals and my
+History of the Low Countries are transcribed: but I think I must still
+keep them a while." He consulted several of his friends on this subject,
+and among others Gerard Vossius.
+
+The sudden deaths of many of his acquaintance leading him to reflect on
+the uncertainty of life, he wrote to his brother, May 21, 1639[484], "I
+would have my works printed before my death, that I may be useful to
+those that shall come after me; and would therefore have my Annals
+correctly printed as soon as possible; but I would not have them printed
+by those, who, from a party spirit, would tell what was in them before
+they were published, and thereby prevent perhaps their ever appearing. I
+therefore beg of you to find out some honest man to whom I may intrust
+my copy."
+
+In the mean time he was still revising them; and near two years after he
+wrote to his brother, March 23, 1641[485], "Till I put the last hand to
+my History, I would not have any one see it: you must therefore find a
+handsome excuse to those who ask you for it. Read it, however, yourself,
+and send me your remarks." Grotius had not the satisfaction to see his
+History printed: it was not published till twelve years after his death,
+by his two sons Cornelius and Peter, who dedicated it, in 1657, to the
+States of Holland and West-Friesland.
+
+This work is divided into two parts, Annals and History, in imitation of
+Tacitus. The Annals begin with the year 1566, and contain five books:
+there are eighteen of the History, which begins with the year 1588, that
+is, when Prince Maurice had the greatest influence in the affairs of the
+United Provinces, and concludes with the year 1609, when the twelve
+years truce was made. Had his love to truth and honesty been less, he
+had a fine opportunity of revenging himself on Prince Maurice. But he
+every where does him justice[486], and even speaks of him as if he had
+been always satisfied with his conduct to him.
+
+M. Baillet thinks very advantageously and at the same time very justly
+of this work. "That great man (says he, speaking of Grotius[487]) has
+discovered in this work all the capacity, accuracy, judgment, solidity,
+industry, perspicuity, honesty, and integrity, of a true historian. His
+impartiality would almost make him pass for a foreigner, who had no
+interest in what he relates: he appears a Dutchman, only by his thorough
+knowledge of the causes, motives, ends, and other circumstances of the
+subject he has undertaken to handle."
+
+The only thing for which he can be censured, is the stiffness of the
+style, by affecting to make it resemble that of Tacitus, which renders
+it obscure and unnatural. We are assured, that the eminent
+Advocate-general, Jerom Bignon, took notice of this fault to Grotius,
+with whom he was very intimate; and that learned man, yielding to his
+friend's advice, promised to do his work over again, and had even begun
+it, but could not finish it; and his sons published it as it was at
+first.
+
+Peter Grotius tells us this History was his father's favourite work.
+Grotius intended to dedicate it to the Queen of Sweden. Dec. 5, 1637, he
+writes to the High Chancellor[488], "I have written a great part of the
+History of the Low Countries: what I have done till the truce in 1609 is
+ready to appear with some advantage. I purpose to dedicate it to our
+Queen, unless your Sublimity determine otherwise. Of all the histories
+of our time, it appears to me the most useful. It presents us with the
+speedy rise of a republic, whose forces in its weak beginning were
+scarce able to defend its small frontier; and which afterwards carried
+its arms to the extremity of the globe: we no where find the art of
+besieging or defending towns brought to such a height; in fine, we see
+her Mistress of the Sea after her marine had been long neglected."
+
+It should not be forgot, that the celebrated[489] Peyresc was of great
+use to Grotius in compiling this work: he communicated to him several
+important papers, and procured him the memoirs collected by Antonius
+Querengius, who purposed to write the History of the famous Alexander
+Farnese, Duke of Parma. Grotius's History was translated into French by
+M. L'Heritier, father of Mademoiselle L'Heritier, famous for her
+writings: but it deserves a new translator to turn it into better
+French.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[481] Ep. 24. p. 8.
+
+[482] Ep. 595. p. 236.
+
+[483] Ep. 402. p. 869.
+
+[484] Ep. 454. p. 883.
+
+[485] Ep. 539. p. 916.
+
+[486] Parhasiana, t. 1. p. 161.
+
+[487] Preface de l'Hist. de Hollande.
+
+[488] Ep. 873. p. 384.
+
+[489] Vie par Gassendi, l. 3. p. 182.
+
+
+IX. It was during his embassy that Grotius revised and enlarged his book
+Of the Truth of the Christian religion. He had written a treatise on
+this subject in Dutch whilst a prisoner; and turning it afterwards into
+Latin, it had prodigious success. In the year 1637 it had been
+translated into all languages[490], French, German, English, and even
+Greek. The universal approbation this book met with, did not hinder
+Grotius's enemies from doing all they could to depreciate it. They said
+it contained the venom of Socinianism. Voetius, among others,
+distinguished himself by his rage against it. "It is surprising, says
+Grotius in a letter to his brother, October 22, 1637, that Voetius
+should think he sees what the Doctors of the Sorbonne, who examined the
+book, before it was printed, could not find in it. Doth Cardinal
+Barbarinus, who recommended this work[491], and constantly carries it
+with him, favour Socinianism? The Bishops of England have caused it to
+be translated into their language; the Ministers of Charenton have
+approved of it; a Lutheran has translated it; will he say these are all
+favourers of Socinianism?"
+
+After this letter was written, Grotius learnt[492] that his book had
+been translated into Swedish. He justifies himself again in a long
+letter written to Reigersberg December 19, 1637[493], "I have often
+doubted which was best, to answer the censures of fools and knaves, or
+resting in a good conscience to despise them. I have constantly done the
+last; but your example makes me at present prefer the first: you have
+defended me with so much friendship and steadiness, that if I should sit
+still, I might justly be accused of indolence. My book of the Christian
+Religion is read with applause by pious and learned men, not only in the
+languages in which I composed it, but also in Swedish, French, German,
+and English. Those who think it their interest that I should not pass
+for a good Christian, seek every pretext to hurt me: they censure me for
+making use of Castellio's version; but it is very certain that I had not
+seen it when I wrote my book. I translated myself from the Hebrew and
+Greek all the passages of Scripture I employed. They say I have
+interpreted something in the fifth Chapter of St. Mathew in the same
+manner as Socinus. These simple people know not that my explanation is
+the same with what almost all the Greeks and Latins of greatest
+abilities and piety have adopted. How many things are there in the same
+Chapter of St. Matthew, which I have explained quite different from
+Socinus?"
+
+The great argument of those who wanted to hinder the success of his[494]
+book was, that the author sufficiently shewed his inclination to
+Socinianism by his silence concerning the Trinity. He opens his mind
+about this matter to his brother, September 25, 1638, "The book of the
+truth of the Christian Religion will live and flourish in spite of the
+envy of my enemies. It was not proper for me to speak directly of the
+Trinity; and such as have heretofore brought their arguments to prove it
+from natural reason or the authority of Plato, have done more hurt than
+service to Christianity." The men who since Grotius's time have acquired
+the greatest reputation in France by writing for the truth of the
+Christian Religion, such as Abbadie and Houteville, have followed his
+example, and avoided the discussion of questions which suppose the
+Divinity of the Scriptures.
+
+Grotius had the satisfaction to find the Roman Catholics very well
+pleased with this treatise: he writes to his brother[495], December 4,
+1638, "My book of the Truth of the Christian Religion, which the
+Voetians look upon as Socinian, is so far from being Socinian here, that
+Roman-Catholic Monks are translating it into Persian, in order to make
+use of it in converting the Mahometans. I have not attempted a direct
+proof of the Trinity (he writes to Gerard Vossius[496]) for I always
+remembered what I heard Junius your father-in-law say, who was a great
+man, that Du Plessis, and those who, like him, in their disputes with
+Atheists, Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans, endeavoured to establish the
+Trinity by arguments drawn from the light of nature, and by passages
+from Plato often misapplied, acted very imprudently, because they ought
+first to have convinced them of the truth of the Scriptures, which alone
+contain the doctrines which God has been pleased to reveal."
+
+A new edition of the book on the truth of the Christian Religion, with
+considerable additions, was published in 1639, which Grotius dedicated
+to his illustrious friend Jerom Bignon; and this great Magistrate, in
+returning him his thanks[497], gives the most favourable testimony to
+the work. He says,[498] that tho' the subject had already been well
+handled by several learned men, none of them had acquitted himself so
+well, nor discovered so great knowledge of the learned languages, and so
+much erudition, as Grotius. He admires the order and conciseness of the
+work, and congratulates himself on living in Grotius's time, and sharing
+in the friendship of so great a man. Some time after the publication of
+this work, an Englishman[499] who had lived long in Turky, came to see
+Grotius, and acquaint him that he had translated it into the Turkish
+language, thinking no book more proper for instructing Christians who
+live in Turky, and converting the Mahometans. He promised to use his
+endeavours to get it printed in the Turkish language in England.
+
+Besides the translations already mentioned, and which came to Grotius's
+knowledge, there were others in Greek, in Chinese, in Flemish, in
+Danish, in the language of Malacca, and five French translations. An
+Arabic translation of it by the learned Pococke was printed at London
+in 1660. We are assured[500] that there have been three translations of
+it into Arabic, which gave occasion to Spon and Vehler to say that
+Grotius copied an Arabic treatise, taking the very version of his book
+for an ancient work: in fine, it had such a great run, that the history
+of it makes the subject of a treatise[501].
+
+This work of Grotius has been equally esteemed by dispassionate
+Protestants and Roman Catholics. "Few pieces, says[502] Colomiers, have
+succeeded better than the treatise _On the Truth of the Christian
+Religion_. It is an excellent book, and ought to be the _Vade mecum_ of
+every Christian. I have read it several times, and always with new
+pleasure."
+
+"Grotius's book, says the Abbe Houteville[503], is the first in which we
+find these great characteristics, just reasoning, accuracy, and
+strength; he is extremely concise, but even this brevity will please us
+when we find it comprehends so many things without confounding them, or
+lessening their evidence or force: it is no wonder the book should be
+translated into so many languages."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[490] Ep. 411. p. 872.
+
+[491] Ep. 181. p. 808. Ep. Coleri 37.
+
+[492] Ep. 412. p. 873.
+
+[493] Ep. 880. p. 387.
+
+[494] Ep. 439. p. 880.
+
+[495] Ep. 444. p. 881.
+
+[496] Ep. 1096.
+
+[497] Ep. 1232. p. 557.
+
+[498] Ep. praes. vir. 451. p. 728.
+
+[499] Ep. 534. p. 914.
+
+[500] Fabric. Delect. Argum. c. 30. p. 551.
+
+[501] Joannis Christophori Lockeri Dissertatio Epistolica, Historiam
+libelli Grotiani _De Veritate Religionis Christianae_ complectens, 1725,
+in quarto; see also the Journal des Scavans de Pan. 1724.
+
+[502] Colomiers, p. 586.
+
+[503] Preface.
+
+
+X. In the midst of his greatest occupations and most serious studies,
+Grotius still found time to study Civil Law. Blaeu printed, in 1643, his
+_Remarks on Justinian's Laws_. They are chiefly philological notes,
+drawn from the Poets and Philosophers[504], serving to illustrate some
+passages of the _Corpus Juris_[505]. "This book, the author modestly
+tells us, is not of much use to those who frequent the bar: but it is
+entertaining: and though I set no great value on it, I think it is
+better to publish it, than suffer it to be lost. It will possibly give
+pleasure to men of learning[506], and some such in this place are not
+dissatisfied with it, because they love to see Grammar and History
+united with Law[507]."
+
+What we cannot sufficiently admire in a man of so great learning, and so
+much business as Grotius, is, that he should make the Holy Scriptures
+his favourite study in every period of his life. They were his
+consolation in prison; he always devoted a part of the day to them: and
+they were his principal study during a great part of his embassy. His
+_Commentary on the Evangelists_ was finished in 1637; but before he
+printed it[508], he wanted to see the _Aristarchus Sacer_ which Heinsius
+was going to put to press. This was a Commentary on the New Testament,
+which Grotius imagined to be much in the manner of his, and which piqued
+his curiosity the more as Heinsius was Grotius's rival in literature,
+and his secret enemy. Heinsius's credit with the Elzevirs, who were his
+booksellers[509], was one of the reasons which hindered Grotius from
+employing them. "We must not think of the Elzevirs, he writes in
+confidence to Vossius[510], on account of that man who has so much
+credit with them, and bears us ill-will. I should be glad to know
+whereabouts are his notes on the sacred books, and when they will be
+published, for I postpone till then the revisal of mine." There was at
+that time in Holland a Jew very famous for his learning, Manassah
+Ben-Israel. Grotius consulted him sometimes, and always with profit. In
+a letter to him without date he tells him, "The answer you have given to
+my difficulties about some places of the law of Moses and the historical
+books of Scripture, has yielded me great pleasure; and I do not think
+any one would have given an answer more solid. I have read many
+Interpreters; but I see that you know them better than I, and that you
+have read many more, and are master of them. I return you therefore my
+sincere thanks; and encouraged by this favour shall take the liberty to
+apply to you when I have any difficulty, being ever ready to return you
+the like, when it lies in my power. Your books, which I have mentioned
+to several persons here, are read with pleasure and profit: I would
+therefore beg and conjure you to employ the leisure you may have in
+explaining the obscurities of the Law, which will be a signal service to
+all men of learning."
+
+This was not a compliment void of truth, but his real sentiment of this
+learned Jew: he speaks in the same manner in a private letter to Gerard
+Vossius[511]. "I have written again, he says, to Manassah, and beg of
+you to deliver to him my letter. I esteem very highly not only his
+erudition, but also his judgment. He treads successfully in the steps of
+Abenezra, Maimonides, and Abrabanel. I have made his works known here,
+and they are much read and valued."
+
+Grotius foresaw that his Commentary on the New Testament would occasion
+him some disputes. "I am at a loss, says he, to Vossius, what to do with
+my Notes on the New Testament. I shall easily find a bookseller here;
+but I am afraid of meeting with some difficulties from the Divines, who
+will have nothing of this kind published without their approbation: and
+for my own part, I cannot submit in every thing to either of the two
+parties, nor can I be silent when I have something that may be of use to
+deliver. I shall see how to remedy this inconveniency. I have no hopes,
+says he to his brother[512], that the Divines of the Sorbonne will give
+their approbation to my Notes, especially since they censured
+Milletiere. It remains to be considered whether I shall print them in my
+own house without approbation, of which there have been examples."
+
+Heinsius's work, which was expected with so much impatience, had no
+success[513]. Salmasius (his declared enemy indeed) said publicly, he
+was ready to shew, that, abstracting what he had borrowed, there would
+not remain one remark of importance: and it was held in no higher esteem
+by others of the first rank in learning[514]. Cardinal Richelieu, being
+informed that Grotius leaned more to the sentiments of the Roman
+Catholics, than to those of the Ministers of Charenton, gave orders[515]
+that his work should be printed without being obliged to pass the
+censors. He kept measures however with Heinsius; and desired his brother
+William Grotius to tell him[516], that he had always said there were
+several things in his Notes which pleased him much; and that he had made
+the same remarks in some places that Heinsius had done, by mere chance.
+
+As Grotius had a very great esteem for the learned Father Petau, he
+communicated to him his works. On sending him his Notes on the Old
+Testament, he desired him to hint what alterations he thought necessary.
+
+When his Commentary on the Evangelists was printed at Amsterdam[517], he
+sent a copy to Father Petau, desiring him to read it, if he had time,
+and acquaint him what ought to be omitted, added, or changed, that the
+second edition might appear with more advantage. "The booksellers of
+Amsterdam offer to print what I have written on the Old Testament: but I
+chose rather to have it printed here, that I may see the last proofs. I
+shall expect your remarks, or those of the persons to whom you have
+communicated what I have written on the first part of the Old Testament.
+I would have come for them myself had I not been confined by sore eyes.
+I have a high sense of your goodness, he writes again to Petau[518], in
+taking the trouble to revise my Annotations on the Old Testament, in
+giving them to those who have time to examine them more strictly, and in
+contributing by your recommendation to the success of the work. As I
+have now an opportunity of putting them to press, I must beg of you to
+return them as soon as may be with your remarks. When the rest is
+transcribed, relying on your goodness I shall take the liberty to
+interrupt your occupations, however important and useful, by sending
+it."
+
+The Dutch Booksellers[519] had prefixed to Grotius's Commentary on the
+New Testament his head, with a high elogium annexed to it; which vexed
+him much. He wrote very seriously to his brother that it was the more
+improper, as this effect of vanity was prefixed to a book designed to
+inspire humility; that he had tore out the picture in his own copies,
+and desired that he would endeavour to get the same done to all the
+rest, because it concerned his reputation; and he chose rather to
+suppress his Preface, than publish it with this picture. A short
+advertisement before his Notes on the New Testament acquaints us that he
+began them when a prisoner, that he finished them when a private man,
+and printed them when Ambassador. Though this work was far advanced
+before he was employed by the Court of Sweden, it is evident from his
+letters that he made many additions and amendments to it during his
+embassy.
+
+He met with new difficulties after Cardinal Richelieu's death from the
+Chancellor Seguier, who never loved him. "The Chancellor of France, he
+writes to his brother, August 27, 1644[520], will not grant a privilege
+for printing my Commentary on the Old Testament, though very able
+Doctors have assured him that it contains nothing contrary to the
+doctrine of the Roman Catholics; but he refuses to give any even for
+good books, if the authors are not of his communion."
+
+Cramoisi however printed it, but he was afraid of being a loser by the
+great expence of a handsome edition in folio if he did not obtain a
+privilege, because the Dutch, who could print it much cheaper, would
+bring it into France, and undersell him.
+
+The refusal of a privilege[521] did not hinder another Paris bookseller
+from undertaking an edition of the Notes on the New Testament, which
+Grotius calls his favourite work[522].
+
+M. Simon, whose opinion is not always agreeable to the strictest
+justice, judges very favourably, however, of Grotius: "His Notes, says
+he, are esteemed by every body; and stand in no need of a particular
+recommendation from us. We shall only observe that he abounds too much
+in quotations from the Poets, and many profane authors; in which he
+seems rather to affect appearing a man of learning and erudition, than a
+man of judgment and a critic. Had he avoided this fault, his Notes would
+have been much shorter, and not less excellent. They are chiefly
+valuable for his frequent collation of the ancient Greek translation of
+the bible with the Hebrew text, and his freedom from prejudice in favour
+of the Masoretic version: though he generally chuses the best
+explanation of the text, he sometimes multiplies the various readings
+without necessity. After all (adds the author of the Critical history)
+though I blame Grotius for quoting too frequently the profane authors,
+these quotations contain some very good things, serving to explain the
+difficulties in Scripture. I could only have wished, that, agreeable to
+the rules of criticism, he had not adduced the testimonies of profane
+authors, and especially the Poets, except in places that required those
+elucidations."
+
+M. Le Clerc, after examining this judgment, speaks thus of Grotius[523]:
+"If you desire to know what is chiefly valuable in Grotius's Notes on
+the Old Testament, and not to be found elsewhere, it is first his
+explanation of an infinite number of passages of Scripture by the
+assistance of Pagan antiquity. Secondly, an admirable knowledge of the
+different manners of speaking used in Scripture, which he so happily
+compares with one another, that no interpreter ancient or modern has
+thrown so much light on them; and in fine, an extraordinary penetration
+in discovering the true sense of the prophecies."
+
+M. Fabricius[524] tells us, that one thing which highly recommends
+Grotius's Commentary on the New Testament is the design, which he
+happily executed, of proving the truth of the Christian Religion by the
+Scripture itself.
+
+Before we conclude this article we must take notice that it has been
+pretended by some learned men, who otherwise do him justice, that
+Grotius is frequently mistaken in his quotations from the Rabbis,
+because he took them at second-hand. Esdras Edzardi, well skilled in
+these matters, made a small collection of his mistakes, which he shewed
+to Morhof[525].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[504] Ep. 1520. p. 689.
+
+[505] Ep. 639. p. 948.
+
+[506] Ep. 640. p. 949.
+
+[507] Ep. 648. p. 952.
+
+[508] Ep. 859. p. 377. & 964. p. 432.
+
+[509] Ep. 1056. p. 476.
+
+[510] Ep. 1056. p. 476.
+
+[511] Ep. 1256. p. 570. & 1315. p. 596.
+
+[512] Ep. 503. p. 884.
+
+[513] Ep. 507. p. 884.
+
+[514] Ep. 465. p. 886.
+
+[515] Ep. 476. p. 890.
+
+[516] Ep. 481. p. 891.
+
+[517] Ep. 1531. p. 693.
+
+[518] Ep. 1534. p. 694.
+
+[519] Ep. 570. p. 928.
+
+[520] Ep. 720. p. 970.
+
+[521] Ep. 740. p. 976.
+
+[522] Ep. 1253. p. 553.
+
+[523] Sentimens des Theolog. p. 388.
+
+[524] Delect. Argum. c. 2. p. 40.
+
+[525] Polihistor. t. 3. l. 5. p. 54. Vind. Grot. 463.
+
+
+XII. This deep study of the Holy Scriptures led Grotius to examine a
+question which made much noise at that time. Some Protestant Synods had
+ventured to decide that the Pope was Antichrist; and this extravagance,
+gravely delivered by the Ministers, was regarded by the zealous
+Schismatics as a fundamental truth. Grotius undertook to overturn such
+an absurd opinion, that stirred up an irreconcileable enmity between the
+Roman Catholics and the Protestants, and of consequence was a very great
+obstacle to their reunion, which was the sole object of his desires. He
+entered therefore upon the consideration of the passages of Scripture
+relating to Antichrist, and employed his Sundays in it[526].
+
+It was this work that raised him up most enemies. We see by the letters
+he wrote to his brother that his best friends were afraid lest they
+should be suspected of having some hand in the publication of the books
+in which he treated of Antichrist. "If you are afraid of incurring
+ill-will, he writes to his brother[527], you may easily find people that
+are far from a factious spirit who will take care of the impression.
+Nothing has incensed Princes against those who separated from the Church
+of Rome more than the injurious names with which the Protestants load
+their adversaries; and nothing is a greater hindrance to that reunion
+which we are all obliged to labour after in consequence of Christ's
+precept and the profession we make of our faith in the Creed. Perhaps
+the Turk, who threatens Italy, will force us to it. In order to arrive
+at it we must first remove whatever obstructs a mutual quiet hearing. I
+hope I shall find assistance in this pious design. I shall not cease to
+labour in it, and shall rejoice to die employed in so good a work."
+
+Reigersberg, Blaeu, Vossius himself, however much devoted to Grotius,
+beheld with concern[528] the printing of this book, because they did not
+doubt but it would increase the number of his enemies. Grotius informs
+his brother of the uneasiness which Vossius gave him on this
+subject[529]: "Among those who wish this work destroyed, says he, I am
+astonished and grieved to see Vossius. Whence could he have this idea?
+I imagine somebody has told him, that it would injure the fortune of his
+children if he approved of such books; and that, on the contrary, he
+would find favour by hurting me. We must, therefore, have recourse to
+Corcellius or Corvinus." He elsewhere complains of the too great
+timidity of this old friend[530], who at bottom approved of Grotius's
+sentiments, but durst not own them publicly because he was not so
+independent as Grotius.
+
+The treatise on Antichrist made much noise among all the declared
+enemies of the Romish Church[531]. Michael Gettichius wrote to Ruarus,
+that he had only glanced over Grotius's book on Antichrist; but as far
+as he could judge by the first reading, that learned man, who was
+possessed of such an excellent genius, and such singular erudition, had
+no other intention than to engage the Learned in a further enquiry
+concerning Antichrist; and to determine them to attack with greater
+strength the Romish Antichrist; or, if he wrote seriously, he wanted to
+cut out a path for going over, without dishonour, to the Papists. Ruarus
+answers this letter, Dec. 16, 1642, from Dantzic. "I have always, he
+says, looked on Grotius as a very honest, and at the same time a very
+learned man. I am persuaded that love of peace engaged him in this work.
+I don't deny but he has gone too far; the love of antiquity perhaps
+seduced him: no Remonstrant, that I know of, has as yet answered him;
+but he has been confuted by some learned Calvinists, particularly
+Desmarets, Minister of Boisleduc, who has written against him with much
+bitterness."
+
+Grotius's work was printed in 1640, with this title: _Commentatio ad
+loca quaedam Novi Testamenti, quae de Antichristo agunt aut agere
+putantur, expendenda, eruditis._
+
+It contains an explanation of the second chapter of the second epistle
+of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, in which he undertakes to prove, that
+the Man of Sin, there mentioned, is the Emperor Caius Caligula, who
+wanted to place his statue in the temple of Jerusalem, as may be seen in
+Philo; and was desirous to be thought a God, as Philo and Josephus
+relate. He afterwards explains the eighteenth verse of the second
+chapter of the first epistle of St. John. _You know that Antichrist is
+come, and that there are many Antichrists._ He thinks the Antichrist
+already come was Barchochebas, and that the other Antichrists are Simon
+the Magician and Dosithaeus.
+
+The beast, in the thirteenth chapter of the Revelation, is, according to
+him, Rome pagan; the power, which is given to it for forty-two months,
+signifies Domitian's persecution, which lasted three years and a half.
+The beast that ascended out of the bottomless pit, mentioned chap. xi.
+ver. 7. is magic, and Apollonius Thyanaeus: in fine, he finds the famous
+number 666, mentioned in the last verse of the thirteenth chapter of the
+Apocalypse, in Trajan's name, who was called Ulpius, of which the
+numeral letters form the number 666.
+
+The Reformed were strangely scandalized at this work. Samuel Desmarets
+answered it with great bitterness, which drew another piece from Grotius
+in defence of the former, with this title: _Appendix ad interpretationem
+locorum Novi Testamenti, quae de Antichristo agunt, aut agere putantur,
+in qua via sternitur ad Christianorum concordiam_. Desmarets is never
+mentioned in it but under the name of Borboritus. It has been observed,
+that Grotius was guilty of a slight inaccuracy in this treatise: he says
+the Emperor Barbarossa's enemies ascribed to him the pretended book _De
+tribus Impostoribus_: he confounds the grandson with the grandfather,
+for it was Frederic II. against whom this calumny was advanced, as
+appears from the letters of Peter Desvignes, his Secretary and
+Chancellor, and as Grotius himself remarks in his observations on
+Campanella's philosophy.
+
+He printed at the same time his treatise _Of Faith and Works_ against
+Desmarets, and against the error of the inadmissibility of grace, under
+the title of _Explicatio trium illustrissimorum locorum Novi Testamenti,
+Capitis I. Pauli ad Ephesios posterioris, Capitis II. Jacobi Commatis
+XIV. & sequentium, Capitis III. Epistolae I. Johannis, in quibus agitur
+de fide & operibus_. This work shews, that faith is not sufficient for
+Justification; and that if those who have faith live in sin, they are
+hated by God.
+
+_Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam_ was printed in 1642: it contains the
+_Consultation_ of Cassander presented to the Emperors Ferdinand I. and
+Maximilian II. accompanied with remarks by Grotius. He expected that
+these works, which were compiled solely with a view to promote union
+among Christians, would procure him many enemies; and he adopted, on
+this occasion, what was said in 1557 by an author who laboured in the
+same design, That for persons to endeavour to make mankind live in
+peace, was commendable; that they might indeed expect a recompence from
+the blessed Peace-maker, but they had great reason to apprehend the same
+fate with those, who, attempting to part two combatants, receive blows
+from both. "Perhaps, by writing to reconcile such as entertain very
+opposite sentiments, I shall offend both parties: but if it should so
+happen, I shall comfort myself with the example of him who said, If I
+please men I am not the servant of Christ."
+
+Grotius, content with gratifying his pacific desires, expected his
+reward from posterity; which he clearly intimates in some verses written
+by him on this subject
+
+     Accipe sed placidis, quae si non optima, certe,
+       Expressit nobis non mala pacis amor.
+     Et tibi dic, nostro labor hic si displicet aevo,
+       A grata pretium posteritate feret.
+
+Rivetus, the Clergyman, treated Grotius with as much indignity, as if he
+had attempted to destroy the foundations or Christianity. Grotius
+answered him in a tract, entitled: _Animadversiones in animadversiones
+Andreae Riveti_.
+
+This work was followed by two others on the same subject: _Votum pro
+pace ecclesiastica, contra examen Andreae Riveti_, and _Rivetiani
+Apologetici Discussio_: this last did not appear till after the author's
+death.
+
+He wrote, in 1638, a small piece, entitled: _De Canae administratione ubi
+Pastores non sunt, item an semper communicandum per symbola_. The design
+of this pernicious work is to shew, that Laymen, in the absence of
+Priests, and in cases of necessity, may do their office.
+
+Rigaut had already maintained this error, and been smartly attacked by
+M. De l'Aubepine, Bishop of Orleans: all the defenders of the hierarchy
+were scandalized at it, and Father Petau, among the Roman Catholics, and
+Dodwell, among the English Clergy, have refuted it.
+
+In the tract, _An semper communicandum per symbola_, the Arminians
+endeavour to maintain, that we are not obliged to communicate with such
+as require subscriptions to which we cannot assent without acting
+against our consciences. Grotius's design was to shew, that the
+Arminians might dispense with communicating with the
+Contra-Remonstrants, if these insisted on retractions.
+
+Another theological work of Grotius (of whose publication we cannot fix
+the time) is entitled: _Dissertatio historica ac politica de dogmatis &
+ritibus & gubernatione Ecclesiae Christianae, de dogmatis quae reipublicae
+noxia sunt, aut dicuntur._ In this piece he treats of the end of the
+priesthood, and the duties of the Priests: he places what relates to the
+distinction and unity of the three Persons, the two Natures, and their
+properties, among the points of which we may be ignorant without ceasing
+to be good Christians. It is probable this piece was written before
+those concerning Antichrist, the author appearing in it less favourably
+disposed towards the Roman Catholics and the Pope.
+
+It is apparent that Grotius had not sufficiently examined this subject,
+since he speaks of it in a manner so heterodox. He would not have held a
+language so opposite to Christianity, at, or after the time of his
+dispute with Rivetus.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[526] Ep. 416. p. 874.
+
+[527] Ep. 477. p. 890.
+
+[528] Ep. 480. p. 891. & 482. p. 891.
+
+[529] Ep. 485. p. 892.
+
+[530] Ep. 445. p. 895. 507. p. 901. 511. p. 902. & 514. p. 904.
+
+[531] Ep 61. p. 276. & 89. p. 415.
+
+
+XIII. Grotius, even whilst engaged in the dispute against the zealous
+Protestant Ministers, undertook to clear up the origin of the Americans;
+which enquiry involved him in a controversy that gave him much
+uneasiness. John de Laet of Antwerp, who had much studied these matters,
+printed Grotius's work, with Notes, under this title: _Joannis de Laet
+Antverpiani Notae ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii de Origine gentium
+Americanarum, & Observationes aliquot ad meliorem indaginem difficillimae
+illius questionis. Amstelodami apud Ludovicum Elzevirium, anno
+1643_[532].
+
+Grotius first confutes those, who think that the people of America came
+from Great Tartary, because they had no horses before the Spanish
+conquest, and that it is impossible the Scythians, who abounded in
+horses, should bring none with them; besides the Tartars were never
+seamen. His opinion is, that North-America was peopled by persons from
+Norway, from whence they passed into Iceland, afterwards into Greenland,
+from thence to Friseland, then to Estotiland, a part of the American
+continent, to which the fishers of Friseland had penetrated two
+centuries before the Spaniards discovered the New World. He pretends,
+that the names of those countries end with the same syllables as those
+of the Norwegians; that the Mexicans and their neighbours assured the
+Spaniards they came from the North; and that the country which the
+Norwegians inhabited, after quitting Estotiland, has retained almost
+the name of Norway; that there is yet a town in it called Norembega; in
+fine, that there are many words in the American language, which have a
+relation to the German and Norwegian; and that the Americans still
+preserve the customs of the country from whence they are originally
+sprung. As to the people of Jucatan, and the neighbourhood, Grotius
+makes them come from Ethiopia by the way of the Ocean. He grounds this
+opinion on the practice of circumcision among these nations of America,
+which was also used by the Ethiopians. He pretends that the Peruvians
+are descended from the Chinese, because the wrecks of Chinese vessels
+have been found, he says, on the coasts of the Pacific Ocean, and they
+worship the sun: besides, the Peruvians, he adds, write from the top to
+the bottom of the page like the Chinese.
+
+Laet easily shewed that Grotius's conjectures were ill founded, and that
+he had even advanced several facts which were not strictly true: he
+denied the existence of the city of Norembega, and maintained that
+Jucatan is too distant from Africa for the Ethiopians to penetrate into
+America, it being at least two months sail from Ethiopia to Jucatan. He
+refutes the pretended traces of Christianity, which Grotius said were
+found in that part of America before the discovery of the Spaniards,
+supporting his confutation on the authority of Spanish writers; in fine,
+he denies that any Chinese wrecks have been found on the coasts of the
+Pacific Ocean, and censures, as a very great inaccuracy in Grotius, what
+he advances concerning the Peruvian manner of writing.
+
+After doing justice to the excellent judgment and profound erudition of
+Grotius, he ventures to assert, that he found nothing in his
+Dissertation that could satisfy a man moderately acquainted with the
+History of America; and approves of what was observed by Joseph Acosta,
+that it was easier to confute what was written on the origin of the
+Americans, than to know what to hold; because there were no monuments
+among them, nor any books of Europeans to throw light on this matter:
+and hence concludes, that it is rashness to promise truth on such an
+obscure subject.
+
+Laet's answer vexed Grotius: he replied to it in a second Dissertation,
+entitled, _Adversus obtrectatorem, opaca quem bonum facit barba_.
+Printed at Paris by Cramoisi, in 1643. Laet answered in a piece, printed
+in 1644, by Lewis Elzevir, in which he inserts Grotius's second
+Dissertation. There is nothing new in these two last books: and it were
+to be wished that they had been written with less bitterness. It has
+been[533] observed, that Grotius's system is not new; and that it had
+been already advanced by Myl, whom Grotius does not once quote.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[532] This work was printed at Paris the same year.
+
+[533] Hornius, de Orig. Gent. Amer. l. 1. c. 2. p. 17.
+
+
+XIV. It now remains to give some account of the other works of Grotius,
+which hitherto we have not had occasion to mention. In 1629, he printed
+at William Blaeu's the History of the Siege of Grolla: _Grollae obsidio
+cum annexis anni 1627_. This piece would have been brought into his
+History[534] if he could have continued it. He speaks of it with great
+modesty[535] in his letters to his brother. "I don't expect, he says,
+much honour from such a small tract."
+
+He published, in 1631, _An Introduction to the Laws of Holland_, in
+Dutch. Simon Groenovegius de Madin, a Lawyer, wrote Notes on this work,
+which Grotius thought well done and very useful; and sent the author a
+letter of thanks[536].
+
+He left several manuscripts prepared for the press, which were published
+after his death.
+
+Lewis Elzevir printed, in 1652, a small collection in twelves with this
+title: _Hugonis Grotii quaedam hactenus inedita, aliaque ex Belgice
+editis Latine versa, argumenti Theologici, Juridici, Politici._ It
+contains, among other Dissertations, _Remarks on the Philosophy_ or
+rather _on the Politics of Campanella_; and a tract entitled: _Hugonis
+Grotii Responsio ad quaedam ab utroque judicum consessu objecta, ubi
+multa disputantur de Jure Summarum Potestatum in Hollandia,
+Westfrisi[^ae], & Magistratuum in oppidis_. The disputes of the Province
+of Holland with the States-General probably gave occasion to this
+treatise. Grotius intended to publish the Golden verses of
+Pythagoras[537], with a translation by himself: but what he could not do
+in his life-time was done in England after his death, in the year
+1654[538].
+
+Of all the tragic Poets, his favourite was certainly Euripides. We have
+already seen that he translated the _Phoenissae_ in 1630. He afterwards
+revised and corrected it, as appears by a letter to his brother,
+September 3, 1639[539]. His translation of the _Iphigenia in Tauris_ is
+mentioned in several letters[540]. He likewise turned into Latin the
+_Supplicantes_ of Euripides, of which he speaks to his brother[541]. The
+learned Father Berthier[542] has lately informed us, that this
+translation still exists in the library of the Jesuits college at Paris.
+"One of the most precious pieces, and which alone would have been
+sufficient to give value to this manuscript, is the entire translation
+of Euripides's piece, entitled _Supplicantes_, added at the end of the
+volume by way of desert: the whole is in excellent Iambic verses: we
+would cite some part, if we had not already trespassed too far on the
+complaisance of the reader."
+
+In 1629, Grotius wrote to his brother[543], that he had finished a
+piece, proving that the war between different Princes ought not to
+injure the free trade of the powers not engaged in it. This is all we
+know of the treatise, which is now lost: we are equally ignorant of a
+work, entitled, _The Portrait of Zeno_, which he mentions in several
+letters[544], and seems very desirous of having it printed. He left
+several manuscripts in his closet, which, after his death, were
+purchased by the Queen of Sweden from his wife: among these[545] were,
+_Notes on some of the most difficult Laws_; _A Comparison of the
+Republics of Athens and Rome with that of Holland_; _Notes on the Hymns
+of Orpheus_, and an _Illustration of the Books of Moses by the Writings
+of the Pagans_. The author of _Vindiciae Grotianae_[546] speaks of a
+manuscript of AEschylus with Notes by Grotius. Many of his books were
+filled with marginal notes. He tells us[547], that he had collected,
+with great care, the remains of the apostolical Fathers, and that he had
+thoughts of translating that part of Josephus's history, which relates
+to the law, and of adding notes to it. But probably the execution of
+this project was hindered by his other studies, and the information he
+received, that Samuel Petit, who was well skilled in the learned
+languages, had the same design.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[534] Ep. 191. p. 811.
+
+[535] Ep. 194. p. 814. & 196, p. 113.
+
+[536] Ep. 1627. p. 719.
+
+[537] Ep. 683. p. 961.
+
+[538] Fab. Bib. Graec. tom. 1. p. 471. & 472.
+
+[539] Ep. 506. p. 885.
+
+[540] Ep. 402; p. 869. & 595. p. 236.
+
+[541] Ep. 683. p. 961.
+
+[542] Art. 91. August, 1751. p. 1807.
+
+[543] Ep. 207. p. 817.
+
+[544] Ep. 465. & 466. p. 886. Ep. 469. p. 887.
+
+[545] Observat. Hallenses, 24. t. 7. p. 350. Bib. Remons. p. 80.
+Fabricius Bib. Graeca, t. 1. l. 1. c. 19, p. 117.
+
+[546] Vindiciae, p. 841.
+
+[547] Ep. 391. p. 866. & 768. p. 330.
+
+
+XV. His Letters may be regarded as Treatises; the collection we have of
+them is a treasure not only of public but of literary history, and
+contains many dissertations on the most important subjects. The
+XXXIst, to Gerard Vossius, and XXXIIId, to John Utengobard, treat
+of Predestination and Grace, according to the Arminian system. We have
+already spoken of the LIVth, addressed to Du Maurier, the French
+Ambassador in Holland, and containing a method of study for grown
+persons. The LXIId, to the Baron de Langerac, the Dutch Ambassador in
+France, is a formal treatise on a piece of Du Moulin concerning the
+government of the ancient Church; the means of reconciling Grace with
+Free-will; and the authority of Sovereigns in matters ecclesiastical.
+He treats in the XCIst, to Vossius, of the effects of Christ's death.
+The CCLXIVth, to the celebrated Nicholas Peyresc, Counsellor of the
+Parliament of Aix, is rather a book than a letter, being a collection of
+all that the Ancients have said of Nicholas Damascenus, which leaves us
+at a loss with regard to nothing that could be known concerning that
+celebrated writer.
+
+The CCCXXIXth, to John Descordes, Canon of Limoges, treats of the
+power of Bishops over the Monks, and several other points of the ancient
+Church discipline. He proves, in the CCCLVIIth, to Jerom Bignon,
+Advocate-General, that the letter ascribed to Pope Clement, which was
+published in 1633, is really his. His letters to his brother treat of
+the Law of Nature and several points of Civil Law: and a letter,
+addressed to John Isaac Pontanus, contains his remarks on what Cluverius
+has said of the antiquities of Germany.
+
+The most interesting literary occurrences of his time are to be found in
+his letters, always accompanied, with instructing reflections: in fine,
+his negotiations, and the great events of the last ten years of the
+reign of Lewis XIII, are very particularly, and, for the most part, very
+truly related in them.
+
+We must not conceal that Du Maurier, the son, whose anecdotes are full
+of blunders, advances[548] that, when Grotius desired to be recalled,
+the High Chancellor readily took him at his word, because, says he,
+Grotius sent him only the news that every body knew. Father Bougeant
+repeats this passage with great complacency; but he would have done much
+better to have read Grotius's letters with attention, than to censure
+them without reason. By their assistance he might have rectified several
+dates in his work, which, otherwise, deserves the public esteem.
+Another author, whose history is written with indiscretion and
+partiality, but who was nevertheless well acquainted with the events of
+the age of Lewis XIII, sets a high value on Grotius's letters[549]: I
+mean Le Vassor, whose judgment deserves the more regard as he had little
+turn for panegyric. He refutes those who advanced that Grotius employed
+his fine Latin to send Oxenstiern the lies of the day; and maintains
+that such as say this, have either never read Grotius's letters, or are
+unacquainted with the history of Lewis XIII. He does not deny, that,
+among the many pieces of news contained in them, there are some without
+foundation; but he excuses him, because a Minister is obliged to write
+what is generally reported. He adds, "Those, who shall read Grotius's
+letters with a little discerning, will find in them the most secret
+affairs of the times of his embassy touched upon in few words, with
+great delicacy and moderation." Grotius himself acquaints us, that he
+used great circumspection in writing news to the High Chancellor[550].
+"I must beg, says he, of your Sublimity, to pardon the shortness of my
+letter: I chuse rather to say little, than write what is false; and
+would fain send you nothing that is uncertain: but this is attended with
+much difficulty amidst so great obscurity.--Living among people, he says
+in another letter[551], who are very close, and receiving news which are
+often mixed with falshood, I am sorry to be obliged to give you my
+conjectures in the room of certainty; but there is nothing to apprehend
+from such an equitable Judge, who has regard to the good intention."
+
+This made him easy; and what ought to give us a high idea of his
+Letters, is, that they greatly pleased the High Chancellor[552]; and
+Muller, the Swedish Ambassador, set a high value on them[553].
+
+The author of _Vindiciae Grotianae_ assures us[554], after Morhof, that
+Grotius's Letters are not all printed; and he adds, that he knew a
+cabinet in which were preserved upwards of two hundred and sixty,
+written to Queen Christina and the High Chancellor. Bunau, a Privy
+Counselor at Dresden, is said to have had many of them. Puffendorf saw
+several in cypher, to which he had a key. Among those, which are printed
+in the collection of Grotius's letters, there are some in cypher,
+relating to the general affairs and secret intrigues of the Court of
+France. M. de Boze has a copy of these letters in his curious cabinet,
+with an explanation of the cypher, given him by a Swedish gentleman,
+which he communicates to those who desire it, with a politeness that it
+were to be wished were common to all men of learning.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[548] Memoires, p. 423.
+
+[549] Le Vassor, t. 8. 2 partie, l. 40. p. 277.
+
+[550] Ep. 537. p. 210.
+
+[551] Ep. 550. p. 214.
+
+[552] Ep. 55. p. 492.
+
+[553] Ep. 1094. p. 492.
+
+[554] P. 846.
+
+
+XVI. One of the most interesting parts of Grotius's life is the
+knowledge of his sentiments in religion, and the ardent zeal with which
+he undertook to reunite Christians in one belief. Brought up in the
+principles of Protestantism, he had in the former part of his life a
+great aversion to Popery. A letter to Antony Walaeus, Nov. 10, 1611[555],
+in which he opens all his mind, acquaints us, that however much he might
+be attached to the prevailing religion in the State wherein he lived, he
+was persuaded that the Roman Catholics held all the fundamental truths;
+but they superadded, he thought, several other articles, which he
+treated as new opinions. The zeal of the Jesuits for the Roman Catholic
+religion, and their attachment to the Pope, had rendered them extremely
+odious to all the enemies of the Romish church. Grotius viewed them in
+the same light, agreeably to the sentiments which had been instilled
+into him in his infancy, as we find in a letter written, April 1,
+1617[556], to his brother then in France; but when he came to riper
+years, he did them justice, highly valuing their society, and receiving
+many of them into his confidence, particularly the learned Dionysius
+Petavius.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[555] Ep. 14 p. 4.
+
+[556] Ep. 15. p. 759.
+
+
+XVII. Even when farthest removed from the Roman Catholic Church, he paid
+the greatest regard to the decisions of the ancient councils, to the
+discipline of the primitive Church, and the authority of the Fathers. He
+writes, June 6, 1611, to John Utengobard[557], that he highly respected
+the ancient councils which condemned Manicheism and Pelagianism. He
+declared to Vossius, July 17, 1616[558], that none held the doctrine
+condemned by the ancient Church in greater detestation. "Besides the
+hatred, says he to Antony Walaeus, which I profess to the tenets that
+were unknown to pious antiquity, nothing more engages me to condemn, and
+overturn, as far as I can, this sort of opinions, than their being an
+obstacle to peace."
+
+In the explanation of Holy Scripture he would have the sentiments of the
+ancient Church adhered to. This point he treated at a conference with
+the Prince of Conde, in the beginning of 1639[559]; in which he shewed,
+that to be a Christian, and have a right to the surname of Catholic, one
+must receive the Sacred Scriptures, and explain them not according to
+the interpretation of private persons, which had often given occasion to
+seditions, schisms, and even wars, but according to the sentiments of
+the ancient Churches, chiefly to be found in the Creeds, and in the acts
+of General Councils.
+
+He was so persuaded of the truth of these principles, that in an
+advertisement, prefixed to his _Commentary on the New Testament_, he
+declares that if he had written any thing inconsistent with the
+interpretation of Holy Scripture by the ancient Church, which he hoped
+he had not, he would chuse to have it neglected, and was most ready to
+alter it.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[557] Ep. 28. p. 9.
+
+[558] Ep. 77. p. 54.
+
+[559] Ep. 1108. p. 498. See also Ep. 622. p. 943.
+
+
+XVIII. This profound veneration for antiquity contributed greatly to
+render him more favourable to the Roman Catholics. At a time when it was
+looked upon by the Protestants as a kind of Apostacy, to speak with
+decency and temper of the sovereign Pontiffs, he ventured to commend
+Pope Urbin VIII in some verses made in honour of the blessed Virgin. He
+speaks thus of him in a Letter to his brother of the 21st of February,
+1625[560]. "I send my father the Poem on the Mother of God. I would not
+however have it published, not only because the honour, distinct from
+superstition, given to the saints offends several of our people; but
+also because Pope Urbin is commended in it. He is an excellent Poet, as
+appears from his elegant Pindaric odes. God grant he may be able to
+unite Christians, who are too much divided, in one faith."
+
+The Reformers were held by him in no great esteem. In 1633 he wrote to
+Gerard Vossius[561], "I think nothing can be truer than your judicious
+remark, that the best way to prevent good men from approving of so many
+different sects would be to shew them, without animosity or passion,
+from the sole motive of love to truth, that those who avail themselves
+so much of antiquity have it not always on their side, and that such as
+promised to restore the Church to its primitive state have not at all
+times succeeded." He no doubt meant the pretended Reformed.
+
+"The Protestants, says he to his brother[562], go too far when they
+accuse the Roman Catholics of error; they attack at the same time the
+whole Greek and Latin Churches, those of Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, and
+thereby very imprudently furnish arms to their adversaries. I see, he
+writes to Vossius[563], that those who have erected new Churches among
+us, have followed their own ideas, but have not always advanced the
+affairs of Religion."
+
+Salmasius was as zealous for the pretended reformed religion, as he was
+become indifferent to Grotius. However they visited one another, but it
+was with much coldness. "Salmasius (he writes to his brother[564],
+February 10, 1641) came to see me: he is ready to defend the most
+outrageous opinions; among others, that St. Peter never set foot in
+Italy. It is surprising what a party spirit will do."
+
+Grotius looked upon almost all the Reformed as factious men[565]. He had
+no esteem for Calvin; speaking of Cassander, he says he was a very
+excellent, and at the same time a very able man, and therefore most
+worthy of Calvin's hatred: he advised James Laurentius to read, instead
+of Calvin's _Institutions_, Vincent de Lerins. "I hear[566], says he to
+him, that you are less seditious than most of your order (that is, the
+Protestant Clergy) and that you only suffer yourself to be drawn away by
+others: wherefore I will give you one good counsel: read the Scriptures
+in the original, the confessions of faith of the ancient Christians,
+instead of the Belgic Confession, the Catechisms of Cyril in the room of
+Ursinus's Catechism, and the acts of the General Councils, and not those
+of the Synod of Dort: you will then easily perceive that Grotius is not
+become a Papist, but Laurentius turned a Calvinist." Laurentius wrote
+against him: but Grotius took his revenge[567] by silence. He did not
+approve of the separation of the Protestants; he thought these new
+Churches, these new Rites had not at all contributed to the promoting of
+piety. "It is just, said he[568], to reform our manners: but would it
+not have been better for us, after reforming ourselves, to have prayed
+to God for the reformation of others; and for the Princes and Bishops,
+who desired a reformation to have endeavoured to procure it by general
+councils, without breaking the unity." A Minister called D'Or, turning
+Roman Catholic[569], Grotius discovered little concern at it, and speaks
+of it with great calmness in a letter to his brother. "What D'Or has
+just done, says he, the learned Pithou did before him: Casaubon was
+resolved to do the same had he remained longer in France, as he assured
+several persons, and among others Descordes. I would fain, continued he,
+have the abuses that have crept into the church remedied, and will
+always say so; but is it just, or are there any examples, that it should
+be done by schism? This ought to be the more weighed, as we easily
+perceive that those who have formed new parties had not always the
+Spirit of God; that they have propagated new abuses, and that this
+licence to separate themselves has given rise to different parties which
+will never be united." He speaks in another place of Casaubon's
+sentiments[570], and pretends that this learned man thought the Roman
+Catholics of France better informed than those of other countries, and
+came nearer to truth than the Ministers of Charenton.
+
+He explained himself very frequently and very sharply against the schism
+of the Protestants. "Viretus, and the rest, says he[571], ought not to
+have erected new churches: yet they have done it before they were
+excommunicated: even an unjust excommunication would not have entitled
+them to erect altar against altar." He recites several passages from the
+Fathers on this subject, by which he pretends to confute the first
+reformers[572]. He came so near the Roman Catholics in the end, that in
+a letter to his brother he has these words: "It cannot be denied that
+there are several Roman Catholic pastors here who teach true religion,
+without any mixture of superstition: it were to be wished that all did
+the same." In his later works he speaks of Calvin with the highest
+indignation[573]: "I know, he says, with what injustice and bitterness
+this Calvin treated Cassander, Baudoin, and Castellio, who were much
+better men than himself."
+
+In refuting the apology of Rivetus he speaks with all the zeal of a
+Roman Catholic Disputant, and proves that the Calvinists are
+Schismatics, and had no mission; that they neither had miracles for
+them, nor any particular command from God: that the Ministers are
+factious spirits, who seek only to disturb the State: that their
+religion is new, and has not antiquity on its side. In his youth he had
+commended Beza in some anapest verses; extolling him as one of the most
+zealous defenders of the truth: he afterwards retracted this elogium,
+and wished it buried in eternal oblivion.
+
+In fine, the Jesuits, who were the objects of his aversion before he
+knew them, became his friends. He was reproached with this; and mentions
+the accusation in a letter to his brother[574]. "I am not, says he, the
+common defender of Jesuits; but the King looks on them as good subjects
+and employs them on several occasions." He publicly took their part in
+some of his works. He maintains in his pieces against Rivetus[575] that
+the Society had produced very able men of an irreproachable life, and
+that there were more such among them than among others. "I know many of
+them, he says, who are very desirous to see the abuses abolished, and
+the church restored to its primitive unity. The King entrusts them with
+his most valuable concerns." Father Petau, among others, possessed his
+confidence, as we have already observed, and shall see again.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[560] Ep. 85. p. 780.
+
+[561] Ep. 935. p. 120.
+
+[562] Ep. 487. p. 864.
+
+[563] Ep. 1004. p. 641.
+
+[564] Ep. 593. p. 913.
+
+[565] Ep. 534. p. 914. 537. p. 916. & 1520, p. 689.
+
+[566] Ep. 1570. p. 709.
+
+[567] Ep. 1078. p. 711.
+
+[568] Ep. 607. p. 938.
+
+[569] Ep. 610. p. 939.
+
+[570] Ep. 613. p. 940.
+
+[571] Ep. 674. p. 959.
+
+[572] Ep. 677. p. 959.
+
+[573] Animad. in animad. Riveti, p. 640.
+
+[574] Ep. 628. p. 915.
+
+[575] Animad in anim. Riveti, ad Art. 6. p. 658. Discussio Rivet.
+Apolog. p. 694. & p. 681.
+
+
+XIX. His great knowledge of antiquity and that singular veneration which
+he always paid to the primitive church made him even in his youth look
+upon the abolition of episcopacy, and of a visible head of the church,
+as something very monstrous. He went much farther in the sequel; shewing
+that[576] Melancton himself wanted the Pope to be left in the Church,
+and that King James of England and several able Protestants acknowledged
+the utility of the primacy of the Bishop of Rome: adding, "If several
+Protestants had made the same reflection, we should have had a church
+more reformed."
+
+He thinks that this Monarchy (these are his own terms[577]) is of use in
+the church for maintaining its unity. In fine, in a piece against
+Rivetus[578], he proves the primacy of the Pope from a passage of St.
+Cyprian, and adds, "You see that the primacy is hereby established; and
+this name in every society implies some jurisdiction. The Bishop of
+Rome, says he[579], is Prince of the Christian Aristocrasy, as it has
+been called before our time by the Bishop of Fossombrone. This primacy
+is under Jesus Christ, and may be exercised without tyranny, and without
+destroying the rights which the Bishops have over the churches committed
+to them." He entertained favourable sentiments of the Episcopal
+authority even before his embassy; and thought it necessary to preserve
+the unity of the Church[580]. "It is a question only in name[581](says
+he to his brother some years after) to ask whether Episcopacy be of
+divine right: it is sufficient that Jesus Christ has set the example in
+the college of Apostles; that the Apostles have followed it, and that
+this establishment has been approved by the universal consent of the
+Church, excepting some innovators of the present age."
+
+He handles this point in the eleventh Chapter of the treatise _Of the
+power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion_[582]; he says it is
+fanaticism to advance that a Bishop has nothing above a simple Priest.
+"Episcopacy, says he[583], that is to say the preheminence of a Pastor,
+is not contrary to the Divine right. It is incumbent on him who thinks
+otherwise, that is, who accuses the whole ancient Church of folly and
+impiety, to prove his opinion. That Episcopacy[584] was received by the
+whole Church appears from the general councils, which have always had
+great authority with all devout men; witness the national and provincial
+councils, where we find certain marks of the Episcopal precedency;
+witness all the Fathers without exception. Episcopacy began with the
+Apostles[585]: to be convinced of this we need only have recourse to the
+catalogues of Bishops in Irenaeus, Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, and
+others, who all make them begin with the Apostles. It would be very
+great obstinacy or disrespect to reject authors of so great weight, who
+unanimously agree in an historical fact. The history of all ages informs
+us of the advantages which the Church has derived from Episcopacy[586]."
+However he did not yet venture to say[587] that Episcopacy was of Divine
+establishment: he contented himself with maintaining that it was of
+Apostolical institution. This was sufficient to offend a party among
+whom there were some who carried their fury and ignorance so far, as to
+maintain that Episcopacy was an invention of Satan: an expression which
+scandalized Grotius even in his youth, as appears by a letter written
+in 1614 to Daniel Heinsius[588]. He became more bold afterwards; and was
+not afraid to maintain in the face of the pretended reformation[589],
+that Episcopacy was established by Christ, and that it were to be wished
+it were restored wherever it had been abolished.
+
+It was in consequence of this respect for the Episcopal College, and its
+head, that he exposed himself to the indignation of the whole Protestant
+party, and the bitter invectives of the Ministers, by maintaining that
+nothing was more absurd than what they had written against the pretended
+Romish Antichrist.
+
+One of his principal reasons for writing on this subject was a
+persuasion not only of the truth of his sentiments, as he writes to his
+brother[590], but that it was his duty to remove every obstacle that
+obstructed the reunion, "of which I have greater hopes than ever, he
+says, December 3, 1639. If it is not granted us to enjoy that great
+blessing (he adds) it is our duty to throw water on the flames, and not
+oil; and to plant trees that will bear fruit perhaps in another age." He
+was so pleased with himself for breaking the ice in this matter, that he
+tells his brother[591] in a private letter, he is persuaded God inspired
+him with the thought: that he returns him his most humble thanks for it,
+and that he thought himself in consequence obliged to labour in it with
+all his might, not only to support the truth, but also because he judged
+nothing was more capable to appease mens minds and prepare the way to
+the reunion. "I hope, he says to Vossius[592], to find at least among
+posterity equitable readers who will thank God for the light which he
+has been pleased to communicate to me for the understanding several
+obscure passages of Holy Scripture. I owe all that I have written on
+Antichrist[593] that is good, not to my own researches, says he to his
+brother, but to my prayers, and to the goodness of God, who has been
+pleased to enlighten me, though I did not deserve it." He flattered
+himself that his works on this subject had undeceived several
+Protestants[594], and that Rivetus, his grand adversary, was looked upon
+even by his collegues as a Divine of little judgment and a moderate
+share of erudition.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[576] Comment. ad. loca de Antichristo.
+
+[577] Via ad Pacem, Art. 7. p. 17.
+
+[578] Ad. Art. 7. p. 641.
+
+[579] P. 642. & p. 695. Discussio Apolog. Rivet. & p. 696.
+
+[580] Ep. 318. p. 115.
+
+[581] Ep. 534. p. 914. see Ep. 739. p. 975.
+
+[582] No 2.
+
+[583] No 3.
+
+[584] No 4.
+
+[585] No 5.
+
+[586] No 9.
+
+[587] No 10.
+
+[588] Burman's Collection, t. 2. Ep. 211. p. 434.
+
+[589] Via ad Pacem, Art. xiv. p. 621.
+
+[590] Ep. 474. p. 889.
+
+[591] Ep. 490. p. 895.
+
+[592] Ep. 1441. p. 653.
+
+[593] Ep. 499. p. 898.
+
+[594] Ep. 501. p. 899.
+
+
+XX. He had been at first much prejudiced against the opinion of the
+Romish Church concerning the real presence. We may judge of it by the
+letter which he wrote June 7, 1622, to Episcopius[595]. "I think, says
+he to him, that you would do well to confute those who with Cassander
+believe that one may disapprove the errors of the Romish Church, and yet
+not be obliged to separate from her communion. Two points especially
+appear to me to deserve discussion: the first is, whether an action
+lawful in itself, as the adoration during the time of the supper,
+ceaseth to be so on account of the error of the Ministers of the Church,
+who would have this adoration referred to the visible signs."
+
+In process of time he departed from the manner of speaking at least of
+the Ministers. He acknowledged[596] that in the Eucharistical bread some
+change is made, which the ancient Latin Church called Transfiguration,
+and the modern Transubstantiation: when Jesus Christ, being
+sacramentally present, favours us with his substance, as the Council of
+Trent speaks, the appearances of bread and wine remain, and in their
+place succeed the body and blood of Christ.
+
+It is certain that he did not approve of the sentiments of the
+Calvinists concerning the Eucharist: he reproached them with their
+contradictions[597]. "The Disciples of Calvin, says he, speak very
+differently on this subject in their Confessions and in their disputes:
+you will hear them say in their confessions, that they really,
+substantially, and essentially partake of Christ's body and his blood;
+in their disputes they maintain that Christ is received only spiritually
+by faith. The ancients go much farther, admitting a real incorporation
+of Jesus Christ with us, and the reality of Christ's natural body, as
+St. Hilarius speaks."
+
+Thus Grotius was persuaded the term _transubstantiation_, adopted by the
+Council of Trent, was capable of a good interpretation[598]: but it is
+not clear however, that, though he admitted the expressions used by the
+Catholic Church, he was of her opinion. After approving the term
+transubstantiation, he adds[599], "And because what is spiritual among
+the Jews is called real, the terms really, substantially, and
+essentially, are used in the Protestant Confessions, and by their
+Doctors." It is plain from what he subjoins, that he sought rather to
+unite different sentiments by means of equivocal expressions, than by an
+exact Creed, which might be susceptible of only one sense. "We must not
+condemn, says he, those who assure us that the Eucharist is but the sign
+of the body of Jesus Christ, since St. Augustine, with several other
+Fathers, speak in this manner; and the sacrament is defined to be the
+visible sign of an invisible grace."
+
+He made a draught of a kind of Formulary, in which the Catholics and
+Protestants were to join: it was this. "We believe that in the use of
+the supper we truly, really, and substantially, that is to say, in its
+proper substance, receive the true body and the true blood of Jesus
+Christ in a spiritual and ineffable manner." Grotius informs us that
+this formulary was approved of by the Roman Catholic Doctors and by
+Protestants: which is not surprising of the Catholics, since the
+expressions he employs, when taken in their natural sense, comprehend
+the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church: it is more surprising of the
+Protestants; but it must be observed that Calvin himself said[600], that
+under the Eucharistical signs we receive truly the body and blood of
+Jesus Christ; that Christ's flesh is distributed in this sacrament; that
+it enters into us; that we are partakers not only of Christ's spirit,
+but also of his flesh; that we have its proper substance, and are made
+partakers of it; that whole Christ is united to us, and therefore is
+united to us in body and spirit, that we must not question our receiving
+his proper body, and that if there is any man upon earth who sincerely
+acknowledges this truth, it is he.
+
+These expressions of Calvin were certainly favourable to the opinion of
+the Roman Catholics: he found himself obliged to make use of such terms,
+because they had been so long authorised, that he was afraid of
+appearing desirous to change the ancient doctrine; but the sense he gave
+them took away their force. The Protestants whom Grotius consulted,
+agreeable to the opinion of their Master, thought the expression,
+substantial presence, might be reconciled with their confession of
+faith; which, denying the real presence, teaches that Christ is united
+to us only in a figure in the sacrament, and in spirit by faith.
+
+Though Grotius believed that one receives substantially Jesus Christ in
+the use of the supper, there is no proof of his admitting the real
+presence in the sense of the Council of Trent: for, besides that his
+Formulary scarce makes stronger mention of it than Calvin, he seems not
+to condemn those who admitted only the sign of Christ's body: an
+indulgence which will never be approved of by a Roman Catholic.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[595] Ep. 181. p. 67.
+
+[596] Via ad pacem art. x. p. 619. & 642.
+
+[597] Votum pro pace, p. 687.
+
+[598] Animad. in Animad. art. x. p. 642.
+
+[599] Via, p. 619.
+
+[600] Variations, l. 9. p. 37.
+
+
+XXI. He justifies the decision of the Council of Trent concerning the
+number of the sacraments in his works against Rivetus. "The word
+sacrament, though sometimes taken in a more general signification, may
+nevertheless, says he[601], be understood in a more limited one of these
+seven external signs, which are designed for the good of our souls, and
+more distinctly mentioned in Scripture; Baptism in St. Matthew xxviii.
+19. Confirmation, Acts viii. 17. Penance, Matthew xvi. 19. the
+Eucharist, Matthew xxvi. 26. Ordination, 1 Tim. iv. 22. Extreme Unction,
+Mark vi. 13. James v. 14. and Marriage; Ephes. v. 32."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[601] Rivet. Apol. discussio, p. 698.
+
+
+XXII. In the examination of the other articles, which divide the Roman
+Catholics from the Protestants, Grotius continued to lean towards the
+Romish Church. In 1638 he acknowledges in a letter to Corvinus[602],
+that pious and able men, who were well disposed towards the Protestants,
+owned they were mistaken in the decision of the principal controversies
+between the Protestants and the Romish Church.
+
+After the year 1640 he took no offence at the use of images in churches,
+and prayers for the dead. He writes to his brother this year[603], "The
+Lutherans have images, and there are some in several places of England.
+Montaigue and others have proved that it is not idolatry to have
+recourse to the prayers of the Apostles and Martyrs."
+
+He explains himself afterwards much more strongly in favour of the
+Romish Church. He was persuaded[604] that the Cherubims of Moses clearly
+shewed that images were not forbid. "The honour due to Martyrs, says he,
+in his _Via ad pacem_[605], is much greater than what we owe to living
+Saints, because the Apocalypse tells us, that the Martyrs reign with
+Jesus Christ: there is therefore no harm in publicly testifying our
+esteem for them, and celebrating their memories on days set apart for
+that purpose, and in the places where they suffered martyrdom. The
+Protestants acknowledge that they pray for the Church: they are in the
+wrong therefore to look on those as Idolaters; who, agreeable to the
+opinion of several ancients, think the knowledge of our wants and our
+prayers may be communicated to the Martyrs by a revelation from God, or
+by the ministry of Angels. Such, he says in another place[606], as think
+it idolatry to address, the Martyrs, that they may pray for us, accuse
+St. Chrysostom, and the other holy Doctors of the Greek and Latin
+Church, of a horrible crime. For my part, I dare not do this; neither
+would I blame those who abstain from praying to the Saints. I have also
+said that true Relics of true Martyrs deserve to be respected."
+
+In fine, in his _Votum pro pace_[607], he proves by a long series of
+passages from the Fathers, that the invocation of saints was used by the
+ancient Church, and therefore cannot be treated as idolatry; that there
+is no law in the Gospel against the use of Images in Churches, that it
+cannot be said they are forbid by the law of nature, and that in the
+times of St. Ambrose and St. Augustine the relics of Martyrs were
+honoured in the Church. He defends in several places Praying for the
+Dead, which was practised in all the Churches of the East, as well as of
+the West[608]: he proves that the ancient Church prayed for the Dead,
+and that St. Augustine[609] regarded the opposers of this practice as
+heretics. He maintains[610] that every ancient liturgy has prayers for
+the Dead, and that as Tertullian relates, they were used in all the
+Churches in his time. He asserts[611], that the Jews knew and admitted
+of a Purgatory. One of the articles which made most noise in the
+beginning of the grand Schism in the sixteenth Century was that of
+justification, Grotius declares[612], that the more he examined the
+Scriptures, the greater agreement he discovered between them and the
+tradition of the Roman Church concerning justification. He was persuaded
+that it had the same idea of the Catholic Church mentioned in the Creed,
+as the ancients entertained. He would have men submit to the decisions
+of general councils[613]; and maintains that a pious and peaceable man
+ought not to contradict them when their decrees are received by almost
+all the Churches, especially those which were founded by the Apostles.
+He means no doubt the Council of Trent.
+
+Grotius must have supposed that the Church could not err, when he
+wrote[614], "The Bishops of Rome may be in an error, but they cannot
+long remain, in it, if they adhere to the universal Church." He was
+persuaded that we run no danger in embracing a doctrine taught by the
+Greek and Latin Churches[615]: "For, says he, the points in which these
+two Churches agree have been decided by the Apostles or by general
+Councils." He maintains that expressions tho' new, ought to be received
+in Theology[616], when they are supported by the authority of General
+Councils. This was in opposition to the Protestants, who maintained that
+the term transubstantiation ought to be rejected on account of its
+novelty. He is positive that such as depart from what was practised by
+the whole Church, and confirmed by Councils[617], are guilty of a most
+insolent folly, as St. Augustine said. He acknowledged the utility of
+tradition. Had he lived in the time of the Apostles he would have
+believed, he tells us, what they said, as well as what they wrote[618].
+He was persuaded that the goodness of God[619] had not permitted the
+doctrine of the universal Church to be corrupted, though the manners of
+the Pastors of the Church might be reprehensible. He entertained the
+same opinion, he tells us[620], concerning the authority of the Fathers
+as the illustrious Father Petavius in the Prolegomena prefixed to his
+most useful body of Divinity.
+
+The works of the Apostolical Fathers were, next to the Scriptures,
+Grotius's favourite study. When he heard that the Epistle of St.
+Clement, which had been long lost to the world, was published in England
+by Junius[621], from a Manuscript brought from Egypt, and written about
+the time of the Council of Nice, he expressed his satisfaction to
+Descordes[622], in a letter from Hamburg, dated June 1, 1633. "You gave
+me great pleasure by informing me of the discovery of the Epistle of St.
+Clement of Rome. No pains should be spared to recover those Fragments,
+which partake much of the nature of the apostolical Writings: and they
+ought not to be wholly rejected on account of interpolations: we must do
+with them as with metals, separate the dross from the pure metal. Would
+to God that Father Sirmond, or some one of his society like him, would
+give us the Epistle of Barnabas, from which there are some quotations in
+Clement of Alexandria. I remember to have heard Father Sirmond himself
+say that the Jesuits have this letter."
+
+St. Clement's Epistle was not sent to Grotius till after his departure
+from Hamburg, and arrival at Francfort[623]. He examined it immediately,
+and wrote his thoughts of it, July 17, to the famous Jerom Bignon,
+Advocate-General: After reading it over and over, he remained satisfied
+that it was the same which Photius had seen, and which St. Jerom,
+Clement of Alexandria, and before them St. Irenaeus, had; and which was
+written in the end of Nero's reign, or some years before that of
+Vespasian; and that it was most authentic, without the least
+interpolation. As to the second Epistle, ascribed to St. Clement, he did
+not think it written by that Pope: but at the same time did not question
+its being a work of the first Century. Grotius agrees in this with the
+most learned Critics even among the Roman Catholics[624].
+
+He obtained a sight of St. Barnabas's[625] Epistle, of which he was so
+desirous; but he had not the satisfaction to see it printed. Usher
+undertook to publish it in 1643; but before it was finished a fire
+consumed at Oxford what was already printed[626]. Two years after,
+Father Menard's edition appeared: but this was the year of Grotius's
+death. To return to his opinion concerning the points controverted
+between the Roman Catholics and Protestants: he speaks with great
+contempt of the inadmissibility[627] of grace. His treatise _Of faith
+and works_ is written against this error. He maintains that it is the
+most pernicious system that can be introduced; that it is not to be
+found in any of the Fathers; and was not so much as tolerated in ancient
+times.
+
+He proves that fasting was very early observed in the Church, as we may
+be convinced by reading St. Irenaeus[628]; that Lent was always observed
+by the ancient Church; that the sign of the Cross has something
+respectable in it, and was used in the first ages, as Tertullian, and
+others after him, observe; that Virginity[629] is a more perfect state
+than marriage, as the Fathers taught; that the Romish Church preserved
+the ancient discipline of the Western Church with regard to the celibacy
+of the Priests; that Jesus Christ himself taught[630] that such as
+lived in celibacy were more proper for the ecclesiastical functions;
+that the African Church agreed in this point with that of Rome; and
+that, besides, the Romish Church did not refuse to communicate with
+Churches which permitted Priests to marry. Of all the religious orders
+he approved most of the congregation of the Fathers of the Oratory, and
+the institution of the Jesuits, because the first retired when they
+pleased; and the others might leave the society with permission of their
+Superiors.
+
+In fine, he speaks of the Council of Trent with great respect. "Those,
+he says[631], who shall read its Decrees with a mind disposed to peace,
+will find that every thing is wisely explained in them, and agreeable to
+what is taught by the Scriptures and the ancient Fathers, as may be seen
+by the passages cited in the margin."
+
+Such as were displeased with these pacific sentiments, objected to him
+that he had formerly thought otherwise. Laurentius wrote a piece on this
+subject, which is mentioned by Grotius in a letter to his brother[632],
+"Laurentius, says he, objects to me that what I have formerly written
+contradicts my later works: however, if they be examined by the true
+rules of criticism, no such contradiction will be found. Farther, if, as
+I have advanced in years, conversation with able men, and a more perfect
+examination, have made me change my sentiments, I ought not on that
+account to be accused of inconstancy, no more than St. Augustin, who
+retracted many things." He again touches on this point in his _Votum pro
+pace_[633]. "If in my youth, says he, having less knowledge than now,
+the prejudices of education, or a blind attachment to authors of same,
+carried me too great lengths, shall I not be permitted at present, when
+I am old, to adopt more reasonable sentiments, after long enquiry and a
+renunciation of all party spirit?"
+
+It is not surprising that after such a declaration the zealous Clergy
+sought to render him odious. They printed a book against him, under the
+title of _Grotius papista_[634]. It is certain that he gave the
+preference to the Roman Catholic religion above all the others, and it
+has even been reported that he promised to M. Bignon, before leaving
+Paris, to declare himself openly a Roman Catholic[635]. It has also been
+said that M. Arnaud asserted, that he was informed by a man of honour,
+who had it from M. Bignon, that Grotius, on setting out for Sweden,
+declared to this last Gentleman, that as soon as he came back he would
+make profession of the Roman Catholic Religion. The Jesuits have
+published a Flemish book under the title of the _Testament of
+Grotius_[636], in which they advance that he was ready to turn Roman
+Catholic: the Author of _Vindiciae Grotianae_ has pretended to confute
+this assertion by some passages in Grotius's earlier works: but his
+reasoning must appear absurd, since it was only in the latter part of
+his life that he preferred the Romish Religion. A Protestant, who could
+not deny that Grotius gave the preference to the Roman Catholic
+religion, has ventured to advance, that it was perhaps with a view to be
+made a Cardinal: this wretched conjecture is Osiander's; but besides
+that Grotius had a wife of whom he was very fond, he was a man incapable
+of embracing an opinion from motives of interest.
+
+It is very certain that Grotius was most intimate with Father Petau, who
+cultivated his friendship (as this learned Jesuit tells us himself in
+one of his letters) in hopes of bringing him to an open profession of
+the Roman Catholic faith. This gave M. Varlois occasion to say, in his
+elogium of Father Petau[637], "What did he not do to gain over the
+illustrious Grotius to the Catholic Religion? He did not dislike us, he
+was even almost one of us, since he publicly declared his acceptance of
+the doctrine of the Council of Trent. One thing only was wanting to him,
+to resort to our Churches, which he only deferred till he could bring
+many with him to the unity of the Catholic faith." Father Briet says
+much the same in his _Annals of the World_ for the year 1645. "This year
+died Hugo Grotius, the honour and glory of men of learning: his
+intention was to die a Catholic, but he wanted time; for, as he assured
+me, he believed as we do."
+
+We read in the _Menagiana_[638], that when Grotius's death was known at
+Paris, Father Petau, persuaded that he was a Catholic at heart, said
+mass for his soul: it was even reported at that time, if we may believe
+the compiler of those Anecdotes, that Grotius wanted to declare himself
+before his journey to Sweden, but was advised by Father Petau to go
+there first, and return afterwards to Paris to settle, and fulfil his
+resolution. It is improbable that such a zealous Catholic as Father
+Petau would advise Grotius to defer for a moment the edification of all
+the Catholics by his return to the Church; but it is certain that Father
+Petau said mass for his friend. The tradition of this fact is preferred
+among the Jesuits, and there are people of credit alive who remember to
+have heard it affirmed for certain by Father Harduin and M. Huet Bishop
+of Avranches[639].
+
+As Grotius's religion was a problem to many, Menage wrote an Epigram on
+this occasion, the sense of which is, that as many different sects
+claimed his religion, as there were towns which contended for the birth
+of Homer:
+
+     Smyrna, Rhodes, Colophon, Salamis, Argos, Athenae,
+     Siderei certant vatis de patria Homeri:
+     Grotiadae certant de religione Socinus,
+     Arrius, Arminius, Calvinus, Roma, Lutherus.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[602] Ep. 966. p. 434.
+
+[603] Ep. 489. p. 894.
+
+[604] Ep. 622. p. 943.
+
+[605] Via ad pacem, p. 623, art. xx.
+
+[606] Animad. in animad. ad. ar. 19. p. 645.
+
+[607] P. 705.
+
+[608] Via ad pacem, p. 626.
+
+[609] Votum pro pace, p. 916.
+
+[610] Animad. in animad. p. 646.
+
+[611] Via ad pacem, p. 626. Animad. in anim. p. 646
+
+[612] Ep. 622. p. 943.
+
+[613] Votum pro pace, p. 727.
+
+[614] Ep. 613. p. 940.
+
+[615] Ep. 668. p. 957.
+
+[616] Via ad pacem art. 1. p. 615.
+
+[617] Art. 7. p. 617.
+
+[618] Via ad pacem, p. 628. Anim. in anim. p. 647. Votum pro pace, p.
+724.
+
+[619] Anim. in anim. p. 642.
+
+[620] Votum pro pace, p. 681.
+
+[621] Tillem. t. 2. p. 158.
+
+[622] Ep. 318. p. 113.
+
+[623] Ep. 357. p. 124.
+
+[624] Tillemont, t. 2. n. 13. p. 567.
+
+[625] Ep. 391. p. 866.
+
+[626] Fabric. Bib. Graec. l. 4. p. 174. tom. 3.
+
+[627] Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Anim. in anim. p. 649.
+
+[628] Commen. ad loca de Antichrist. Via ad pacem, p. 617.
+
+[629] Votum pro pace, p. 750.
+
+[630] Matt. xix. 12. 1 Cor. vii.
+
+[631] Votum pro pace, p. 682.
+
+[632] Ep. 647. p. 951.
+
+[633] P. 702.
+
+[634] Ep. 615. p. 944.
+
+[635] Sent. des Theolog. de Hollande, p. 393. Menagiana, t. 2. p. 298.
+
+[636] Vin. Grot. p. 506.
+
+[637] Vin. Grot. p. 505.
+
+[638] Tom. 4. p. 180.
+
+[639] See Vie du P. Petau, Niceron, t. 37. p. 159.
+
+
+XXIII. That which contributed to the removal of Grotius's prejudices
+against the Catholic Church was undoubtedly the project he had formed of
+reconciling all the different parties which divide Christendom. He saw
+well the necessity of having the Catholics on his side; and he flattered
+himself that having gained them, he would easily bring over the rest. M.
+Huet did not think such a project absolutely chimerical[640]: "The
+religious differences, says he, which have long disturbed the peace of
+Christians, are not impossible to be accommodated. If the parties would
+set about it sincerely, without obstinacy or private interest, they
+would soon find ways of accommodation; but some of all parties are so
+warm, that they censure such of their own party as seek to accommodate
+differences, with no less severity than they do their adversaries. With
+what presumptuous rigour did Rivetus the Minister treat Grotius for
+proposing the means of peace? Grotius, in a modest answer, humbles his
+pride without naming him; humorously pointing him out by that title
+taken from Catullus[641], _Adversus quemdam opaca quem facit bonum
+barba_."
+
+M. Bayle differed from M. Huet concerning the attempt to unite the
+different religions: he thinks it as great a chimera as the Philosophers
+stone, or the quadrature of the circle. The truth is, to hope for
+success in such a project, one must suppose in all men a sincere love of
+truth, and a readiness to renounce their prejudices, good
+understandings, and upright hearts.
+
+In this undertaking one essential thing, which must not be forgot, is,
+that if the Catholic Church, by a condescendance worthy of her charity
+and her desire that all men should come to the knowledge of the truth,
+should remit some point of her discipline, she cannot shew this
+indulgence with regard to any tenet condemned by the Council of Trent,
+without betraying her principles: there is therefore only one way of
+reunion, namely, that those who separated from the Catholic Church
+acknowledge that they have no argument that can justify their schism,
+and humbly praying to be received into the bosom of their mother, seek
+to obtain this favour by sacrificing their errors.
+
+It was very common in the last age for men to busy themselves in finding
+out ways of reconciliation between the Protestants and Roman Catholics:
+the Reformed set about it; and I cannot forbear relating here the
+extravagance of Cregutius, Minister of Montelemar, who in a small
+treatise, which I have in Manuscript, on the question, Whether an union
+with the Romish Church is to be hoped for or not? decides it in the
+affirmative, provided (says he) the Church of Rome begin with renouncing
+the doctrine of transubstantiation: of which he doth not despair.
+Grotius with more good sense laboured from his youth in the grand
+project of reconciling all the parties into which Christians are
+divided. His good intentions were known to Europe before his escape from
+Louvestein: Du Vair, Keeper of the Seals, complimented him on his
+design. "God, says he, has ordered it so that you should owe your
+deliverance entirely to him, to the end that being delivered from
+worldly distractions, you may employ the rare talents with which he has
+entrusted you, in promoting that work which is no doubt most agreeable
+to him, namely the common peace of Christendom by a reunion of all the
+members which have separated from their spiritual mother, in whom they
+or their fathers were conceived. And for as much as it is the thing
+which many men of honour expect[642] from you, I cannot forbear
+rejoicing with them, and accelerating by my applause such a happy
+course." Grotius's answer confirmed the Keeper of the Seals in the idea
+he had entertained. "God is my witness, says he, how much I am afflicted
+when I compare the first ages of the Church with our unhappy times, in
+which the people, differing in articles of faith, have divided into
+factions, and thereby given occasion to wars of which even the nations
+of the heathen would have been ashamed. There are doubtless many good
+men, who grieve to see such a great evil; and, preserving charity for
+all Christians, ardently desire to see union restored; and are disposed
+to procure this great blessing by following the Apostle's counsel, to
+bear with the infirmities of others, and extend their patience and
+candour to their utmost length: but those rigid notions, which a party
+spirit has instilled into many, is a great obstacle to the obtaining of
+this happiness. May God pour out a spirit of charity and meekness on the
+heads of the Church, on Kings and Potentates, that, surmounting every
+difficulty, they may without delay restore to the Church her primitive
+beauty, and above all a solid peace, without prejudice to truth. Many
+thousands, of whom I am one, pray without ceasing for the execution of
+this pious design, and desire nothing more than to be employed in it."
+
+Filled with this idea, he proposed to Lewis XIII, in his dedication _Of
+the Rights of War and Peace_, to compose the differences of the
+Churches, and direct the age in which he lived how to terminate them in
+conformity to the sentiments of that time, when all allow that
+Christianity was in its purity. He imagined the alliance between France
+and England would facilitate the execution of a project worthy of such
+mighty Kings: he had it so much at heart, that he thought himself
+destined to labour in it from his mother's womb[643]. "It is a vocation,
+says he to his brother, which God has given me.--I have many witnesses,
+he writes to Duraeus[644], who knew me in my native country, and can
+attest not only how much I have desired, but also how much I have
+laboured to lessen the disputes among Christians, in order to promote
+gradually the restoration of unity. I might even appeal to yourself, in
+relation to what has since been done both in Germany and Sweden.--I
+shall never cease, he says to his brother[645], my utmost endeavours for
+establishing peace among Christians; and if I should not succeed, it
+will be honourable to die in such a pious enterprize."
+
+He had the consolation to be seconded in his pacific projects by Duraeus,
+a Clergyman in Sweden, with whom he cultivated a correspondence for
+advancing the coalition of Christians[646]. "What you labour in with so
+much zeal is precisely what I have been employed about since I began to
+have any relish for divine things. Experience teaches me how many
+difficulties we must expect both from Statesmen and Divines bigotted to
+their own opinions, and averse to those of others: but all these
+obstacles ought not to prevent our undertaking such a good work: if we
+do not succeed, we shall at least enjoy the satisfaction of having
+entertained very sublime ideas. For my part, as I have done it already,
+so I shall still continue to recommend to the High Chancellor your
+piety, your learning, your good intentions, and your zeal, to which I
+ardently wish success; and the accounts of your progress from time to
+time will give me the greatest pleasure.--Duraeus's enterprize is
+attended with particular difficulties at this time, he writes to
+Berneggerus[647]: but things as difficult have often had a happy issue:
+besides, it affords much satisfaction to a man's conscience to have
+attempted what is highly useful, even though he should fail of success."
+
+Duraeus meeting with great obstacles, Grotius consoles him on that head,
+in a letter of the 21st of November, 1637. "What gives me hopes, he
+says, is your constancy, and the countenance of the High Chancellor. I
+have conferred on this subject with the two English Ambassadors, the
+Earl of Leicester and Lord Scudamore: they are of my opinion, that the
+present time, while Europe is engaged in war, is not favourable for
+convoking a general assembly of Protestants."
+
+Duraeus's project regarding only a union among Protestants, Daille and
+the ablest men among the reformed Ministers approved of it, with some
+limitations: there was, however, little prospect of success[648] on
+account of the intollerant spirit of some turbulent Ministers, such as
+Voetius.
+
+Grotius had much higher views; he proposed nothing less[649] than to
+reunite all Christians: in this, he said, he would not cease to labour;
+and, that it would yield him pleasure to die so well employed[650]; that
+he gave himself little pain about the hatred he might incur, for if men
+gave way to this fear, never any vice would be corrected.
+
+What encouraged him farther, in this idea, was the number of great men
+who entertained it before him. "I am not the only one who hath conceived
+this project, he writes to his brother[651]: Erasmus, Cassander,
+Vecelius, and Casaubon had the same design. La Miletiere is employed at
+present in it: Cardinal Richelieu declares that he will protect the
+coalition; and he is such a happy man that he never undertook any thing
+in which he did not succeed: and even if there were no hopes of success
+at present, ought we not to sow the seed which may be useful to
+posterity[652]? Even if we should only diminish the mutual hatred among
+Christians, and render them more sociable, would not this be worth
+purchasing at the price of some labour and reproaches?"
+
+Arminius may likewise be numbered with those who were desirous of
+reuniting Christians[653]. The method he proposed was to distinguish
+fundamental points from such as were not, and leave men at liberty to
+believe or disbelieve the latter. He communicated his project to
+Casaubon, who highly approved it: but how shall men settle what articles
+are fundamental? This question is a source of endless disputes. Besides,
+they must be able to answer the Roman Catholic Divines, who, building on
+the doctrine that has been always taught, justly pretend that whatever
+has been decided to be part of that doctrine ought to be regarded as
+fundamental. Men could not help approving Grotius's intention; but even
+those, by whom he was held in the greatest esteem, had no confidence in
+the success of his project. This made him write to Baron Oxenstiern on
+the subject[654]. "Even if religious differences, he says, had not given
+occasion to bloody wars, I should still think it the duty of Christians
+to restore the unity; since, as the Apostle of the Gentiles tells us, we
+ought to be all members of one body. But even those, who say they desire
+it, doubt whether the thing be practicable. I know well that all schism,
+the further it has extended, and the longer it has lasted, will be more
+difficult to heal; so many being employed to throw oil on the flames:
+however, there are examples of inveterate evils that have been cured in
+the Church. After the Council of Chalcedon there was a very great schism
+in the East, which continued an hundred years till the reign of
+Justinian, by whose authority, Pope Vigilius listening at last to terms
+of peace, an end was put to it. Charles V, Ferdinand, and Maximilian
+thought that the schism between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants
+of the Augsbourg confession was not incurable. Melancton and other
+learned men, whose writings are still extant, were of the same opinion.
+I have heard from great men, that Henry IV. of France said that he would
+undertake to obtain, for the King of England and his Protestant allies,
+such conditions of returning to the unity of the Church, as they could
+not handsomely refuse; and that he purposed to send some of his Bishops
+into England to confer on this subject with the Prelates of that
+kingdom: but this project, which had been concerted with several great
+men, was defeated by the King's death. I believe the chief difference
+between the tenets of the Augsbourg confession and those of the Council
+of Trent lies in the ambiguity of some expressions, which are understood
+differently; but may be explained, by men of understanding and friends
+to peace, in such manner, that no difference will remain but in those
+things which may be left to the free discussions of the Learned, without
+any injury to the peace of the Church. It is evident, from the examples
+of the Maronites and Greeks, that those who communicate in both kinds,
+and use a liturgy different from that of the Romish Church, provided it
+be susceptible of a Catholic sense, even were it in the vulgar tongue,
+may be received into the communion of the Apostolical See; and likewise
+those Churches which allow the Priests to marry. What has been done in
+Sweden and elsewhere, for the reformation of discipline, by suppressing
+simony and superstition, ought not only to be retained; but there is
+room to hope that when unity is restored other nations will follow this
+example, there being many among them who ardently desire, that the
+abuses which have crept in may be removed according to the ancient
+Canons. It is very difficult to render the supremacy of the Bishop of
+Rome useful, or at least not hurtful to the Church: but if one
+considers, that the Kings and Bishops of the Romish religion are as much
+concerned in this matter, as the Protestants, and reflects on the
+precautions taken in it by France and Spain, he will not despair of
+finding expedients for securing the authority of Kings, their right in
+the election of Bishops and the prerogatives of the Primates,
+Archbishops, and Bishops, agreeable to the Canons and the ancient Church
+discipline. If the Christian world could have rest from war, the Kings
+of the Romish communion, who are favourably disposed towards the
+Protestants, might prepare matters at Rome in such manner as to give
+hope of a happy issue. I grant that these things are attended with
+difficulties; but so is every great, and useful, and glorious
+undertaking; and in such a salutary work we may confide in the
+Almighty's aid."
+
+After this manner did Grotius write to the Swedish Plenipotentiary, in
+the end of the year 1614, handling with greater delicacy, as he wrote to
+Protestants, the nice article of the Pope's Supremacy, in favour of
+which he had spoken more strongly in the pieces he had just published.
+
+We learn from his first letters, that he communicated his pacific ideas
+to his father, and that he was early sensible of the great difficulties
+attending a reunion. He writes to his brother, Oct. 27, 1623[655],
+"What my father writes, of restoring things to the condition they were
+in before the Council of Trent, would be a great step; but
+transubstantiation, and the adoration ordained by the Lateran Council,
+and the invocation of Saints, which is received in all the liturgies,
+will be great stumbling-blocks to tender consciences."
+
+Some years after, he imagined that the shortest way to a coalition of
+Christians would be to reduce the articles of faith to a small number.
+"It were well, says he[656], if Christians would reflect how few the
+points are, and how clearly expressed in Scripture, which constitute the
+Rule of Faith laid down by St. Irenaeus and Tertullian; and as it is not
+allowed to doubt of these, the liberty left to men in others might
+contribute to the peace of the Church."
+
+Afterwards he went much farther. "I could wish, he says to his
+brother[657], Nov. 14. 1643, that Utengobard, when his health will
+permit, would write something, if he has not done it already, on the
+necessity of restoring the unity of the Church; and by what means it may
+be done. Many think that the true way would be to distinguish between
+what is necessary, and what is not; and to leave men at full liberty in
+the latter: but it is as difficult to know what is necessary, as to know
+what is true. The Scriptures, they say, are the rule: but interpreters
+vary on the passages referred to. I know not, therefore, whether it
+would not be best to adhere to the sentiments of the Catholic Church
+concerning faith and good works: for I think they hold all that is
+necessary to be believed in order to salvation. As to other articles
+which have been determined by Councils, or received by the first
+Christians, we must adopt the moderate interpretation, and such we shall
+find on every point. If any one cannot prevail with himself to be silent
+in relation to things, of which he has no certainty, but will disturb
+the unity of the Church, instead of labouring to restore it, matters
+will proceed from bad to worse."
+
+Sometimes Grotius imagined he should succeed. Nov. 23, 1641, he writes
+to Gerard Vossius[658], that Codurus, Justellus, and Melitiere, three of
+the most learned Protestants, had thanked him for what he had written on
+the Consultation of Cassander. "I perceive, says he to his brother, by
+conversing with the men of most learning among the Reformed, and
+explaining my sentiments to them, that they are of my opinion: their
+number will increase if my treatises are dispersed; in which, I can
+truly affirm, I have said nothing from a party spirit, but followed
+truth as closely as I could."
+
+He writes to his father[659], that he was not without hopes of some good
+effect from his incessant labours to restore peace to Christendom. "That
+day will at length shine forth, of which we now perceive the dawn: for
+many great, pious, and learned men, of both parties, begin to see how
+unreasonable it is to neglect the reformation of manners while we are
+framing new tenets, and censuring old ones, which require only a good
+comment. This excellent design I recommend to your prayers; it was you
+gave me the first hint of it."
+
+He writes to his brother[660], June 15, 1641, "I have received a visit
+from some Catholic Counsellors of State, and Codurus the clergyman, who
+expect the coalition will quickly take place, and pay great regard to my
+opinion. May the God of peace direct the whole to the advancement of
+truth and piety."
+
+He received the agreeable account, that the pieces he had written to
+promote the coalition were approved of in Denmark, Sweden, England,
+Germany, and Poland.
+
+He imagined several Catholics entered into his views. Divers doctors of
+the Sorbonne, he said[661], thanked him for the remarks he wrote on the
+Consultation of Cassander. "The ablest men among the Catholics think
+what I have done, he tells his brother[662], is written with great
+freedom and moderation, and approve of it."
+
+"We ought not, he says in another letter[663], to regard only the
+present age, but posterity also: yet I find some people who think they
+shall live to see the union restored."
+
+He imagined his manner of handling the controversy was approved of by
+the ablest men of the Romish Communion, and even at Rome because there
+were most great men in that city.
+
+For some time he entertained hopes that Cardinal Richelieu would favour
+him: Jan. 19, 1641, he writes thus to his brother[664]: "When my book is
+published, many Protestants will see that the reconciliation of the
+Churches is easier than they imagined: for the principal basis of the
+Reformation may subsist with the Pope's consent, provided the affair be
+managed with mildness and without giving him offence. I write this on
+good grounds: Cardinal Richelieu thinks the thing will succeed: he has
+said so to several."
+
+Grotius had either been misinformed, or the Cardinal changed his
+language: for the former writes to his brother[665], March 24, 1642, "As
+Cardinal Richelieu speaks differently from what he did some time ago
+about the peace of the churches, I am afraid this change conceals some
+ill design against the Reformed."
+
+Grotius, finding at length that the project of a coalition was
+impracticable without the approbation of the Catholics, contracted an
+intimacy with Father Petau, to whom he communicated all his works
+relating to religion and the reconciliation of the churches. In a letter
+of the 3d of December, 1640, he desires him to send him his remarks on
+his works, "That, says he, by your assistance I may add, suppress, or
+correct, as shall be most necessary for promoting truth and peace. Would
+to God that I had as much genius and learning as some others: I would
+accomplish what it is great barely to attempt."
+
+He communicated to Father Petau the manuscript of his answer to
+Rivetus[666], desiring him to point out what was not agreeable to truth,
+or had not a tendency to promote peace. "I am resolved, says he, to
+publish my answer as soon as I have your opinion, to which I pay great
+regard."
+
+Father Petau gives us the history of his acquaintance with Grotius, in
+his XIIth letter[667]. "I had, says he, a great desire to see and
+converse with him; we have been long together, and very intimate. He is,
+as far as I can judge, a good man, and of great candour. I do not think
+him far from becoming a Catholic, after, the example of Holstenius, as
+you hoped: I shall neglect nothing in my power to reconcile him to
+Christ, and put him in the way of salvation."
+
+Father Petau mentions him again in another letter, written to Cardinal
+Francis Barberinus[668]. His Eminence had applied to that learned Jesuit
+for information in what state Grotius had left, at his death, his work
+on the Antiquities of Sweden. Father Petau makes him this answer. "I had
+some connection with Hugo Grotius, and I wish I could say he is now
+happy. Our love to learning began our acquaintance, which I kept up in
+hopes of being useful to him. Accordingly I saw him often, and he also
+visited me, and wrote to me frequently." He concludes with assuring the
+Cardinal, that he would enquire of his widow about his work relating to
+Sweden.
+
+Grotius's several attempts to restore the peace of Christendom made him
+be looked upon as a good man by pacific people; but they occasioned him
+much uneasiness from those, who, being obstinately attached to the
+opinions of the first Reformers, regarded all that kept any measures
+with the Romish Church as Apostates. He laid his account with
+contradictions. Feb. 23, 1641, he writes to Israel Caski[669], "Those
+who had the same design that I have were generally evil-treated by both
+parties, and met with the fate of such as would separate combatants: but
+the God of peace will judge them with justice. They have also on their
+side pious and learned men, whose merit outweighs the number of the
+others.--I believe, says he to his brother[670], my Remarks on Cassander
+will please few, because there are not many skilled in the Scriptures
+and Antiquity: most people are bigotted to their opinions. I except
+against such Judges; I regard them not; nor have I any desire to know
+what they say. I have granted nothing to the Roman Catholics, but what
+antiquity gives them." The zealous Clergy, not content with writing
+against him themselves, every where stirred him up enemies: he speaks in
+his letters[671] of one Seyffectus of Ulm, who, instigated by Rivetus
+and others of that party, wrote against him.
+
+Several learned men, who had the highest esteem and the most perfect
+friendship for Grotius, conceived a violent hatred to him on seeing him
+lean towards the Catholics. He had been extremely intimate with
+Salmasius: he had received letters from him filled with the most
+expressive testimonies of friendship[672]; and Grotius had informed him
+of the happy change of his fortune, because he looked upon him as one of
+his best friends: they had long kept up a learned correspondence by
+letters, in which we find a reciprocal esteem and the greatest
+politeness; but when Grotius set up for a Mediator, Salmasius publicly
+declared, that he disapproved of the way of reconciliation proposed by
+Grotius[673]; and from that time his friendship changed into bitter
+enmity.
+
+Sarrau, Counsellor in the parliament of Rouen, who had been one of
+Grotius's best friends, as we may see by the letters that passed between
+them, withdrew his friendship when he thought him in the interest of the
+Romish Church. May 31, 1641, he writes[674], "What is reported for
+certain, that Grotius is gone over to the Popish party, is not true: but
+with great concern we see him every day employed in something very like
+it: he will not suffer us to rank him in any class of Protestants
+whatever, because he has used them all too ill in his Treatises on
+Antichrist and the Consultation of Cassander."
+
+Sarrau also writes to Salmasius[675], that it was publicly said these
+projects of reconciliation had set the High Chancellor and several other
+Lords against Grotius. He flattered himself, however[676], that Sarrau
+approved of his project: for he writes to his brother, William Grotius,
+"Among some others of the Reformed, Sarrau, who was a Counsellor in the
+parliament of Rouen, and is at present in that of Paris, praises my
+design." But it is probable that Grotius took compliments for realities.
+It is certain that Grotius's schemes displeased Sarrau, and that there
+was a coldness between them, for the latter writes thus to Salmasius,
+Feb. 10, 1644[677], "I am not reconciled to the Swedish Ambassador: if
+I had an inclination to it I believe it might easily be done. The
+alteration in our friendship does not proceed from my fault, but solely
+from his plan of pacification, which I do not approve. I esteem him
+highly, on account of the great services he has done to learning; and
+shall even never cease to love him: but, far from commending or
+approving his late pieces, I am greatly dissatisfied with them: however,
+I would not have the many excellent things he has done slighted on that
+account. Every one acknowledges you to be the first man in the republic
+of letters; but it cannot be denied that he holds the second rank. You
+have no superior, nor even any equal; suffer him to be after you the
+first."
+
+The celebrated Schurman, whose extensive knowledge had at that time
+gained her a very high reputation, signifies to Rivetus, Jan. 20,
+1643[678], the general discontent of the greater number of the Reformed
+against Grotius. "Hitherto, says she, every one had a high idea of
+Grotius's genius and erudition. But since he departed from sound reason,
+changed the object of his studies, and insulted by gross invectives the
+whole body of Protestants, and the principal authors of the reformation,
+everyone seeks for Grotius in Grotius. Nothing can be more ridiculous or
+foolish than to see a man, who neither agrees with others, nor with
+himself, as you have well shewn, undertake, without our desire or
+consent, to reconcile us with the Roman Catholics, and positively decide
+that we may, and that we ought to come into his views."
+
+Ruarus[679] had predicted to Grotius himself, that he would reap no
+other fruit of his labours, than the hatred of both parties: but he was
+at the same time persuaded that no worldly interest entered into
+Grotius's views, more honest in this respect than the zealous protestant
+clergy, who were ready to adopt the most gross and groundless calumnies,
+provided they were levelled against Grotius.
+
+So much contradiction chagrined him greatly, and altered his
+temper[680]: by seeking to establish peace among men, he lost the
+tranquility of his own mind, which he had preserved in his deepest
+adversity. It is said he became suspicious, and peevish, and lost that
+politeness towards his friends, which had so advantageously
+distinguished him from other men of learning. It is even reported (but
+by one of his enemies, indeed) that one day he abused M. du Puis in his
+[Grotius's] own house, and turned him out of doors, for presuming to
+contradict him[681]. Yet it is evident from his letters, that he was
+most intimate with the two illustrious brothers, Mess. du Puis, and was
+under high obligations to them. "You have always been my best friends
+(he writes to them, Nov. 19, 1633[682]) and almost my only ones since
+Rigaut went to Metz, Salmasius to Leyden, and Tilenus died."
+
+A letter to his brother[683], Nov. 1, 1641, clearly shews the change of
+his temper. Blondius having used Reigersberg, Grotius's friend and
+relation, very ill, he writes to his brother William: "If Blondius
+should speak to you, tell him I have a son here, who will send him a
+challenge, for affronting the Senator Reigersberg." This menace, which
+seemed to be an approbation of duelling, much surprised William Grotius,
+who had read in the _Rights of War and Peace_[684], that this doctrine
+was clearly condemned by the gospel. Grotius proves in another part of
+the same book, "That honour being nothing but the opinion we have of
+our distinguishing qualities, he who bears with a slight injury, thereby
+discovers a patience above the common; and thus, instead of lessening
+his honour, adds to it; and that if some people, from a wrong judgment,
+bestow improper epithets on this virtue and turn it into ridicule; these
+wrong judgments change not the nature of the thing, nor lessen its real
+value. This has not only been acknowledged by the first Christians, but
+by the ancient Philosophers, who, as we have elsewhere shewn, ascribed
+an impatient resentment of insults to meanness of soul. Should any one
+even publish things capable of hurting us with good men, that will not
+authorise us to kill him. If there are authors who maintain the
+contrary, it is an erroneous opinion which clasheth even with the
+principles of natural law: for killing the person who attacks our
+reputation is a bad way of defending it." Thus Grotius thought in his
+best days. We have enlarged on this head, to shew into what
+contradiction, and excess of weakness, great men may fall. William
+Grotius was no doubt astonished at his brother's vivacity, and probably
+gave him some check for it; for Grotius afterwards writes to him, "What
+I wrote to you, relating to my son and Blondius, I did it not because I
+approved of such things, but because that or something worse might
+happen."
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[640] Huetiana, S. 16. p. 46.
+
+[641] M. Huet is mistaken: it was not Rivetus whom Grotius meant by this
+verse of Catullus, but Laet.
+
+[642] See _Votum pro pace_, p. 744.
+
+[643] Ep. 534. A matris visceribus.
+
+[644] Ep. 1471. p. 666.
+
+[645] Ep 383. p. 804.
+
+[646] Ep. 801. p. 357.
+
+[647] Ep. 835. p 367.
+
+[648] Ep. 411. p. 871.
+
+[649] Ep. 477. p. 890.
+
+[650] Ep. 487. p. 894.
+
+[651] Ep. 491. p. 895. & 1478. p. 668.
+
+[652] Ep. 494. p. 896.
+
+[653] Ep. praes. vir. p. 251.
+
+[654] Ep. 1706. p. 736.
+
+[655] Ep. 60. p. 772.
+
+[656] Ep. 444. p. 165.
+
+[657] Ep. 678. p. 960.
+
+[658] Ep. 1538. p. 696. & 573. p. 926.
+
+[659] Ep. 496. p. 897.
+
+[660] Ep. 551. p. 922.
+
+[661] Ep. 1533. p. 696.
+
+[662] Ep. 528. p. 400.
+
+[663] Ep. 610. p. 938.
+
+[664] Ep. 530. p. 911.
+
+[665] Ep. 592. p. 934.
+
+[666] Ep. 1569. p. 708. See also Ep. 1576. p. 710.
+
+[667] P. 284.
+
+[668] L. 3. ep. 9. p. 278.
+
+[669] Ep. 1478. p. 668.
+
+[670] Ep. 595. p. 929.
+
+[671] Ep. 637. p. 948.
+
+[672] Ep. 260. p. 88. Ep. 265. p. 99. & 368. p. 134.
+
+[673] Ep. 525. p. 908.
+
+[674] Ep. 42. p. 41.
+
+[675] Ep. 83. p. 84.
+
+[676] Ep. 579. p. 930.
+
+[677] Ep. 111. p. 110.
+
+[678] Ep. p. 203.
+
+[679] Cent. 2. p. 448.
+
+[680] See a letter from Henry Villeneuve, p. 345, after the treatise _Of
+the truth of the Christian religion_, by M. Le Clerc.
+
+[681] Osiander. Vind. Grot. p. 464.
+
+[682] Ep. 333. p. 119.
+
+[683] Ep. 572. p. 928.
+
+[684] L. 2. c. 1.
+
+
+XXIV. The hatred, which his projects of reconciliation drew upon him,
+contributed to the revival of the invidious accusation of Socinianism,
+which had been formerly laid against him: they founded it on his silence
+concerning the Trinity in his treatise _Of the truth of the Christian
+religion_, on his praises of Crellius, his connection with the
+Socinians, and, in fine, on his setting aside, or weakening several
+passages which established Christ's divinity, particularly that in which
+it is said, that Christ was before Abraham; Grotius explaining it with
+the Socinians of Christ's existence in the eternal decrees of God.
+
+It was not only his declared enemies, such as Desmarets, Osiander, and
+many others, that wanted to make him pass for a Socinian: some
+celebrated Roman Catholics, among whom we may number M. Bossuet,
+maintained that he was a favourer of Socinianism.
+
+It is true he did not always express himself with the greatest
+exactness, and sometimes enlarged more on the necessity of good works,
+than on that of regulating our faith according to the decisions of the
+Church[685]: but besides that his expressions are susceptible of a
+favourable sense, it is evident that there are several tenets, the
+belief of which he thought necessary for salvation: this manifestly
+appears from the detail he enters into concerning these doctrines in his
+later works.
+
+If even some mistakes have escaped him, of which the Socinians might
+take advantage, these will not authorise us to accuse him of being a
+favourer of that heresy. We know that never any carried a love to truth,
+or an abhorrence of falsehood, farther than he did: now he always
+expressed the greatest aversion to Socinianism: he writes to Gerard
+Vossius[686], in 1613, that there was no body of any authority in the
+republic, who held not Socinianism in abhorrence. He wrote against
+Socinus the book entitled _A defence of the Catholic faith concerning
+Christ's satisfaction against Faustus Socinus of Siena_, in which he
+proves that there is nothing contrary to justice in Christ's suffering,
+though innocent, for offenders; that even the Pagans believed that God
+punished the crimes of the fathers on the sons; and that, in the early
+ages of the world, the innocent children were often punished with the
+guilty fathers. In fine, he shews that the opinion of Socinus is
+repugnant to Scripture, which tells us that Christ's death has
+reconciled us to God, according to the expressions of St. Paul, that he
+died for us, and that by his death our sins are expiated.
+
+He was very orthodox on the article of original sin; for, he says, the
+only true opinion on this matter is that of the ancient Church, which is
+well set forth by the Council of Trent.
+
+The Socinians were far from thinking Grotius so favourable to them:
+Ruarus writes to one of his friends, "You have reason to think, that
+hitherto no body has written so learnedly against Socinus, as Grotius:
+he was always much attached to the doctrine of Christ's divinity, even
+in his earlier years." Grotius wrote to Walaeus[687], in 1611, "I do not
+look upon the Samosatenians, and others, like them, as Christians, nor
+even as heretics; for their doctrine is repugnant to the belief of all
+ages, and all nations. They retain Christianity in name, but destroy it
+in fact. I therefore make no great difference between them and the
+Mahometans, who even do not revile Christ." M. Bossuet, tho' far from
+being prejudiced in favour of Grotius, allows however that he did not
+deny the divinity of Christ, nor the efficacy of his sacrifice.
+
+In several of his letters he clears himself from the charge of
+Socinianism in such a manner as leaves us no room to doubt his regarding
+it as a very dangerous heresy. "I give myself little trouble, he writes
+to his brother[688], June 4, 1639, about the calumnies spread against me
+by the worst of men, in relation to Socinianism. They may be easily
+confuted before equitable judges by the writings which I have already
+published, and by those I shall yet publish. I have defended the
+sentiments of the ancient Church concerning the Trinity, Christ's
+satisfaction, and future punishments, by Scripture and the consent of
+antiquity; and have confuted the contrary opinions. Calvin might more
+justly be[689] accused of Arianism, than I of Socinianism." Sorbiere,
+who had been his Secretary; discovering a great propensity to some
+opinions of Socinus, Grotius earnestly admonished him[690] to abstain
+from such dangerous innovation.
+
+One of the principal grounds on which they went, was, as we have already
+seen, his silence concerning the Trinity, in his book _Of the truth of
+the Christian religion_: but he has justified his method in such a
+manner, that this objection cannot be sustained by an equitable judge:
+he seems to have foreseen it; for, writing to his brother from his
+prison at Louvestein whilst he was composing this treatise in Dutch
+verse, "My intention, he says, is not to explain the doctrines of
+Christianity, but to make the profane, the Pagans, Jews, and Mahometans
+acknowledge the truth of the Christian religion, and afterwards have
+recourse to our sacred books to be informed of its tenets. The Trinity,
+and Christ's divinity could not be introduced into my arguments; for
+these doctrines will never bring over unbelievers to the Christian
+faith, and those who attempt to demonstrate them by other arguments than
+such as are drawn from scripture, absolutely lose their labour: but the
+authority of the scriptures being once established, these doctrines
+ought to be held proved." He omitted therefore all mention of these
+points, not because he disbelieved them, but because he judged it more
+proper to prove first the divinity of the sacred books, and the mission
+of Christ: and, as we have already observed, the same method has been
+followed by the most successful writers on the Truth of Christianity.
+
+He has been much reproached with his letter to Crellius. Grotius had
+written against Socinus, and Crellius, to vindicate his master, answered
+Grotius with a politeness and good-breeding seldom found in a polemical
+divine. Grotius thought it his duty to reply to him, and the measures he
+kept with this adversary were looked on by his enemies as a betraying of
+the truth. Here follows the letter, which has been so much talked of. "I
+was so far from being offended, most learned Crellius, with your book
+against mine that I inwardly thanked you at that time, and now do it by
+this letter, first, for treating me with so much civility, that the only
+thing I have left to complain of is your complimenting me in some places
+too much: next for informing me of many very useful and entertaining
+things, and exciting me by your example, to examine thoroughly into the
+sense of the sacred scriptures: you judge very rightly of me, that I
+bear no ill-will to any one who differs from me, without prejudice to
+religion; nor decline the friendship of any good man. I have found in
+your book of the True Religion, which I have already gone through, and
+shall read again, many judicious remarks: and I congratulate the present
+age, that there are men in it who make religion consist, not so much in
+subtle controversies as in amendment of life and a continual progress in
+holiness. God grant that my writings may produce these sentiments in the
+minds of my readers: I should then think my life not spent in vain. The
+treatise on the truth of the Christian religion I wrote more for my own
+satisfaction, than for the instruction of others. I don't see how it can
+be useful, after so many other works on the same subject, but by its
+brevity. If there be any thing in it that pleases you, or such as you,
+it is a happiness beyond my expectation. My great aim, in the _Rights of
+War and Peace_, was to suppress, as much as was in my power, that savage
+barbarity unworthy not only of a Christian, but of a man, which, to the
+misfortune of nations, is now too common, of beginning and carrying on
+wars by caprice. I hear with pleasure that this work has got into the
+hands of Princes: God grant they may retain what is good in it; for that
+would be the most agreeable fruit I could reap from my labour. If ever
+any occasion should offer of serving you, of your friends, be assured
+that I shall be ready to give you proofs of my high esteem. Since I can
+do no more, I sincerely pray that God would protect you, and those who
+promote religion."
+
+There is another letter from Grotius to Crellius, which has made much
+noise. After thanking him for a book he had sent him, he adds, "I am
+resolved to read your works again and again with care, having already
+reaped much benefit from them. I have always loved peace, and love it
+still; and am grieved to see so much enmity between those, who call
+themselves Christians, for such trifling matters[691]."
+
+Crellius having shewn these letters to several, the Socinians and
+Grotius's enemies spread a report, that he favoured Socinianism: even
+extracts of these letters were printed. He protested against the abuse
+made of them, and maintained[692] that if people would candidly read his
+works, they would easily be convinced of the injustice of ranking him
+with Socinians.
+
+It is certain, that, notwithstanding the terms which he makes use of in
+writing to Crellius, he did not at bottom approve of his book: he writes
+thus in confidence to his brother[693], "I have read Crellius's book: he
+writes with candour, and doth not want learning; but I cannot see how he
+will promote religion by departing from the Scripture manner of speaking
+authorised by antiquity."
+
+"If I have not answered Crellius, he says in another letter[694], it was
+for prudential reasons, and even by the advice of the Protestants of
+France, who think that the questions being unknown in this country,
+ought not to be made public by a confutation. It is easy to refute them
+with glory, though every one is not capable of it: but, it is still
+better that they should remain unknown." He speaks, in the same letter,
+of Socinus as a man very little versed in the sentiments of antiquity,
+and whose errors he had confuted in many of his works. "Must I also
+excuse myself, he asks, for not shutting my door against Martinus
+Ruarus, who desired to see me? The time was not lost that I spent in
+conversing with him, nor am I sorry for his visit. I acquainted him with
+my reasons for enquiring into the opinions of the ancient Churches, and
+for following them: I shewed him that the doctrine of satisfaction was
+no ways contrary to reason, even in the judgment of the Jews, and
+brought him some signal proofs of it. I did not conceal what violence it
+was to the Scripture, and of how dangerous consequence, to deny the
+eternity of hell torments; and I flatter myself I advanced more with
+him, than those would have done who abound in reproaches; nor do I see
+why I should abstain from writing to him, when I find the pillars of the
+Greek Church corresponding by letters even with Pagans. For my part, I
+am resolved and accustomed to preserve friendship for all men,
+particularly Christians, although erring; and I shall never blush at
+it."
+
+He advances almost the same reasons to clear himself from the charge of
+Socinianism, in a long letter to Gerard Vossius[695], of which we shall
+make no extract to avoid repetitions.
+
+In fine, those who knew Grotius best have defended him on this head. The
+celebrated Jerom Bignon, who lived in much intimacy with him, could not
+bear to [696]hear him accused of Socinianism: he said he knew him
+perfectly, and so far from being a Socinian, he had sometimes seen him
+almost in a disposition to turn Roman Catholic. His intimate connection
+with Father Petau, whose zeal for the orthodox faith was equal to his
+profound learning, is a clear evidences that the Jesuit did not think
+him a Socinian. No man was more exposed than Grotius to groundless
+accusations. An anonymous piece was written against him, accusing him of
+being a Semi-Pelagian: he did not think proper to publish a defence; but
+he mentions this accusation in a letter to his brother[697] of the 29th
+of May, 1618. "In my treatise _De ordinum Hollandiae pietate_, I have
+mentioned Semi-Pelagianism as a very grievous error. The sentiments of
+the Remonstrants are very different from Semi-Pelagianism, for the
+Priests of Marseilles, who were called Semi-Pelagians, or the remains of
+the Pelagians, in speaking of the necessity of grace, denied that grace
+preceded good motions in the foul, at least in some men: the
+Remonstrants, on the contrary, maintain, that all that is spiritually
+good in us, even the beginning of it flows from antecedent grace.
+Consult the Synod of Orange, by which the Priests of Marseilles were
+confuted. But those that believe predestination is a consequence of
+prescience, or that grace is given to all men, or in fine that it may be
+refilled, are certainly not Semi-Pelagians."
+
+They carried their calumnies so far, as even to accuse him of Judaism.
+We read in the _Patiniana_[698] that M. Bignon, Advocate-General,
+affirmed that Grotius had acknowledged, if he would change his religion,
+he would turn Jew. John Mallet, in his book _Of Atheism_[699] has not
+only advanced that Grotius judaised in his Commentary on the Prophets,
+but that if he had lived much longer he would have become a Turk.
+
+Even the immortality of the soul, said others, he did not believe[700]:
+this ridiculous tale is grounded on these words of the _Chevreana_[701]:
+"Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, formerly told me, that having asked
+the celebrated Grotius, whether the immortality of the soul could be
+demonstrated, he answered, Not well, my Lord; not well."
+
+It is universally known that these books in _Ana_ are of little
+authority. We must be informed of all the circumstances of this
+pretended conversation before we can determine Grotius's meaning: one
+thing is certain, that he has proved the immortality of the soul by
+arguments drawn from reason in his treatise _On the Truth of the
+Christian Religion_[702].
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[685] Theological works.
+
+[686] Ep. 20. p. 7.
+
+[687] Ep. 14. p. 5. See also Oper. Theol. t. 3. p. 99.
+
+[688] Ep. 556. p. 883.
+
+[689] Ep. 502. p. 884.
+
+[690] Ep. 1564. p. 708.
+
+[691] These expressions afterwards gave occasion to the accusations of
+Socinianism brought against Grotius.
+
+[692] Ep. 440. p. 880.
+
+[693] Ep. 135. p. 794.
+
+[694] Ep. 880. p. 387.
+
+[695] Ep. 1096. p. 492.
+
+[696] Menag. t. 2 p. 298.
+
+[697] Ep. 19. p. 760.
+
+[698] Patiniana, p. 18.
+
+[699] Vind. Grot. p. 557.
+
+[700] Animad. Phil. & Hist. Crenii, part. 10. p. 113.
+
+[701] T. 1. p. 168.
+
+[702] L. 1. S. 23.
+
+
+XXV. If Grotius's merit stirred up envy, and if his projects of
+reconciliation procured him hatred, the more irreconcilable as it was
+founded on a religious pretext, he had also a great number of friends
+and judicious persons for him, who did justice to his virtue and his
+talents. We shall not enter into a detail of all the testimonies in his
+favour, they would fill a large volume: we shall confine ourselves to
+the Elogiums of those whose suffrages deserve most attention. We have
+already seen, that even when a boy he was highly extolled by the
+greatest men of his age. Isaac Pontanus, Meursius, James Gillot,
+Barlaeus, John Dousa, M. de Thou, the great Scaliger, Casaubon, Vossius,
+Lipsius, Baudius, celebrated his childhood. He justified the great hopes
+that were so early conceived of him, and the praises he received were an
+additional motive to merit the public esteem. Baudius compared him to
+Scaliger[703], who, he said, was his favourite author. This he wrote on
+the third of March, 1606, when Grotius was yet much under age. In a
+scazon, written in his praise, he calls him [704]a great, an admirable,
+and an original man. "If any, says he in a letter dated October 8,
+1607[705], can form a just notion of Grotius's merit, which exceeds all
+that can be said of it, I am one; and I think him equal to any office.
+Ignorant people, who judge of virtue by years and a long beard, may
+object to him his youth; but in my opinion that makes for him, since in
+his earliest youth he possesses the prudence and ripeness of
+understanding of the most aged."
+
+The celebrated Peyresc having made a journey into Holland in 1606, would
+not leave the Hague[706] till he had made acquaintance with Grotius,
+already famous for universal learning. "Though he was but very young,
+says Gassendi[707], when Peyresc heard of his arrival at Paris, he said,
+that France, by gaining Grotius, had a sufficient reparation for the
+loss of Scaliger; and that if some others had been the ornament of the
+age, he was the wonder of it; and it is with reason (adds M. Mesnage,
+after relating this story of Peyresc) that we still consider Grotius as
+a prodigy of learning, since he has made a greater proficiency in most
+of the sciences, than many of those who have wholly applied to one of
+them in particular."
+
+In the funeral Elogium of Peyresc, delivered at Rome December 2, 1637,
+mention is made of the learned men with whom he was connected. James
+Bucard, who spoke it, distinguisheth Salmasius and Grotius from the
+rest, styling them the Princes of literature and of the fine arts. We
+cannot conceive a higher idea of Grotius than the celebrated Gerard
+Vossius entertained, as appears from the beautiful poem written by him
+in honour of his friend: we would give it at length if it were not too
+long, but we cannot omit the last stanza:
+
+     _Felici omine dicte magne, quid te
+     Sol majus videt? o decus tuorum,
+     Delfi gloria, Patrii Deique amores,
+     Splendor inclute, Belgices ocelle,
+     Orbis delicium, Deique amores!_
+
+He never mentions Grotius without admiration. "He is, says he[708], one
+of the greatest ornaments of our times, or rather the miracle, the
+eternal honour, of Holland, and of his age." He wrote to Meursius[709],
+"If we would do him justice, there is none we can place above him, nor
+even any we can compare with him."
+
+Utengobard, who had been his master, said, that to speak after Grotius,
+was to expose one's self to be laughed at.
+
+Balzac has employed his most eloquent phrases to express his thoughts of
+Grotius: he writes to Mesnage, "Is it true, what you tell me, of the
+Swedish Ambassador, and shall I be so happy to share in his esteem? I
+tell it you as solemnly as if I were by the altar on which we swore to
+be friends, that my ambition was dead, but you have revived it, and my
+transports would be as great as yours, if my blood were as fine and
+sparkling: who would not glory in the esteem of one whose birth our age
+ought to be proud of? he is a modern whom the President Jeannin sets in
+opposition to the greatest of the ancients." In another letter written
+to Chapelain[710], he says: "Whatever comes from Grotius is a high
+recommendation of him to me; and besides the solidity of his learning,
+the strength of his reasoning, and the graces of his language, I
+observe in it an air of probity, that one may put entire confidence in
+him, excepting in what regards our Church, to which he is unhappily a
+stranger."
+
+Colomiez, in his _Bibliotheque choisie_[711], has collected some of the
+Elogiums which had been then made of Grotius: "The President Jeannin,
+says he, according to the relation of Balzac, opposes Grotius to the
+greatest men of antiquity. Salmasius, in his notes on Solinus, styles
+him _Virum excellentissimae doctrinae in omni genere litterarum_; Selden,
+in his _Mare clausum, virum acuminis et omnigenae doctrinae praestantia
+incomparabilem_; Gerard Vossius, in his Latin Poems, _Seculi nostri
+grande ornamentum_; Pricaeus, on the xivth of St. Matthew, _Virum
+ingentem, quem non sine horrore mirati sumus_: In fine, M. Blondel, who
+was not lavish of his praise, says of him in his _Sibyls_, that he was a
+very great man, whether we consider the sublimity of his genius, the
+universality of his learning, or the diversity of his writings; in fine,
+says Colomiez[712], he appears a great critic in his _Martianus
+Capella_, his _Aratus_, and his _Stobaeus_; in his _Notes on Lucan_ and
+_Tacitus_ a great historian, a great statesman, a great divine; but
+however excellent these different works may be, we must however
+acknowledge that Grotius's _Letters_ and _Poems_ much surpass them; and
+that if he appeared great in those, in these he is incomparable. But
+what astonishes me is, that he should have written so many letters, and
+made so many verses, and all should be of equal strength, that is, that
+all should partake of the powerful and divine genius which animated that
+great man." Episcopius, who was regarded as an oracle by his party,
+looked on Grotius as his oracle. "Your opinion, he writes to him[713],
+shall be to me the decision of an oracle; for I know your love to truth
+and friendship for me to be such, that in giving it you regard only
+truth."
+
+Christian Habsoeker and Philip Limborch speak of him with raptures in
+the _Preface_ to the _Letters of illustrious men_: "At the name of the
+incomparable Grotius, who is above all praise, and even all envy, we are
+in a sort of transport. How shall we sufficiently praise the virtues of
+that most illustrious hero, whom all true scholars regard as the most
+learned of the Learned: we shall only relate the prophecy concerning him
+in 1614 by Daniel Heinsius in some verses which ought to be put under
+his picture."
+
+Those lines are in fact the most complete Elogium that can be made of a
+man.
+
+     _Depositum Coeli, quod jure Batavia mater
+       Horret, et baud credit se peperisse sibi;
+     Talem oculis, talem ore tulit se maximus Hugo:
+        Instar crede hominis, caetera crede Dei._
+
+Heinsius and Grotius had been most intimate in their youth: the
+divisions which happened in the Republic destroyed this close union:
+Heinsius joined the Contra-Remonstrants, and was Secretary to the
+Commissioners of the Synod of Dort. Grotius had reason to complain of
+him on several occasions: nevertheless, talking with Cardinal Richelieu
+about him, Grotius greatly commended his genius and learning. He gives
+an account of this conversation to his brother; adding, "In this manner
+I am wont to revenge myself on those who hate me." Cardinal Richelieu,
+though not prejudiced in favour of Grotius, ranked him however among the
+three first scholars of the age: the other two were Claudius Salmasius,
+and Jerom Bignon. This famous Advocate-General said of Grotius[714],
+that he was the most learned man who had appeared in the world since
+Aristotle.
+
+Foreigners who loved the sciences would not leave France without seeing
+Grotius. John Christenius, who was at Paris in 1629, had more
+satisfaction in seeing him, than in the whole kingdom beside: he writes
+thus to John Kirkman, June 20, 1629. "The pleasure I have had, received
+considerable addition not only from having seen, but also often
+conversed with that great and eloquent man who has no fellow, I mean
+Hugo Grotius; for whom I have the highest esteem, and have been for many
+years of the same opinion with all who know that he possesses singly
+what would be sufficient to entitle many to great praise. He is master
+of all that is worth knowing in sacred and profane literature. Besides
+the Eastern languages, there is no art nor science with which he is not
+perfectly acquainted: this appears from his agreeable conversation: ask
+him about any thing, he immediately gives you an exact answer, and in
+such a manner as to excite the admiration of those who hear him. After
+talking about the sciences, if you enquire of him what passes in this
+part of the world, or the other, you will imagine you heard the answer
+of an oracle who delivers what is most worthy to be known. His virtue is
+above all I can say of it, and I want eloquence sufficiently to extol so
+great a man."
+
+Sarrau[715], who had been prejudiced against Grotius since his leaving
+the Protestants, ventures not however to decide whether Salmasius or
+Grotius excelled in literature; and he hesitates to make the
+determination, even in a letter written to Salmasius, wherein he appears
+much dissatisfied with Grotius. "Whether the first place in literature
+in this age be due to you or to him, posterity will judge more equitably
+than this generation."
+
+On hearing of Grotius's death, he writes to Salmasius in these
+terms[716]: "Hugo Grotius was certainly a great man in name and in fact:
+he was the star of our age. How great a loss has learning sustained!
+Whilst books and sciences are held in honour his name will flourish. For
+my part, whilst I live I shall glory in my intimacy with him. You now
+reign singly (he concludes, addressing himself to Salmasius) I pray God
+you may reign long." He calls him elsewhere[717] the Coryphaeus of
+learning sacred and prophane.
+
+Queen Christina, hearing of his death, wrote to his widow to make her
+compliments of condolence, and to get the manuscripts he left. "My
+Ambassador, she says, may have acquainted you in part with my high
+esteem for his admirable learning and the good services he did me: but
+he could not express how dear I hold his memory, and the effects of his
+great labours. If gold and silver could contribute any thing to the
+redeeming such a valuable life, I would chearfully employ all I am
+mistress of for that purpose." She concludes with asking his widow to
+procure her all the manuscripts of this learned man, whose works had
+always given her great pleasure: assuring her that they could not fall
+into better hands, and that the author having been of use to her in his
+life-time, it was just that she should not be deprived after his death
+of the fruits of his illustrious labours.
+
+Duncomius wrote to Gerard Vossius, February 2, 1646[718], "It is certain
+and beyond dispute that Grotius was a very illustrious hero, _usque ad
+stuporem fere et miraculum_; that he joined science with wisdom; that he
+was above all praise; and that he was deeply skilled in divine and human
+learning."
+
+Meric Casaubon, son of Isaac, had no less esteem for Grotius than his
+illustrious father had had before him. In his preface to Hierocles's
+book _Of providence and destiny_, "Hugo Grotius, he says, was a great,
+an incomparable man: in him was seen what is very rare, a peaceable
+spirit, with much judgment, and infinite erudition." Augustus
+Buchner[719] calls Grotius the greatest ornament of his time, the oracle
+of human wisdom, and the wonder of the age.
+
+Lewis du Moulin comparing Grotius with Salmasius[720], allows Grotius
+much more judgment, but gives to Salmasius a greater extent of
+knowledge. In another place[721], where he censures Grotius for the part
+he had acted with regard to religion, he bestows on him, after all, in
+other respects the highest praises. "Neither the present nor the last
+age, he says, hath produced a man superior to Grotius in judgment and
+erudition. He was great in everything: a very great Divine, Lawyer,
+Orator, Poet, Philosopher; his genius, far from being confined within
+the limits of the bar, was scarce bounded by those of nature."
+
+Guy Patin writes[722], February 24, 1662, "They have finished in
+Holland, in nine volumes in folio, an edition of all the works of
+Grotius, whom I formerly knew: he was the finest genius of his time; a
+man of surprising knowledge, and perfect master of polite and useful
+learning." "He and Salmasius were the greatest scholars or their time,"
+he writes in another letter[723]. And in another place, "Peter Grotius,
+says he[724], was son of the first man of his age."
+
+"I would not mention the most learned and greatest man of this country,
+says Wicquefort[725], were I not forced to it by the remarks published
+at Brussels on what I have said of him in my Memoirs: it will be readily
+conceived that I mean Hugo de Groot. I admire, with the rest of the
+world, the genius, the probity, and the works of this great man; and
+besides this there are particular considerations, which inspire me with
+a veneration for his memory."
+
+Morhof calls him the phoenix of his age[726]: Hofman gives him the same
+commendation.
+
+"He is the greatest of men, says Meibomius[727], the light and support
+of letters; on whom we can bestow no praise but what will fall short of
+his virtue and erudition. His uncommon penetration makes us compare him
+to an eagle in the clouds," says Oldenburg.
+
+In 1727 was printed at Hall in Saxony, under the false name of Delft, a
+book entitled _Hugonis Grotii Belgarum Phoenicis manes ab iniquis
+obtrectationibus vindicati_. The author, who was said to be M.
+Lehman[728], speaks of Grotius as the greatest man Holland ever
+produced, and fit to be compared with the most illustrious of other
+Countries, and he flatters himself that the Dutch will in the issue
+agree with all nations, that he was the greatest ornament of their
+country. He gives his thoughts of Grotius in the following lines.
+
+     _Hic ille est Grotius, majus quo doctior orbis
+     Nil habuit; credo, nil habiturus erit:
+     Gallia quem stupuit, stupuit quem Suecia, verus
+     Qui Phoebus Delphis, orbe pharusque fuit._
+
+Salmasius, who so unmercifully fell foul of Grotius's memory, had
+formerly been one of his greatest admirers. Grotius gave him the title
+of Most Eminent, which Pope Urbin VIII. had a very little time before
+attributed to the Cardinals. Salmasius answers him[729] August 8, 1630.
+"You not only offend the Cardinals, but, more than most eminent Grotius
+(_super eminentissime_) you offend me, by giving me a title which you
+much better deserve yourself."
+
+These two Princes of Literature, as they were styled, had at this time a
+great reciprocal esteem and friendship for each other. We learn from
+Grotius's letters[730], that Salmasius, notwithstanding the advantageous
+idea he entertained of his own knowledge, sometimes consulted him. He
+changed all of a sudden: Grotius imagined[731] it was to make his court
+to those in power in Holland; but Sarrau, who knew both, assures us[732]
+that Salmasius's coldness wholly proceeded from the change of Grotius's
+sentiments in religion. The news of Grotius's death was scarce spread
+over Europe, when Salmasius poured out all his venom in a letter written
+from Leyden, Nov. 20, 1645, to Sarrau[733].
+
+"You think Grotius, says he, the first among the learned; for my part, I
+give that rank to Vossius. I do not think it is necessary to wait for
+the judgment of posterity, to know whose opinion is most just: it will
+be sufficient to consult the learned in Italy, Germany, in this country,
+and even in France: but till we have their suffrages let us go through
+all the sciences, and examine the extent of Grotius's capacity. There is
+no one whom I would desire to resemble less in divinity: he is every
+where a Socinian, both in his treatise _On the Truth of the Christian
+Religion,_ and his _Commentary on the Old and New Testament_. As to
+Philosophy, he can scarce be compared with the moderately skilled. If we
+consider him with regard to the art of Disputation, I have never seen a
+person reason with less force, as is evident from his pieces which
+Rivetus and Desmarets have answered. There are several who may be ranked
+with him as to knowledge of polite learning, and even a great number
+who excel him: not a few have had as much Greek and Latin, and many of
+the learned have been more masters of the Oriental Languages. His
+_Florum sparsio in jus Justinianeum_ shew his skill in the Law. A
+Professor of Helmstat has undertaken to confute his book _Of the Rights
+of War and Peace_, and has told some friends, whom I have seen, that he
+would prove that every page contained gross blunders[734]. He was a
+great Poet; but every one here prefers Barlaeus; some even Heinsius. But
+besides, when the point to be decided is priority in learning, poetry is
+set aside by consent of all good judges. Vossius excels Grotius in every
+thing. This is not only my opinion, but that of all the learned in
+Italy, Germany, Poland, and Holland, as I have had an opportunity to
+know by their letters, their writings, and their conversation. If we
+compare their writings, which of Grotius's works can we prefer to those
+of Vossius? Is it his _Notes on Martianus Capella_, written when he was
+but a boy? Is it his _Aratus_? in which he has ostentatiously introduced
+some Arabic terms, for he scarce knew the elements of that language, as
+he acknowledged to me himself in some letters which I keep, written in
+answer to my enquiry about some Arabic words that puzzled me. Will you
+tell me of his _Notes on Lucan_? what Vossius has done on the fragments
+of the ancient Tragic and Comic Writers appears to me of much greater
+value. We know from other pieces what a poor critic Grotius was, though
+a great man in some respects. As inconsiderable as I am, I would not
+have my name prefixed to his _Commentary on the Old Testament_; for
+nothing can be more childish, or unworthy a man of his great character,
+than many of his notes. I shall take notice in another place of his
+_Commentary on the New Testament_, and frankly declare what I think of
+it. Such are my sentiments of the person who merits the first place in
+literature. I have the suffrages of many of the learned in different
+branches for me, and shall name them when you inform me who are of your
+opinion."
+
+This letter, in which hatred, jealousy, and partiality openly shew
+themselves, rather hurt Salmasius than injured Grotius's character: the
+contempt with which he speaks of the excellent treatise _Of the Rights
+of War and Peace_, which is worth all that Salmasius ever wrote,
+incensed the whole republic of letters against him. It has been observed
+that all that was good in his pieces _On the power of Kings_, is taken
+from Grotius, whom he hath not once named; and that when he departed
+from him, he sinks much beneath Grotius. But such was Salmasius's
+character: jealous of the reputation of those who might be put in the
+scale against him, he had too high an opinion of himself, and too much
+despised others, in the judgment of the wise Gronovius. Grotius's wife
+being informed of the indiscreet stories published by Salmasius against
+the memory of her husband, gave him to understand, that if he would not
+forbear, the only answer she should make to his invectives would be the
+publication of his former letters to Grotius, filled with elogiums. For
+the rest, Salmasius's invectives injured only himself: and it was said
+publicly, that he plucked the hairs of a dead lion.
+
+Two medals were struck in honour of Grotius, which we find in the end of
+the first volume of the _History of the United Provinces_ by Le Clerc,
+one of his greatest admirers. The first has on one side the bust of that
+great man, with his name, HUGO GROTIUS, which is to him instead of an
+elogium: and on the other a chest, on which are the arms of Sweden and
+France, to express his retreat into France, and his embassy from Sweden
+at that Court: at the side of the chest is the castle of Louvestein, and
+opposite to it a rising sun, with these words: MELIOR POST ASPERA FATA
+RESURGO; I rise brighter after my misfortune. In the exergue is, _natus
+1583, obiit 1645_. The second medal, larger than the first, also
+represents Grotius on one side with the time of his birth and death.
+HUGO GROTIUS NATUS 1583, 10 APRILIS, OBIIT 1645, 28 AUGUSTI: on the
+reverse is this inscription in Dutch verse: _the Phoenix of his Country,
+the Oracle of Delft, the great Genius, the Light which enlighteneth the
+earth_.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[703] Ep. 22. p. 181.
+
+[704] Vir magne, vir mirande, vir sine exemplo. Ep. 100. p. 474.
+
+[705] Ep. 68. Cent. 2.
+
+[706] Life, B. 2. p. 93.
+
+[707] Life, B. 3. p. 182. Anti Baillet. c. 3.
+
+[708] Popo Blanet, p. 746.
+
+[709] Ep. 277.
+
+[710] 2 Lettre du xxi. Livre, p. 831.
+
+[711] Bibliotheque choisie, p. 461.
+
+[712] P. 487.
+
+[713] Ep. 13. Praes. vir. p. 23.
+
+[714] Du Maurier, p. 393.
+
+[715] Ep. Sar. p. 145.
+
+[716] Ep. Sar. 128. p. 143.
+
+[717] Ep. 21. p. 24.
+
+[718] Ep. Vossi, 728. p. 38.
+
+[719] Vind. Grot. p. 446.
+
+[720] Crenii Anim. phil. et hist. Part 5. p. 95.
+
+[721] In jugulo causa, c. 5. Crenius, Anim. phil. Part 5. p. 85.
+
+[722] Lett. 265.
+
+[723] Lett. 545.
+
+[724] Lett. 538.
+
+[725] Amb. l. 1. p. 95.
+
+[726] Polihist. l. 1. c. 24.
+
+[727] Pope Blount, p. 946.
+
+[728] Supplement de Moreri.
+
+[729] Ep. 21. p. 45.
+
+[730] Ep. 229. p. 78.
+
+[731] Ep. 697. p. 964.
+
+[732] Ep. Sarr. 165. Ep. 163. p. 168.
+
+[733] In Crenii Anim. Phil. & Hist. t. 1. p. 23.
+
+[734] See Book 3. sec. 9. p. 243.
+
+
+XXVI. It remains that we should relate what we know of Grotius's family.
+After his death, his wife communicated with the Church of England;
+which, it is reported, she said she did in conformity to the dying
+intentions of her husband. It is certain[735] that Grotius had a respect
+for the Church of England; but it is difficult to believe, that he
+should desire his wife to declare he died in the communion of that
+Church: for, besides that this fact is not easy to be reconciled with
+his later works, it has no foundation but a letter written June 23,
+1707, which is supported only by a hearsay ill-circumstantiated.
+
+Grotius's wife died at the Hague in the communion of the Remonstrants;
+which, according to Le Clerc, was not contrary to her husband's last
+orders, as the Remonstrants allowed of communion with the Church of
+England.
+
+Grotius had three sons and three daughters by his marriage. His eldest
+son, Cornelius, studied in Holland under the direction of his
+grandfather[736]. Grotius sent for him afterwards to Paris, where he
+himself superintended his studies. He wrote to his brother, William
+Grotius[737], Aug. 16, 1630, that Cornelius had learned the Hebrew
+grammar; that he was studying the Greek and Logic; and had made himself
+matter of the Art of Oratory, without neglecting Poetry, for which the
+young Cornelius had a particular turn. Some very good verses, written by
+him, are published in the poems of Vincent Fabricius. Grotius made him
+read Vossius's pieces on rhetoric, which he thought could not be
+excelled; he afterwards wanted Cornelius to study the Roman Law, and the
+Laws of Holland: he also made him read Physics and Metaphysics; but his
+progress in these sciences was inconsiderable, according to Du Maurier,
+on account of his indolence and love of pleasure. Grotius sent him after
+this to make his court to the High Chancellor, who passed the beginning
+of the year 1636 at Straelsund: Oxenstiern received him very graciously,
+and took him into his service as Latin Secretary[738]. Grotius was at
+the height of his joy on seeing his son in a capacity of meriting the
+esteem and protection of such a great man as Oxenstiern: he flattered
+himself[739], that the honourable place, which his son held, would
+induce him to shake off his indolence; and he made him frequent
+remonstrances on this subject: but Cornelius's natural temper prevailed,
+and he considered his employment as attended with too much trouble. He
+imagined that a military life would suit him better[740], and wrote to
+his father on that head. Grotius opposed this new turn for some time;
+but his remonstrances producing no effect, he wrote to Muller[741],
+April 4, 1638, that his son had preferred Mars to the Muses, and that he
+had thought fit to yield to his choice, as war was also a road to glory;
+and moreover the time, which Cornelius had spent in literature, would
+not be absolutely lost for war. He added, that the Duke of Weymar being
+the greatest and most experienced general of his age, he was very
+desirous that his son should serve under such an able master; and that
+he would send him with a reinforcement that was marching to that
+Prince, who, he hoped, would assist him with his advice. Cornelius was
+very well received by the Duke[742]; and for some time kept up an exact
+correspondence with his father by letters, who complimented him on his
+diligence in writing. The Duke of Weymar promised to advance him, if he
+paid a proper regard to his father's counsels. Cornelius was by nature
+so inconstant, that he soon took a dislike to the army: he had even
+thoughts of returning to his father, who diverted him from it as a step
+which would dishonour him.
+
+On the Duke of Weymar's death, Reigersberg advised Cornelius to write
+that Prince's history. Young Grotius mentioning this project to his
+father, he pressed him to execute it, because it would give him an
+opportunity of expressing his gratitude to a Prince who had laid him
+under great obligations, and done such important services to Sweden.
+Besides, this work would be of use to the author, by obliging him to
+study the Art of War, in order to speak of it properly. Cornelius
+contented himself with projecting this design[743]: he changed his
+service, and entered into the Marshal de Chatillon's army, in which he
+continued not long: he made the campaign of 1640, in quality of Cornet
+in the Colonel's company of a German regiment of horse in the French
+service. Soon after he got a company: however he wanted to serve in the
+Valtoline[744]. He had not been long there before he took a fancy to
+enter into the Venetians service; and, without consulting his father,
+went to Venice to make his contract with them: but it is probable they
+could not agree; for Grotius writes[745], July 16, 1644, "Cornelius will
+return from the Antenorides without doing any thing." This fickleness of
+temper much displeased Grotius[746], who in the latter part of his life
+spoke of his son with great indifference.
+
+In the sequel, when the States of Holland wanted to indemnify such as
+were unjustly persecuted during the overgrown power of the
+Stadtholders[747], they gave Cornelius Grotius a company in the guards;
+to Peter, a troop of horse; and to Mombas, their brother-in-law, a
+regiment; with leave to dispose of them, or sell them to the best
+advantage: which was contrary to custom and law.
+
+It was in 1633 that the States thus sought to repair the injuries which
+Grotius had formerly suffered. Cornelius died unmarried. Peter,
+Grotius's second son, was more like his father. In his infancy he was
+very sickly: having received a hurt in his leg[748], the Surgeons and
+Physicians treated it so ill, that he remained lame all his days. His
+father, thinking his education would be cheaper in Holland than at
+Paris, sent him to his native country. The young Grotius gave great
+satisfaction to his parents, as we learn by a letter from Grotius to his
+brother William[749], Oct. 4, 1630, "Your accounts of my son give me
+great pleasure: if he goes on in the same manner, he will have reason to
+be satisfied with me." Gerard Vossius directed his studies; and by a
+letter[750] of thanks from Grotius to him, we learn that he was of an
+indolent turn. "The exhortations you give Peter are worthy of the
+friendship you have always entertained for me and mine. I cannot think
+why my children should be so idle; perhaps it is because they see their
+father's diligence has turned to so little account."
+
+In 1634 Peter Grotius was sent to[751] Amsterdam to learn the use of the
+globes and navigation: Grotius intended that he should afterwards serve
+in some expedition at sea: he seems at this time to have designed him
+for a Sailor. Peter had an inclination to learn Arabic under the learned
+Golius at Leyden: but his Father would only suffer him to visit this
+eminent professor, and consult him about the pronunciation of that
+language, which he thought his son might learn without a master at his
+leisure hours.
+
+Grotius was desirous that his son should make a voyage to the
+East-Indies[752], or, if that was too long a voyage, that he should go
+to the Brasils, or some other part of America, to learn what was not to
+be learnt at home, and might be of use to him afterwards.
+
+Vossius, in the mean time, gave ample testimonials not only of Peter's
+progress in the sciences, but also of his moral conduct. He wanted to
+join, to the studies recommended to him by his father, that of Law; and
+Grotius was not against it. He appears to have been somewhat uneasy
+about what this youth would do: May 17, 1635, he writes to Vossius, "I
+should be glad to know what my son's health will permit him to do, and
+to what his inclination leads him: there are some things which will
+prevent his being agreeable at court, or his undertaking long journies
+by land. I am not against his trying the sea; but I would not force any
+of my children against their inclination. The make of his body would
+require a sedentary life; but I am afraid he has too much vivacity to
+bear with it. I would beg of you to consult with himself and his friends
+on this subject; and at the same time to give me your own opinion."
+
+He writes again to Vossius some time after, that if his son had a
+dislike to long voyages, he would nevertheless have him study Commerce
+and Navigation rather than the quibbles of the Law: "Not but a general
+knowledge of public law, and the laws of his own country, may be of use
+to him whatever manner of life he chuses: but I would not have him make
+it his principal study; and remember Horace's precept, to keep his eye
+ever on the mark. If it is out of regard to me he wants to translate the
+Tragedy of _Sophomphaneus_, he deserves to be commended, even if he
+should make some mistakes: however I should not be sorry if it were done
+by one more advanced in years, and better skilled in poetry."
+
+This youth, uncertain what course to take, was in doubt whether he ought
+not to seek his fortune in Sweden under the credit of his father's name.
+Grotius, hearing of this design, writes to his brother[753], "If my son
+thinks to raise himself in Sweden, I see no other way of doing it, than
+by a perfect knowledge of Navigation and Commerce. The profession of a
+Lawyer is not lucrative, nor doth it succeed with every one."
+
+Vossius was still well pleased with him[754]. The ardour he discovered
+for the study of the Law determined Grotius to propose to him a
+translation of the Institutes of the Law of Holland into good Latin,
+like that of the Digests; and he asked his brother, William Grotius, and
+all his friends, to encourage and assist his Son in the execution of
+this design, which might be useful to the public and to the author. He
+wrote to Gerard Vossius[755] to the same effect. William Grotius
+laboured with his nephew in this translation. Grotius, in returning him
+his thanks for assisting his Son, desires him to make him read, as he
+went on, what was contained in the Digests relating to the matter he was
+translating.
+
+In summer, 1636, Peter Grotius had an offer of going to the Brasils in
+Count Nassau's retinue. Grotius approved of it, provided his Son might
+have a creditable post, in which he might learn Navigation: he was the
+more desirous that his Son might make this voyage, as the present state
+of his affairs would not permit him to keep him in the way the latter
+chose to live.
+
+If this project did not succeed, Grotius wanted that his Son should pass
+the winter at the Hague in the study of the Law, and come to France in
+the spring, 1637, to take his degree in the university of Orleans; then
+return to the Hague to study some time longer, and afterwards go to
+Amsterdam to practise as an Advocate, this profession being there most
+lucrative.
+
+The voyage to the Brasils did not take place. Peter Grotius came to his
+father in summer, 1637. He seems to have been well satisfied with him,
+as we may judge by a letter written to his brother[756], Aug. 15, this
+year. "Peter is arrived here: he is much indebted to you, to his
+grandfather, and all his friends and relations, for instilling into him
+such good principles. I am very well satisfied with his diligence." He
+writes six months after[757], "I am only afraid for his ambition, which
+is the vice of youth: he will live with more ease, and gain more as an
+Advocate. I would beg of you, that as soon as he returns, which will be
+immediately, you would put him upon studying the precedents in law. But
+what is chiefly to be inculcated is diligence and love of labour." Peter
+was preparing to return to Holland, when a Surgeon undertook to make him
+walk without halting[758]. There were some hopes of his succeeding in
+whole or in part; but the event did not correspond with the Surgeon's
+promises, and Peter set out soon after for Holland, in the end of April,
+1638. Grotius did not regret the time his Son had passed in France. "The
+time Peter has been here, he says to his brother[759], was not lost
+either for him or me: for he has learnt several useful things, and it
+has been a great pleasure to me to communicate what I have learnt to one
+of my children, or at least to have put him in a way of informing
+himself. I recommend him to you, and would beg of you to give him such
+exercises as may fit him to hold a distinguished rank amonst the Orators
+and Advocates, that his merit may silently reproach the Dutch for what
+they did against his Father. But, above all things, I would recommend to
+you the cultivation of those sentiments of piety which I have instilled
+into him, and to keep him from bad company."
+
+Grotius wrote to Vossius[760], when his Son set out on his return to
+Holland, begging of him to continue to watch over the studies of this
+youth; and assuring him at the same time, that the friendship, which the
+city of Amsterdam preserved for him, was the only reason which induced
+him to consent that any part of him should live in a country where he
+had been so ill-treated.
+
+Vossius and William Grotius were highly satisfied with Peter Grotius,
+and made great encomiums on him to his father, who wrote to his son,
+commending his diligence in the study of the Law. He informed him at the
+same time of a successful method of pleading, which he himself had
+formerly used with advantage. We have spoken of it elsewhere[761]. He
+was desirous of settling him as soon as possible at Amsterdam, that he
+might learn navigation and commerce, the municipal laws of the town, and
+whatever might contribute to raise his fortune. He wanted to accustom
+him to a labour, by which he might live without his father's assistance.
+"If he thinks, says Grotius to his brother[762], to make his fortune
+with what money he will get from me, he is greatly deceived: let him do
+as I did, and cut out a path for himself; otherwise he must not count
+upon my liberality." April 21, 1640, he caused him to be chid[763] for
+running about too much, and for his learning Italian and several things
+for which he had little occasion. "That is not the way, says he, to
+please me, nor to be useful to himself."
+
+In fine, Peter Grotius began to plead at the Hague, in[764] spring 1640.
+There was a prospect at that time of getting him made Pensionary of
+Boisleduc: this design required some money, which Grotius refused not to
+advance; but he could scarce believe that the Prince of Orange would
+consent to have his son in this place, unless he abjured Arminianism.
+Besides, Peter Grotius had so little experience in the law, that his
+father did not yet think him capable of filling a place, the
+difficulties of which he knew by experience: he would much rather have
+had his son go to Amsterdam, to follow the bar, and seek some
+advantageous match, that his children might one day enter into the
+magistracy of a city, which alone kept alive expiring liberty.
+
+Peter Grotius seems to have had a dislike to Amsterdam; for his father
+writes thus to his brother William Grotius[765], March 9, 1641. "I have
+consulted with my wife about Peter's affairs: we are of opinion that he
+should go to Amsterdam, if he can be prevailed with; if not, you must
+tell him to come here: he will serve me for Secretary, and I shall give
+him lectures in law, which perhaps he would not have received from any
+other. Let him bring with him what he has translated of the Institutes
+of the Laws of Holland." Grotius soon changed his opinion; for he writes
+to his brother[766], April 13, in the same year: "I would not have Peter
+come here: therefore keep him with you."
+
+The irresolution of Peter Grotius chagrined his father: "I am much
+afraid, he writes to his brother[767], that he will some day smart for
+his continual disobedience." Grotius told his son[768], that he must
+expect no letters from him, unless he sent him the Latin translation of
+the Institutes of the Laws of Holland, which he had long before enjoined
+him to set about. Writing to his brother[769], he says, "I am much
+afraid, that the counsels which Peter follows, and will follow
+hereafter, are inconsistent with a good conscience. I am resolved to
+refer the whole to God, and not intermeddle in it. I should be sorry to
+have a repetition of the grief I suffer on his account."
+
+Some time after, he was better satisfied with him, and wrote to his
+brother William[770], Feb. 28, 1643, "I commend Peter highly for
+applying to the bar: it is the way to acquire much useful knowledge, to
+gain a character, and in time to lay up something, or to rise higher."
+This is all that Grotius's letters inform us about his son: the sequel
+of whose life is more interesting.
+
+In 1652, he married, for love, an Attorney's daughter, rich and
+handsome; but his mother and his other friends disliked the match. In
+the year following, a powerful party wanted to get him made Greffier of
+Amsterdam; but Veue Linchovius opposed him with great virulence and
+violence; maintaining that such a place ought not to be given to the son
+of an out-law, whose religious sentiments were erroneous. The
+declamations of this hot-headed man preventing Grotius from being
+nominated to the place, he bore the disappointment with great
+tranquility. In 1655, he purposed to publish a complete edition of his
+father's works, as appears by the privilege of the Emperor Ferdinand
+III. dated Oct. 2, 1655, prefixed to his theological works. This
+edition, which unfortunately he did not go on with, was to be in nine
+volumes in folio. The first was to contain his _Annotations on the Old
+Testament_; the second, the _Commentary on the New_; the third would
+have comprehended his smaller theological pieces; the fourth, the
+treatise _De Jure Belli & Pacis_, the _Apology_, and the work _De
+Imperio summarum potestatum circa Sacra_; the fifth, _Law Tracts_; the
+sixth, _Writings Historical_; the seventh, _Philological Works_; the
+eighth, _Poetical Translations_, the _Anthologia, Stobaeus_, and the
+_Extracts from the Tragedies and Comedies_; and, lastly, the ninth, his
+_Poems_ and _Letters_. It is probable, that this design was defeated by
+Grotius's departure from Holland. It was not till long after, in 1679,
+that the handsome edition of Grotius's theological works was published
+in three volumes in folio, dedicated to King Charles II. of England by
+Peter Grotius, Feb. 28, 1678. The bookseller promised, in an
+advertisement prefixed to it, to print all Grotius's other works, even
+those that had never been published; but he did not fulfil his
+engagements.
+
+Grotius's enemies still opposing his son's advancement, he entered into
+the service of Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, to whom Hugo Grotius had
+done singular service during his misfortunes. This Prince nominated him
+his Agent at the Hague.
+
+The ferment in mens minds having subsided, and the face of affairs being
+changed in Holland, Peter Grotius was nominated Pensionary of Amsterdam
+in 1660; which important place he filled for seven years with great
+reputation. This office was the height of Hugo's wishes for his son. The
+Count D'Estrade, at that time Ambassador from France in Holland, was
+dissatisfied with the Pensionary of Amsterdam, who opposed the interest
+of the French King, in resentment of that Prince's having driven Mombas,
+Peter Grotius's brother-in-law, out of France. Feb. 1, 1633, he writes
+to the King, "I have not been at Amsterdam, because the Pensionary M. de
+Groot is brother-in-law to M. de Mombas, whom your Majesty ordered to
+quit the kingdom for some affair in which you were dissatisfied with his
+conduct: since that time M. de Groot has constantly opposed your
+Majesty's interest at Amsterdam. He is a man of spirit and firmness; and
+has much credit in that city. I shall neglect nothing to bring him back
+to his former sentiments." The King answered him, May 23, 1633, that he
+had had reason to be dissatisfied with Mombas's conduct; that if any
+consideration could make him forget it, it would certainly be a regard
+for M. de Groot, whose person, says the King, I esteem: In fact, Lewis
+XIV, as he writes to his Ambassador, Sept. 22, 1665, dropt his
+resentment against Mombas out of consideration for the Pensionary of
+Amsterdam. After the conclusion of the triple alliance, the necessity of
+regulating the subsidies with the northern powers induced the States of
+Holland to send Grotius to Denmark and Sweden. He went first to
+Copenhagen, and afterwards to Stockholm, where he assumed the quality of
+Ambassador in ordinary. The States used only to keep a Minister of the
+second rank at this Court; but it was thought proper, says Wicquefort,
+to do something more than common for such an extraordinary person; and
+he was ordered to make a splendid entry at the expence of the States.
+
+The fourth volume of M. de Wit's _Letters and Negotiations_ concludes
+with the correspondence of Peter Grotius with the Grand Pensionary
+during his embassy at Stockholm. The Dutch Minister discovers in it
+great knowledge of mankind. "The more I reflect, says he to M. de Wit,
+Dec. 8, 1668, on the regency of Sweden, the more clearly I discover that
+the most important affairs are not regulated agreeable to the public
+interest, but according to that of the principal Ministers; and the
+surest and easiest way to succeed, is to gain him who has the King's ear
+rather than the King himself; because what is done for the good of the
+nation obliges no one in particular, and procures glory, but no
+acknowledgments. When I passed through Denmark, I perceived that more
+might be done by means of M.G. with a hundred thousand crowns, than can
+be done with the King with five times that sum."
+
+The negotiations of Peter Grotius were in a promising way at the death
+of William Borell the Dutch Ambassador at Paris. Grotius was nominated
+by the States of Holland to succeed him, and at the same time the town
+of Rotterdam chose him for their Pensionary. M. de Wit was of opinion
+that Grotius ought to prefer the place of Pensionary: he wrote to his
+friend, May 14, 1669, "Messieurs the Burgomasters and Counsellors of the
+town of Rotterdam have unanimously made choice of you to be their
+Counsellor Pensionary. I believe your nomination to the French embassy
+will be set aside, if the Gentlemen of Rotterdam apply for that purpose
+to their Noble and Great Mightinesses; and I imagine you will prefer
+this honourable establishment in a post your father was undeservedly
+turned out of, to a gilded exile, for such an embassy may be styled.
+Other reasons will occur for your taking this step, without its being
+necessary for me to mention them."
+
+Grotius was greatly embarrassed: he writes to M. de Wit, May 22, 1669,
+that his situation would not suffer him to give a positive answer; that
+he had written to the Gentlemen of Rotterdam, acknowledging their great
+civility and goodness in thinking of him; but that he had not declared
+himself with regard to the accepting of the place.
+
+Holland had occasion at this time for the ablest of her Ministers at the
+Court of Lewis XIV. and Peter Grotius could not refuse to serve his
+Country in such critical circumstances. The point was to bring about a
+reconciliation between the United Provinces and the King, who resolved
+to declare war against them, imagining he had great reason to complain
+of their behaviour. Grotius was the only Minister who could succeed in
+this negotiation, had a reconciliation been practicable, says
+Wicquefort. The King, though highly incensed against Holland, shewed the
+greatest respect to her Ambassador. War being declared in 1672, Peter
+Grotius was again sent to the King, to try if an accommodation could be
+accomplished: but the King had made too great preparations for war to
+conclude a peace so soon.
+
+Grotius returned to the Hague to serve the Republic in quality of Deputy
+to the States-General; but in a short time experienced a cruel reverse
+of fortune. Being involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, he was stript
+of his dignities, and threatened with assassination; which determined
+him to leave Holland: he went to Antwerp, where an attempt was made on
+his life.
+
+He retired to Liege, and afterwards to Aix-la-Chapelle, and Cologn. A
+general peace was at this time negotiating; and Grotius having done
+singular services to the Dutch Plenipotentiaries, he was permitted to
+return to Holland, after being two years absent. He continued some time
+undisturbed in the country; but Wicquefort, the Duke of Brunswick's
+Minister at the Hague, being taken into custody, among his papers were
+found several letters from Grotius, containing, it is said, some
+indiscreet things concerning state affairs, and against the Republic's
+Ministers. He was arrested and prosecuted. Of the fifteen judges
+appointed to try him, nine declared him innocent. This was in November,
+1676. Nicholas Heinsius, who was not prejudiced in his favour, writes to
+Graevius on the 6th of December following: "There was certainly
+imprudence and malice in what Grotius did; but I leave others to judge
+whether he was guilty of high treason."
+
+It is improbable his judges would have shewn him favour, had he been
+convicted of a capital crime: he was known to be hated by the Prince of
+Orange, whom the Dutch at that time sought very much to please.
+
+Peter Grotius, thus escaping out of the hands of his enemies, retired
+with his family to a country seat he had near Harlem, where he spent the
+rest of his days in educating his children, and reading the best
+authors. He died at the age of seventy. Some pretend, but without
+foundation, that he was poisoned. Those who knew him particularly speak
+of him as one of the best heads of his time. "Peter de Groot, son of the
+great Grotius, was not so learned as his father, says Wicquefort; but I
+may venture to assert he was as able a Minister. We can't say too much
+of this man, who was above all praise. I write this after receiving the
+news of his death. How much is Holland to be pitied for losing a man who
+would have assisted in repairing the breaches made by the disorders
+which have for some years prevailed in the state! He joined solidity of
+judgment to the graces of wit, and must have possessed these qualities
+in an eminent degree since they shone thro' such a disagreeable figure.
+It may be said of M. de Groot, that never did such a deformed body lodge
+such a fine and great soul: he had a surprising ready wit, his
+conversation was delightful, his understanding clear and solid, and his
+sentiments just and equitable: he possessed great knowledge of all sorts
+of business, foreign and domestic, and especially of what the French
+call the art of pleasing."
+
+Grotius's third son, Diederic, began his studies in a very promising
+manner. Grotius writes to his brother William, August 16, 1630, "I am
+overjoyed to hear that Diederic's progress even exceeds my hopes. I wish
+he may continue." His grandfather John Grotius was his tutor. When he
+came to be old enough to be put to some business, Grotius designed him
+for an Engineer. He learned under the famous Boschius, and came
+afterwards, in the beginning of 1636, to see his father at Paris.
+Grotius having applied to the Duke of Weymar to take Diederic into his
+service, he entered into that Prince's houshold as one of his Pages, and
+was much respected: the Duke soon after made him his Aid-de-Camp.
+Grotius seemed to be well satisfied with his son at the time this youth
+had the misfortune to lose his Patron.
+
+On hearing of the Duke of Weymar's death Grotius immediately thought of
+sending Diederic to Marshal Bannier. He wrote a letter to that
+General[771], October 13, 1639, in which he puts him in mind that it was
+his Excellency's brother first proposed to him his entering into the
+Swedish service: he afterwards makes an offer of his son, who had served
+two years under Boschius, chief Engineer to the Prince of Orange, and
+had since been several years one of the Duke of Weymar's Pages. After
+the death of that illustrious Prince, who shared with Bannier the glory
+of being the greatest general in Europe, he thinks he cannot do better
+than give him to Marshal Bannier, who was unanimously allowed to hold
+the first rank in the art of war. He begs that his son may be only
+employed in things of which he is capable. On the same day he wrote to
+Salvius, desiring him to recommend Diederic to the Marshal.
+
+Whilst Grotius was thus employed in placing his son, Diederic
+entertained a design of entering into the Dutch service. His father was
+highly displeased with this project; and wrote to him, and to William
+Grotius, that it was most improper for him to expose his life for his
+cruellest enemies; and that Sweden was his true country, and to that
+kingdom he ought to devote his life, and from it to merit and expect
+honours. "If my son dislikes the activity of a military life, Grotius
+writes to his brother, he may find ease, and acquire honour in General
+Bannier's houshold, or by exercising his profession of Engineer. I shall
+always give him my assistance, and I hope I have as many friends
+elsewhere, as I have enemies in Holland. If my son disgraces himself so
+far, as to ask favours from the Dutch, he is unworthy to call me father.
+If he chuses rather to be an Ensign with you, than a Captain among
+others, he is mean-spirited, and forgetful of what he has been."
+Diederic had a design of writing the history of the Duke of Weymar;
+which project Grotius approved of, as worthy of a grateful mind. He sent
+him word, that if he would set about this work whilst he was with
+Marshal Bannier, he would make his court by it to that General, who had
+it in his power to reward him. Diederic at last complied with his
+father's desire, and went to Marshal Bannier's camp. He was made a
+prisoner of war by the Bavarians in an unfortunate action near Dillingue
+and Memingue, in the end of the year 1643. Grotius immediately set all
+his friends to work to procure his son's liberty: he wrote to the famous
+John de Vert, and applied to the Duke of Bavaria that he would be
+pleased to send him back as soon as possible: and at the same time wrote
+to his son to come to him as soon as he should be at liberty, that they
+might consult together what was best to be done. Diederic sent his
+father the history of the unfortunate action in which he was taken; and
+Grotius printed it to give copies to his friends, and to send others to
+the Swedish Ministry. Diederic was carried to Tubingen, from thence to
+Ulm, and confined in a citadel between Ulm and Augsburg: he did not
+continue there long: immediately on receiving his father's letter, the
+Duke of Bavaria gave orders that Diederic might be set at liberty, after
+settling his ransom, which was fixed at a thousand florins. He came to
+Paris, and on his arrival Grotius wrote a letter of thanks to the
+Elector of Bavaria, telling him, that as he had but one way to express
+his gratitude, namely by promoting a general peace, which his Electoral
+Highness wished for, he would do all in his power to bring it about. He
+wrote to Ketner the Bavarian Minister to the same effect.
+
+Diederic went back to serve under Marshal Turenne in Germany, and made
+the campaign of 1644. He was again taken Prisoner, but soon released;
+and served in the end of the same campaign. He was detached by the Duke
+d'Anguien and Marshal Turenne to take Fridelshem and Neudstad, and was
+afterwards sent by them to the Landgravine of Hesse: he acquitted
+himself with honour of all the commissions that were given him. The Duke
+d'Anguien spoke of him in the highest terms; and the Landgravine
+received him in the best manner, in consideration of the services which
+his father had done to the house of Hesse: he was sent a second time by
+Marshal Turenne to the Landgravine. The Duke d'Anguien promised to take
+care of this youth's fortune; and the approbation of a prince, who was
+the Mars of his time and knew men so well, is the highest elogium that
+could be given of Diederic.
+
+He came to an unhappy end when but young and unmarried. Queen Christina
+having abdicated the Crown in favour of Charles Gustavus, Diederic and
+Cornelius Grotius took a resolution to wait on that Prince, who had
+known and highly esteemed their father in France, with an intention to
+offer him their services, and get employment. Setting out from Holland
+with this design, they were got between Embden and Bremen, halfway to
+Hamburg, when a villain, who had served Diederic several years as his
+valet, resolved to murder both the brothers for the sake of their money:
+he went in the night-time into Diederic's chamber, and shot his master
+dead while asleep: he was preparing to serve Cornelius Grotius in the
+same manner, but he was awake: he happened to be employed in composing
+a Latin epigram. On hearing the shot, he took a pistol which lay on a
+chair by his bed side, and seeing the murderer advance softly to him (it
+was moon-light) he fired, and laid him flat on the floor: the people of
+the inn got up on the noise, and delivered the villain, who was
+dangerously wounded, into the hands of justice, and he was broke on the
+wheel.
+
+Hugo Grotius had also three daughters, Frances, Mary, and Cornelia;
+Frances, the youngest, was born in October, 1626, before her time, her
+mother being delivered of her in the eighth month: accordingly this
+young person was short-lived, for she died in the beginning of the year
+1628. Mary, his second daughter, died at Paris in the month of March,
+1635, of the fatigue and cold she received in her journey to that city.
+Grotius informed his father of her death by a letter[772] dated March
+23, 1635, in which he tells him she died almost without pain, and with a
+deep sense of religion. "My wife and I, says he, bear this misfortune
+like people accustomed to adversity: besides, why should we call her
+death a misfortune? has not God a right to take back what he gave? and
+ought not we to flatter ourselves that she is arrived at that happy
+state, which the young ought to long after as much as the old? We are
+delivered from the care of procuring a husband for her: perhaps we
+should have had much difficulty to find one that would have been
+agreeable to her and to all her family: and even if we should have found
+one that pleased us all at first, would there not have been room to
+apprehend that he had concealed his true character for a time, and that
+he would afterwards make her unhappy? She is now delivered from the
+pains of bearing children, and bringing them up. More happy than her
+mother, she will not see judges incensed against her husband, because he
+is innocent: she will not be obliged to shut herself up in prison for
+her husband; nor to lead a wandering life to accompany him. Let us
+congratulate her that God has taken her out of the world before she knew
+too much of the evil or what are called the good things of it. Let us
+congratulate ourselves on her having lived with us as long as life was
+agreeable to her, and free from any mixture of bitterness. What is there
+at present in Christendom to make us desire life? Divisions in the
+Church, bloody wars, men slaughtered, women violated, cruel murders, and
+multitudes reduced to beggary; Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia pillaged;
+the heirs of the most noble families reduced to the necessity of living
+on alms, if it can be called living to drag out their days in misery,
+wishing for death, which alone can put an end to it."
+
+Cornelia, the eldest of Grotius's daughters, who survived her father,
+married John Barthon, Viscount of Mombas, a Gentleman of Poitou, who was
+obliged to quit France for having displeased Lewis XIV. He went to
+Holland, from whence he was also forced to fly, having been involved in
+the misfortunes wherein the De Wits perished, and which gave Peter
+Grotius, his brother-in-law, so much uneasiness.
+
+Grotius had a brother named William, with whom he kept up the greatest
+intimacy during his whole life, and made him the confident of his
+studies and designs. It appears by his letters that they lived in the
+strictest friendship. Hugo, who was the eldest, contributed to his
+brother's education, and directed his studies. We have a letter from
+Grotius to his brother, dated at Rotterdam September 28, 1614,
+containing a plan of study. "I am of opinion, says he, that in order to
+acquire the knowledge of Law, before you touch upon law tracts you
+should read with attention Aristotle's second and fifth book of Ethics,
+to Nicomachus, or the excellent paraphrase of them published by
+Heinsius; then Aristotle's Rhetoric, with the learned commentary on it;
+afterwards Cicero's _Offices_, the _Paradoxes_, _De Finibus_, _Of Laws_,
+the _Topica_, and _De Inventiene_. I could wish that whilst reading you
+would make extracts, or at least mark in the margin of your book
+whatever has relation to the Law of Nature and of Nations, to the origin
+of Laws and Magistrates, to _Jus publicum et privatum_. When you have
+done this, we shall think of the rest." It was Grotius who corrected his
+brother's Law Theses.
+
+William Grotius came to France in 1617 to learn the language; and
+retiring to Senlis made great progress in it: he purposed to go to
+Tours, and Grotius approved of his journey, because the air was pure,
+and they spoke good French there.
+
+William Grotius, as well as his brother, had a turn for theological
+studies: he wrote something in verse on the Decalogue, which Grotius
+mentions in a letter dated from his prison at Louvestein, November 1,
+1620. "I have read with pleasure, he says, what you have done on the
+Decalogue: the maxims are excellent, and the verses easy."
+
+William had his brother's confidence during his whole life. Grotius
+writes to him from Paris, April 14, 1622, "You are never weary of
+assisting me under my afflictions: if ever fortune enables me to testify
+my gratitude, I will forgive her all the tricks she has played me." He
+was desirous, in the end of the year 1622, that his brother should
+settle his matters so, as to come to see him in the beginning of the
+following year; but this journey did not take place. Grotius's disgrace
+affected his brother: he despaired of attaining to honours, and Grotius
+advised him to think only of raising himself by the study of the Law.
+
+In April 1623 he married Alida Grasvinkel. About this time a Dutchman
+was seized at Lillo, with letters from William Grotius to his brother.
+It was expected that something would be found in them against the State,
+and they talked of nothing less than imprisoning him; but
+notwithstanding the malice of his enemies, they could not find the least
+pretext from these letters to trouble him. In the mean time William
+followed the profession of an Advocate with much success: Grotius
+compliments him on it in a letter of the 28th of November, 1625, in
+which he tells him, that the life he led in shining at the bar was much
+more agreeable than that which is spent in public employments.
+
+William Grotius wrote about this time the lives of the Advocates, under
+the title of _Vitae Jurisconsultorum quorum in Pandectis exstant nomina,
+conscriptae a Gulielmo Grotio Jurisconsulto Delphensi_. He sent this book
+to his brother, who writes to him that he read it with pleasure, and was
+delighted to see a work which demonstrated his brother's genius,
+learning, and good sense.
+
+William Grotius, whose marriage had prevented his going to France to see
+his brother, went thither however in 1629: he returned again to Holland.
+William being desirous to have his brother's picture, Hugo had the
+complaisance to sit for it, and send it to him. The enmity of the
+Magistrates was still so violent at this time, that William made a
+mystery of this picture; in which Grotius thought he acted very
+prudently. In 1638 there was a talk of making William Grotius Pensionary
+of Delft. The conditions on which the place was offered did not suit
+him, and he declined it. This refusal was approved of by Grotius; for he
+writes to him, March 13, 1638, "As to the place of Pensionary of our
+native town, the more I think of it, the happier I imagine you in
+having got rid of it, and in preferring honour to profit: for in these
+times it would have been impossible to have preserved that place and
+your honour."
+
+The East-India Company chose him for their Advocate in 1639. Grotius
+compliments his brother on it March 26, that year. "I always loved that
+Company, he says: I look upon it as the support of the Republic; and if
+I could be at present of any use to it, I would most gladly embrace the
+opportunity."
+
+Grotius's writings concerning Antichrist were approved of by William and
+their Father. However, as there was reason to apprehend that the
+printing of these pieces might increase the number and animosity of his
+enemies, Grotius proposed to his Brother not to take upon him their
+publication, especially as he might easily find persons that were far
+from a factious spirit, who would willingly undertake it: but William
+Grotius ran the hazard of this publication, without being frightened at
+the consequences.
+
+Grotius had always discovered great impatience when denied the tides of
+honour due to the Ambassadors of crowned heads. He imagined it to be the
+consequence of a plot of his enemies to depreciate him. William did not
+approve of his brother's great heat on this subject: and thought there
+was reason to presume that it was owing rather to inattention, than a
+premeditated design. Grotius, whose mildness of temper was greatly
+altered by his late disputes with the Reformed Ministers, as Henry de
+Villeneuve observes in a letter to the Abbe Barcellini, was much
+dissatisfied with his brother's manner of excusing those of whom he
+thought he had reason to complain; and wrote to him very sharply on this
+subject, December 12, 1643. "I imagine, says he, I see and hear you
+pleading at the Bar: you find reasons to excuse my enemies for things
+for which no body here excuses them: you blame me for things for which
+no body here blames me, nor will any others except your Dutchmen. It is
+fit that I should support my dignity: the thing is done on purpose; and
+the Swedes, whom it concerns, would be offended with me if I acted
+otherwise. I would therefore ask of you, for the future to address the
+letters you receive for me to my wife; and I shall afterwards see what
+is to be done."
+
+This small altercation did not interrupt the friendship of the two
+brothers, nor their correspondence by letters, which continued till
+Grotius's death.
+
+William, besides the book we have already mentioned, wrote another on
+the law of nature, entitled, _Willelmi Grotii de principiis Juris
+Naturalis Enchiridion_. This work is much inferior to the treatise _Of
+War and Peace_. However, it has its merit, and is particularly valuable
+for containing in a small compass all the principles of Natural Law
+clearly displayed.
+
+Grotius had still another brother, named Francis, who was the second son
+of John Grotius. He died young. Grotius wrote a Poem on his death, and a
+consolatory piece in Prose and Verse to his Father: they are both in the
+collection of his Poems.
+
+John Grotius had a daughter of fine accomplishments. Grotius acquaints
+us[773], that she wrote an useful book on Widowhood, which was very well
+done. The design of this work was not to condemn second marriages, but
+only to shew that it was more becoming a reasonable woman to content
+herself with having had one husband. After her death it was proposed to
+print it; and Grotius, to make it a more considerable book, translated
+into Dutch three treatises of Tertullian, one of St. Ambrose, two of St.
+Chrysostome, and three of St. Jerom, on the same subject. We have not
+learnt whether this Collection was ever published.
+
+The END of the SIXTH and LAST BOOK.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[735] See the Testimonia at the end of Le Clerc's edition of the
+treatise on the truth of the Christian religion, p. 344. & 351.
+
+[736] Ep. 195. p. 813.
+
+[737] Ep. 253. p. 832.
+
+[738] Ep. 368. p. 859. & 369. p 860.
+
+[739] Ep. 419. p. 875.
+
+[740] Ep. 421. p. 876.
+
+[741] Ep. 936 p. 415
+
+[742] Ep. 1129. p. 510. & 1133. p. 512.
+
+[743] Ep. 506. p. 885. 465. p. 886. 1371. p. 623
+
+[744] Ep. 1607. p. 716. 1616. p. 717. 537. p. 916. 670. p. 958. & 678.
+p. 960.
+
+[745] Ep. 714. p. 968.
+
+[746] Ep. 1746. p. 746. & 720. p. 970.
+
+[747] Ann. de Basnage, t. 1. p. 700.
+
+[748] Ep. 64. p. 773. 68. p. 774. & 72. p. 776.
+
+[749] Ep. 258. p. 833.
+
+[750] Ep. 324. p. 115.
+
+[751] Ep. 326. p. 849.
+
+[752] Ep. 353. p. 855.
+
+[753] Ep. 357. p. 856.
+
+[754] Ep. 364. p. 858. & 369. p. 860.
+
+[755] Ep. 573. p. 225.
+
+[756] Ep. 406. p. 870.
+
+[757] Ep. 421. p. 876.
+
+[758] Ep. 425. p. 876.
+
+[759] Ep. 426. p. 877.
+
+[760] Ep. 946. p. 419.
+
+[761] See Book I. sec. 16.
+
+[762] Ep. 455. p. 883. & 465. p. 887.
+
+[763] Ep. 469. p. 887.
+
+[764] Ep. 492. p. 896.
+
+[765] Ep. 537. p. 916.
+
+[766] Ep. 542. p. 918.
+
+[767] Ep. 553. p. 924.
+
+[768] Ep. 555. p. 925.
+
+[769] Ep. 588. p. 933.
+
+[770] Ep. 641. p. 949.
+
+[771] Ep. 1257. p. 571.
+
+[772] Ep. 377. p. 138.
+
+[773] Ep. 550. p. 920.
+
+
+
+
+A
+
+CATALOGUE
+
+OF
+
+GROTIUS's WORKS.
+
+
+_Hugeiani Grotii Batavi Pontifex Romanus, Rex Galliarum, Albertus
+Cardinalis, Regina Angliae, Ordines Foederati: ex officina Plantiniana,
+apud Christophorum Raphelengium, Academiae Lugduno-Batavae Typographum_,
+1599.
+
+Grotius's Poems are in two collections; the prophane, in that published
+by his brother, which has gone through many editions; in the latter ones
+are inserted the Tragedy of Sophomphaneus, the _Catechism_ in Latin
+verse, and _Sylva ad Franciscum Augustum Thuanum_. See the _Life of
+Grotius_ Book 1. sec. 13. B. 2. sec. 14. B. 5. sec. 2. The sacred poems
+were printed, in quarto, at the Hague, in 1610, in a collection wherein
+we find _Adamus exsul_, a tragedy; _Exordia quatuor Evangeliorum_;
+_Paraphrasis metrica Hymnorum in Evangelio & Actis Lucae, variique
+Psalmi, & alia carmina_; _Martiani Minei Felicis Satyricon, seu de
+nuptiis Philologiae & Mercurii libri duo_; _& de septem artibus
+liberalibus libri totidem: emendati & notis illustrati_.
+_Lugduni-Batavorum_, 1599. See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. sec. 10.
+
+Limneu[Greek: retiche], _sive portuum investigandorum ratio, metaphraste
+Hugone Grotio Batavo: ex officina Plantiniana, apud Christophorum
+Raphelengium, Academiae Lugduno-Batavae typographum_, 1599. See the Life
+of Grotius, B. 1. sec. 11.
+
+_Hug. Grotii Batavi Syntagma Arataeorum, opus poeticae & astronomiae
+studiosis utilissimum. Ex officina Plantiniana, apud Christophorum
+Raphelengium, academiae Lugduno-Batavae typographum_, 1600.
+
+_Hoc opere continentur Arati Phoenomena, & Diosemeia Graece Ciceronis
+interpretatio H. Grotii versibus interpolata._
+
+_Phoenomena Aratea Germanico Caesare interprete, multo auctiora &
+emendatiora, ope manuscripti profecti ex bibliotheca nob. dom. Jacobi
+Susii de Grisendorf._
+
+_Ejusdem fragmenta Prognosticorum, imagines siderum Germanici versibus
+interpositae, ex manuscripto desumptae, & a Jacobo Gheinia aeri incisae._
+
+_Notae H. Grotii ad Aratum._
+
+_Notae ejusdem ad Germanici Phoenomena._
+
+_Notae ejusdem ad imagines, in quibus siderum & singularum stellarum
+nomina Arabica, Hebraea, Graeca, & Latina, & situs exponuntur._
+
+_Notae ad Fragmenta Ciceronis._
+
+_Festi Avieni paraphrasis, cum notis brevibus in margine appositis._
+
+_Mare Liberum, seu de jure quod Batavis competit ad Indica commercia._
+_Lugduni-Batavorum_, 1609. See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. sec. 19.
+
+_De antiquitate reipublicae Batavicae._ _Lug. Bat._ 1610. See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 1. sec. 20.
+
+The theological works were printed in four volumes in folio, by the
+heirs of Blaeu, at Amsterdam, in 1679.
+
+The three first tomes contain the _Commentary on the Holy Scriptures_.
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 1. sec. 14. B. 6. sec. 11.
+
+The fourth volume contains divers theological pieces.
+
+_De Veritate Religionis Christianae._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2.
+sec. 14. B. 6. sec. 9.
+
+_Ordinum Hollandiae & Westfrisiae pietas ab improbissimis multorum
+calumniis, praesertim vero a Sibrandi Luberti Epistola, quam
+Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi scripsit, vindicata._ See the life of
+Grotius, B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Bona Fides Sibrandi Luberti._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Ordinum Hollandiae & Westfrisiae decretum pro pace ecclesiarum, munitum
+S. Scripturae, Conciliorum, Patrum, Confessionum, & Theologorum
+testimoniis._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 4. & 17.
+
+_Oratio_ IX. _cal. Maii habita in senatu Amstelodamensi, versa e Belgico
+sermone per Theodorum Schrevelium._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 6.
+
+_Defensio decreti pro pace ecclesiarum._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2.
+sec. 16.
+
+_De Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra._ See the Life of Grotius,
+B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Defensio fidei Catholicae de satisfactione Christi, adversus Faustum
+Socinum Senensem._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Conciliatio dissidentium de re predestinatoria atque gratia opinionum._
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Disquisitio, an Pelagiana sint illa dogmata, quae nunc sub eo nomine
+traducuntur._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Philosophorum veterum sententiae de fato, & de eo quod est in nostra
+potestate._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 16.
+
+_Commentarius ad loca quaedam Novi Testamenti de Antichristo._ See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 12.
+
+_Appendix ad Commentationem de Antichristo._ See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. sec. 12.
+
+_Dissertatio de Coenae administratione ubi Pastores non adsunt._ See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 12.
+
+_Dissertatio an semper communicandum per symbola._ See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 6. sec. 12.
+
+_Explicatio trium utilissimorum locorum N.T. in quibus agitur de fide &
+operibus._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 12.
+
+_Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam; quo tractatu continentur Bulla Pii Papae
+IV. super forma juramenti professionis fidei exhibita invictissimo
+Imperatori Carolo V. in comitiis Augustanis, 1530. Georgii Cassandri
+Consultatio de articulis Religionis inter Catholicos & Protestantes
+controversis. Hugonis Grotii Annotata ad Consultationem Cassandri,
+ejusdem disquisitio de dogmatibus Pelagianis, ejusdem baptizatorum
+institutio & de eucharistia; denique Syllabus auctorum, qui de
+conciliatione controversiarum in religione scripserunt._
+
+_Animadversiones in Andreae Riveti animadversiones._ See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 2. sec. 12.
+
+_Votum pro pace ecclesiastica, contra examen Andreae Riveti._ See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 12.
+
+_Rivetiani apologetici discussio._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 12.
+
+_De summo sacerdotio._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 5. sec. 12.
+
+_De dogmatis, ritibus, & gubernatione Ecclesiae Christianae._
+
+_De dogmatis quae reipublicae noxia sunt aut dicuntur._
+
+_M. Annaei Lucani Pharsalia, ex emendatione & cum notis H. Grotii. Lug.
+Bat._ 1614. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 5.
+
+_Dicta poetarum quae apud Joannem Stobeum extant, emendata & Latino
+carmine reddita ab Hugone Grotio: accesserunt Plutarchi & Basilii Magni
+de usu Graecorum poetarum. Parisiis_, 1622. See the Life of Grotius, B.
+2. sec. 14. B. 3. sec. 6.
+
+_Apologeticus eorum, qui Hollandiae, Westfrisiae, & vicinis quibusdam
+nationibus ex Legibus praefuerunt ante mutationem anni_ 1618. _Parisiis_,
+1622. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 14. B. 3. sec. 4.
+
+_De Jure Belli ac Pacis Libri tres._ _Parisiis_, 1625. The best edition
+of this celebrated work is that published at Amsterdam, in 1720, by John
+Barbeyrac, who has translated it so happily. At the end of this edition
+he subjoined a small tract of Grotius: _De equitate, indulgentia, &
+facilitate, liber singularis._ See the Life of Grotius, B. 3. sec. 9.
+
+_Excerpta ex tragoediis & comediis Graecis, tum quae extant, tum quae
+perierunt: emendata & Latinis versibus reddita ab Hugone Grotio, cum
+notis & indice auctorum ac rerum. Parisiis apud Nicolaum Buon_, 1626.
+See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 14. B. 3. sec. 6.
+
+_Grollae obsidio, cum annexis anni_ 1627. _Amstelodami, apud Guillelmum
+Blaeu_, 1629. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 14.
+
+_Euripidis Tragoedia Phenissae, emendata ex manuscriptis, & Latina facta
+ab Hugone Grotio. Parisiis_, 1630. See the Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 14.
+B. 3. sec. 7.
+
+An Introduction to the Laws of Holland, in Dutch. Hague, 1631. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 2. sec. 14. B. 6. sec. 14.
+
+_C. Cornelius Tacitus, ex J. Lipsii editione, cum notis & emendationibus
+H. Grotii. Lugduni-Batavorum, ex officina Elzeviriana_, 1640. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 3.
+
+_Florum sparsio in Jus Justinianeum, & in loca quaedam Juris Civilis.
+Parisiis_, 1642. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 10.
+
+_De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio prior. Parisiis_, 1642. See
+the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 13.
+
+_De origine gentium Americanarum dissertatio altera, adversus
+obtrectatorem opaca bonum quem fecit barba. Parisiis_, 1643. See the
+Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 13.
+
+_Hugonis Grotii quaedam hactenus inedita, aliaque ex Belgice editis
+Latine versa, argumenti theologici, juridici, politici. Amstelodami_,
+1652.
+
+_Consilium juridicum super iis, quae Nassavii in Juliacum & Geldriam
+competere sibi dicunt._
+
+_Epistola ad Car. V. an Provinciae Foederati Belgii inferendae sunt
+imperio Germanico._
+
+_F. Thomae Campanellae Philosophiae realis pars tertia, quae est de
+politica, in aphorismos digesta._
+
+_De pace Germaniae epistola ad clarissimum virum N.P. An supposititia sit
+dijudicet sagax lector._
+
+_Hugonis Grotii responsio ad quaedam ab utroque judicum consessu objecta,
+ubi multa disputantur de jure summarum potestatum in Hollandia
+Westfrisiaque, & Magistratuum in oppidis._ See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. sec. 14.
+
+_Historia Gothorum, Vandalorum, & Longobardorum; ab Hugone Grotio partim
+versa, partim in ordinem digesta, cum ejusdem prolegomenis, ubi regum
+Gothorum ordo & chronologia cum elogiis; accedunt nomina appellativa cum
+explicatione. Scriptores sunt Procopius, Agathias, Jornandes, B.
+Isidorus, Paulus Warnefridus. Amstelodami_, 1655. See the Life of
+Grotius, B. 6. sec. 7.
+
+_Annales & Historiae de rebus Belgicis, ab obitu Philippi regis usque ad
+inducias anni 1609. Amstelodami, anno_ 1657. See the Life of Grotius, B.
+6. sec. 8.
+
+_Hugonis Grotii Epistolae, quotquot reperiri potuerunt. Amstelodami_,
+1687. See the Life of Grotius, B. 6. sec. 15.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+A.
+
+Adamus exsul, a tragedy, 19.
+
+Aligre, keeper of the seals, Grotius flatters himself with being
+protected by him, 114
+  The services which he accordingly receives from him, ibid.
+
+America, Grotius's treatise of the origin of its inhabitants, 275.
+
+Amsterdam, that city favours the Gomarists, and declares against a
+toleration, 50
+  Deputation sent to it on this subject, ib. et seq.
+
+Anne of Austria, queen, is declared regent during the minority of her
+son Lewis XIV., 230
+  Gives Grotius an audience, 231.
+
+Anthologia, Grotius purposes to publish an edition of that
+collection, 247
+  The several indexes he would have to it, 249
+  The printing of it begun, but stopt, 250
+  Where the original of this work is to be found, 251
+  The time employed by the author in it, ibid.
+
+Antichrist, Grotius's book on that subject, 269
+  It occasions him many enemies, 270
+  Made a great noise among the enemies of the Romish Church, 271
+  The offence which it gave to the reformed, 272
+  A mistake of the author in this book, ibid.
+
+Aratus, Grotius's edition of his Phoenomena, 16
+  Commended, ibid
+  A copy of this edition collated by Nicholas Heinsius, who added some
+    notes, 18.
+
+Ardenne, battle of, 158.
+
+Arminians, their conference with the Gomarists in presence of the states
+of Holland, 41
+  Their remonstrance to the states, ibid
+  By whom it was drawn up, 45
+  A summary of their doctrine, 45
+  Acknowledge the civil magistrate to be judge of ecclesiastical
+    disputes, 46
+  Persecuted by prince Maurice, 59
+  Refuse to receive the synod of Dort, 60
+  Their protest against that assembly, ibid
+  Are condemned in it, 61
+  The pretexts they make use of against that synod, ibid
+  Favoured by prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, 107.
+
+Arminius, his dispute with Gomar, 39 et seq.
+  His doctrine concerning predestination and grace, ibid
+  He is complained of to the synod of Rotterdam, 40
+  Presents a petition to the states of Holland and Westfriesland, ibid
+    et seq.
+  His death, 41
+  Grotius's Elogium of him, ibid.
+  Method proposed by him for a reunion of christians, 307.
+
+Arnaud, his relation concerning Grotius's death, 241.
+
+
+B.
+
+Bacon, Lord, the reading of his Works gave Grotius the first hint of
+compiling a system of natural law, 110.
+
+Baillet, his judgment of Grotius's poems, 20
+  Of his annals of the Low Countries, 258.
+
+Balzac, what he said of Grotius's poems, 20
+  His esteem for that learned man, 328.
+
+Bannier, Marshal, his brother first put it into Grotius's head to enter
+into the Swedish service, 136.
+
+Barberin, Cardinal Francis, what he found fault with in Grotius's book
+of war and peace, 113.
+
+Barbeyrac, his commendation of Grotius's treatise of the rights of war
+and peace, 100 et seq.
+  Character of his translation of that book, 111
+  His judgment of John de Felda's notes against it, 111, 112
+  Defects observed by Barbeyrac in it, 113.
+
+Barlaeus, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7.
+
+Barnevelt, grand pensionary of Holland, his firmness in opposing the
+earl of Leicester's designs, 9
+  Contributes to the nominating count Maurice of Nassau captain general,
+    ibid
+  Sent ambassador to Henry IV., 10
+  Success of his negotiation, ibid.
+  Grotius's connection with him, 29
+  The report it gave rise to, ibid
+  His behaviour in the dispute between the Arminians and Gomarists, 40,
+    46, et seq.
+  He and Grotius have the direction of the states conduct in this
+    affair, 44
+  Decree proposed by him to the states, 49
+  Rise of count Maurice's hatred to him, 50
+  Wants to resign his employments, 55
+  Arrested by count Maurice, 58
+  Crimes of which his enemies accuse him, 59
+  Is brought to his tryal, 62
+  Excepts against his judges, ibid
+  His condemnation, and its grounds, 63
+  The court of France interests itself in his behalf, ibid
+  His death and elogium, 65.
+
+Baudius, his opinion of Grotius's poetical talents, 19
+  A candidate for the place of historiographer of the United Provinces,
+    which he yields to that learned man, 21
+  Scazon written by him in honour of Grotius, 327.
+
+Bayle, his opinion of Grotius's project for reuniting the religions,
+  302.
+
+Berthier, father, the jesuist, his information concerning the original
+manuscript of Grotius's Anthologia, 251
+  What he says of his translation of the _Supplicantes_ of Euripides,
+    278.
+
+Bignon, Jerom, advocate general, his observation to Grotius concerning
+his Annals of the Low Countries, 258
+  His opinion of the treatise of the truth of the christian religion,
+    262
+  Cannot bear to hear Grotius accused of socinianism, 324
+  His esteem for him, 330.
+
+Bishops, their authority favoured by Grotius, 288 et seq.
+  He says they were established by Christ, ibid.
+
+Blondius, his ill treatment of Reigersberg, 317
+  How threatened by Grotius on that account, ibid.
+
+Boissise, Thumeri de, on what occasion nominated ambassador from France
+to Holland, 63
+  Success of his negotiation, 64
+  Receives Grotius at his arrival in France, 89.
+
+Bossuet, his summary of the Arminian doctrine, 45
+  Accuses Grotius of favouring Socinianism, 319
+  Allows that he did not deny Christ's divinity, 320.
+
+Bouhier, the president, his mistake concerning the year of Grotius's
+birth, 4.
+
+Boutillier, superintendant of the finances, makes Grotius offers of
+service, 126
+  His conference with him concerning the treaty concluded in France with
+    the envoys of the allies, 147.
+
+Boze, a collection of Grotius's letters in cipher in his cabinet, 282
+
+Brandanus, Grotius's chaplain, 157
+  His character, ibid
+  Is turned away by Grotius, 158.
+
+Briet, father, a jesuit, what he says of Grotius's disposition to turn
+Roman Catholic, 301.
+
+
+C.
+
+Calvin, spoken of by Grotius with the greatest indignation, 287
+  His equivocal expressions concerning the Eucharist, 293.
+
+Calvinists, Grotius disapproves of their sentiments on the Eucharist,
+and reproaches them with their contradictions, 292
+
+Capella, Martianus, Grotius's edition of that author, 13
+  The nature of his work, and its character, 13, 14
+  Its use, 15.
+
+Carleton, the english ambassador in Holland, demands that Grotius should
+be punished for writing the book of the Freedom of the ocean, 67.
+
+Casaubon, Isaac, his commendation of Grotius's edition of Capella, 15
+  What he says of his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, 17
+  Translates into Greek verse Grotius's Prosopopoeia of the town of
+    Ostend, 19
+  His commendation of his Christus patiens, ibid.
+  His opinion of his talents for poetry, ibid.
+  Henry IV. has thoughts of making him his librarian, 22
+  Difficulties that design meets with, ibid
+  Is nominated Librarian, ibid
+  Grotius contracts a great friendship with him, 31
+  His esteem for that learned man, 32
+  His thoughts of the re-union of the roman catholics with the
+    protestants, 33
+  The last testimony of his sentiments for Grotius, 33
+  Commends his Apology against Sibrand Lubert, 84
+  What Grotius says of Casaubon's resolution to turn Roman Catholic, 286
+  His opinion of the Roman Catholics of France, ibid.
+
+Casaubon, Meric, his esteem for Grotius, 332
+  His elogium of Grotius in the Preface to Hierocles of Providence and
+    Fate, ibid.
+
+Caumartin, is made keeper of the seals, 94.
+
+Cerisante, nominated agent from Sweden at the court of France, 231
+  His character and birth, 232, 233
+  His adventures, ibid
+  Is dismissed by the queen of Sweden, 233
+  His disputes with Grotius, ibid.
+
+Charenton, the ministers of, refuse to receive Grotius into their
+communion on his first arrival in France, 90
+  His discussions with them when he returned in quality of ambassador
+    from Sweden, 154
+  Send a deputation to him, 155.
+
+Charles I. of England, invites Grotius into that kingdom, 187.
+
+Charles Lewis, Elector Palatine, purposes to put himself at the head of
+the Weymarian army on the duke of Weymar's death, 215
+  Goes into France, and is arrested, 216
+  Is conducted to Vincennes, 217
+  Princes who interest themselves in procuring his liberty, 217
+  He comes out of prison on certain conditions, ibid.
+
+Chavigny, his negotiations with Grotius, 159
+  Treats with him concerning a truce that was proposed, 201
+  Another negotiation between them concerning the elector Palatine's
+    discharge, 218
+
+Christenius, John, his satisfaction on seeing Grotius when he was in
+France, 331
+  Esteem with which he speaks of him, ibid.
+
+Christian IV. King of Denmark, his offers to Grotius to draw him into
+his service, 131.
+
+Christina, queen of Sweden, state of affairs at her accession to the
+throne, 92
+  Her right to the crown disputed, ibid
+  Approves of Grotius's nomination to the French embassy, 169
+  Honours paid by her to Grotius at his return to Sweden, 237
+  Her present to him at his departure, 238
+  Accused of shortening that learned man's days, 243
+  Purchases several of his manuscripts after his death, 279
+  Her compliment to his widow on the death of her husband, 332.
+
+Church, Grotius's thoughts of her infallibility, and the submission due
+to her, 297.
+
+Clement, St. publication of his epistle, 297
+  Grotius's thoughts of it and of the second letter ascribed to him,
+    ibid.
+
+Clerc, Le, his relation of the manner of Grotius's death, 241
+  Gives hopes of his publishing an edition of that learned man's
+    Anthologia, 250
+  His opinion of his commentary on the Scriptures, 269.
+
+Colomiez, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the truth of the
+christian religion, 267
+  Elogiums of Grotius related by him, 329
+  His own opinion of him, ibid.
+
+Conde, prince of, Grotius dedicates his Capella to him, 15
+  Is entirely in Grotius's interest, 93
+  Renews his acquaintance with him on his arrival in France in quality
+    of ambassador from Sweden, 145
+  Their conversation together, 200.
+
+Contra-remonstrants. See Gomarists.
+
+Cornets, Cornelius, who he was, 1
+  His marriage with Ermengarda de Groot, 2
+  A branch of his family in Provence, ibid
+  His children, ibid.
+
+Corraro, the Venetian ambassador at Paris, Grotius's complaint against
+him, 184
+  How the affair was made up, ibid.
+
+Crellius, answers Grotius's book against Socinus, 321
+  That learned man's letters to Crellius on this subject, 322.
+
+Crusius, a Swedish lord, his quarrel with Schmalz, 206.
+
+
+D.
+
+D'Avaux, acts against Grotius, 173
+  his Negotiation with Salvius for a renewal of the alliance between
+    France and Sweden, 228.
+
+Daube, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the rights of war and peace,
+113.
+
+Dead, Grotius's opinion of praying for them, 294.
+
+Desmarets writes with great bitterness against Grotius's treatise on
+Antichrist, 272
+  His answer to him, ibid.
+
+Desnoyers, secretary at war, treats with Grotius about a truce, 204.
+
+De Vic made keeper of the seals, 93
+  Grotius flatters himself with being favoured by him, ibid
+  Services which De Vic doth that learned man, 94
+  His death, ibid.
+
+D'Or, Francis, enters into Grotius's service as his chaplain, 158
+  Who he was, ibid
+  Turns Roman Catholic, and not censured by Grotius, 288.
+
+Dort, Synod of, its convocation, 55
+  the holding of that assembly, 60
+  It proscribes the Arminians, 61.
+
+Douza, John, his Elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7.
+
+Du Maurier, ambassador from France to Holland, 35
+  Grotius gives him a method of study, ibid
+  He sends Grotius a recommendation for France, 88
+  Gives him false hopes of a return to his country, 117.
+
+Du Maurier, the son, his account of the circumstances attending
+Grotius's death, 241
+  His criticism of his letters, 280.
+
+Du Moulin, Lewis, what he says to Grotius's advantage, 333.
+
+Duncomius, what he writes Vossius concerning Grotius, 332.
+
+Dupuis, Henry, congratulates Grotius on his escape out of prison, and
+makes him an offer of his services, 81, 82.
+
+Dupuis, Mess. visit Grotius on his arrival at Paris, 90
+  His great intimacy with them, 317.
+
+Duraeus, minister of the church of Sweden, seconds Grotius's project of
+pacification, 305
+  Obstacles to the execution of his design, 306.
+
+Du Vair, keeper of the seals, his esteem for Grotius, 92
+  Letter to him assuring him of his friendship, ibid
+  His death, 92
+  Compliments Grotius on his good intention of forming a coalition of
+    all christians, 303.
+
+
+E.
+
+Elizabeth Queen of England takes the United Provinces under her
+protection, 8
+  Her treaty with them, ibid.
+
+English, their dispute with the Dutch concerning the Greenland fishery,
+29
+  Were the first who disputed with cardinal Richelieu the privileges of
+    the cardinalship, 170
+  Their broil with the Swedes about precedency, 184.
+
+Episcopius, is deposed by the synod of Dort, 61
+  What Grotius writes to him concerning the Eucharist, 291
+  Regards that learned man as his oracle, 329.
+
+Estrades, an anecdote related by him of prince Henry Frederic of Nassau,
+107
+  Is displeased with Peter Grotius pensionary of Amsterdam, 348.
+
+Eucharist, Grotius is at first prejudiced against the opinion of the
+Romish church concerning this sacrament, 291
+  His thoughts of it afterwards, ibid.
+
+Euripides, most esteemed by Grotius of all the tragic poets, 278
+  Several of his pieces translated by him, ibid.
+
+
+F.
+
+Fabricius, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Scriptures, 269.
+
+Felda, John de, his notes against Grotius's treatise De jure belli et
+pacis, 111.
+
+Freiras, Francis Seraphin, his answer to Grotius's treatise of the
+freedom of the Ocean, 26.
+
+
+G.
+
+Gettichius, his opinion of Grotius's writings concerning Antichrist,
+271.
+
+Gilot, James, his praise of Grotius when a boy, 7.
+
+Gomar, rise of his dispute with Arminius, 39
+  His doctrine concerning predestination and grace, 40
+  Is summoned to appear before the magistrates, ibid
+  What he says there, ibid.
+
+Gomarists, their conference with the Arminians in presence of the States
+of Holland, 41
+  On what occasion they were called Contra-remonstrants, 45, 46
+  Are favoured by the people, 46
+  Disturbances raised by them, ibid
+  Their complaint against the edict published by the States, 49
+  Separate from the communism of the Arminians, 50.
+
+Goths, Grotius writes their antiquities, 252
+  The plan and design of this work, ibid
+  Its publication, 255.
+
+Grasvinkel, Theodore, who, 112
+  undertakes a defence of Grotius's treatise of war and peace, ibid.
+
+Gronovius, suspected by Grotius of having availed himself of his notes
+on Tacitus, 246.
+
+Groot, Cornelius de, his birth, 2
+  His employments, 2, 3
+  His death, 3
+  Leaves several Pieces in MS., ibid.
+
+Groot, Diederic de, origin and signification of his name of Groot, 1
+  Marries his daughter to Cornelius Cornets, 2.
+
+Groot, Ermengarda de, who she was, 1, 2
+  Her marriage with Cornelius Cornets, ibid
+  Her children, 2.
+
+Groot, Hugo de, his birth, 2
+  How he distinguished himself, ibid
+  His death, ibid
+  His children, ibid.
+
+Groot, John de, studies under Justus Lipsius, 3
+  That learned man's esteem for him, ibid
+  His works, ibid
+  His employments, 4
+  Verses by Heinsius in his praise, 4
+  His marriage and children, ibid
+  His death, ibid
+  Assists his son Grotius in the edition of Martianus Capella, 15
+  His verses on his son's marriage, 21
+  Translates into dutch, in conjunction with him, his book of the
+    antiquities of the Batavi, 28
+  Directs his grandson Diederic Grotius's studies, 352.
+
+Grotius, Cornelia, Grotius's eldest daughter, her marriage with viscount
+Mombas, 357.
+
+Grotius, Cornelius, son of Hugo, his studies, 338
+  Enters into the high chancellor Oxensteirn's service, 339
+  Goes to serve under the duke of Weymar, 339
+  His fickleness, ibid
+  His death, 341.
+
+Grotius, Diederic, son of Hugo Grotius, distinguishes himself by his
+studies, 352
+  Enters into the duke of Weymar's service, 353
+  Diverted by his father from entering into the Dutch service, ibid
+  Goes to serve under marshal Bannier, and is made prisoner, 354
+  Obtains his liberty, ibid
+  Serves under marshal Turenne, 355
+  The duke D'Anguien's esteem for him, ibid.
+  His death, ibid.
+
+Grotius, Frances, Grotius's youngest daughter, her birth and death, 356.
+
+Grotius, Francis, brother of Hugo Grotius, verses by the latter on his
+death, 361.
+
+Grotius, Hugo, whence he derived the name of Grotius, 1
+  his family and ancestors, ibid
+  AEra of his birth, 4
+  Great hopes given by him in his childhood, 5
+  Writes elegiac verses at eight years of age, 6
+  The good education he receives, ibid
+  Rise of his connection with Utengobard the clergyman, ibid
+  His studies at Leyden, his masters, and the progress he makes, ibid
+  His first journey to France, 11
+  Honours he receives from Henry IV., ibid
+  Takes the degree of Doctor of Laws, ibid
+  His correspondence with the president de Thou, 11, 12
+  His elogium of that magistrate after his death, 13
+  Pleads his first cause, ibid
+  His edition of Martianus Capella, ibid
+  The praise this work procures him from the Learned, 15
+  His management with the booksellers, ibid
+  Translates into latin the Limneu[Greek: retiche] of Stevin, 16
+  Publishes an edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, 16
+  Compliments he received on it from several men of learning, 17
+  Cultivates poetry, 18
+  His prosopopoeia of the town of Ostend, ibid
+  His tragedies, and their success, 19
+  Opinion of the learned concerning his poetical talents, ibid
+  Edition of his poems, 20
+  His own thoughts of them in the latter part of his life, 21
+  Nominated Historiographer of the United Provinces, ibid
+  Henry IV. has thoughts of making him his librarian, 22
+  Applies to the bar, 23
+  His method of pleading, ibid
+  Takes a dislike to this occupation, ibid
+  Appointed advocate general of the provinces of Holland and Zealand,
+    23, 24
+  His marriage, 24
+  His book of the freedom of the ocean, ibid
+  His own thoughts of this work, 26
+  His book De antiquitate Reipublicae Batavicae, 27
+  Nominated pensionary of Rotterdam, 28
+  Contracts an intimacy with Barnevelt, 29
+  Makes a voyage to England, about the Greenland fishery, 29
+  Nominated commissioner in this affair, 30
+  Is graciously received by king James I., 31
+  The great friendship he contracts with Casaubon, ibid
+  His esteem for that learned man, ibid
+  A grand question decided by the States of Holland according to
+    Grotius's opinion, 33, 34
+  The method of study sent by him to Du Maurier, 35
+  His elogium of Arminius, 41
+  He declares for his doctrine, ibid
+  The remonstrance of the Arminians drawn up in concert with him, 45
+  He and Barnevelt have the sole direction of what the States do in this
+    affair, 47
+  Rise of count Maurice's enmity to him, 50
+  Deputed by the States to the town of Amsterdam, 50
+  His speech on that occasion, 51
+  The bad success of his negotiation throws him into a fit of illness,
+    53, 54
+  His scheme for a coalition proves ineffectual, 54, 55
+  Deputed to Utrecht, 56
+  Arrested by order of prince Maurice, 58
+  The crimes he is accused of by his enemies, 59
+  His prosecution, and sentence, 66
+  Rotterdam interests itself for him in vain, ibid
+  Hard-heartedness and rage of his enemies, 66 et seq.
+  His condemnation, and its grounds, 68
+  Confutes them, and complains of his sentence, 72
+  Irregularity of his sentence, 73
+  Is removed to the fortress of Louvestein, 74
+  His employment in prison, 75
+  Makes his escape, 78
+  His Apology for the States of Holland against Sibrand Lubert, 79
+  Publishes another work concerning predestination and grace, 84
+  Prints the decree of the States, and its defence, ibid
+  His treatise De imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra, 85
+  Writes against Socinus, 86
+  Censure it draws upon him, ibid
+  Publishes a tract, proving that the Arminians are not Pelagians, 87
+  His work on destiny, ibid
+  He arrives at Paris, 89
+  Ill offices which the States do him by their ambassadors in France,
+    ibid
+  Has no reason to speak well of the ministers of Charenton, 90
+  Epigrams occasioned by his arrival in France, 91
+  The court grants him a pension, 93
+  A report spread of his going to change his religion, 95
+  His employment at Paris, 96
+  His opinion of the eloquence of the advocates of those times, 96
+  Publishes his Apology, 97
+  Its contents, 98
+  It is condemned by the States, who proscribe the author, 99, 100
+  His uneasiness on this subject, 100
+  Taken by the French king under his protection, 101
+  The connections he still keeps up in Holland, 102
+  Corresponds by letters with prince Henry Frederic of Nassau, 102
+  Publishes his Stobeus, 103,
+    and his extract of the Greek tragedies and comedies, 104
+  Begins his work De jure belli ac pacis, 105
+  Is taken ill, 106
+  Publishes a translation of Euripides's Phoenissae, 106
+  Writes in vain to prince Henry Frederic of Nassau to obtain leave to
+    return to Holland, 107
+  Publishes his treatise De jure belli ac pacis, 108
+  Purposes to leave France, 113
+  A place offered him in Denmark, which he refuses, 115
+  His conference with cardinal Richelieu, by whom great hopes are given
+    him, 116
+  Grotius returns to Holland, 118
+  Gains an important law-suit, 120
+  Disgusts he receives, 121
+  Is again outlawed by the States, 121
+  Leaves Holland, and goes to Hamburg, 125
+  Refuses a pension from France, 127
+  His thoughts on the education of children, 129
+  His first acquaintance with Salvius, 130
+  Is courted by several princes, 131
+  Is desirous of a reconciliation with Holland, 133
+  The high Chancellor Oxensteirn sends for him, ibid
+  His veneration for the great Gustavus, ibid
+  Goes to Oxensteirn at Francfort, 136
+  Is nominated ambassador from Sweden to France, ibid
+  His public declaration that he ought no longer to be looked on as a
+    Dutchman, 137
+  His journey to and arrival in France, 141
+  Objections made to his nomination, 142
+  His public entry into Paris, 143
+  His first audience of the king, 144
+  Renews his acquaintance with the Prince of Conde, 145
+  His conference with Boutillier and father Joseph concerning the treaty
+    concluded in France with the envoys of the allies, 147
+  Another conference on the same subject with cardinal Richelieu, 150
+  His discussions with the ministers of Charenton, 154
+  Resolves to have divine service celebrated in his own house, 156, 157
+  His several journeys to court, and negotiations with the ministers,
+    158 et seq.
+  His audiences of the cardinal, 162, 164, 167
+  Abstains from visiting his eminence, 170
+  Becomes odious to the court, 172
+  Accused of being a pensioner of France, 174
+  Disgusts he receives, 175
+  Is uneasy about the payment of his salary, 178
+  The Venetian ambassador contends with him for precedency, 179
+  Opposes the Swedes sending plenipotentiaries to the congress of
+    Cologn, 181
+  His dispute with Godefroy concerning the right of precedency between
+    France and Sweden, 182
+  Another dispute with the Venetian ambassador, 183
+  His explanation with the earl of Leicester in relation to the
+    precedency of England and Sweden, 186
+  Several audiences which he has of the king, 189
+  Compliments the queen on her pregnancy, 196
+  His conversation with the prince of Conde, 200
+  His negotiation with Chavigny concerning the truce that was proposed,
+    ibid
+  Smalz's bad behaviour to him, 204
+  Is in great danger of his life, 207
+  His compliments to the king and queen on the birth of the Dauphin, 210
+  His esteem for the duke of Weymar, 215
+  Labours to obtain the elector Palatine's liberty, and succeeds, 218
+  He negotiates the exchange of marshal Horn for John de Vert, 225
+  The share he has in the renewal of the alliance between France and
+    Sweden, 228
+  His small regret for the death of cardinal Richelieu, 230
+  Visits not cardinal Mazarine, 231
+  His audience of the queen mother, ibid
+  The regency of Sweden are instigated against him, 232
+  The distaste he takes to his embassy, ibid
+  Desires be recalled, which request is readily granted, 233, 234
+    The gracious letter queen Christina writes to him on that subject,
+      234
+  His departure for Stockholm, 235
+  Honours he receives by the way, 236
+  His reception in Sweden, 237
+  He asks leave to retire, ibid
+  His departure from Stockholm, ibid
+  Anecdote concerning his last audience of the queen, 238
+  Conjectures to which his departure gave rise, 238
+  His arrival at Rostock, and his death, 239
+  Reports spread in relation to it, 241
+  His epitaph by himself, 244
+  His portrait, ibid
+  His embassy did not interrupt his literary labours, 244
+  He again cultivates Poetry, 245
+  His notes on Tacitus, 246
+  On Statius, ibid
+  On Lucan, ibid
+  His Anthologia, 247
+  His prodigious readiness at writing, 251
+  His history of the antiquity of the Goths, 252
+  The account he gives of this work to the high chancellor, ibid.
+  His annals of the Low Countries, 256
+  His treatise of the truth of the christian religion, 259
+  Is accused, on account of this book, of Socinianism, 260
+  His defence, ibid
+  His Florum sparsio ad jus Justinianeum, 263
+  His Commentary on the scriptures, 264
+  His esteem for father Petau, 266
+  His writings on Antichrist, 269
+  The many enemies they stir up against him, 270
+  His treatise of faith and good works, 273
+  His Via ad pacem ecclesiasticam, ibid
+  Expects his reward from posterity, ibid
+  His writings against Rivetus, 274
+  His other theological works, ibid
+  His treatise of the origin of the Americans, 275
+  His history of the siege of Grolla, 277.
+  His Introduction to the laws of Holland, ibid
+  His other writings, ibid
+  His translation of the Supplicantes of Euripides, 278
+  Manuscripts he left at his death, ib. et seq.
+  His Letters, and their praise, 279
+  Why censured, and for what esteemed, 280, 281
+  His circumspection with regard to the news he wrote to the high
+    Chancellor, 281
+  His sentiments in relation to the Jesuists, 282, 288
+  His veneration for antiquity, ibid
+  Leans towards the Roman Catholics, 284
+  His elogium of pope Urbin VIII., ibid
+  His disesteem of the reformers, ibid
+  Disapproves of the separation of the protestants, 286
+  Indignation with which he speaks of Calvin, 285, 287
+  Is a partisan of the Hierarchy and the pope's supremacy, 288
+  Entertains hopes of reuniting christians, 290
+  His sentiments concerning the Eucharist, 291
+  A kind of formula proposed by him in relation to it, 292
+  Justifies the decision of the council of Trent concerning the number
+    of sacraments, 294
+  His sentiments on several other controverted points, ibid.
+  His fondness for the works of the apostolic fathers, 297
+  What order of Monks he most esteemed, 299
+  In what manner he speaks of the council of Trent, ibid
+  What has been said of his disposition to turn Roman Catholic, 300
+  His connections with father Petau, ibid
+  His religion problematical, 301
+  His project of reuniting all christians, 302
+  Proposes to Lewis XIII. to pacify the differences which prevailed in
+    Christendom, 304
+  What encouraged him in this project, 306
+  Flatters himself with being supported by cardinal Richelieu, 307, 312
+  His letter on this subject to baron Oxensteirn, 307
+  Communicates to his father his project of a coalition, 309
+  The shortest way which he proposed of bringing it about, 310
+  Entertains hopes of success, 311
+  His connection with father Petau on this occasion, 313
+  The enemies which this design raised up to him, 314
+  It embroils him with Salmasius and several others, ibid
+  He becomes suspicious and peevish, 317
+  Is accused of socinianism, 318
+  His vindication from this charge, 319
+  His letters to Crellius, 321
+  Is accused of being a Semi-pelagian, 325
+  Other accusations brought against him, ibid.
+  Elogiums and opinions of the learned concerning him, 326
+  Medals struck in honour of him, 337
+  His regard for the church of England, 338
+  Plan of study sent by him to William Grotius, 357
+  Altercation between them, 360.
+
+Grotius, William, prints his brother's poems, 20
+  Grotius directs his studies, 357
+  His verses on the Decalogue, 358
+  The confidence which his brother places in him, ibid
+  His marriage, 359
+  Is a successful pleader, ibid
+  His Lives of the advocates, ibid
+  Refuses the place of pensionary of Delft, ibid.
+  The East India Company chuse him for their advocate, 360
+  His altercation with his brother, 360
+  His book on the Law of Nature, 361
+  The merit of this work, ibid.
+
+Grotius, Mary, second daughter of Grotius, her death, 356
+  Grotius's letter to his father on that occasion, ibid.
+
+Grotius, Peter, advice given him by his father with regard to his method
+of pleading, 23
+  What he relates concerning his father's Annals of the Low-Countries,
+    259
+  His bad state of health while a child, and his studies, 341
+  His uncertainty what course of life to follow, 344
+  Applies to the study of the law, 346
+  Uneasiness which his irresolution gives his father, ibid
+  His marriage, 347
+  The edition which he purposed to publish of his father's works, ibid
+  Enters into the service of the elector Palatine, 348
+  Is nominated pensionary of Amsterdam, ibid
+  Rise of his displeasure against France, ibid.
+  Goes ambassador to Stockholm, 349
+  His great knowledge of men, 349
+  Is made pensionary of Rotterdam, and nominated ambassador from
+    Holland to France, 350
+  Success of his embassy, ibid
+  Involved in the disgrace of the De Wits, 351
+  Arrested and acquitted, ibid
+  His death, 352
+  His elogium by Vicquefort, ibid.
+
+Gustavus, king of Sweden, Grotius great veneration for that prince, 133
+  His esteem for Grotius, 135
+  Purposes to engage him in his service, ibid
+  Gives orders before his death for employing him in the Swedish
+    ministry, ibid
+  The value he set upon his treatise of War and Peace, ibid.
+
+
+H.
+
+Heemskerke, Elselinga, her family, and marriage with Hugo de Groot, 2
+  Her children, ibid.
+
+Heinsius, Daniel, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7
+  His Aristarchus Sacer, 264
+  The rival and secret enemy of Grotius, ibid
+  Ill success of his commentary on the New Testament, 266
+  Grotius's management of him, ibid.
+  Verses by Heinsius to be put under Grotius's picture, 330.
+
+Heinsius, Nicholas, 18, 351.
+
+Henry IV., the reception given by him to Grotius, 11.
+
+Hoffman, calls Grotius the Phoenix of his age, 334.
+
+Holland, the counts of, who was the first, 27
+  Their power and authority, ibid.
+
+Holland, the states of, their first regulation with regard to the
+Arminians and Gomarists, 41
+  They declare for a toleration, 46.
+  Their edict on this subject, 47
+  Authorise the magistrates of the towns to raise troops, 49
+  Deputation sent by them to the town of Amsterdam, and its success, 50,
+    57
+  Vain scheme prepared by them for a re-union, 54
+  Afraid of the holding of a national synod, why, 55
+  Deputation sent by them to Utrecht, on what occasion, 56
+  Consent to the holding of the synod of Dort, 60
+  Their complaints against the imprisonment of Barnevelt, and the rest,
+    61
+  They are accused of favouring Socinianism, 82
+  Their apology by Grotius, ibid.
+
+Holland, the grand pensionary of, his office, and power, 29.
+
+Hoogerbetz, pensionary of Leiden, deputed to Utrecht, on what occasion,
+56
+  Arrested by order of prince Maurice, 58
+  Is condemned to perpetual imprisonment, 73
+  Is removed to the fortress of Louvestein, 74
+  He comes out of prison, 107
+  His death, ibid.
+
+Horn, Marshal, made prisoner at the battle of Norlinguen, 139, 225
+  Grotius negotiates his exchange for John de Vert, 225.
+
+Houteville, the Abbe de, his opinion of Grotius's treatise of the truth
+of the christian religion, 263.
+
+Huet, his thoughts of the project of reuniting christians, 302.
+
+
+I.
+
+James I. king of England, the gracious reception he gives Grotius, 31
+  He approves of the project of that learned man and Casaubon for a
+    coalition of the Protestants and Roman Catholics, 33
+  Does not disapprove, upon the whole, of the edict published by the
+    States in the dispute between the Arminians and Gomarists, 49
+  What he finds fault with in it, ibid
+  Assistance given by him to his nephew the elector Palatine, 215.
+
+Jeannin, the president, writes a letter to Grotius, inviting him to
+France, 88
+  His friendship for him, 93.
+
+Images, Grotius's thoughts on the use of Images in churches, 294.
+
+Joseph, Father, a Capuchin, cardinal Richelieu's confident, 147
+  Confers with Grotius on the treaty concluded in France with the
+    ambassadors of the allies, ibid
+  Another conference between Grotius and the Cardinal, at which father
+    Joseph was present, 159
+  Confers with Grotius concerning the subsidies, 161
+  A warm opposer of Grotius, 173
+  Wants to be treated as a minister, ibid.
+
+Jurieu, his account of the circumstances attending Grotius's death, 241.
+
+
+L.
+
+Laet, John de, attacks Grotius's book on the origin of the Americans,
+275
+  Grotius's answer, and Laet's reply, 277.
+
+Laurent, James, Grotius advises him to read the works of Vincent de
+Lerins instead of Calvin's Institutions, 285
+  Reproaches Grotius with changing sides, 299.
+
+Ledenberg, secretary of the city of Utrecht, arrested by order of prince
+Maurice, 57
+  Makes away with himself in prison, 60.
+
+Lehman, his elogium of Grotius, 334.
+
+Leicester, earl of, made governor and lieutenant general of the United
+Provinces, 9
+  Makes a bad use of his power, ibid
+  Sent ambassador extraordinary to France, 171
+  ordered not to visit cardinal Richelieu, ibid
+  His conference with Grotius, concerning the precedency of the English
+    and Swedes, 186
+  Solicits the elector Palatine's liberty, 217
+  Negotiation with Grotius on that subject, 218.
+
+Limneu[Greek: retiche], the design of that work, and its author, 16
+  Translated by Grotius into latin, ibid.
+
+Linchovius, hinders Peter Grotius from being made Greffier of Amsterdam,
+347.
+
+Lipsius, Justus, John de Groot studies under him, 3
+  Lipsius's esteem for him, ibid
+  Letter which he writes to him, ibid
+  His commendation of Grotius's edition of Aratus, 17
+  His opinion of the tragedy entitled Adamus exsul, 19.
+
+Lewis XIII. in vain solicits a pardon for Barnevelt and his associates,
+63
+  Grants Grotius a pension on his arrival in France, 94
+  Out of regard to him takes under his protection such as were condemned
+    in Holland, 94
+  Takes Grotius under his special protection, 101
+  The treatise of war and peace dedicated to him, 109
+  Grotius proposes to him the pacification of the differences among the
+    churches, 304.
+
+Lewis XIV. the confederation which he expresses for Peter Grotius, 349.
+
+Low Countries, Grotius's Annals of the, 256
+  Baillet's opinion of this book, 258.
+
+Lubert, Sibrand, writes against Vossius and the States of Holland, 82
+  Is confuted by Grotius, ibid
+  His answer to this confutation, 84.
+
+Lusson, preceptor to Grotius, 6.
+
+Lusson, William de, his endeavours to serve Grotius, 126
+  The latter's acknowledgments to him, 127.
+
+
+M.
+
+Malherbe, translates into French verse Grotius's Prosopopoeia of the
+town of Ostend, 19.
+
+Mallet, what he says in his book on atheism of Grotius's religion, 325.
+
+Manassah Ben Israel, Grotius's particular esteem for that Jew, 264
+
+Mazarine, cardinal, made prime minister, 230, 231
+  Grotius does not visit him, ibid.
+
+Meibomius, his elogium of Grotius, 334.
+
+Menage, his epigram on the diversity of sentiments concerning Grotius's
+religion, 302
+  In what terms he speaks of that learned man's merit, 327.
+
+Menagiana, anecdote related in it concerning Grotius's last audience of
+queen Christina, 238
+  What it says of his death, 241
+  And of father Petau's thoughts of Grotius's disposition to turn
+    Catholic, 301.
+
+Mercoeur, the duke de, styled by Grotius the most learned of all the
+princes, 144
+  His adventures, ibid.
+
+Meursius, his high commendation of Grotius when very young, 7, 326.
+
+Mombas, John Barthon viscount of, driven out France, 349, 357.
+  Marries Cornelia, Grotius's eldest daughter, and is obliged to leave
+    Holland, 357.
+
+Morhof, calls Grotius the phoenix of his age, 334.
+
+
+N.
+
+Nassau, prince Henry Frederic of, corresponds by letters with Grotius,
+102
+  Succeeds count Maurice his brother in the post of Stadtholder, 107
+  He enters not into the projects against the Arminians, ibid
+  Approves of the proceedings of the states general against Grotius,
+    123.
+
+Nassau, count Maurice of, rise of his hatred against Grotius and
+Barnevelt, 50
+  Declares for the Gomarists, ibid
+  The project of re-union rejected by him, 55
+  Causes Barnevelt, Grotius, and Hoogerbetz to be arrested, 58
+  Persecutes the Arminians, 59
+  Is offended at the court of France for protecting Barnevelt and the
+    other prisoners, 64.
+
+
+O.
+
+Ocean, contents of Grotius's treatise on the freedom of the ocean, 24
+  The several answers to it, 26.
+
+Oldemburg, his elogium of Grotius, 334.
+
+Orange, William prince of, his death, 8
+  What confusion it occasions in the United Provinces, ibid.
+
+Ostend, Prosopopoeia of that town, written by Grotius, 18
+  The great character of this piece, ibid.
+
+Overchie, Alida, her marriage with John de Groot, 4
+  Her family, ibid
+  Her death, ibid.
+
+Oxensteirn, high Chancellor of Sweden, sends for Grotius, 133
+  Is his patron at Gustavus's court, 135
+  Nominated regent of Sweden during the minority of queen Christina,
+    ibid
+  Opposes the treaty made with France by the envoys of the allies, 147
+  His journey to France and arrival at court, 151
+  Makes a new treaty with the french king, 153
+  His satisfaction with Grotius's preface to his history of the
+    antiquity of the Goths, 255.
+
+Oxensteirn, Benedict, a relation of the high Chancellor, sent to France
+by king Gustavus, 134
+  Esteem which he conceives for Grotius, ibid.
+
+
+P.
+
+Patin, Guy, what he says of the manner of Grotius's death, 242
+  His elogium of that learned man, 333.
+
+Patiniana, what it says of Grotius's pretended inclination to judaism,
+325.
+
+Pau, ambassador from Holland to France, at a loss how to behave to
+Grotius, 144
+  The ill offices which he doth him, 173
+
+Petau, Father, Grotius's esteem for him, 266
+  Sends him his commentary on the Gospels, ibid
+  His connection with Grotius, 300
+  Says mass for his soul, 301
+  The account he gives of his first acquaintance with that learned man,
+    313.
+
+Peyresc, Nicholas, visits Grotius on his arrival at Paris, 90
+  Sets him about writing the treatise of war and peace, 108
+  Services which he did him when compiling his annals of the Low
+    Countries, 259
+  His esteem for him from his youth, 327.
+
+Pontanus, Isaac, his elogium of Grotius when a boy, 7, 326.
+
+Pope, Grotius maintains and proves his supremacy, 288.
+
+Provinces, United, state of their affairs at Grotius's birth, 7
+  Embassy sent by them to Henry III. of France, ibid
+  refuse to make peace with Spain, 10
+  Embassy sent by them on that subject to Henry IV., ibid
+  Refuse the truce offered them, 11
+  Nominate Grotius to be their historiographer, 21
+  See Dutch.
+
+Puffendorf, allows that little remained to be said after what Grotius
+had written of war and peace, 110.
+
+
+Q.
+
+Quistorpius, John, minister of Rostock, assisted Grotius at his death,
+239
+  Relation which he gives of it, ibid.
+
+
+R.
+
+Reigersberg, Grotius's brother-in-law, troubles which Grotius's enemies
+endeavoured to stir up to him, 119
+  Blondius's ill treatment of him, 317.
+
+Reigersberg, Mary, her birth, 24
+  Her marriage to Grotius, and her elogium, ibid
+  Is denied permission to continue with him, even to see him, or speak
+    with him during his imprisonment, 59, 66
+  Obtains liberty to see him in his prison at Louvestein, 74
+  The means she made use of to obtain his liberty, 78
+  Is confined, but afterwards discharged, 80, 81
+  Comes to her husband at Paris, 93
+  Her journey to Zealand, and return, 105
+  Goes to her husband at Francfort, 136
+  Waits on the french queen to compliment her on her pregnancy, 196
+  Her answer to Salmasius's slanders against her husband, 337
+  Professes the religion of the church of England, 338
+  Her death, ibid.
+
+Religion, Grotius first composes in Dutch verse his treatise of the
+truth of the christian religion, 76
+  Afterwards publishes it in latin, 259
+  The general approbation, and several translations of this work, 259,
+    260
+  Accusation brought against the author on account of it, 260
+  A new edition of it with additions, 262
+  The opinion of the learned concerning this performance, ibid.
+
+Remonstrants, see Arminians.
+
+Renaudot, publishes an article in his Gazette which gives offence to
+Grotius, 186.
+
+Richelieu, cardinal, seems to blame the conduct of Mess. de Luynes with
+regard to Barnevelt's death, 66
+  Nominated prime minister, 116
+  Confers with Grotius, ibid
+  Gives him great hopes, ibid
+  His stratagem to make the Swedes comply with his desires, 149
+  Is unwilling the high Chancellor should come to France, 151
+  Makes a new treaty with him, 153
+  The English dispute the privileges of his cardinalship, 170
+  He purposes to take Brisac out of the duke of Weymar's hands, 213
+  His uneasiness at not gaining that prince, ibid
+  Is suspected of contributing to cut him off, 214
+  The death of the cardinal, 230
+  Gives orders that Grotius's works may be printed without passing the
+    examination of the censors, 266
+  Grotius flatters himself without reason that the cardinal will favour
+    his project of re-uniting christians, 312
+  The cardinal ranks Grotius among the three most learned men of his
+    age, 330
+
+Rights of war and peace, the author's view in writing this book, 109
+  Barbeyrac's commendation of it, 110
+  Translations of it, 110, 111
+  Its defects, 112
+  Put into the Index Expurgatorius at Rome, 113.
+
+Rivetus, how he treats Grotius with regard to his writings in favour of
+a coalition, 274
+  Grotius's answer, ibid.
+
+Ruarus, his opinion of Grotius's writings on Antichrist, 271
+  His judgment of Grotius's scheme for a coalition, 316.
+
+
+S.
+
+St. Chaumont, the marquis, sent ambassador from the French king into
+Germany, 164
+  Is disliked by Grotius, ibid
+  Is ordered to demand Grotius's recall, 172.
+
+Saints, Grotius's opinion of the invocation of Saints, 295.
+
+Salvius, vice-chancellor of Sweden, the esteem he conceives for Grotius,
+135
+  Advantageous report which he makes of him to the high chancellor,
+    ibid.
+
+Sandes, translates Grotius's tragedy, entitled Christus Patiens, into
+English verse, 19.
+
+Sarrau, his friendship for Grotius, 315
+  Rise of their quarrel, ibid
+  Rank which Sarrau assigns Grotius in the republic of letters, 316, 332
+  How he speaks of him after his death, 332.
+
+Salmasius, his opinion of Grotius's poems, 20
+  Speaks with contempt of his treatise of the rights of war and peace,
+    111
+  His character, ibid
+  He communicates to Grotius his corrections of the Anthologia, 247
+  A coldness between him and Grotius, 285
+  Rise of their difference, 315
+  In what manner he spoke of Grotius during their friendship, 334
+  The letter, in which he cruelly treats that learned man's memory, 335
+  The answer of Grotius's wife to it, 337.
+
+Scaliger, Joseph, is looked upon as the dictator of the republic of
+letters, 6
+  Directs Grotius's studies, ibid
+  Engages him to publish a new edition of Martianus Capella, 4
+  His encomium of Grotius's edition of the Phoenomena of Aratus, 17
+  His testimony in Grotius's favour, with regard to the Prosopopoeia of
+    the town of Ostend, 18
+  His thoughts of his poetical talents, 19.
+
+Schmalz, 202
+  Ill offices which he does Grotius, 204
+  Grotius complains of him to the High Chancellor, ibid
+  Schmalz's quarrel with Crusius, 205
+  He continues to injure Grotius, 206
+  His return to Sweden, ibid
+  Sequel of his adventures, 207.
+
+Scriptures, holy, studied by Grotius at all times, 97
+  His commentary on them, 264
+  Opinion of the learned concerning it, 268 et seq.
+
+Seguier, chancellor, the affront he put upon Grotius, 175, 227
+  The difficulties he throws in his way with regard to the printing his
+    commentary on the New Testament, 267.
+
+Selden, his Mare clausum, on what occasion it was composed, 26
+  The instance he gives of the rage of Grotius's enemies against him,
+    67.
+
+Servien, secretary at war, is visited by Grotius, 160
+  Promises him his good offices in the affairs he recommended to him,
+    161.
+
+Sibrand, See Lubert.
+
+Silleri, chancellor, his irresolution, 100
+  Grotius thinks of dedicating his Stobaeus to him, 104.
+
+Simon, his opinion of Grotius's Commentary on the Bible, 268
+
+Sophomphaneus, a tragedy by Grotius, 19, 130.
+
+Soul, Grotius falsly accused of disbelieving its immortality, 326.
+
+States General, entirely devoted to prince Maurice, 55
+  Convene the synod of Dort, ibid
+  Disband the new levies, 56
+  The placard issued by them in relation to the imprisonment of
+    Barnevelt and the others, 58
+  The ill offices they do Grotius by their ambassadors on his arrival at
+    Paris, 89
+  Condemn his Apology, and proscribe him, 95
+  The new ordinance which they publish against him, 123.
+
+Statius, Grotius's notes on that poet, 246.
+
+Stobeus, the subject and use of his work, 103
+  Grotius gives a new edition of it, ibid
+  A copy of it found with notes in Grotius's hand writing, 104.
+
+Swedes, state of their affairs when Grotius entered into their service,
+137
+  Their defeat at the battle of Nordlinguen, 139
+  The assistance they received from Lewis XIII., ibid
+  Discussions between them and France, 146
+  The difficulties they make about the treaty concluded with that crown
+    by the envoys of the allies, 147
+  Grotius diverts them from sending plenipotentiaries to the congress at
+    Cologn, 181
+  Their dispute with the English for precedency, 184
+  Consternation into which they are thrown by the death of the duke of
+    Weymar, 215
+  Renew their alliance with France, 228.
+
+
+T.
+
+Tacitus, Grotius's notes on that historian, 246.
+
+Thou, the president de, Grotius's esteem and veneration for him, 11
+  Their correspondence together, 12
+  The friendship which that magistrate expresses for Grotius, ibid
+  Grotius's elogium of him, 13
+  His approbation of Grotius's edition of Martianus Capella, 15
+  commends his edition of Aratus's Phoenomena, 17.
+
+Thou, Francis de, son of the president, generously gives Grotius the use
+of his library, 105
+  His visit to him on his arrival in France in the character of Swedish
+    ambassador, 141.
+
+Trent, council of, its decision concerning the number of sacraments
+defended by Grotius, 293
+  Respect with which he spoke of that council, 299.
+
+
+V.
+
+Valois, M. what he says of Grotius's connection with father Petau, and
+his disposition to turn Roman Catholic, 300.
+
+Vassor, character of that historian, 281
+  His judgment of Grotius's letters, ibid.
+
+Venice, its ambassador disputes with Grotius for precedency, 179
+  another discussion between them, 183
+
+Vert, John de, made prisoner by the duke of Weymar, 194
+  Is exchanged for marshal Horne, 227.
+
+Voetius, attacks Grotius's treatise of the truth of the christian
+religion, 260
+  Grotius's opinion of his criticism, ibid.
+
+Vondel, a famous Dutch poet, translates Grotius's tragedy of Joseph into
+Dutch, 19
+  His conjectures concerning Grotius's departure from Stockholm, 238.
+
+Vossius, Gerard, his encomium of Grotius on occasion of his edition of
+Martianus Capella, 15
+  His opinion of the tragedy of Joseph, 19
+  His thoughts of his poetical talents, 20
+  Grotius gives him an account of his studies while in prison, 75
+  His commendation of Grotius's Apology against Sibrand Lubert, 84
+  The pains he took to keep Grotius in Holland, 122
+  His letter, containing that learned man's reasons for returning
+    thither, 124
+  The value he set upon Grotius's notes on Lucan, 246
+  Grotius complains of his too great timidity, 270
+  His poem in honour of Grotius, 328.
+
+Vossius, Isaac, inherits his father's esteem for Grotius, 248
+  Offers him his service for his literary commissions, 249
+  Superintends the printing of the Anthologia, 250.
+
+Urbin VIII., 180
+  His elogium by Grotius, 284
+  Gives the cardinals the title of Most eminent, 334.
+
+Utengobard, prepares the remonstrance delivered to the States by the
+Arminians, 45
+  The esteem with which he speaks of Grotius, 328.
+
+Vulcanus Bonaventura, his encomium of Grotius on occasion of his edition
+of Aratus's Phoenomena, 17.
+
+
+W.
+
+Wallaeus, Antony, letters written to him by Grotius, concerning his
+religious sentiments, 282, 283.
+
+Weymar, duke of, confidence which he placed in Grotius, 215
+
+Wicquefort, his encomium of Grotius, 333
+  In what manner he speaks of Peter Grotius his son, 352.
+
+Witt, the grand pensionary de, advises Peter Grotius to prefer the place
+of pensionary of Rotterdam to that of ambassador at the court of France,
+350.
+
+
+
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