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The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume
XIV., 1606-1609, by Various

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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898: Volume XIV., 1606-1609
       Explorations By Early Navigators, Descriptions Of The
       Islands And Their Peoples, Their History And Records Of
       The Catholic Missions, As Related In Contemporaneous Books
       And Manuscripts, Showing The Political, Economic, Commercial
       And Religious Conditions Of Those Islands From Their
       Earliest Relations With European Nations To The Close Of
       The Nineteenth Century

Author: Various

Editor: Emma Helen  Blair and James Alexander Robertson

Release Date: November 19, 2005 [EBook #15445]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ASCII

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS ***




Produced by Jeroen Hellingman & the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team







				   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
	as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
					close of the nineteenth century,

						 Volume XIV, 1606-1609


 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
								Bourne.





CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIV



    Preface	9
    Documents of 1605

	    Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuna, and
	    others; Manila, July 1-4	   29
	    Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuna, and others;
	    Manila, July 4 and 5 38
	    Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuna, Manila, July 1-15 53

    Documents of 1606

	    The Dominican mission of 1606. Diego Aduarte, O.P.,
	    and others; 1604-06     81
	    The Dutch factory at Tidore. Joan ----; Tidore, March
	    16	  112
	    The Sangley insurrection of 1603. Miguel Rodriguez de
	    Maldonado; Sevilla, 1606	  119
	    Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Telles de Almacan,
	    and others; Manila, July 6	    140
	    Letter from the fiscal to Felipe III. Rodrigo Diaz Guiral;
	    Manila, July     149
	    The Terrenate expedition. Council of the Indias; San
	    Lorenzo, August 5 and 15	   173
	    Decree establishing a way-station for Philippine vessels
	    on the California coast. Felipe III; San Lorenzo el Real,
	    August 19	     182
	    Chinese immigration in the Philippines. Pedro Munoz de
	    Herrera, and others; July-November	 189
	    Letter to Acuna. Felipe III; Ventosilla, November 4 193

    Documents of 1607

	    Petition for a grant to the Jesuit seminary in
	    Leyte. Madrid, January 18	 199
	    Artillery at Manila in 1607. Alonso de Biebengud; Manila,
	    July 6    201
	    Letter from Audiencia to Felipe III, on the Confraternity
	    of La Misericordia. Pedro Hurtado Desquivel; Manila,
	    July 11	 208
	    Trade of the Philippines with Mexico. Madrid, December
	    18	 214
	    Passage of missionaries via the Philippines to Japan. Conde
	    de Lemos, and others; Madrid, 1606-07   218

    Documents of 1608-09

	    Annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine
	    government. Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca; Manila, Aug. 18,
	    1608 243
	    Decrees regarding way-station for Philippine
	    vessels. Felipe III; [Aranjuez.], September 27, 1608,
	    and San Lorenzo, May 13, 1609    270
	    Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; May 26 and July 29,
	    1609      278
	    Expeditions to the province of Tuy. Juan Manuel de la Vega;
	    Passi, July 3, 1609     281
	    Petition of a Filipino chief for redress. Miguel Banal;
	    Quiapo, July 25, 1609	327
	    Despatch of missionaries to the Philippines. Diego Aduarte,
	    and others; [1608-09?]	 330

    Bibliographical Data	339




ILLUSTRATIONS


    Aqvapolqve (view of harbor of Acapulco, Mexico); photographic
    facsimile of engraving in Levinus Hulsius's _Eigentliche uund
    wahrhaftige Beschreibung_ (Franckfurt am Mayne, M. DC. XX), p. 60;
    from copy in library of Harvard University	      103
    View of Japanese champan; photographic facsimile of engraving in
    T. de Bry's _Peregrinationes_, 1st ed. (Amsterdame, 1602), tome
    xvi, no. iv--"Voyage faict entovr de l'univers par Sr. Olivier
    dv Nort"--p. 42; from copy in Boston Public Library        223




PREFACE


The documents here presented range from 1605 to 1609. Many of them
concern the Chinese revolt of 1603 and its results, of which much
apprehension still exists; but the threatened danger passes away, and
the ordinances excluding the Sangleys from the islands are so relaxed
that soon the Parian is as large as in 1603. The usual difficulties
between the ecclesiastical and the secular authorities continue; and
to the religious orders represented in the islands is added a new one,
that of the discalced Augustinians, or Recollects. Acuna conducts an
expedition to drive out the Dutch from the Moluccas, and soon afterward
dies. Various commercial restrictions hinder the prosperity of the
islands; and the new fiscal, Guiral, complains of various illegal
and injurious proceedings on the part of officials. The expenses of
government are nearly double the amount of the revenues. The province
of Cagayan is explored by certain private adventurers, attracted by
the prospect of gold-mines.

In July, 1605, several letters of complaint against the archbishop
of Manila are sent to the king, Acuna writes that Benavides is
arrogant and self-willed, and quarrels with everyone; and suggests
that hereafter bishops for the islands be selected more carefully. The
provincial and other high officials of the Augustinian order state that
the archbishop's rash utterances had much to do with precipitating
the Chinese insurrection, and that his quarrels with the governor
are unnecessary and notorious--moreover, he opposes their order
in every way; and they ask the king to interpose his authority and
restrain Benavides. At the same time the Audiencia complain that he
interferes with their proceedings, treats them with little respect,
and assumes precedence of them to which he is not entitled.

Interesting documents of similar date touch on the relations of the
colony with the Chinese. The archbishop appeals to the Audiencia,
in memorials presented June 10 and 13, to accede to the demands of
the Chinese emperor by making restitution to the Chinese merchants for
property of theirs left in Manila at the time of the insurrection and
sold by the Spaniards; and by sending back to their own country those
Chinese survivors of the revolt who were sentenced to the galleys. The
letter sent to Acuna in March, 1605, by a Chinese official is now
answered by the governor (apparently at the beginning of July). He
blames the Portuguese of Macao for not having delivered the letters
to Chinese officials which he wrote after the Sangley insurrection
of 1603; and claims that the Chinese slain therein were themselves
to blame for their deaths. To maintain this position, he cites the
kindness with which the Chinese in the islands were treated by the
Spaniards; and declares that they revolted without provocation, and
killed or abused many Spaniards and Indians, and that the survivors
were punished with great leniency. He sends a part of the money due to
Chinese merchants who owned property in the islands, and promises to
send the rest next year. A letter from one of the auditors at Manila
informs the king that the number of Chinese allowed to remain there
is now (1605) restricted to one thousand five hundred.

Letters from Acuna (July 1-15) to the king give his usual yearly
report of affairs. Reenforcements of troops have arrived from Mexico,
very opportunely for the expedition which Acuna is preparing for the
recovery of Ternate. He details these preparations, and the condition
of his troops and ships. He complains of the opposition which he has
encountered from the archbishop and the auditor Maldonado. Various
private persons have volunteered to go with him, carrying their
own provisions. He plans to leave Panay in February, 1606; and has
been informed that the Dutch are preparing a large fleet to drive
the Spaniards from the Maluco Islands, and to establish themselves
more firmly there than before. Acuna needs more money, to pay his
troops in the Maluco campaign; he asks for further supplies, urges
the desirability of cutting off the Dutch from their treasury of the
Spice Islands, and recommends a vigorous prosecution of hostilities
against them. He recommends better adjustment of the soldiers'
pay. In another letter Acuna reports the failure of this year's
trading voyage to Mexico, one of the ships being compelled to return
to port and the other being probably lost--which causes the utmost
distress and poverty in the islands. Acuna relates the non-residence
in the islands of Gabriel de Ribera, in consequence of which his
encomiendas have been taken from him and given to others. The Moro
pirates are apparently disposed to make peace, so Acuna is discussing
this with them; but he has little confidence in their promises, except
as he can inspire them with fear. The difficulties arising from the
slaughter of the Chinese in their revolt of 1603 have been a source
of much anxiety to the Spaniards; but these are in a fair way to be
settled. The fiscal, Salazar y Salcedo, has died; and the Audiencia
has appointed temporarily to that post Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, whom Acuna
highly commends. The governor complains that the archbishop has been
meddling with his appointments of chaplains for the galleys. He also
asks for money to maintain galleys for the defence of the islands. In
a third letter Acuna complains of the unjust and tyrannical conduct
of the auditor Maldonado, and asks for redress from the king. This
evil conduct has been especially noticeable in Maldonado's efforts
to secure the hand and property of a wealthy minor heiress.

A group of documents relating to the Dominican mission which reached
the islands in 1606 depict the difficulties, besides the long and
toilsome voyages, which the missionaries encountered on their journey
to the other side of the world. Diego Aduarte, one of the most noted
of the Dominican missionaries in the Far East, is in charge of a
reenforcement to go to the Philippines, and applies (at some time
in 1604) to the officials of the treasury in Spain for the money
necessary for their expenses in this journey; a grant for this is
made. He furnishes a list of the friars who are to go with him, with
the names of the convents that send them. In a document written by
Aduarte (January 20, 1605) he relates at length "the difficulties
of conducting religious to the Philippine Islands." The hardships
and perils of the long voyage daunt many at the start, and he who
is in charge of them must use great discretion in managing them. At
the court, he cannot get his documents without much importunity,
locomotion, and red tape, and long and tedious delays. The sum of
money allowed for the traveling expenses of the missionaries to
Sevilla is far too small; and, arriving there, they encounter more
red tape and delays. Besides, the amount granted for provisions on
the voyage is utterly insufficient, as is also the allowance for the
friars' support while waiting for the departure of the fleet. The
royal council requires that the list of missionaries be submitted
to it for approval which cannot well be done in the short time which
they spend at Sevilla; besides, they are unnecessarily annoyed by the
examination to which the council subjects them. Those who finally reach
the port of departure are confronted by extortionate demands for fees,
which are renewed in mid-ocean, and again on landing in Nueva Espana,
at Mexico, and at Acapulco; and at all these places, the missionaries
encounter afresh the annoyances and hindrances which had beset them
in Spain. Aduarte makes vigorous complaint about these difficulties,
and requests the government to make less rigorous rules and more
liberal allowances for the missionaries; this petition is partially
granted by the authorities.

While the Spanish expedition to the Moluccas is at Tidore, one of the
Dutch prisoners is interrogated (March 16, 1606), and his deposition
gives various interesting particulars as to the plans and actions
of the Dutch in the Spice Islands. He explains the treaty made by
them with the ruler of Tidore, the goods brought by the Dutch for
this trade, and their intention of establishing a colony in those
islands. Another account of the Chinese insurrection of 1603 is
here presented (at this point, because printed in 1606), written
by a soldier in the Philippines, but edited by one Maldonado. He
describes, in a plain and simple narrative, the circumstances of that
revolt; and many of these are not found in the official reports (see
_Vol_. XII). For instance, he relates that a great many religious
took part in the defence of Manila; he gives details of each battle
with the Chinese, and tells of their attacking the city with machines
which overtopped the walls; and describes the sack of the Parian,
the slaughter of the Chinese in the villages beyond, and the execution
of the ring-leaders. At the end of the narrative of the insurrection
some additional information is given. The governor sends an envoy to
China with the news of this tragic affair. The writer relates bits
of news which have come from China to Manila--of ravages occasioned
therein by floods, earthquakes, and a war with the Japanese.

In a letter dated July 6, 1606, the Audiencia informs Felipe III
of the death of Governor Acuna. New regulations for the commerce
of the islands have been received from Spain, of which complaints
are made. The amount of the Mexican trade has been limited to two
hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and the returns therefor to five
hundred thousand pesos; the citizens of the islands claim that this
restricts their profits too much, and that they should be permitted
to invest a larger sum. This liberty will tend to increase not only
their prosperity, but the number of new settlers in the islands. The
proposal to send on each ship from the islands fifty soldiers is
quite impracticable, as the ships are too small and crowded. Instead
of paying to the men and subordinate officers the salaries and wages
proposed by the government, it is better to continue the present system
of allowing each to do a little trading for himself. The auditors
recommend that some changes be made in the duties levied on goods,
which are onerous on the merchants.

By the same mail goes a letter from the new fiscal, reporting to the
king the condition of affairs in the islands. He complains that the
Sangreys are allowed to remain in Manila, and that this is done by
the Audiencia without heeding the remonstrances of the city officials
and himself. Many Chinese also come without registry, evading even
the slight restrictions heretofore imposed. Their number is steadily
increasing, and the Parian is now as large as it was when the revolt
occurred. He advises further and more severe restrictions on the
Chinese immigration. Guiral also notifies the king that the laws
regarding the succession to encomiendas are being constantly violated;
and recommends that all which are wrongly held shall be declared
vacant and be reassigned. The encomenderos resent his enforcement of
the royal decree that they should furnish to the priests who instruct
their Indians wine for celebrating mass. He recommends that the matter
of granting offices to small encomenderos be further examined. The
increase in extent and number of the cattle-farms near Manila causes
much damage to the Indians and Guiral recommends that these farms be
abandoned within a certain distance of all towns. The peaceful Pampango
Indians are frequently harassed by the head-hunting Zambales; the only
way to stop this is to allow the latter to be enslaved by anyone who
will capture them. Certain questions regarding the status of children
of slaves should now be settled. Guiral makes various recommendations
as to the sale of offices and the use of certain funds. The seminary
of Santa Potenciana recently lost its house by fire, which has since
been rebuilt; the king is asked to aid it. A public-spirited citizen
of Manila has established a hospital for Spanish women, and royal aid
is asked for this also. The hospital for Spaniards is not properly
cared for, and the king is asked to send over hospital brethren of
the Order of St. John of God. The guardians of minors often prove
unfit for such trust, and they should be called to account by the
Audiencia. Disputes having arisen over the rights and prerogatives
of the Audiencia in case of their succession _ad interim_ to the
government of the islands, Guiral asks for the royal decision of
such questions. The fiscal complains of the tyrannical conduct of
many friars, especially among the Augustinians, toward the Indians;
he has opposed this as much as possible, but asks further redress
from the king. The coming of the discalced Augustinians (Recollects)
has been a useful check on the other branch of that order, especially
on its arrogant provincial, Lorenzo de Leon--of whose unlawful acts
Guiral complains, and demands an investigation. He has obliged the
stray Indians about Manila to return to their native places; and he
asks that those who are retained for the service of the religious
orders shall be kept within the allotted number, and that the friars
be compelled to pay these servants fairly. The Audiencia has allowed
Gabriel de Ribera to resume his encomiendas, vacated by his illegal
absence from the islands; and the fiscal asks for correction of this
procedure. He advises the king to refuse the claims made by Figueroa's
heirs for release from the debts incurred by the conquest of Mindanao;
and states that Tello and Morga are the ones responsible for part
of these expenses, and for others which were paid from the royal
treasury by the Audiencia. Guiral ends by requesting permission to
leave the islands as soon as a permanent appointment to his office
of fiscal can be made.

Proceedings in the Council of the Indias (August 5 and 15, 1606)
deal with Acuna's effort to recover the Maluco Islands, from, the
Dutch, summarizing his letters of July 1-7, 1605, and recommending
the measures to be taken by the Spanish government in regard to
it. Later advices emphasize Acuna's statements as to the gravity
of the situation in the Spice Islands. The Council commend Acuna's
action, and advise the king to further his efforts and supply him
(from Mexico) with troops and money. The Council of State act thereon,
seconding these recommendations, and advising that the archbishop and
the Audiencia of Manila be warned not to meddle with affairs of war.

Of special interest to American readers is a royal decree (August 19,
1606) addressed to Governor Acuna, establishing "a way station for
Philippine vessels on the Californian coast". The king recounts the
results of Vizcaino's exploration on that coast in 1602, and the
advantages of Monterey as such station. It is believed that gold
abounds in that region, and that many other advantages would accrue
from a settlement there. The king appoints Monterey as a way-station
for the Philippine vessels, and Vizcaino as the commander of the
expedition to establish it; and directs Acuna to send with him two
men from the Philippines to learn all that is necessary about the
new station, so that they may command the next galleons from Manila.

The Chinese immigration to the islands continues, the official
statement for 1606 showing that over six thousand five hundred land at
Manila in that year. On November 4 following, Felipe III sends warning
to Acuna not to allow any more of them to remain than are necessary
for the service of the community. The king also writes a letter of the
same date to the governor, commending his action in sending troops to
defend Samar from the Moros, in reducing the expenses of government,
and in various other matters; and gives directions for rebuilding
the hospital and for certain other measures.

On January 18, 1607, the request of the Jesuits for confirmation of a
grant in aid of their seminary for the Indians in Leyte is approved by
the royal council. A report is made (July 6) by the chief of artillery,
showing the number and description of pieces which are mounted on
all the fortifications at Manila--in all eighty-three pieces, of
various sizes and power. At the king's command, the Audiencia furnish
(July 11) a statement of the aim, scope, and labors of the charitable
confraternity, La Misericordia, at Manila. It has one hundred and
fifty brethren; they have established and maintained a hospital for
women and a ward therein for slaves, besides their principal labors
for the succor of the poor and needy of all classes. They provide
food and water for the poor prisoners, aid to the inmates of Santa
Potenciana, and homes for orphan boys; and assist many transient
persons. They also settle many quarrels and reclaim dissolute persons.

The question of restricting trade between the Spanish colonies is
discussed by the Council of the Indias (December 18, 1607); they think
it necessary to restrict trade to some extent, but hesitate to take
too vigorous measures. At various times (1606-07) the Council of the
Indias deliberate on the question whether religious shall be permitted
to go to Japan via the Philippines. Certain objections to this are
stated (May 30, 1606); that the Japanese suspect the Spaniards of
desiring to conquer their country; that the constant flow of Mexican
silver to China should be stopped; that the Jesuits, who are already
established in Japan, desire to exclude the other orders from that
country; and that the Portuguese desire to keep out all Spaniards
from both Japan and China. The Council answer all these objections,
and recommend that religious be required to go to Japan via Manila,
but to embark there in Japanese, not Castilian, vessels. Ten months
later (March 31, 1607) the same matter is again brought forward; and,
as before, the Council of Portugal object to the entrance of Castilian
religious into Japan. The Council of the Indias oppose this view,
citing the profitable commerce of the Philippine Islands with Japan,
recently begun; the successful work of the religious orders there,
and the need of more missionaries in that broad field. They adhere to
their former opinion regarding the passage of the religious to Japan,
and recommend that the Philippines be allowed at least a moderate
trade with that country. Both these reports are discussed in the
Council of State (September 7 and December 20, 1607), where complaint
is made against the methods of the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; and
the king is advised to allow religious from other orders to enter
that field, and to prohibit trade from the Philippines to Japan,
The king thereupon requests from Rome the revocation of the briefs
obliging friars to go to Japan via India, and a new one placing this
matter in Felipe's hands.

An itemized statement of the "annual receipts and expenditures of
the Philippine government" (August 18, 1608) enumerates these. The
receipts comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenths
of gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and fines
from the courts. All these sources of income amount to over one
hundred and twenty thousand pesos. Then are mentioned, in order, the
expenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and other
local magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, and
others; supplies in the ship-yards, etc., and purchases for various
purposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churches
and missions. To these are added "extraordinary expenses:" the cost
of embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors of
tribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers;
and salaries to the wardens of forts. All these expenses amount to
over two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more than
twice as much as the income.

Felipe III writes to Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva Espana (September 27
1608), regarding the proposed way-station for Philippine vessels. After
summarizing a letter on this subject from Velasco's predecessor,
Montesclaros, the king approves the latter's advice to choose, as
such way-station, the islands called Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata
(afterward found to be fabulous) instead of Monterey; and orders
Velasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, the
enterprise to be conducted by Sebastian Vizcaino. Another decree (May
3, 1609) states that, as Velasco has not carried out this order, and
advices have been received that the said exploration and settlement
should be made from the Philippines, the king decides upon this
latter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands of
the governor of the islands. Letters from the king (May 26 and July
29) to Juan de Silva, the new governor of the islands, direct him
not to allow the Indians to pay their tributes in personal services,
and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the Dominicans to
found a college in the islands.

Explorations have been made at different times along the Rio Grande
de Cagayan, in the northern part of Luzon. An account of these,
with later information, is compiled by Juan Manuel de la Vega
(July 3, 1609). He gives a brief summary of the efforts made by
Lavezaris, Vera, and Dasmarinas to bring this province under Spanish
control. The third of these (July, 1591), under the command of Luis
Dasmarinas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of the
Rio Grande. He secures the submission of various native villages, and
treats the natives with great leniency. A few weeks later, Francisco
de Mendoca follows on the route, and finds the Indians hostile,
refusing even to sell him food. Not finding Dasmarinas (the main
object of his expedition), he follows the Rio Grande to the city of
Nueva Segovia, thus ending his journey. In November of the same year,
Pedro Sid goes with some soldiers to Tuy, and now finds the natives
friendly. He finds gold among them, which they tell him is brought
from the country of Igorrotes. He makes some further explorations,
and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. Three
years later, Luis Dasmarinas sends Toribio de Miranda (October, 1594),
with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the province
of Tuy. The natives are apparently peaceable, but several instances
of treachery occur, and the Spaniards are obliged to be on their guard
continually. As in the other accounts, mention is made of each village
visited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. At
Anit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals;
"such was their custom". At Bantal Miranda builds a fort, and requires
hostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. At Agulan the little
children are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, "good enough
to be worn in Madrid". At Tuguey and some other villages the natives
resist the entrance of the Spaniards, but are terrified at the sound
of firearms, and quickly yield submission. Retracing their route, the
Spaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are now
revolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, and
send him to Manila. The governor feasts him there, and sends him back
to his own village, apparently well pleased with the Spaniards. Miranda
searches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick and
discouraged, as also are his friars, returns to Manila. Captain Clavijo
is sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, being
assaulted by more than a thousand Indians. In 1607 many chiefs from
Tuy come to Manila and offer their submission to the Spaniards; but
the Audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. Later,
those chiefs send requests to Manila for protection and religious
instruction. The richness and fertility of their country is described;
and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacent
mountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by the
natives. These are Igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs some
mention is made. As they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry,
it will be easy to make Christians of them. There is great reason to
believe that the Igorrote country abounds in gold. To this account
are appended several others bearing on this subject. One of these
relates the circumstances which induced Dasmarinas to explore Tuy;
another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him by
his father the governor. These are followed by a curious document,
apparently written by Vega on behalf of himself and others interested
in the conquest of Tuy and the Igorrote gold country, and addressed to
some high official in Spain--perhaps Lerma, the favorite of Felipe
 III. It contains further stipulations, in matters affecting the
interests of these parties. A suitable reward shall be given, in the
form of small shares in the galleon's cargo, to the officers and men
who serve in the expedition to Tuy; and these must be used only in
certain specified ways. These promoters ask for authority to appoint
the officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conquered
country, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided from
the royal treasury. If they have important despatches to send to Spain,
they wish to send them directly from the Pacific coast of Luzon, rather
than via Manila. If they shall succeed in pacifying those barbarous
tribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas,
at their own pleasure. They also ask for commutation of the royal fifth
of gold to one tenth. Still another list of stipulations is given,
also over Vega's signature. The promoters of the Tuy scheme demand that
answer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be released
from all obligations. The cost of this conquest should be borne by
the royal treasury. Vega commends himself and his associate--some man
of affairs--as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royal
sanction be speedily given to it. The boundaries of the province of
Tuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding the
encomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be granted
to Vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers.

On July 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by Miguel Banal
(a descendant of the Moro ruler dispossessed by Legaspi at Manila),
praying for redress against the Jesuits for depriving him and other
Indians at Quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate this
matter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. The Dominican
missionary Aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, but
of 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to the
mission of 1606 had remained in Nueva Espana, instead of completing the
voyage to the Philippines. Some died on the way, some failed to reach
the port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionaries
was too small to carry all of them. Aduarte remonstrates against the
embarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionaries
have had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowance
made for their traveling expenses--illustrating this from his own and
others' experiences. This is followed by a request from the discalced
Augustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to send
more of their friars to the Philippines.

_The Editors_
April, 1904.






DOCUMENTS OF 1605



    Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuna, and others;
    July 1-4.
    Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuna, and others; July 4
    and 5.
    Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuna; July 1-15.


_Source_: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first letter in the second document, and the first
two in the third, are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University
of Wisconsin; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight and Emma Helen Blair.





Complaints Against the Archbishop

Sire:

Ever since I began to have dealings with the archbishop Don
Fray Miguel de Benavides, and have recognized his temper, I have
perceived the difficulties that he would cause me; accordingly, I
have always acted with great moderation and care. But the occasions
which he gives for such caution are so many that great patience is
necessary to bear them; for he persuades himself that everything,
both spiritual and temporal, pertains to him, and that there is not a
king, or patronage, or Audiencia that can change his will as to what
he will do. It therefore results that he very often has quarrels with
the Audiencia, with me, with the orders, and with all those of his
church; and nothing occurs in connection with the patronage which he
does not desire to adjudicate, so it is on that subject that he has
had controversies with me. His scruples are insufferable, and they are
continually increasing; accordingly, we dread the lengths to which they
may carry him. Notwithstanding that he is a religious who is greatly
respected, and one of learning and exemplary life, and has always had
this reputation, I believe that he would be better in his cell than in
the archbishopric or bishopric; and that it would be much better for
his conscience and peace of mind, and that this commonwealth would gain
much thereby. It is noticeable that his order, knowing him as they do,
and regarding him as of good character and reputation, as I have said,
have never employed him in any way in their government, as they do not
find him qualified for it. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to order
that he shall not meddle in those affairs which do not concern him,
and that he shall be quiet and treat me and the auditors with respect;
and that he avoid disputes and quarrels, since from them can result
nothing but evil to the service of God and your Majesty, and scandal
to the public. Your Majesty may believe that what I write here is
stated with the utmost moderation, considering the outrages which
he has committed. I therefore doubt not that many complaints of his
proceedings will be sent. The Audiencia have grievances, and sometimes
have been so provoked that they have been at the point of sharply
correcting him; but some of them are afraid of him for private reasons,
and dare not do so. In order not to stumble against such obstacles, I
take it to be an efficacious remedy, for the future, that your Majesty
should not appoint to the archbishopric or bishoprics of these islands
friars who have been trained in these islands without first obtaining
a report from the Audiencia of their qualifications and experience in
government. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty,
according to the needs of Christendom. Manila, the first of July, 1605.

_Don Pedro de Acuna_

[_In the margin_: "Have all the letters which treat of this, and those
which concern the archbishop placed together, and have them taken to
the Council."]

[_Endorsed_: "Manila, to his Majesty; 1605, Don Pedro de Acuna,
the first of July; writes about the archbishop." "July 21, 1606,
examined, and decreed within."]

Sire:

In countries so remote as are these Philipinas Islands, and which lie
so far from the royal presence of your Majesty, we are bound, not only
by our obligation, but in conscience as well, by our feelings in regard
to the sights that every day meet our eyes, and by the commands laid
upon us by special instruction from your Majesty and your presidents
and auditors, always to give information [of affairs here]. We do so,
likewise, in order to secure the aid of the relief which faithful
vassals ought to look and hope for in their hardships and calamities
from their natural king and lord--whose light, like that of the sun,
ought to be equally communicated to all; and whose fatherly protection
it is just that we should recognize on all occasions which arise,
since we cannot appear personally before the feet of your Majesty. Yet
doing what we can in this, we present ourselves with due submission,
giving information that is reliable, and derived from experience,
of the injuries both to the public and to individuals which this
commonwealth, and we the religious of the Order of our father
St. Augustine, are suffering from the presence of Don Fray Miguel de
Venavides, archbishop of this archiepiscopal see--who, we believe,
should be occupying a cell in some convent of his order in exemplary
and peaceful life, as he did before he rose to the position of bishop
and to the dignity which today he holds. In that position, [1] either
because he wishes to assume more authority in the [ecclesiastical]
government than is his due, or on account of some grave scruples which,
continually increasing, so harass and disquiet him that were not the
valor and prudence of Don Pedro de Acuna, governor of these islands,
so great, and the royal Audiencia which your Majesty has here composed
of councillors so wise, Christian, and moderate, fear would often have
arisen (and with good cause) of various scandals for which the said
prelate has given occasion. For with his revelations and prophecies,
of which your Majesty has been informed, he publicly stated that the
Chinese were about to rebel, from which it resulted that poor soldiers,
and other persons who belong to peoples that resort here, were eager
for such an opportunity; and it is believed that the cowardly Chinese
were thus led to mutiny and rebellion, putting this whole land in
danger. All this arose from the fears of the archbishop, which were
not communicated to the person who could, without exciting comment,
have taken precautions and prevented the trouble--namely, the governor,
with whom he has usually had collisions. These were principally in
matters concerning the royal patronage, which loses footing out here;
[such conduct is therefore] the less to be tolerated. Your Majesty will
have heard long ago of some ill result, for the governor has tried to
manage the archbishop with due gentleness, treating him with respect,
giving him a wide range in affairs, and temporizing with him in order
to avoid contention. During his sicknesses, which are frequent, the
governor has entertained him as a guest in his own house, keeping him
there a long time. This has been of so little use that he takes every
opportunity to disturb, and sometimes without opportunity disturbs,
the general peace--at which all of us, not only ecclesiastics but
laymen, are so distressed that there is no way of expressing it to
your Majesty. We believe that if it were possible for you in Espana
to see how we suffer here, your Majesty would immediately remedy it;
for we are led to think that you do not realize the trouble which this
matter is causing, or else that it is one which is not to be discussed
as it should be, on account of the archbishop's many scruples. As
a result, the condition of affairs is intolerable, which is a most
unfortunate thing and one of great importance. Accordingly, as he
is a prelate and we are religious, we are writing to your Majesty's
Grandeur; and we make these statements with great circumspection,
that it may not seem as if passion were carrying us away.

Coming, then, to what concerns us, not even the least important
incident has occurred in which he has not shown himself opposed to an
order such as ours, causing us infinite annoyance--as if it were not
we who discovered these regions for your Majesty, and founded with
infinite toil this new church, and by whose industry your Majesty has
innumerable vassals. Every day, too, we are expecting to open up a
greater conversion [of the heathen]; and we continue what was begun
by those first fathers who trained us here. We desire not only that
the number of the faithful be multiplied, but that the royal crown of
your Majesty be increased. To this end, there has been no expedition in
which we did not send religious for the consolation and encouragement
of the troops. And on the so sudden and dangerous occurrence of the
rising of the Chinese, we doubt not that the governor has given your
Majesty an account of our proceedings; for in public and aloud he
thanked us in your Majesty's name for our humble services, though
our desire was great for the service of our king and lord. Not a
fortification has been made upon land, nor a ship or galley built,
where we have not rendered service; and in ministries to the Indians
and Spaniards, we believe that no religious order has surpassed us. In
spite of all this, the opposition which the said archbishop displays
toward us in everything is well known. Thus we find ourselves without
protection and in a very wretched state, whence we hope to extricate
ourselves with the aid and powerful protection of your Majesty,
who will consider himself pleased with these his household, and
will command that we be treated in all matters as is right. If it
were not for the president and royal Audiencia, who restrain these
acts of violence, this poor commonwealth would be separated by five
thousand leguas from its real deliverance and father, who is your
Majesty--whom may our Lord prosper, and increase his realm, according
to the desire of us his faithful vassals. Dated in this your city of
Manila; [undated].


_Fray Lorenzo de Leon_, provincial of the Augustinians.
_Fray Jhoan Baptista de Montoya_
_Fray Estevan Carrillo_, definitor.
_Fray Pedro de Aguirre_, definitor.
_Fray Roque de Varrio_, new definitor.


[_Endorsed_: "No. 6. Manila; to his Majesty. No date; the religious
of the Order of St. Augustine."]


Sire:

Considering its importance to the service of your Majesty, it has
seemed best to this Audiencia to give an account of the manner in
which the archbishop of these islands proceeds; for he is harsh of
temper and resents the acts of the Audiencia which declare that he
has committed fuerza. [2] He has often said, for this reason, that
they treat him very ill, and put him in such a position that he must
retire to his cell and give up his office altogether; for they do not
esteem him nor allow him to administer justice. The Audiencia having
declared him guilty of fuerza in having imposed excommunication on
those who without his permission entered the house of retirement of
Santa Potenciana--which was established by your Majesty's order and
at the expense of your royal exchequer, that orphan girls and poor
maidens might be sheltered there, and instructed and taught, and remain
there until they should be married--he would not obey the act of the
Audiencia, thus imposing on them the responsibility of employing
the correction and severe measures which your Majesty commands by
his royal laws; but if these were executed in a land so new as this
it would cause a scandal, which would result in much harm that could
not be remedied. To avoid this, it was agreed to send the record of
their proceedings and to make a report to your Majesty, so that you
might command what should be most expedient for your royal service.

[_In the margin_: "Let this clause, with the proceedings referred to,
be taken to the official reporter; provision and decree have been
made elsewhere."]

He treats the Audiencia with less respect than he ought to, and
desires to be preferred in matters of authority; for he will have it
that those who preach, when the Audiencia and archbishop are present,
should bow first to him and not to the Audiencia. When the holy water
is given on Sundays, he has ordered it to be taken to the choir, or
wherever he may be; and, after he has received it, he who is giving
it shall go back and give it to the Audiencia. As this seemed to be
derogatory to the authority which the Audiencia represents, a proposal
was made to him that two vessels of holy water should be carried--one
to the choir for him, and the other to be left for the Audiencia;
but he would not agree to this. He has ordered that the pax which is
given to the Audiencia and the archbishop should be given to him by
the deacon, and to the Audiencia by the subdeacon; and he says that
they should be thankful that he has consented to give them the pax,
for there is no reason why it should be given to them.

In public he places his seat before those of the Audiencia; and,
as they felt that consent to this ought not to be given, a message
was sent to him by the court clerk on St. Potenciana's day--since,
as she is patron saint of this city, the Audiencia and cabildo go to
celebrate mass in her church on that feast-day--to notify him that it
was not proper to put his seat in front of the Audiencia. He answered
that he must place it there, as his Holiness and your Majesty ordered
and permitted it. When this determination of his was known, it was
agreed that the Audiencia would not go [to mass] on that feast-day,
in order to avoid another encounter of this sort; and to maintain a
firm attitude in regard to what your Majesty commands to be done in
his service.

He is quite at variance with the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the
prebendaries in particular make many complaints of him; and it would
be well worth your consideration that this should be checked. Both
they and others demand this from your Majesty, and you will be pleased
to grant such relief as is most expedient. May our Lord protect your
Catholic person for many years. Manila, July 4, 1605.

[_In the margin_: "Have the decree for Santo Domingo and Nuebo Rreyno
[3] brought, so that it may be examined and the proper decree issued."]


_Don Pedro de Acuna_
The licentiate _Tellez Almacan_
The licentiate _Manuel de Madrid y Luna_


[_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty, 1605. 58. Governor and
Audiencia." "January 15, 1607, examined, and decreed within."]



Relations with the Chinese


_Restitution of Chinese Property_

_Official statement of the memorials presented in the royal Audiencia
of Manila on the part of the most reverend archbishop of the Filipinas,
concerning the demands of the king of China_.

Most potent lord: The archbishop of these Filipinas declares that, as
such archbishop, he is under obligation to look after the condition
of these islands and of the Christian religion in them; and, as a
member of the Council of his Majesty, to protect the interests of his
royal crown, and of this his dominion--all of which, according to the
counsels of prudence, is at the present moment in great danger. This
danger is one of the greatest that could be, for the powerful king
of China has threatened us with an enormous fleet of ships, saying
that there will be a thousand of them if we do not grant what he
demands in regard to two things. One of these is clearly just; for it
concerns a great quantity of property which was brought into this city
by the Chinese merchants last year, six hundred and three, when the
Sangleys rebelled against this city. Your governor commanded that the
said property, as belonging to enemies (as those who brought it here
were), should be kept, and taken into custody, and should be given
back to them. A great part of this property was afterward sold among
the Spaniards and more than thirty thousand pesos of the proceeds
of the said goods came into the possession of Diego de Marquina,
general depositary of this city, by whom it was all (or nearly all)
turned over to your royal treasury. The rest of the Chinese property
came into the possession of Captain Sebastian de Aguilar, and any
other person who may have received into his keeping and custody other
goods belonging to the said property. The other thing which the said
king of China demands is, that certain Chinese (of whom there are not
many) who remained alive after the war and were at that time taken
prisoners, and are in the galleys, should be given their liberty
that they may go back to their own country. This is a matter for
your Highness to examine carefully, to ascertain whether this be a
just demand, and whether it can be justly exacted. Even if it were
clearly and evidently just that the said Chinese should remain as
convicts in the said galleys, this demand requires much consideration,
on account of the condition of the faith and of the realm, whether
this commonwealth must be forced to break with so powerful an enemy
and enemies as he would be. He brings forward his arguments with much
reason and consideration; by one of his demands--which of itself is
not very important, although more so when, arriving at the question of
justice--he brings up another doubt as to whether it is just for the
said Chinese to be condemned to the galleys. This is questionable,
in the first place, because they are not vassals of his Majesty,
and therefore were not traitors; and likewise whether they should, on
account of the hostilities which the Chinese were generally committing,
immediately be condemned, without recourse, to the galleys, without
being heard individually or their exceptions being received--especially
as no one doubts that the said uprising and rebellion was not voluntary
on the part of all the Chinese, but was contrary to the will of many;
and it may be that some, and even a considerable number, of those who
are on the galleys were not captured in war, but while hidden in the
country districts and on the mountains. To say that the said Chinese
are necessary to work the galleys which your governor must take on
a certain expedition, which it is said he must make, does not affect
the proposition; for the said expedition is not made by the will of
his Majesty, but in his very exact instructions he neither requires
nor permits the said expedition to Huaca [_sic; sc._ Maluco] with the
said Chinese. Moreover, they are so cunning and shrewd that perhaps
they will again do what they did to Gomez Perez, and even worse; and
they may be the cause not only of the disastrous ending of the said
expedition, but even of our complete ruin. There can be no doubt from
the relation sent, as to the attitude of the king of China; for the
three greatest magistrates whom he has in the province and dominion
of Oquen (to which belongs the province of Chiencho)--that is, the
viceroy, the inspector-general and the eunuch--write this, each one
of them, in two letters, one of which is for the said archbishop and
the other for the said governor of these islands.

In view of these considerations, I entreat and beseech your Highness
to command that the said property [of the merchants] be immediately
sent to the said kingdom of China, either by suitable messengers,
or by the Chinese captains who are at present about to go there. The
most certain and the first which should be sent would be that which
comes into the royal treasury of his Majesty from the proceeds of
the said goods of the said Chinese, even if it be necessary to ask
for this a loan from the citizens of this country, or to economize,
or to go without other things. As for giving their liberty to the
said Chinese who are in the galleys I beseech your Highness to order
that this be decided and examined into in great detail, especially
as concerns justice; it should also be examined to ascertain the
rights of the state. For this purpose, both in this affair and in
other things which are presented before his Majesty's Council, some
one who has great experience in Chinese affairs should be associated
with them, and say what he thinks. The archbishop demands justice,
and an attestation of this petition, and of what may be decreed in
this matter, and of the entire proceedings; and that the decision
may be made at once, so that these Chinese ships may convey the
appropriate answer. As for our reputation, nothing will be lost by
sending back the said Chinese, especially those who are not found
to be very guilty; for no one loses reputation by doing justice, and
the king of China and his ministers know very well that the decision
of justice, and the separation of the innocent from the guilty, in
so grave a case has demanded all the time which has elapsed up to
the present. Finally his Majesty the king, our sovereign, [must be
considered]; what he requires is that this colony, as the chief of
all [his possessions here], where he has established so much good,
should not be placed in danger by other matters which might be of
uncertain success--especially for this consideration, which is of so
little importance. Rather it is fitting to set free these Chinese,
as far as possible, as experience has always proved to us, with so
much cost of our blood, and so great danger of the ruin of this land.

_Fray Miguel_, archbishop of Manila.

At Manila, on the tenth of June, 1605, the lords president and
auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of the Filipinas
Islands, being in session, this petition was read, and examined by
the said lords. They commanded this petition to be joined with the
ones presented by the Chinese in this matter, and brought to the
session on Monday.

Before me:

_Pedro Nunez de Herrera_, notary royal.

Most potent lord: The archbishop of the Filipinas declares that he
has presented a petition, discussing therein what is demanded on the
part of the king of China in a letter from certain of his ministers,
as is explained more at length in his said petition to which he refers
you. He now says that, of the two things which are demanded, although
the money is a matter of importance to the Chinese, yet what most
grieves them is the men who, as they see, are here in the galleys,
with such hardships and in a climate so hot and oppressive as this
is--especially as they have parents, children, wives, and relatives in
that country who are continually beseeching the Chinese magistrates and
people. And he seeks the liberty of those who are here in our power,
captive and condemned, and begs and entreats from your Highness what
he has sought in the other petition. And more particularly he asks
in this other if your Highness will order that especial attention be
given to this; that even if it be true that the king of China will not
make war upon us, as he threatens, yet I am warned by those Chinese
who are our best friends that they know, from their own histories,
that it is quite probable that the king of China will at least cut
off the trade with these countries, under the heaviest penalties,
which would be the total ruin of this commonwealth. The king of China
did this to the Japanese, who formerly had trade and commerce with
the Chinese between the two countries, the Chinese going to Japon
and the Japanese going to China. The king of China, seeing that the
Japanese did not maintain their trade with the care and honesty that
they should, did not make war upon them, but took away their trade
and commerce under a singularly vigorous penalty--which is, that if
any Chinaman trades with the Japanese not only he but his father,
mother, and relatives shall be put to death. This has remained the law
up to the present, inviolably; and no Chinaman has transgressed it,
unless it be some villainous and desperate man. This is one of the
most important considerations to be judged in the present case. He
begs and entreats your Highness to command that this be considered,
and commands me to give an attestation of this petition and procedure.

_Fray Miguel_, archbishop of Manila.

In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth day of June of the year
1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and
Chancilleria of these Filipinas Islands being in session, this
petition was read; and, having considered it, they decreed that the
depositaries should be commanded to render an account as soon as
possible, of the property which they have held on deposit, so that it
may be surrendered; and that, when the ships shall have arrived from
Castilla, what is owing shall be paid into the royal treasury. As
concerns the Chinese who are in the galleys, the matter is being
examined, so that suitable measures may be taken in the matter,
and that a decision shall be reached and a decree issued before the
Chinese leave. The attestations which he asks will be given to the
archbishop, in the manner that he desires.

Before me,

_Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_

In fulfilment of which I, Pedro Hurtado Desquivel, notary of court
for the king our lord in his royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of
these Filipinas Islands, have given this copy of the said petition
and command, which is certified to be a true copy, corrected and
compared with the originals which remain in my possession. Witnesses
to the examination, copying, correction, and comparison: Pedro Nunez
de Herrera, Geronimo de Peralta. Manila, the seventh of July, of the
year one thousand six hundred and five. In witness thereof, I have
set my seal in attestation of truth.

_Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_, court notary.



Letter from Acuna to the Viceroy of Ucheo

Don Pedro de Acuna, etc. By the hands of Captain Juan San I received
the letter of the lord viceroy in which he informs me that news has
been carried to China that the Sangleys who came to trade with this
realm of Luzon have been put to death by the Spaniards. He states that
after having investigated the cause of their death, and having asked
the king to execute justice upon the author of so great a wrong, he
learned that on account of the lies uttered by Tioguen we had suspected
that the Sangleys were going to make war against us. On this account,
as he was informed, we had put to death more than thirty thousand
Chinese. The king had punished Tiogueng by commanding his head to be
cut off and hung up in a cage, and had ordered Anglion, his companion,
to be executed. He declared that the Chinese who had been slain in
Luzon were not in fault. I reply to this that that which happened
in this case is as stated in the accompanying letter--which I sent
as soon as the event occurred, with a ship and a proper messenger,
by way of Macan to the Portuguese who live there, who are vassals of
our king. It was my intention that they should give it to the viceroy;
and I sent similar letters to the eunuch and to the mandarins who
were there. But the Portuguese were not well disposed to us, solely
on account of their belief that the Chinese were in close friendship
with us because of the trade and the large amount of commerce which
we had with them; and that this is the cause why they are not able
to buy merchandise at very low prices, as they would certainly do
if the trade from here were to come to an end. Hence they brought
it about that these letters were not delivered; and thus the truth
of this matter could not be known in China, nor the fact that the
Sangleys were greatly to blame for the losses which they incurred. If
these things had been known the Chinese, well disposed as they are to
the execution of justice according to law, and desirous that crimes
should be punished, would certainly have regarded the fault of those
people as greater than the punishment which was inflicted on them.

The penalty imposed on the Sangleys who piloted the two Dutch ships
that were on the coast of Chincheo was very just. These Dutch are not
friends of the Castilians, but bitter enemies; for, although they are
vassals of the king of the Hespanas, my sovereign, they and their
country have revolted, and they have become pirates like Liamon in
China. They have no employment, except to plunder as much as they
can. Hence they did not come to Luzon; and, if they should come,
I would try to capture and punish them.

As for the statement that the letter is sent to let me know the
greatness of the king of China and of his realms, and that they are so
great that he governs all upon which the moon and the sun shed their
light; and the other statement that he desires me to be acquainted with
the great wisdom with which that kingdom is governed, vast as it is,
and that no one should dare offend it, and referring to the war in
Corea--to this I answer that the Spaniards have measured by palmos,
and that very exactly, all the countries belonging to all the kings and
lordships in the world. Since the Chinese have no commerce with foreign
nations, it seems to them that there is no other country but their own,
and that there is no higher greatness than theirs; but if he knew the
power of some of the kings with whom my sovereign, the king of the
Hespanas, carries on continual war, the whole of China would seem to
him very small. The king of China would do well to notice that from
here to the court of Hespana the distance is five thousand leguas; and
that on the voyage thither are two kingdoms, Nueva Hespana and Peru,
whose teiritory is so great that it is almost equal to that of China,
without mentioning very large islands in those seas. At the same
time I know that the kingdom of China is governed with much wisdom,
and all the people here know, and I know, of the war in Corea.

The Sangleys who were killed here when they revolted were not thirty
thousand, or even half as many.

As for the statement that after the death of the Sangleys was known
in China, many mandarins joined in a concerted petition to the king
that they might be allowed to avenge those deaths--accusing the
Spaniards of being cruel and ungrateful, and charging us that after
the Chinese had aided us to erect our walls and other buildings,
and in our gardens (all to our profit), we ought not to have done
this--to this I reply that the Spaniards are not cruel of heart, and
never make war upon anyone without just reasons. We regard ourselves
as a just people and as having a standing in the world; and we would
be greatly grieved if it could be said of us with truth that we have
done wrongs or injuries to anyone--especially to our friends, and
to those who are sincerely friends to us. Thus in the case of the
Sangleys who were here, we treated them as brothers and sons; and,
without any precaution, we permitted them to enter our houses at all
seasons and at all hours, as if they had been Spaniards. So true was
this that, if God had not delivered us by revealing their treachery,
they might for that very cause have been able to succeed in it.

I have noted the answer given by the king of China to letters written
by the viceroy and others with regard to this matter. I think that he
ought to be fair in all matters, and that he should not be influenced
to make war on Luzon without first knowing whether we are in fault or
not; for if he should do otherwise we could not say, as we have said,
that China is prudently governed.

The viceroy also writes to me that, since the Spaniards are a sensible
and prudent people, we must therefore be grieved for having slain
so many people, and repent thereof. He also informs me that if we
deal justly with the Chinese return the Sangleys who have survived
the war, and pay the money due on the goods taken from the Sangleys,
he will maintain amity with us and will send merchant vessels every
year. If not, the king will not permit ships to come, but will command
a thousand war-vessels to be built, manned with soldiers--both the
relatives of those who are dead, and men from the other nations and
kingdoms who pay tribute to China; and, without mercy on anyone,
they will make war upon us, and afterward the kingdom of Luzon will
be given to that people which pays tribute.

To this I answer that, although in truth we are grieved for the loss
which the Chinese suffered, we have nothing to repent of therein;
since what we did was to put to death those who would have done the
same to us (although we had given them no reason for it), and who would
have done so if we had not anticipated them. When we were living in
great peace they rose in revolt against us, simply because they were
wicked; left their Parian for a fort which they had built without my
knowing anything of it, and sallied out thence against the farms to
kill Spaniards and Indians. This they succeeded in doing by catching
them unawares, and they inflicted very great cruelties even upon the
Spanish women and upon their slaves, both male and female. Since
this is true, as the very Chinese who have survived will declare,
let the viceroy judge what could have been done, and what he would
have done if such a thing had happened in China.

The crime is such that all of them justly deserve to die for it;
but, moved with pity, I permitted some few to serve in the galleys
of the king, which is a punishment inflicted by us upon criminals
to avoid putting them to death. After they had been placed in the
galleys, I get free some of them who, as it afterward appeared,
had not been so much in fault; and others furnished some slaves,
who received the same treatment. It is well known that kingdoms and
provinces where crimes are not punished cannot maintain themselves;
and if this crime were not punished, and the Chinese were to see that
they received their liberty even when they had committed so great
a crime, another day they would do the same thing. Hence I have not
yet set at liberty those Sangleys who are condemned to the galleys,
that they may go to China and even convey to the viceroy knowledge
of what has happened. I am certain that when he knows the facts he
will regard their punishment as very slight in view of their crimes;
but, if he should deem otherwise, let him inform me of his will.

The property which was in existence during the past year, for whom
owners or consignees appeared, was surrendered to them; there was a
great quantity of it, and now they take [_blank space in MS_.]. This
is the amount which I have been able to send from the royal treasury,
where some of the property of the Sangleys was deposited for which
an owner was not to be found; next year I will endeavor to send the
rest. During the past year one ship arrived; and the other, which
was on its way to Castilla, was lost with a very great quantity of
Chinese stuffs and other goods. For this reason it has been impossible
to discharge this obligation in full at the present time. Let the
viceroy notice that this is and will be done because it is just, and
not because he has written that unless the people and the goods are
sent he will make war on Luzon; for I am sure that the king of China
and his ministers, being prudent, politic, and discreet persons,
will not wage war for causes so light. Still, if they desire to do
so, the Castilians are well able to defend their lands from all who
may attempt to take them away; and they even know how to attack their
enemies and to seek them out in their own dwelling-places, when their
opponents suppose that they have them conquered.

As regards the licenses for ships coming from China to trade with
Luzon, it is not so dangerous to grant such permissions that the king
[of China] or other persons there will consent to lose the great
advantage which they possess in the large quantity of silver which is
carried hence every year; for this remains in China, without a single
real leaving there, while the goods which they give us in exchange
are consumed and used up in a very short time. Hence we may say that
in this trade the Chinese have as great an interest as the Castilians
have, or even more.



Chinese Immigration Restricted


Sire:

By commission from the royal Audiencia, I have this year attended
to the investigation of the Chinese ships, and the Sangleys who have
come to this city. I myself went to examine them, in order to avert
the injuries which might be inflicted on them. Eighteen ships having
arrived, with merchandise and five thousand five hundred Chinese on
board, besides five hundred more who remained in this city from last
year, I ordered the cabildo and regimiento of the city, if Chinese
were necessary for the public service, to enter petition therefor
within four days, giving a memorandum of the number necessary and the
duties that they were to perform. As they did not do as I had ordered,
for a number of days, and as the ships wished to return to China, and I
to despatch in them all the infidel Chinese who were here, I reported
the case to the royal Audiencia here. Considering what great lack of
service there is in this city, and how necessary workmen are for its
restoration, as it has been ravaged by two fires--more than a hundred
of the houses formerly standing having been destroyed during this year
of six hundred and five, and more by the other fire that occurred in
the year six hundred and three--they determined to have one thousand
five hundred infidel Chinese stay here for the rebuilding of the burned
part, and the service of the city. They commanded me by an act to give
permission to the said number of infidel Chinese, choosing them from
the crafts which should appear to me most necessary. This I did with
exactness and fairness, being personally present, and not entrusting
this task to any other person. In this way, the said number will not
be in any way exceeded; it has appeared necessary and sufficient,
and it will be important for the service of God and of your Majesty
that this number be not exceeded in years to come. May God protect
the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, July 5, 1605.

The licentiate _Manuel de Madrid y Luna_

[_Endorsed_: "To his Majesty; Manila, 1605: The licentiate Manuel de
Madrid y Luna. July 5." "That, by commission of the Audiencia, the
inspection of the ships of the Chinese Sangleys has been attended to;
and by order of the said Audiencia, considering the great necessity of
labor and repairs, permission was given for a thousand and five hundred
of them to remain in that city, as they are very necessary. And in
compliance with this they will be allowed to stay for this purpose,
without the said number being exceeded. March 22, 1607. This measure
is in the letters of the governor."]



Letters from Pedro de Acuna to Felipe III


Sire:

On the twenty-fifth of February of the current year, 1605, there
arrived in the port of Cabite a ship from Nueva Hespana, and in
it Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus, with news of the
decision which had been reached regarding the matter of Maluco;
the order for this military service also came. There were, besides,
in the said vessel about two hundred infantry, in two companies,
of those who are to go on the expedition. Their arrival was very
seasonable and caused much rejoicing in these islands, because it
occurred at a time when we had received news by way of Macan that an
army was being prepared in China to come here. [4]

The diligence shown by the viceroy of Nueva Hespana in despatching
these advices, and informing me of the condition of the embarcations
there, was of great value in assisting me to prepare some necessary
supplies; for nearly everything has to be obtained from different
provinces, while some supplies must be imported from distant kingdoms,
as China and Japon. Hence time is requisite for this purpose--and,
indeed, even more than we have; but all will be made ready although
with some difficulty.

The master-of-camp, Juan de Esquivel, arrived at the opening of the
strait of Capul June 11, and came to Cabite June 17, after having
disembarked the forces in the port of Ybalon--where he received my
order to do this, and found ships in which to send them on to the
island of Panay, where provisions for them are provided. The number of
troops who have come with the master-of-camp are six hundred and fifty
men, including thirty who came afterwards in a small vessel which had
been left behind. These men had gone from Acapulco to Tehuantepeque
for four pieces of artillery which were cast in Nueba Hespana for
this expedition.

The forces for which I asked from Nueva Hespana for this undertaking
were one thousand five hundred men, including sailors and soldiers. As
for the five hundred who have served in old companies and are not
altogether new recruits, I was told by the master-of-camp, that those
from his regiment are for the most part good soldiers. What I can
assert is, that the troops in the two companies who arrived first, and
the troops of the master-of-camp who are here, have satisfied me very
well. From this garrison and from the paid soldiers as large a force
will be formed as can be spared, in order to leave matters here with
a safe guard; since on account of the importance of this enterprise
I must, if God gives me health, go on this expedition in person. I
intend to take with me some Panpango Indians and some Indians from this
region, among whom there are many good arquebusiers and musketeers. In
company with Spaniards, they prove to be very good soldiers.

I asked for five hundred quintals of powder; and your Majesty informed
me that the viceroy would send them. Although he did not send the
whole amount, two hundred and thirty-five quintals of powder and a
hundred quintals of saltpetre arrived. We shall be obliged to use
what there is in the royal magazines here, that we may not lack so
necessary a thing; yet the whole is but little.

The said viceroy wrote me that the troops came paid for a year, and
that from the wages of the troops he had retained sixty-five pesos in
the case of each soldier. The total amount is forty thousand pesos,
which sum was sent under registry on the account and at the risk of
the said forces. This is a piece of excellent foresight; for if the
total amount of wages had been paid, as is customary, they would have
gambled and spent the whole in two days, and would be in need the
whole year, from which great evils would follow. For the expedition
the viceroy sent sixty thousand pesos, without considering that the
treasury here is in such a state that, even if the whole amount should
be paid into it on account of these islands, there would not be enough
to pay unavoidable debts and the loans which have been taken throughout
a whole year from private persons, some of which were granted on my
credit. I was expecting some good quantity of money on a separate
account; and I also hoped for the ordinary soldiers who are sent every
year to supply the places of those who are drowned and those who die of
disease and in battle. We are continually waging war in one province
or another, and sometimes at home. But I have been disappointed in
all this, and must expend my efforts to get on as best I can, using
some methods to prevent the service of your Majesty from failure.

As soon as I was informed that your Majesty would be pleased to
command this expedition to be undertaken, I began on the very
day when I arrived here to busy myself with the preparation of the
materials and other things necessary to build the galleys and also to
keep them in proper condition. I regard them as the most effective
means of defense for this kingdom, on account of the causes which
I have previously written to your Majesty. Accordingly, I have five
equipped. The flagship has twenty-two benches, the second in command
[_patrona_] and another have nineteen each, and two others seventeen
each. One of these two which have seventeen will be launched within a
fortnight, and has the necessary supply of rowers. These vessels are
not made larger, being thus more suitable for these regions, because
there are many shoals here; and when they are of this size they are
sufficient for the contests which they have to carry on with the
oared vessels employed by the enemy Another reason is the advantage
of keeping down the number of rowers and reducing the expenses, as I
have written your Majesty. These galleys have turned out very well,
because I found here a good foreman; and although he died a few days
ago, I have had the good fortune to find a second, a Genovese, a good
workman. He is well known in Cartagena, where he built a galley. I have
met with much opposition from the archbishop and from the licentiate
Don Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. If
I had had to follow the opinion of either of them so that they could
restrain my hand, the first stick of wood would still have to be
worked. God knows what I have had to undergo in this, and what I am
still undergoing; and He knows the evil results which follow from such
a state of things in a region so distant from your Majesty, when those
persons undertake to correct matters of war, and to meddle with them,
who do not understand them and have nothing to do with them.

I expect to take with me on the expedition four of these galleys,
and a vessel which has arrived here just now from Acapulco, which
was made here and has capacity to carry a large amount of troops
and provisions; it is of seven hundred toneladas. This vessel I will
have fitted and put in good order. I expect also to take another of
moderate size, of two hundred and fifty toneladas, which I have had
built in the province of Camarines. I shall have three Moro ships
from Peru. These will be very light, the largest being of a hundred
and fifty toneladas, and the other two of a hundred and thirty each,
more or less. Thus in all there will be five, in addition to seven
brigantines and five lorchas, vessels built after the fashion of
China and Japon. These are very good with both oar and sail, and have
greater capacity and accommodation for carrying provisions than any
other kind of vessels with which oars are used.

I expect that this expedition will include the foregoing vessels and
galleys on account of your Majesty; and that in addition there will go
seven or eight other ships belonging to private encomenderos and other
persons. These will be ships of moderate size, with a high freeboard,
in which their owners will take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine,
meat, and other supplies; these will be of great assistance, since a
number of volunteers will go. This provision made by private persons
is of considerable usefulness, and on that account I have had it
made. To induce them to go it is absolutely necessary to encourage
them to it, and to urge upon them the service which they will render
to your Majesty. This I have had to undertake, since in view of the
losses and misfortunes which they have suffered, they are poor and
discouraged. They finally volunteered to go with a good will, and their
going will be an assistance of no little consequence; as a result of
it, I am certain that we shall have provisions for more than a year.

I have commanded the whole of this body of vessels to assemble in the
island of Panay, at the town and port of Oton, where the infantry
is on shore. When they have assembled there they will proceed,
and I will leave this city after the day of St. Francis, taking
advantage of the north winds. I shall attend to whatever shall be
necessary there, and get it all in order by the end of January or
the beginning of February. That is the season best suited for the
voyage to Maluco. It will then be most likely that we shall have
the benefit of the monsoon which is likely to blow with gentle and
favorable brisas. In this way I shall not be forced off my course
by vessels with a high freeboard; this accident happens very often,
because of the great number of currents among these islands. I have no
doubt that we shall encounter some vessels from Olanda and Gelanda,
and more this year than others, since this is the year of the clove
monsoon more than the two previous years; for in the third year the
clove-trees bear much more heavily. The fruit is like olives, and
the trees resemble olive-trees in their leaves and in their size,
as I am told. [5] I had further information from Enrique de Castro,
a Fleming, a native of Amberes [_i.e._, Anvers?], a man of good
reputation, able to speak several languages, and very sensible; he
told me that he came as a soldier in one of the companies brought by
the despatch-boat which reached here February 25. He said that he
had left Olanda fifteen months before, from the city of Nostradama
[_i.e._, Amsterdam]; and that there, and in another city in the
same country of Olanda, they were preparing twelve or thirteen large
vessels with the purpose of coming to the Yndias. He was told that
they were to seize Ambueno and the Maluca Islands, and that they were
carrying a large number of men, besides lime and cut stone in ballast,
to make a fortress. I am much afraid that this is true, because of
what I have previously written to your Majesty with reference to
the advices which I have received from the king of Tidore. He states
that the king of Terrenate had sent to invite the Dutch, offering to
permit them to build a fort and a factory in his country, in order
to make them willing to assist him against the said king of Tidore,
against the Portuguese, and against us. Accordingly the forts there
and in Ambueno are in danger. The one at Tidore is a matter for jest;
and the commandants, as well as the commanders of galleons, think of
nothing but merchandise and of making their fortunes. The same thing
is true throughout the whole of Yndia. If this news should prove true,
there would be much difficulty in this enterprise. May God turn all
things well for His cause.

The forces of the regiment of the master-of-camp, Esquibel, have
received their pay for a year in advance, as the viceroy informs
me by his letter. At the present time more than half the year has
passed, and by the time they leave Oton the whole year will have
been completed. Inasmuch as in the order for this expedition which
your Majesty commanded to be given, I noticed that the Marques de
Montes Claros was directed, in case the forces should be retained
in the service of your Majesty for a longer period than the said
year, to send me money to pay them in case I advised him thereof,
it seemed well to me to advise him of this matter immediately, and
to tell him that during the coming year he should send me what is
needed for a thousand men in addition to the sea force. It is plain
that this will be necessary for by the time that the fleet leaves
these islands the [soldiers'] year will be at an end. I therefore
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give him imperative commands to
fulfil this requirement; since soldiers in a country of enemies, and
so far from their own country, serve badly if they are in need. Thus
many important opportunities might be lost, and even considerable
disadvantages might be experienced without there being any possibility
of remedying them. If the enterprise turns out prosperously--as by
the grace of God I hope it will--I expect that it will provide the
means for maintaining the conquest, for paying all the expenses which
have been and shall be incurred, and for affording a large quantity
of cash surplus in addition to the expenses, besides repairing the
losses incident to this affair. In particular, I think that to drive
the enemy from the Maluca Islands and from the inlands of Banda will
be of great advantage for our affairs in Flandes, since the rebels
of Olanda and Gelanda harvest the product of these islands and draw
from them great wealth, by means of which they carry on war and become
rich. I, therefore, again beseech you to be pleased to give commands
that this expedition may be adequately provided with supplies. I
also beg that what is necessary for the expenses of the fleet and for
other requisite objects may likewise be sent. I further request that
for the regular expenses of the government a liberal supply may be
placed in the treasury of the islands on a separate account, since
the treasury is so needy and so heavily burdened with obligations.

Weapons and gunpowder are always opportune, and generally the lack of
these causes a great deal of trouble. I accordingly beg your Majesty
to be pleased to command that as large an amount thereof as possible
may be sent, and that the forces at Manila may also be supplied. I
suggest that although what is now of most importance, and what must
primarily be considered, is merely the regaining of the fort and island
of Terrenate, still the care and attention which will be necessary to
protect and sustain the conquest, at least for the first few years,
will not be small. During that time it will be necessary for us to keep
it under control with arms in our hands. We shall have contests every
day with the natives of the country, and likewise with the Dutch,
who will not at once be willing to abandon it without testing the
defense which it can offer, for the reasons which they publish there
and in the other Maluca Islands, and in the islands of Banda. With
regard to this matter I have written to your Majesty. We must be on
the watch everywhere, making Terrenate our center.

By the first section of the orders which your Majesty was pleased to
command to have sent to me for this expedition, it appears that the
captains who come on the expedition receive sixty ducados a month
and the privates eight, whether they were recruited in Hespana or in
Nueva Hespana. I was commanded that if this rate of payment for the
soldiers might be moderated in view of what is paid the soldiers here
who are of the same rank, I should reduce it, but with fairness. I
have to state that the pay of a private in this garrison is six pesos
a month. This is little, in view of the fact that the country is
incomparably more expensive than when their rate of pay was fixed,
as I have previously written your Majesty. The eight ducados which
the soldiers of the expedition receive is high pay; and accordingly,
in my judgment, it would be well to pay the infantry in both forces
at the rate of eight pesos (of eight reals) a month, in addition
to the thirty ducados of extra pay which are allowed every company
in Hespana and other regions. I should advise that the captains of
both forces should be paid at the rate of fifty pesos, the ensigns
at twenty pesos, and the sergeants at the rate of ten, as they are
now paid here. The captains here receive only thirty-five pesos,
while those of the expedition are paid sixty ducados, which amount to
eighty-two pesos and six reals. Your Majesty will give such commands
as you shall be pleased to issue. Until we receive the decision of
your royal will in this matter, the accounts of the members of the
expedition will not be closed. May our Lord keep the Catholic and royal
person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, July 1, 1605.

_Don Pedro de Acuna_

[_Endorsed:_ "The requests in this letter were honored, in virtue of
advice given to his Majesty by the council, August 5, 1606."]


Sire:

In two ships which left here for Nueba Hespana last year, 1604,
General, Don Diego de Mendoca, of my order, [6] wrote to your Majesty
in duplicate, giving information of all the events which had happened
here. It pleased God that the flagship should return to port, after
having suffered from a tempest during which it was obliged to cut off
the mainmast. It returned to this port today, four months after it had
left it, although without any loss of the property which it carried,
[_Marginal note_: "Let him be informed that this letter has been
received and that the council has been advised of what he reports."]

The ship "San Antonio," the almiranta, which left port first,
has not been heard from up to the present time. It is regarded as
certain that it was lost, by having struck upon some desolate island
or some shoals as it was driven by the tempest. A few days before
the arrival of the flagship, there were seen on the coast of this
island opposite Manila, and on the Babuyanes, which are some islands
in the province of Cagayan, a quantity of bales of cloth from the
lading of the almiranta. It is accordingly inferred that the ship was
lost on its way to port here, during some very severe storms which
took place during that season and in that region. Still, some hopes
were entertained that it might have made its way to Nueva Espana,
although with a very small amount of cloth; but these hopes were lost
with the coming of the two ships on which arrived the master-of-camp,
Juan Desquivel, and the officers of the expedition for Maluco. These
vessels, having left Acapulco on the twenty-second of March, reached
Cavite on the seventeenth of the present month, and reported that they
had no news of the said almiranta. This has been a very great loss and
one which has thrown this kingdom into almost incredible misery. The
return of the flagship has added to its wretchedness, because the
citizens have nothing from which to obtain money from Nueva Espana,
since their goods have not arrived there. The documents which were
sent in the flagship last year go in it again; and in this ship I send
duplicates, which your Majesty may give commands to be shown to you.

The matter of the payment of the Indian tributes was settled by the
Audiencia, by me, and by the archbishop and the religious orders,
in conformity with the directions given me by your Majesty. The
assessment which was made accompanies this letter; and therewith
will cease many wrongs which have been inflicted upon the natives,
and the encomenderos and collectors can satisfy their consciences,
if they desire. [_Marginal note_: "Let this section be filed with the
papers which gave occasion to it, and with the report which has been
sent, and let the whole be delivered to the fiscal."]

By a royal decree of your Majesty, dated October twenty-fifth of last
year, 1603, I was advised that your Majesty had given commands for
permission to be granted to the mariscal Graviel de Rivera that, in
spite of the fact that he has Indians in encomienda on these islands,
he may be permitted to live in the City of Mexico, where he is at
present, for two years, on condition that during that period he shall
maintain eight musketeers in this garrison at his own expense. I was
enjoined to fulfil this command and to see to it that the musketeers
should be serviceable men. On the part of the said mariscal, the
fulfilment of this decree was demanded, the aforesaid permission being
presented; and, although I answered the demand of the mariscal by
stating to him the condition of affairs in the island, I have thought
best to refer the matter to your Majesty. As soon as I arrived in these
islands to undertake my office, I was handed the instructions given
to the governor and captain-general who had previously filled them,
Don Francisco Tello de Guzman. By section 47 of these directions,
it was ordained and commanded that if, when the said Don Francisco
Tello should have arrived at Nueva Espana, the said mariscal should
not have returned to the said islands, his encomiendas should be
confiscated and should be assigned to others, without permitting
reply or excuse; and if any other procedure was followed it was
directed that it should be held as null and void. I made inquiries
to find out if the said Don Francisco Tello had complied herewith. I
discovered that, although he found the said mariscal in Mexico, he
had not complied with the commands given by the said section, but
that he had brought him with him to this city, and in a short time
had given him permission to return to Nueva Hespana for three years,
under color of having business to do for this city. I also found that
the said mariscal had appealed to the Audiencia, affirming that the
time was too short, and I learned that he received license to remain
for an additional year, making four in all. In truth, however, the
power of attorney held by the said mariscal had been revoked by the
city before he left it in the year 1600. Upon this, I wrote to the
said mariscal in Mexico that, since he was aware of the decree of
his Majesty with regard to his absence, he should return to fulfil
the duty of residence to which he was obliged in these islands, as
soon as the time of his license had expired. If he should go beyond
the period allowed, I informed him that his encomiendas would be
vacated and would be assigned to others. Since he has not fulfilled
the requirement of residence, and since the said term is at an end,
therefore, in virtue of the said section of the instructions and in
fulfilment of what is decreed by another and separate royal decree,
I have commanded that the encomiendas should be vacated, and that
one of them, the encomienda of Bonbon, should be granted to General
Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, a man whose merits, services, and
abilities are known to all. This encomienda is at the present time in
his possession. The income from the other encomiendas I have commanded
to be placed in the royal treasury, which is being done. As for the
report of the said mariscal, made to me in Mexico, that he was there
with the permission of the Audiencia and governor on business for the
city, I wrote your Majesty, in a letter on the second of November of
the year 1601, that it seemed to me proper for permission to reside in
Nueva Espana to be given him, in view of his services and age, since
he was serving with eight musketeers in defense of this country. After
I arrived here and saw how this matter had been arranged, in view
of the aforesaid facts, and of the great inconvenience which results
from the non-residence of encomenderos in this country, I vacated the
said encomiendas, as it seemed to me that your Majesty would not be
served by giving a dispensation to the said mariscal in this matter;
and I would not have made the report which I made in Mexico if I had
previously seen the documents. [_Marginal note_: "Let this be filed
with the papers which deal with this matter."]

Although, as I have said, I assigned the said encomienda to the
said Don Juan Ronquillo, appeal was taken on the part of the said
mariscal and his son (who was successor to the encomienda) to this
royal Audiencia. In this case, after command had been given that a
copy of the documents should be furnished to the parties and to the
fiscal of your Majesty, and after testimony had been taken as regards
the claims of all parties, it was declared that I had authority to
vacate the encomiendas of the said mariscal; and it was decreed that
the parties should exercise their rights of justice, in conformity
with the law of Malinas. [7] It was further decreed that the said
General Don Juan Rronquillo should give bonds that, if at any time it
should be decreed that I did not have this authority to assign the said
encomiendas, he should return the income which he should have collected
therefrom. This decree was, on review, confirmed in all points, and
the case is being prosecuted. I may say to your Majesty that General
Don Juan Rronquillo is one of the most deserving men of the islands,
and one of the highest rank and services here; and further that he
is one of those who received the least rewards. He deserves that
some favor should be shown to him, as I have previously written. I
may add that on account of the aforesaid grant I have discharged him
from the office of commander of the galleys, which had been granted
to him with eight hundred pesos of yearly salary. If this sum is not
paid to him, it is certainly necessary that some compensation should
be made to him; and if in this matter that is not carried out which is
ordained by the royal decrees--which were formerly so closely followed,
especially in this country--much harm will result.

The affairs of Christianity in Japon are in excellent condition,
as your Majesty will see from the letters of two religious which are
enclosed; but the dissensions between the bishop and the religious
orders with regard to those who go by way of these islands to
engage in that ministry cause me great anxiety. They have reached
a very high point, as your Majesty will learn from the statements
which all of them are certain to write to you. In so new a country,
governed by heathen kings, to have wrangling and lack of harmony
among the religious who instruct them cannot fail to cause scandals
and difficulties. Your Majesty will command the proper remedy to be
applied. Inasmuch as I see the necessity of ministers of the gospel
in that kingdom, and the great results which they have obtained,
I have not hindered the passage of religious from these islands to
that country, especially as I have seen no decree of your Majesty
and no brief of his Holiness to the contrary. [_Marginal note_: "Let
this be filed with the other papers dealing with this matter, and let
Don Pedro de Acuna be informed that his report has been considered,
and that attention is being given to it."]

The chiefs of Mindanao have treated for peace; and, although I had
determined to attack them this year and to put an end to them, with
the aid of the ordinary reenforcements in men and money, which I was
expecting from Nueva Hespana, still I have thought it best on account
of the expedition to Maluco to listen favorably to them; and I shall
try to pacify and reduce them by gentle means, since they themselves
have offered such means and have sent a representative to treat for
peace. I have accordingly agreed to what they desire; yet, since they
are Indians, who when they take a whim cannot be restrained from
trying to gratify it, I have little confidence that they will keep
their promises, since there is no holding them to account except
so far as fear will oblige them to it. Still, it seems that this
year they have not made any piratical expeditions to these islands,
although I am informed that they have attacked some of the other
islands in various provinces with a great fleet of caracoas. Being
in some doubt, I have kept the provinces of Pintados in a state of
defense with two galleys, which I have sent there, with other vessels;
for, as I say, there is little confidence to be placed in the treaties
of these tribes. [_Marginal note_: "The council has been informed of
this matter."]

When the Sangleys left here last year they brought but little cloth,
as I wrote at the time to your Majesty. This they sold, at the same
time offering to come again this year with some vessels, and very
early. For this cause the country remained entirely without any
sort of merchandise, although the citizens had considerable money,
as they had no opportunity to invest the returns which had come [from
Mexico]. Since the Chinese are very avaricious, it was regarded as
certain that some vessels would come without fail, and the swift ones
would arrive here much earlier than they ordinarily do in other years:
but this did not happen, for it was the end of May before we had any
news from China. For this reason and on account of the news which
we received from Macan (as I wrote previously) that the Sangleys
were coming to these islands to avenge those who died at the time of
the revolt, the city was in great anxiety and fear. Yet it pleased
God that eighteen vessels should come with a large amount of cloth,
which relieved us of our fear; and it now seems that this arrangement
had been agreed upon. However, demands had been made upon me on the
part of the Chinese for the Sangleys who survived the uprising, whom
I had placed in the galleys. The viceroy of Ucheo and an inspector and
eunuch, who are two other mandarins who keep constant watch over him,
sent me a letter, which will go with this; to this letter I refer,
as also to a copy of the answer which I have made, with the approval
of the Audiencia. The style is not very polished, because those who
translate it are not very skilful in both languages; and, in order
that they may understand it, it is better that the letter should be
written in these terms, as experience has showed. We are striving to
maintain our friendship with that king, since he is very powerful;
and we sustain our position here only by the reputation that we
have. [_Marginal note_: "This statement of his has been noted."]

The licentiate Geronimo de Salacar y Salcedo, fiscal of this royal
Audiencia, died two or three months ago. No great loss will result
hereby to the affairs to the royal treasury, since he paid little
attention to them in his office. For the interim before your Majesty
shall appoint a person to fulfil the duties of this position, the
Audiencia has appointed the bachelor Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, a man
of learning, integrity, and responsibility--such a man as might be
desired for this office. My acquaintance with all these qualifications
in him has constrained me to call your Majesty's attention to them,
so that you might be pleased to favor him; for surely, in my opinion,
it would not be possible to find another man more suitable for this
office. He has property of his own, and claims and suits give him no
anxiety. Accordingly, I have made special efforts to induce him to
accept the position; for it is necessary to seek persons like him for
such offices. Since he has had so much experience with the business
of this office, I have no doubt that he will give a good account of
himself. [_Marginal note_: "Referred to the Council."]

The commanders of the galleys which your Majesty has in Hespana,
Italia, Yndias, and other regions appoint for the said galleys
a chief chaplain and chaplains. After these are approved and have
obtained a license from the ordinary to carry on their ministries, the
archbishops and their vicars and the bishops do not trouble themselves
about the chaplains. This is a settled and recognized custom, so
that no one pays any attention to it except the archbishop of this
city, because there is nothing with which he does not meddle. He
has handed in a document, maintaining that this is not a concern
of your Majesty's but belongs to him, and that he has the right to
nominate and approve the chaplains to these positions if he desires,
or to decline to approve them. Accordingly, after I had nominated
an approved religious, a preacher of the Order of St. Augustine,
as chaplain of these galleys, the bishop directed him, under pain of
excommunication, not to fulfil this ministry, declaring that I had
no authority to make the nomination. Certain other religious who had
been chaplains of galleys in Spain, and General Don Diego de Mendoca,
and others who had sailed in galleys there, and who were acquainted
with the system followed in them, all gave testimony; but this was
not sufficient to restrain him from carrying out his purpose. I beg
that your Majesty will be pleased to give command that since this
matter does not concern him he shall not meddle with it, nor with the
other things which are outside his jurisdiction. [_Marginal note_:
"Referred to the Council of War."]

In other letters I have reported to your Majesty the great importance,
for the security and defense of this country, of maintaining a supply
of galleys, and I have also reported the number which I have supplied
with arms. Since they cannot be kept up without an allowance of money
sufficient for them, I beg your Majesty to be pleased to command that
there shall be set aside twenty thousand ducados from the treasury of
Mexico, or else from the ten per cent duty levied at Acapulco upon
the merchandise exported hence. The purpose of this fund shall be
to maintain four or five galleys, which are necessary here. This is
the same amount that is spent in Cartagena for a single galley, and
your Majesty may trust me, as one who has looked carefully into the
matter, that this is necessary; and that expenditures without this only
waste funds and consume lives in gaining nothing. [_Marginal note_:
"Referred to the Council of War."]

I shall examine some despatches which have been received here this
year, which as yet I have not been able to do because of the necessity
of concluding this despatch, and I shall answer them at the first
opportunity. May God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty, as
Christendom has need.

From the port of Cavite, July 8, 1605.

_Don Pedro de Acuna_

[_Endorsed_: "August 2, 1606. Examination and decree within"]


Sire:

Many are the labors of this charge, both bodily and spiritual,
and almost without surcease must be the cares of him who holds, on
his own account and for your Majesty, the protection, defense, and
preservation of a kingdom and provinces so far from your royal person,
and amid so many nations, so great in numbers and so powerful, who have
so extraordinary tendencies, laws, and customs. From these we promise
ourselves, in time, with the help of God, excellent results for His
greater glory and the increase of His church. No one of these things
has given me so much anxiety as the conduct of the licentiate Don
Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. This man,
with his temper, his haughtiness, and lack of understanding, has given
and is giving so many occasions for annoyance to the people, to me, and
to his companions--and particularly to the soldiers, and the military
and royal officials--that I have had more ado to moderate, adjust,
and set right his affairs than all others in my charge. His arrogance
is terrible. The citizens, even the most powerful of them, fear him,
for they realize that in his position as senior auditor he has the
boldness to attempt any design to their harm that comes into his mind,
or suits his desires, and that he carries out his plans. Consequently,
all cry out to God for redress for his unjust acts. For there is
no redress here, and it comes but tardily from your Majesty, owing
to the time necessary for it to reach this country. I do all that I
can, but he gives me so many provocations that it is a wonder some
great quarrel has not occurred. To obviate the difficulty in regard
to the troops, I have ordered that the companies of the guard shall
not enter in angular order, but in troops, as has been done now for
more than five months; for it appears that he was carefully awaiting
an opportunity to rout them, horse and foot, with all his blacks. I
refer to the two informations, sent herewith, which concern this,
and the rest. Although I did not choose to make investigations, for
the sake of greater secrecy, and to avoid the annoyances that the
witnesses of lower rank might suffer if the said Don Antonio knew
that they swore against him therein, measures will be taken to find
out what there is in the affair.

The said Don Antonio has persistently striven to bring about his
marriage with Dona Margarita de Figueroa, daughter of Captain Esteban
Rodriguez de Figueroa, and has employed many instruments to accomplish
this. Several suits have been brought before the royal Audiencia on
the part of the said Dona Margarita and her sister, both of whom
were minors, against the royal treasury, some of these involving
large sums of money, as did that which concerned the conquest of
Mindanao. These girls had many suitors, and there were differences
of opinion as to where they could reside with the most security
and privacy, so that there should be no negotiations concerning
their marriages; for they were very rich, and had near relatives to
claim guardianship over them--as their grandmother, the wife of the
accountant of the royal exchequer; and Captain Francisco de Mercado,
whom the father of the minors left as their guardian, and in whose
hands was the said property. The said Don Antonio, with this object,
began to favor the causes of the above-named persons, and communicated
his intention to Andres Duarte de Figueroa, their uncle, the brother of
their father--whom he considered a safe person, as he was his intimate
friend, and a claimant for the guardianship of the girls. He proceeded
so artfully that the guardianship of the minors was denied to all the
others by the Audiencia, who commanded that they be given over to the
said Andres Duarte, who was an unmarried man. Owing to the pretensions
which the said Don Antonio entertained in regard to this marriage,
he decided the said cases in favor of the said minors, which greatly
pleased their uncle, and caused much complaint on the part of those
who were present. He used to go at night to visit the said minors,
causing a great deal of talk by his intentions. Although his purpose
was well understood by the public, it became more apparent when Don
Juan de Tello was negotiating a marriage with the said Dona Margarita,
who is now his wife. On this account the said Don Juan, fearing that
Don Antonio will be as much opposed to him in the said suits now,
as he was formerly favorable to the said minors, has accused him,
and is furnishing information against him. My proceedings in this
case, and in one of those which I mention in a paragraph before this,
are sent by this mail, by which your Majesty will see the results of
the investigation. It is held as certain that the said Don Antonio
has brought great pressure to bear on the said Andres Duarte that
he may not betray him in the matter of the said marriage, but shall
say that he was asking it for his brother, and not for himself; and
that the said Andres, on account of his friendship, and, knowing Don
Antonio's temper, fearing that the latter will do him some harm, would
not declare against him. I believe that he is going to Espana, where
perhaps he will make this matter known, as he will be free from the
jurisdiction of the auditor; but here what he swears under oath only
hinders the matter. The troubles arising from the pretensions of the
said Don Antonio are not confined to this matter; for, furthermore,
when the uprising of the Sangleys occurred, and the auditors were
obliged to lay aside their robes and put on short cloaks, as they
did, the said Don Antonio went about with a gilded sword. Then,
when occasion for this was past, the other auditors put on their
robes; but the said Don Antonio seemed to think that he represented
a different person from an auditor, and was not obliged to do as the
other auditors did. He kept on his short cloak and sword, and appeared
thus in the halls of justice, possibly because he thought it suited
his affair of the marriage, as it was at this time that he pressed it
most. And as I thought that it was not right that he should try to
distinguish himself in so unfitting a manner, and that it ought not
to be permitted, and as remarks about it had been made in public, I
told him of it, and asked him to put on the robe. The answer he gave
was what your Majesty may learn in the document which accompanies
this, to which I refer you--adding only that your Majesty may judge
by this matter how other things must go, and his manner of behavior,
in which he goes so far as to say, and let it be understood, that he
alone can do these things, and must command everything. Your Majesty
will decree the remedy which is expedient and so necessary. May our
Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty with the happiness
needful for Christendom. Manila, July 15, 1605.

_Don Pedro de Acuna_




DOCUMENTS OF 1606



    The Dominican mission of 1606. Diego Aduarte, O.P., and others;
    1604-06.
    The Dutch factory at Tidore. Joan ----; March 16.
    The Sangley insurrection of 1603. Miguel Rodriguez de Maldonado.
    Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Telles de Almacan,
    and others; July 6.
    Letter from the fiscal to Felipe III. Rodrigo Diaz Guiral; July.
    The Terrenate expedition. Council of the Indias; August 5 and 15.
    Decree establishing a way-station for Philippine vessels on the
    California coast. Felipe III; August 19.
    Chinese immigration in the Philippines. Pedro Munoz de Herrera,
    and others; July-November.
    Letter to Acuna. Felipe III; November 4.


_Sources_: All these documents are obtained from foreign archives:
the third (a printed pamphlet) from the Real Academia de Historia,
Madrid; the sixth, from the Archivo general at Simancas; the seventh,
from the British Museum; the last, from the Archivo Historico Nacional,
Madrid; all the rest, from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_. The first, second, fourth, fifth, and eighth of these
documents are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of
Wisconsin; the third and seventh, by James A. Robertson; the sixth
and ninth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University.




The Dominican Mission of 1606


I, Fray Diego Duarte, [8] of the Order of St. Dominic, affirm that
his Majesty by his royal decree, which I present herewith, commanded
that in addition to the thirty religious and four servants whom in
accordance with his said royal decree I received permission to convey
to the Feliphinas Islands, I should conduct ten other religious,
making forty in all; and that for the despatch of all of them your
Lordship should give me what was necessary at the expense of his
royal treasury. This allowance is to be in conformity with the report
mentioned in the said decree (which your Lordship has sent to the
royal Council of the Yndias), which states the cost of the passage
to the Yndias of each religious. Since the time is now far advanced,
it is necessary for me to receive the payment for the said religious
in order that they may make their voyage in the fleet which is about
to be despatched to the province of Nueva Spana, and that his Majesty's
commands may be fulfilled. This cannot take effect unless your Lordship
provide me with the money necessary to buy clothing and ship supplies,
and what else is needed.

Therefore I beg and pray your Lordship to give commands that, in
addition to the seven hundred and seventy thousand seven hundred and
fifty-two maravedis which the treasurer Don Melchor Maldonado has been
commanded to deliver to me, in conformity with the said royal decree
issued from the royal council of the treasury, for the despatch of
the said religious, there may be delivered and paid to me the amount
which, in conformity with the said report sent by your Lordship to
the said royal council, shall be necessary and sufficient for the
despatch and maintenance of the said ten religious whom, as I have
said, his Majesty by his said royal decree commands me to conduct to
the said islands in addition to the said thirty religious--for whom
only your Lordship has given commands that allowance shall be made to
me. Thus your Lordship will do service to our Lord, and will fulfil
his Majesty's directions. For this, etc.

_Fray Diego Duarte_

The aforesaid members of the Council, having considered this petition,
give as their decision that a warrant has been delivered for the
amount for which he possesses the necessary papers; and that as for
the rest for which the said Fray Diego Duarte offers his prayer, he
shall receive the papers needed; and they, accordingly direct that
a warrant shall issue in conformity with the ordinance of the treasury.

Before me.    _Adriano de Siguenca_, notary.


Your Lordship: Fray Diego Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic declares
that in accordance with the commands received from your Highness
directing him to seek religious of his order in order to conduct
them to his province in the Philippinas Islands, he has exerted
himself to do so, and will take the number of forty. He offers his
petition to your Highness that you will be pleased to command that he
shall accordingly be given what is necessary in order that they may
go aboard and also what they need to convey them to Sevilla, since
[his Majesty] by Don Francisco de Tejada, of his council, gave his
royal word to provide him with it. [Without date or signature.]

[_Endorsed_: "Let him receive the two hundred ducados which were
decreed to be given. January 11, 1605." "Let father Fray Diego Duarte
receive what is needed for himself and thirty religious; and, if
he conducts more, for as many as forty, in accordance with the new
estimate and report; and let him receive in addition two hundred
ducados beside the two hundred which were given him for the living
and conveyance of the said religious on their way to Sevilla. Decreed
in full council; Valladolid, January 19, 1605."]

_List of the Religious who go to the Province of the Holy Rosary in
the Philippinas with father Fray Diego Aduarte during the present
year, 1605_

_From San Esteban at Salamanca_

Father Fray Diego del Aguila, son of the same convent and at the
present time preacher in it, a native of Escalona; aged forty-eight
years, thirty-two years in the order.

Father Fray Marcos de los Huertos, son of the same convent, a native
of Astudillo; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; his
studies completed.

Father Fray Pedro de Armeiun, son of the same convent, a native of
Calahorra; aged twenty-eight years, nine years in the order; his
studies completed.

Father Joan de Vera, a son of the same convent, a native of Berlanga;
aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Martin de la Anunciacion, a son of the same convent,
a native of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged twenty-nine years, seven
years in the order; in the third year of theology.

Father Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, a son of the same convent,
a native of Fuente de Cantos; aged twenty-eight years, seven years
in the order; in the third year of theology.

Father Fray Matheo de la Villa, a son of the same convent, a native
of Asturias; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; his
studies completed.

Father Fray Diego Gomez, a son of the same convent, a native of the
district of Avila; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order;
in the second year of theology.

Father Fray Lorenzo de Ponis, a son of the same convent, a native of
the district of Burgos; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the
order; his studies completed, since before he assumed the habit he
was far advanced in them.

Brother Fray Gaspar de Casa-Blanca, deacon, a son of the convent of
Nuestra Senora at Pena de Francia, a native of the town of Fresneda;
aged twenty-three years, six years in the order; in the first year
of theology.

Brother Fray Antonio de Salazar, sub-deacon, a native of Salamanca
and a son of the convent there; aged twenty-two years, six years in
the order; in the first year of theology.

Brother Fray Roque Benito, a son of the convent of San Pedro Martir
at Calataiud; aged twenty-one years, seven years in the order; in
the second year of theology; a native of Ateca in Aragon.

Brother Fray Antonio Vazquez, lay brother of the same convent, a
native of Vittoria; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order.

Brother Fray Joan Zilarte, lay brother of the same convent, a native
of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged thirty-two years, eight years in
the order.


_From San Yldefonso at Toro_

Father Fray Lorenzo Campo, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo at
Ocana, a native of Corral de Almaguer; aged twenty-six years, seven
in the order; in the second year of theology.

Brother Fray Diego Lopez, deacon, native and son of Plasencia;
aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the second year
of theology.


_From Santo Thomas el Real at Avila_

Father Fray Francisco del Barrio, native and son of Victoria; aged
twenty-six years, eight years in the order; in the third year of
theology.

Father Fray Gabriel Perez, native and son of Ocana; aged twenty-six
years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.


_From Sancta Cruz at Segovia_

Father Fray Ambrosio de Huerta, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo
at Ocana; aged twenty years, three years in the order; his studies
completed.

Brother Fray Manuel de Ledesma, a son of the same convent, a native
of Segobia; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in the
second year of theology.

Brother Fray Gabriel de Zuniga, sub-deacon, a son of the convent of
Yepes, a native of Ocana; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the
order; in the first year of theology.

Brother Fray Francisco Rodriguez, a son of the same convent, a native
of Guadalaxara; aged thirty years, ten years in the order. He is a
lay brother.


_From Sancta Cruz at Carboneras_

Father Fray Jacinto Lopez de San Geronimo, a son of the same convent,
a native of Torrejoncillo de Huete; aged twenty-eight years, eleven
years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Joan de Cuebas, a son of the same convent and lecturer
on the arts therein, a native of Cardenete; aged twenty-five years,
nine years in the order.


_From San Pedro Martyr at Toledo_

Father Fray Joseph de San Jacinto, a son of the convent of Ocana, a
native of Salvanes; aged twenty-five years, eight years in the order;
in the second year of theology.

Brother Fray Pedro Gomez, deacon, a son of the convent San Gines
at Talavera, a native of the same place; aged twenty-three years,
seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.


_From San Pablo at Valladolid_

Father Fray Jacinto Orfanel, a son of the convent of Santa Catalina
at Barcelona, a native of the district of Valencia; aged twenty-eight
years, eight years in the order; his studies completed.


_From the college of San Gregorio at Valladolid_

Father Fray Pedro Balberde, a native of the district of Cordova, a
son of the convent of San Pablo at Cordoba; aged twenty-five years,
seven years in the order; his studies completed.


_From the college of Santo Thomas at Alcala_

Father Fray Melchor Mancano, a native of Villaseusa de Aro, a son
of the convent of Santo Domingo at Ocana; aged twenty-six years,
nine years in the order; his studies completed.

Father Fray Joan de Leiba, a native of La Rioja, a son of the convent
of Nuestra Senora at Atocha; aged thirty years, ten years in the order;
his studies completed.

Father Fray Andres de Velasco, a native of La Rioja, a son of the
convent of San Pablo at Burgos; aged twenty-eight years, ten years
in the order, his studies completed.

Brother Fray Joan Ordima, deacon, son of the convent of San Pedro
Martyr at Toledo, a native of the same place; aged twenty-four years,
eight years in the order; his studies completed.

Brother Fray Juan Rodriguez Morcillo, deacon, son of the convent of
La Madre de Dios at Alcala, a native of Madridejos; aged twenty-three
years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology.


_From Santa Maria at Nieva_

Father Fray Domingo del Arco, a native of the district of Guadalaxara,
a son of the convent of La Madre de Dios at Alcala; aged twenty-six
years, six years in the order. He is not far advanced in his studies,
but is very well fitted for this expedition.


_From Santiago in Galicia_

Father Fray Garcia Oroz, a native of the district of Pamplona, a
son of the convent of Nuestra Senora at Atocha; aged fifty years,
thirty years in the order. This father has been in Nueva Espana. I
ask for a dispensation that he may have permission to accompany me,
for he will be of great use in this expedition and to that province.


_From the convent of La Magdalenaat Alfararin, in the kingdom of
Aragon_

Father Fray Domingo Vicente, a son of the convent of Preachers in
Zaragoza; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; a native
of the district of Calatayud; his studies completed.


_From the convent of San Pedro Martyr at Calatayud_

Brother Fray Jacinto Francin, deacon, a native of Caspe and a son of
the convent there; aged twenty-three years, five years in the order:
in the first year of theology.


_From the convent of Corpus Christi at Luchente_

Father Fray Dionisio de Rueda, a son of the same convent; aged
thirty-two years, sixteen years in the order; his studies completed. He
is a native of Valencia.

In addition, I expect from the kingdoms of Cataluna and Valencia as
many as twelve other religious who, as I certainly know, are very
suitable persons for this mission, but I do not know their names. I
shall not be able to learn these names until the religious reach here,
which will be very late. I beg your Highness to be pleased to send me
a license, so that I may have authority to take all of them; for, in
the confidence that I should receive that permission, I have searched
them out and disturbed them in their convents. I swear, on the faith
of a religious and a priest, that those whom I have assigned so far
are the aforesaid.

_Fray Diego Aduarte_


With regard to nearly all of those whose names appear in the list I
am certain that they are religious of approved life and holy zeal, and
that they will be able to do good service to our Lord in the conversion
of the kingdoms and countries of the Indians. Many of them I saw on
the road to Sebilla going on foot, to the edification of others, and in
the order of sanctity. In the case of two or three I have found no one
who knew them; but I trust in God and in the excellent zeal and choice
of father Fray Diego Duarte that they will be like the rest. This is
what I know; and in testimony of its truthfulness I have signed it
with my name. In the convent of San Pablo at Valladolid June 4, 1605.

_Fray Garcia Guerra_, Master [9] and Procurator.

[_Endorsed_: "Let the documents necessary for the expenses of these
religious be issued. Valladolid, on the sixth of June, one thousand
six hundred and five.]"


To Diego de Vergara Gaviria, receiver of oaths in this Council:
From the sums in your charge received for court fines give and pay
to Fray Diego de Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic, two hundred
ducados, amounting to seventy-five thousand maravedis, which it has
been commanded to give him in addition to two hundred ducados which
by warrant of this Council, dated August 31 last, in the year 604,
we commanded you to pay him. This is on account of the expenses
which he is obliged to incur in the conveyance and support of the
religious. Take his receipt, with which and with this warrant the
accountants of his Majesty who aid this Council shall receive and
credit you on account the sum which you shall thus pay him. At
Valladolid, on the thirty-first of August in the year one thousand
six hundred and four. [10]

Signed by the Council.


_A true report of the difficulties of conducting religious to the
Philipinas, because of the severe restrictions imposed by the decrees
of his Majesty in regard to the matter_.

Although taking religious to any part of the Indias is a very
arduous undertaking, it is incomparably more so to convey them to
the Philippinas, since the journey is much longer, and there are more
places on the way at which it is necessary to have dealings with royal
officials. Accordingly, this voyage offers difficulties twice as great
as the others. Not only is it necessary to cross two great seas--those
of the North [Atlantic] and, of the South [Pacific]--besides the
difficult journey across the country of Nueva Espana from one ocean
to the other, but in addition his Majesty obliges us who make this
journey to pass through so many hands and through so many registries
as are certainly intolerable. If affairs be always conducted thus,
it will be truly impossible to make the voyage according to the very
severe regulations laid down by his Majesty, and with the very slight
assistance given by his officials to the religious. I do not expatiate
upon the great difficulties in obtaining religious, on their own side,
as they are the sons of many mothers; and as soon as they begin the
journey they hear a thousand things in regard to the evils of the
country where they are going. Even if nothing more is said of it than
that there is neither bread nor wine therein, that is enough to daunt
a giant. Then those who by their strength of character overcome these
difficulties at the edge of the water are frightened at the sea, and
at the dismal prophecies that are usually current, that the fleet
will be lost on account of sailing very late (as it almost always
does) from Espana. Thus many of the religious have not courage to
embark; while those who overcome this difficulty and do go aboard,
being new to the sea and seeing themselves in so narrow a space as
is that of one ship, and being very seasick--indeed, there are many
who during the whole voyage cannot raise their heads--are delighted
to find themselves on shore alive. Then having set foot on the land
of Nueva Espana, from which they understand that they are obliged
to pass anew through all that they have already suffered, and over a
much larger ocean, they are put to the test by the climate; some die,
and others find themselves attacked by a thousand sicknesses. They
get there no better report about the country to which they are
going than they had in Espana--indeed a much worse one, as it is
received from eye-witnesses, both laymen and friars; and they dare
not go on farther. All these difficulties have to be conquered by
the commissary who conducts them, by means of his prudence, of which
he needs a goodly supply. He is obliged to conduct them with love,
for the religious are not of a character to be treated with rigor
and violence, especially in a matter contrary to flesh and blood,
when they exile themselves to those distant countries, so hot and
so sterile, leaving their own land, which perhaps they can never
forget. Hence, if they were to be treated with violence the result
which your Majesty desires would not follow, that is, the service of
God and of your Majesty's self in the conversion of souls. Not only
would they, if thus treated, destroy more than they would build up,
but they would serve only to disquiet those who were there occupied in
the building up of that great church. These difficulties themselves are
not so small; but it is reasonable to add the other and greater ones,
such as are those of sending the religious away, and those which are
stated in the following paragraphs.

_What occurs at Valladolid in despatching this business._ The first
of the difficulties is in the first steps taken to bring the journey
before the Council at the court. These steps are many; and anyone who
goes thither without money--and those who come from the Philippinas to
treat for this matter generally have no money--will find it necessary
to take a great many more steps, since the officials regard that
time as lost which they spend upon despatching the business of a
man who offers them no advantages. Accordingly, it is not possible
to obtain documents from them except by dint of importunate prayers,
and these necessarily require much going about; this in the streets of
Valladolid in winter is a very arduous task, especially for religious,
who cannot leave their convent whenever they please. Still, to avoid
this going from place to place is impossible if the business is to be
carried on. After obtaining an order from the Council of the Indias,
which one cannot generally get at the first request, it is necessary
to obtain a second order from the Council of the Exchequer with regard
to the allowance for the journey, and both of these must be recorded
by the accountants of both councils. Although this may be necessary
to give further security to the decrees of his Majesty and to relieve
them from any suspicion of forgery, still, as those which are given
to religious persons, and for so pious a purpose as this, are free
from such suspicion, they may well be privileged in some respects and
need not be obliged to pass through so many registries. On account
of the great number of matters which are attended to in Valladolid,
documents cannot pass through all the registries without taking much
time. Accordingly, much trouble is necessarily caused in the hospices
[_i.e._, guest-houses] of the convents where they lodge, and the
commissioner who takes charge of this business is also obliged to
suffer even more inconvenience--finding that for business so much to
the advantage of our lord the king, and requiring so great labor and
responsibility on his own part, and in which there is not a trace of
profit to himself, it should be necessary to make such exertions at
the very beginning. I confess, for my part, that I would have given
up at this first station on the route if I had not supposed that all
the hindrances to this voyage that I could encounter in the direction
of his Majesty would have ended at this point; but later it will be
seen how completely deceived I was in this notion. However, it is as
well that all those who concern themselves with this business should
be so deceived at the beginning, for if they were not they would give
up this work, pious as it is.

_The smallness of the allowance for conducting the religious to
Sevilla._ Further, the amount which your Majesty commands to be
granted in Valladolid for conveying the religious from their convents
to Sevilla, is insufficient by far for the expense thus incurred. I
conducted the religious who accompanied me to Sevilla in the greatest
poverty, for many of them went on foot, and he who was best equipped
rode an ass. Yet I arrived in Sevilla burdened by a debt of more than
two hundred ducados, merely from the expenditure which I was obliged
to make on their account.

_In Sevilla._ In Sevilla, which is the second stopping-place, another
troop of difficulties are encountered. In general, it is customary
at the House of Trade to make some additions to the decrees of his
Majesty; in order that these be accepted a great number of requirements
must be fulfilled, the lack of any one of which is sufficient to
invalidate the documents. Usually some one of these is lacking, from
which it is easy to understand the embarrassment in which he must be
who has charge of this matter, when he finds himself and his companions
already in Sevilla without sufficient means for their support. This
happened to me, and I am certain that I was not the first, and that
he who follows me will not be the last, thus situated. I found myself
in such embarrassment as the result of this that I was almost on the
point of abandoning the enterprise at that time.

_The small allowance for provisions on the voyage._ Moreover, the
amount granted in Sevilla for the entire support of the religious
is far from sufficient for this purpose. If the amount commanded
to be granted to them is divided into vestments, bedding, carriage
of books, and freight-charges from Sevilla to Sanlucar, the amount
allowed for the ship supplies for each person comes to only twenty-two
ducados, which is all that they actually had. It is easy to see that
it is impossible to obtain with this, or even approach, all that is
necessary. It is certainly true that for bread and wine alone, I spent
almost all of what the king granted me for supplies on the voyage;
and that I had to encroach upon what was granted me for vestments and
what clothes the friars themselves used for apparel. In addition,
I was unable to pay all that we owed in Sevilla to the convent for
the days during which we had remained there; accordingly, when I left
it I was out of favor with the prior and the other brethren of the
convent and yet I reduced to a very limited amount the supplies for the
voyage. This is the statement of facts _in verbo sacerdotis_; for it
may be evident in what straits we were, to anyone who has received as
allowance for this purpose no more than that which the king gives, as
ordinarily those who come from the Philippinas have only that amount.

_The requirement that the Council shall approve the religious who
are to go is severe and useless._ After all this, the requirement
of making the voyage under the very severe rule that the Council
shall approve the friars who are to go to the Indias brings the whole
undertaking within obvious risk of failure. If the list of names of
the religious who are going must be certain and accurate, it cannot
be sent to the Council before they are all assembled in Sevilla;
for up to that point it is very uncertain who are to go. Even then it
still remains uncertain, for many come back from Sevilla. The ordinary
state of affairs is that all are gathered there a few days only before
the departure of the fleet, for, if they go much sooner, there is no
means for their support; for his Majesty gives commands to provide
a real and a half daily for every religious, while the contribution
demanded from the convent is three reals a day for each one. Now,
if the list of names of the religious cannot be sent to Valladolid
earlier, even if it should be approved there at the very moment--and
usually business there is despatched quite otherwise--it is necessary
that the approval shall come back from Valladolid immediately, or
else the fleet will have departed, or be on the point of going. In the
meantime the religious are in suspense, without knowing whether they
are to make the voyage or no; for in the House of Trade at Sevilla they
either refuse to give them the grant necessary for their support until
the approval of the Council arrives, or, if they grant it in advance,
they require a bond which the poor commissary does not know where to
find--and which even if he could find it would be unwise for him to
give, since he has no means by which to satisfy it in case the Council
decree some other thing than what he expects. If, on the other hand,
the House of Trade allows the grant after the appropriation arrives,
the time is so short that it is impossible to provide the supplies for
the voyage, except very poorly and in great haste, and at a very high
price, since one must purchase without time for examination. Besides
this, the religious are greatly hurt to find themselves subjected to
an examination at the hands of the Council with regard to their life,
their habits, and their family, just as if to permit them to go to the
Indias were as much as to appoint them to bishoprics; this has greatly
cooled their ardor. If the commissary who conducts them is not a man
of great prudence, so that he can gild and smooth over this annoyance,
it is certain that not one of them will go farther. Much more is it
true that, if the rule should become known in the provinces of Castilla
and Aragon, whence the religious for these missions usually go, no one
would enter them; for if a man is required to leave his own country
and his relatives and friends, and exile himself to the end of the
world, at the risk of being excluded from the missions by the Council
of the Indias, that would be the same as to put on him an eternal
_sanbenito_ [11] in his order. Indeed, who would voluntarily subject
himself to an interrogation of this sort? May it please God that,
even if the bridge be made of silver, they shall be willing to go,
all the more for so long and hard a voyage as that to the Philippinas,
which in itself involves so many difficulties that only the arm of
God can overcome them. It would be well to entrust to the commissary
who conveys them this examination into their life and habits, for,
if he is a conscientious man, he knows well that he lays a burden
upon his conscience if he conducts ministers who will not unburden
the conscience of the king; and, if he is not conscientious, these
ordinances are ineffective, for, as they are so rigorous, he will
evade them with very little trouble and at no expense to himself,
for the whole matter must rest upon the honesty with which he is
willing to act.

_Registry fees in Sanlucar._ In Sanlucar is the third
stopping-place. Here, however well a man may have managed his business
in getting out of Sevilla, there are never lacking hindrances;
for whenever religious are registered there for passage they always
meet with some obstacle, if it be nothing more than being asked for
fees. These fees are demanded by the clerk of the registry and by
the inspector of the ships, who is usually an official of the House
of Trade at Sevilla. This demand for a fee for every religious who
goes through is a very base thing. As for me, I was asked for three
reals apiece by the clerk. As I thought that the act was an injustice,
I went to the accountant and reported the case to him; it seemed even
worse to him, and he told me that he would correct it. He did so by
telling me on the following day that I should give the clerk what he
asked for, and a real and a half more for every one; and that, if I
did not do so he would not permit me to go aboard. This is the truth,
_in verbo sacerdotis_. It seems to me that since the king does not
require us to pay fees for our books and clothes, still less ought
we to be asked to pay fees for our persons. I sent a complaint to
the duke of Medina, who was greatly offended, and condemned the act,
so finally they gave me my despatch for almost nothing.

_Fees on the Northern Sea._ At sea there is another registry at the
time of the inspection of the ships, which generally takes place in
mid-ocean at some time when the wind is fair, at the pleasure of the
commander of the fleet. In truth, it seems as if it were invented
solely for the gain which the officials obtain from it. They exact
twelve reals from every passenger; and since the poor are usually
by that time drained so dry that most of them go on board without a
single real--having spent everything on expenses in port, the king's
fees, and the ingenious exactions of the custom-house officers and
excise-men--they suffer more from this than from everything else
that they have previously spent. In my case they did me the honor to
excuse me from the fees for the religious, but refused to do so for
the servants whom we brought with us. Finally, however, we brought
them to the point of agreeing to this because it was plain that we
all had come by the order of his Majesty. This affair was the cause
of no small embarrassment and resentment for all.

_From San Joan de Lua to Mexico._ In the port of San Joan de Lua [12]
in Nueva Espana is the fourth station on the route. It is not the most
comfortable one, although it ought to be so, since all arrive there
much exhausted and worn out by the voyage. There one begins anew to
deal with royal officials, to whom money must be given. Thus after we
have passed the ocean the torments begin, which have no mercy upon
those whom the ocean has many times spared. At that port it is very
necessary to have something left over from one's sea-stores, for
the expenses are very great in this country. The vicar must not be
niggardly in distributing them, if he has to transact any business;
or he must arm himself with patience, which is very necessary. His
Majesty commands that the religious be provided there with what they
need from his royal treasury for the journey which they must make to
Mexico. They allow them only ten days for the journey, and provide
food only for that period. The road is eighty leguas in length
and is very rough, so that it takes a well-mounted horseman with a
light load all of ten days to make it. How much more must it take
for people going in company, and with a string of pack animals (as
the religious ordinarily travel), who do not expect to go more than
five or six leguas a day. Moreover, they are traveling in countries of
varying climates; one of these being hot and the next cold, they often
fall ill on the road, and some cannot travel farther. It is no small
achievement for those in health to reach Mexico in twenty days. That
which is allowed them for ten days' journey is not enough, as is very
certain, in this country; how, then, will it suffice for twenty?

_In Mexico_. In the City of Mexico, which is the court of Nueva
Espana, is the fifth stopping-place, where all of the difficulties
which have been experienced at the court of our lord the king and in
the city of Sevilla are renewed; because here one has to deal with
royal officials in order to obtain money, and with the officials of
his lordship the viceroy regarding the formalities necessary for the
second embarcation. And both classes of officials make themselves
so much the owners of the poor religious who has need of them that,
when they again commence their demands here, he would, even if he had
the patience of a Job, need all of it because of the many occasions
which are here offered for his losing it. Although I arrived at Mexico
burdened with the expenses of the journey, and had no food and no
place from which to get it, the royal officials are not obliged to
pay a single maravedi until all the party have passed through their
registers. This will be done when they please. They inquire from the
religious where their homes are, and who are their parents--a very
unpleasant thing. One requires great assistance from Heaven in order
not to resent it bitterly. They put so little confidence in his word
and oath that what they do not see with their own eyes it is not worth
while to swear to them. It happened, on the day when they registered
me, that I did not have with me three religious, who were lying sick
in the city of Los Angeles, which is on the route hither. Although I
told the royal officials of this and swore it _in verbo sacerdotis_,
that did not avail to make them give me the subsistence which I was
obliged to send to those sick men. After this, since the stay in
Mexico is long, lasting for almost a half a year, they asked money
whenever they paid the tri-yearly allowance, and for every warrant
they charged ten pesos, which comes to eighty [13] pesos. The payment
is made in silver, to exchange which for current money causes a great
deal of loss. Thus all of these pilferings consume the little which
is given to the religious. I pass over the fact that it is impossible
to collect money due without taking many steps and hearing many rude
answers and sometimes insulting language. At one time when I was
making such claims, one of the Mexican accountants uttered to me,
before respectable witnesses, an insult which cut me to the heart,
because I felt it as a man; and if he had uttered those words to one
of his slaves, it might have wounded him.

_In Acapulco_. At the port of Acapulco is the last stopping-place. I
do not even know what happens there, for at the time of writing this
report we have not arrived there; but I have sufficient evidence
that it must be the most burdensome of all. It is about three months
since I have had three religious there, being obliged to send them
in advance that they might prepare there what is needed for the
voyage. One of them with my power of attorney requested the royal
officials there to grant them a house, as is usual and customary,
that they might collect there the ship-stores which are on the way
from Mexico, and might lodge the friars there when about to make the
journey. They presented for this purpose your Majesty's decree which
I possess, and the officials replied that they would not grant them
the house without a command from the viceroy. I sent this to them,
and they made I know not what additions, and so have sent it back
to me. During the two months and more that have been occupied with
these demands and answers, the poor friars have slept on the ground,
without having anyone to take them into his house--except that, being
taken ill, they were received in the hospital. It is with all these
hardships and difficulties that this voyage, so much to the service
of God and of his Majesty, is taken, besides those experienced in
the voyage itself, which are enough to make the beard of the bravest
tremble. His Majesty requires, in spite of all this, that all of the
religious who go from Espana to Philippinas must proceed thither,
without permission being granted for any to remain in Nueva Spana;
but there is no means less suitable to gain that end than obliging
them to pass through so many difficulties. They come out of them
so much grieved and humiliated that their courage and good will in
serving his Majesty has come to an end. To transport them by force
most certainly is no profit to his royal service, much less to the
service of God. It does no good to the cause of religion, as I said
in the beginning. Besides this, if your Majesty is pleased that we
religious shall pass through so many registries without having our
word or oath believed in them, because of the fraud that might exist
in the amounts allowed to us from his royal treasury--if we are not
to be trusted in this matter, much less shall be so in regard to the
relief of his conscience, for which he sends us to those regions. Hence
it seems that sending us might be dispensed with; the more since his
Majesty entrusts this matter to his royal officials to whose direction
and command he subjects us religious. They, perhaps supposing that by
showing themselves rigorous in a matter of such piety they are likely
to be regarded as zealous for the protection of the royal treasury in
all other matters, draw the string until it breaks. But it is evident
that there are royal officials in the Indias who maintain princely
houses, perhaps without having inherited means for this from their
parents. With regard to them it is plainly known that they serve the
king solely for their own advantage; yet his Majesty trusts more to
them than to disinterested religious who ask for nothing but their
food and lodging on the road. If this costs much, it is because the
journey is so tedious. Although at this point it might be said that
the accounts of the royal officials have to be audited in due time,
and that therefore they are more to be trusted, I, who have seen
much of the world and know what happens in it, know also what is the
fact in this matter. It is, that he who goes out of office richest
at the time of the residencia goes out the best justified; hence,
for fear of that, he never fails to make his profit. I do not mean
to say that there should be no order or system in regard to the
grant allowed by his Majesty to the religious for these missions;
but I mean that his Majesty should command his officials to believe
them at least on their oath, and that when they are obliged to give
their oath they should not be annoyed as they have been hitherto.

The only objection to this is the irregularities of the fathers
commissaries who have taken religious to the Indias. These, it is
said, have obliged his Majesty to impose such restrictions in this
matter, and as a safeguard against irregularities which may occur in
future--because there have been commissaries who have taken fewer
religious than the king provided for, thus defrauding his royal
treasury by spending on a few that which was allowed for many. To
this I reply, first, that there is no fraud upon the royal treasury,
inasmuch as the allowance made by it for four is insufficient for
the support of three, as appears from the previous statements of what
happened to me in Sevilla. Hence there is not in this the evil design
which seems to exist. The second point is that, as a result of these
oppressive orders, the condition of things is sure to be much worse,
since many mare friars are certain to remain in Sevilla and Nueva
Spana, even after they have received money from the royal treasury
for their ship-stores. After this has once been paid none of it can
ever be restored to the treasury, even if a great excess were left;
since whatever would be restored to the treasury, of all this which has
been obtained from it with so many documents and precautions, would not
go to it but to its officials. This would be the more true inasmuch as
they, however justified they might be, would be unwilling to accept the
things in kind, for fear of being obliged to give an account of them
afterwards. This might subject them to great danger of loss. Above
all, if the commissary were to reveal this matter to the officials,
they would put an embargo on the whole affair, and he would undergo the
risk of being unable to undertake the voyage. This happened to me once,
for, being very fond of following truth and honesty, I told the royal
officials of this City of Mexico that two religious of my company had
received my permission to remain here, as that was expedient for the
service of God and of his Majesty, and declared that I did not require
living expenses and ship-stores for them. The officials, in place of
trusting me at seeing that I proceeded without fraud or falsehood,
cut off the provisions for all of my company, refusing for more than
twenty days to give me what his Majesty commanded to be allowed for
the support of the religious. Thus I was almost on the point of being
unable to make the journey; for I used up on their living in Mexico
all of the ship-stores which I had provided for the sea. Accordingly,
in their desire to prevent two from remaining here, they incurred the
risk that all of us might be compelled to remain. I stated this to the
royal officials and the viceroy in a petition, and gained nothing by
it. This is the kind of inconveniences which follow from practicing
honesty with regard to the decrees of his Majesty.

As for the aforesaid, I, Fray Diego Aduarte, vicar of the religious
of Saint Dominic who are going to the Philippinas, swear _in verbo
sacerdotis_ that it is true, and I sign it with my name. At Mexico,
January 20, 1605.

_Fray Diego Aduarte_

[_Endorsed_: "February 12, 1607, referred to Senor Don Francisco de
Tejada to examine the papers and report thereon to the council."

"February 16, 1607, examined; the decrees, within."]

[_Endorsed_: "Let the House of Trade state why dues are collected
from every religious who goes on his Majesty's account to the Indias,
and let it give an account of the amount charged for registration;
and in the meantime, and until further orders, let it take no fees,
and issue a decree that the officers shall not levy these dues.

"Let the approval of the religious conducted by father Fray Graviel
de San Antonio to the Filipinas be entrusted to Senor Don Francisco
de Vaste; and on the credit of this alone let the House of Trade,
for this one time, furnish him with provision for the friars' support
during the voyage.

"Write to the viceroy of Nueva Espana to direct the royal officials
and all other officers to despatch with promptitude and treat with
kindness the religious who go to the Filipinas by command of his
Majesty and at his Majesty's expense; and let them take no fees for
the despatch of their persons and their books, or for the warrants
for collection of the expenses which they incur on the journey.

"In regard to everything else contained in this petition and report
from father Fray Diego Aduarte, let that be decreed which is fitting
to the service of God and his Majesty."]

(Most Powerful Sire: I, Fray Gabriel de San Antonio [14], vicar of the
religious who by order of your Highness are to go this year to the
Philippinas, declare that father Fray Diego Aduarte, who conducted
the religious who last went to the said islands, found, in spite
of the liberal grant made by your Majesty to him, some difficulties
which greatly hindered his voyage, as appears from his report herewith
enclosed. Of all these difficulties the gravest are three. The first
is, that the officials of the House of Trade at Sevilla are unwilling
to pay to the commissioner or vicar who conducts the religious the
money which your Highness commands to be given for their voyage, unless
he first gives good and sufficient bonds that he will return the money
in case the religious do not embark; the second is, that the convent
of San Pablo at Sevilla and that of Santo Domingo at Sanlucar, where
the religious are entertained, demand from them three reals a day,
although your Highness grants only a real and a half; the third is,
that the registry clerks are unwilling to record the grants to the
religious unless they receive three reals for each person. As a result,
since that which your Highness grants for the voyage is but little,
they put so much difficulty in the way that the religious are unable
to go on, and the commissary or vicar who conducts them is prevented,
to that extent, from fulfilling his obligations and the service of
your Highness.

He prays your Highness, in view of the service which he has done for
your Highness in the Philippinas, in Eastern Indias, and in sending
out the religious whom he, father Fray Diego Aduarte, conducted,
and in that which he is now about to undertake in his own person,
and considering how small is the allowance granted to the religious
for their voyage, that your Majesty will be pleased to make an
allowance for additional expense for himself and for the religious
whom he conducts with him; and he prays your Majesty that, in order
to relieve the difficulties referred to, you will decree that which
is most suitable to your royal service and to the prompt despatch of
the religious.

_Fray Gabriel de San Antonio_)




The Dutch Factory at Tidore


_Testimony of a Dutchman named Juan who was taken in the factory
at Tidore_


In the port of Tidore, on the sixteenth day of the month of March,
in the year one thousand six hundred and six, the captain and
sargento-mayor Christoval Asqueta Minchaca of the regiment of the
master-of-camp Joan de Esquibel, the royal commander of this fleet,
declares that the said master-of-camp, Joan de Esquibel, sent to him
in his ship a foreigner, whom he found with others in the factory
[15] at Tidore, that he might undergo examination.

The following interrogatory was put to this man: "What are the names of
this declarant and his companions? In what vessels did they come? How
many are there in Maluco and in these Eastern Yndias? In what regions
have they been, each of them, and how long in each region, and in what
vessels did they come? To whom do these vessels belong? who equipped
them? on whose account did they make their voyage? and for whom is this
factory conducted? Are this factory and that of Terrenate all one,
belonging to the same owners? With what permission did they come to
these regions?"

He said that he was named Joan and was a native of Amberes, a
Christian, and had been baptized in the said city. Of his companions,
the factor, named Jacome Joan, is a Dutchman, a native of the city
of Absterdaem; the second is named Pitri, a native of Yncussa in
the islands of Olanda; a third is named Costre, by his last name,
and this declarant does not know his first name. He is a native
of Campem, of the states of Olanda. This declarant came to these
regions in the ship of the [Dutch] vice-commander, which voyaged in
company with the other four; and they seized Ambueno and this fort
of Tidore. It is eight months since they left him on this island,
and two months before they had anchored in the said port, the said
five ships had halted for supplies in Java, where they remained
fifteen days. Jacome Joan, who is at present factor of this island
of Tidore, has spent five years in Terrenate. The declarant does not
know from what place he came. The merchants of Jelanda of the city of
Millburg--named Joan Comne, another Burriel, and another Muniq, natives
of Amberes--are known to this declarant, and have other associates
in Olanda in the city of Ambstradama, in Cuyssem and in Horrem. [16]
All of these together have a common purse, and it is all one amount;
it is they who have equipped these vessels for this expedition. The
names of the citizens of these cities of Olanda and Gelanda are known
to one of the associates of this declarant, the one named Costre. The
factories of Tidore and of Terrenate are all one, owned by the same
persons. In Ambueno, in Java, in Banda, in Sunda, in Pajani, in Achi,
on the coast of Vengala, [17] and in some regions the names of which
are not known to this declarant the said merchants have factories,
under such an arrangement that the whole affair is all one thing,
owned by the same proprietors. Of these fleets none set sail except
by permission of the prince of Oranje, to whom is given the part
which pertains to him as lord. And this is his answer.

He was asked, "What ship is the one which was met by this fleet? whence
comes it? what arms and artillery, powder and provisions does it
carry? whence are they obtained and provided? and where have they
their factory?" He answered that the ship about which the inquiry
is made is one of the five which came with this witness when they
seized the said forts of Ambueno and Tidore. The captain was a certain
Gertiolfos, a native of Olanda. He set sail from Yncussen with money
and provisions for only two years. He has been cruising about these
islands for ten months, and in the opinion of this declarant the said
ship carries at present forty seamen, more or less; while the exact
number of the forces in the said ship will be stated by Costre and
Pitri, since they came as seamen in her. This declarant does not know
that they carry more arms than are needed to arm all the men on board
her. Their weapons are muskets, arquebuses, and half-pikes. When this
declarant went aboard the ship, it seemed to him she had twenty-nine
or thirty pieces of artillery. As for her provisions they get them in
places where they have factories. He does not know how much gunpowder
they carry, except that they came out from Olanda and Jelanda provided
with it.

He was asked what treaties they had with the king of Tidore and the
king of Terrenate, and what oaths the king of Tidore had made to them;
he replied that the treaty which they had made is of the following
nature: The king of Tidore at the time when they took this fort
told the commander of the fleet, who was called Cornieles Bastian,
that they should leave here forces and that he would build a fort
where these might be kept, so that if Portuguese or Castilians came
they might be able to defend the country; while he would assure them
that the country should be for the Dutch. The commander answered that
he had not a sufficient force to be able to leave any to defend the
country; and the said king asked him to leave three or four Dutchmen,
that they might carry on their trade and barter. When the commander
asked with what security he could leave them, and what the other would
do, the said king then caused the books of his Mahometan religion to
be brought; and, laying his hands upon them, made an oath after his
custom that he would protect, favor, and defend the Dutch as if they
were his own sons. In the same manner he swore that he would sell
cloves to no people except to the Dutch, unless extreme need of food
should force him to sell them to some other people, in which case he
would not sell them except to Java. In this manner was carried out that
which is contained in this interrogatory. Being asked if the kings of
Tidore and Terrenate were at peace, and how and under what conditions,
for how long a time, and who intervened in forming the peace--he
answered that it is a matter of public knowledge in this region that
they have not made peace or amity, but that both kings are at war.

When asked what goods they have in the factory on this island of
Tidore, what amount of cloves is due to them, who they are who owe the
Dutch, and how many the king owes--he answered that the goods which
they have in the factory are bales of cloth--such as fine muslins
and linens, gauzes [_word illegible_] and iron. This declarant knows
that the king of Tidore owes the factory a great amount of cloves,
and that some of the people of Tidore likewise owe some. He refers to
the accounts of the factor. Being asked who or which of them keeps
the book of accounts and reckoning of the factory, that he might
exhibit it, he answered that the factor, named Jacone Joan, had it,
and he referred to him.

Being asked with what intention they remained in these islands, when
they expected to leave them, and whether they intended to maintain
a permanent trade there--he responded that this declarant and his
companions remained in order that commerce with the people of Tidore
and Terrenate might be opened, and that they were waiting for ships
from Olanda in which a commanding officer and troops would come to
remain as colonists and inhabitants, like the Portuguese, and to
carry on commerce with the islands from Olanda and Jelanda. And this
is his answer.

Being asked what offer they had made to the kings of Terrenate and
Tidore as to aiding and assisting them against the Spaniards: he
answered that the king of Tidore had agreed with the commander that if
the Spaniards came with such a fleet that he would be unable to resist
them he would be obliged to yield the country; and by consequence,
if the Dutch had a force sufficient to take it from the Spaniards or
Portuguese, he was not sufficiently powerful to defend the country
against them. He knew that the commander had written to Java that
six vessels which he had been informed were to go to Java should come
here; after this had been done, the said commander went back to Patan,
but the ships had not come. This declarant does not know that more
vessels have arrived or set out than the five of which he has spoken.

Being asked if they expect any ships, how many there are, when they
are to come, how many came out in a fleet from Olanda, and at what
time they set sail--this declarant replied that he was certain,
now that the commerce here had been begun and this fort established,
that vessels would come. He does not know the number, but the said
factor will have an account thereof. When this man who is making his
confession set sail, there set out from Olanda and Jelanda twelve
ships. They were divided after the following manner: Two of them
separated from the others at the Cape of Buena Esperanza [_i.e._, Good
Hope], at the island of Sant Lorenco, and two others at Masanvique
[_i.e._, Mozambique]; three remained in Ambueno, to go to Banda to
be laden with pepper; and the five others came to these islands. It
may be two years since they left Olanda and Jelanda. This declarant
does not know what course they followed, more than as a common sailor
who went on board to get his livelihood.

Being asked of what he knows of affairs in Terrenate, and of the
state in which they are, and of the fort and defenses there--he
answered that the artillery was not inside the fort, but in a house
intended for the sole purpose of protecting the artillery against
the water. The height of the wall is four estados, as he thinks. This
declarant thinks that the city where the fort is contains as many as
two thousand men of war, armed with arquebuses, muskets, campilans,
cuirasses, and helmets. This is his answer and it is the truth, under
the penalty imposed upon him who testifies falsely; and he has signed
this with his name. [Signature is lacking]



The Sangley Insurrection of 1603


_True relation of the Sangley insurrection in the Filipinas, and
the miraculous punishment of their rebellion; and other events of
the islands: written to these kingdoms by a soldier who is in those
islands, and abridged by Miguel Rodriguez Maldonado._ [18]


[_Marginal note at beginning of MS._: "Chinese Sangleys who remained in
this island to enjoy the liberty of the gospel, many of whom afterward
failed in their duty."]

On September 26 of the former year 603, it was reported in this city
of Manila that a negress had declared that on St. Francis's day there
would be a great fire and much bloodshed. Investigations were made in
regard to her statement, and the time passed until Friday, October
3, of the said year, the eve of St. Francis. In the afternoon, Don
Luys de las Marinas sent to Governor Don Pedro de Acuna to ask for
thirty soldiers, as he perceived that the Sangleys living in Tondo
and Minondo, where he usually lived, were in rebellion. He had learned
that a band numbering three hundred had assembled, mostly gardeners;
and, although he wished to reconnoiter them, he did not dare to,
because of the few men that he had. The messenger reached Don Pedro de
Acuna, and a little later came a Christian Sangley, one Baristilla,
then governor of the Sangleys, both Christian and pagan. He craftily
informed Don Pedro de Acuna of the news, and was heartily thanked,
as the matter was not understood. The Spaniards immediately called a
council of war, where it was resolved to send the help asked by Don
Luys de las Marinas. That same day the reenforcement left, and all the
companies were assembled with the utmost silence, in the guard-room,
and were given their orders. Some of the inhabitants were ordered
to be on their guard, and to sound the alarm if they perceived any
extraordinary excitement. Accordingly, it happened that the alarm
was sounded very suddenly, between one and two o'clock that night;
they had been obliged to give it because of a fire that they saw
near the city. There was a great commotion, as there were so few
inhabitants in the country. Every man hastened to his banner, and
all went to the guard-room, where they were ordered to take their
stations. Having manned the walls, and keeping on the alert, it was
discovered that the fire was in certain summer-houses, where Captain
Estevan de Marquina was living with his children and wife. A troop
of four thousand Sangleys went to this house, and killed him and his
wife, four children, and twenty slaves, with great cruelty, although
he defended himself as a good soldier and Spaniard. He had confessed
that afternoon, for it was the jubilee of St. Francis. Only one little
girl, his daughter, escaped from his house, whom a slave carried
out in his arms, although she was badly wounded and burned. Having
inflicted this damage, the Sangleys invested another house near by,
where the archdean, Francisco Gomez de Arellano, was living, as well
as the father-commissary of the Holy Office, and Father Fernando
de los Reyes. The Sangleys were very determined to kill those men,
but they, hearing the noise, fired two loaded arquebuses. When
the enemy perceived that they were firing arquebuses, imagining
that they had many of them, they passed by, and at one-half legua
reached a village called Quiapo. There they set a large fire, and
then immediately extinguished it. Half an hour later they built a
larger fire, which lasted a longer time. This was a signal for the
Sangleys in the Parian to assault the city, and take it. Although
the Sangleys of the Parian saw the fire, they did not then dare to
attack the city; for they were divided into factions, as the wealthy
merchants did not wish to risk their property. But as those who had
little to lose were in the great majority, they forced them to attack,
and calling to the mob, they assailed the city. [19] It is said that
they saw over the gate opposite the Parian (which they were about
to attack) a crucified Christ dripping blood, and at His feet the
seraphic father, St. Francis, with face uplifted toward Him. On this
account they became so faint-hearted that they were forced to retire,
without being observed from the city, as it was night. Those in
Quiapo set fire to it and burned it. They killed some natives, whose
moans and cries were heard on the city walls. At this juncture day
dawned, and it was seen that the enemy were marching to their camp,
in order to fortify themselves in a chapel called San Francisco del
Monte, two leguas from the city. There they established themselves,
and fortified a stronghold built of stakes filled in well with earth,
to a man's height, and furnished with two ditches of fresh water. It
seemed suitable for twenty thousand men, and had very skilfully
laid-out streets. This means that more than two hundred Sangleys
were building it for more than a month, but with so great quietness
that it was never known; for it was a district little frequented by
Spaniards, as it was swampy. The men began to gather there again, so
that at noon on Saturday, the fourth of October, the enemy had more
than ten thousand men in camp. On that day the Christian Sangleys
of Tondo and Minondo rose. When Don Luys de las Marinas saw this,
and the help that he was awaiting having arrived, he attacked them
with great spirit and killed many of them. But as he perceived that
his men were about to be attacked by a great number of people, he
requested the governor to send him a second reenforcement quickly. The
governor hesitating as to whom to send, Captain Don Tomas Bravo de
Acuna, his nephew, begged to be assigned to this task, and to take his
company, numbering seventy good soldiers--musketeers and arquebusiers,
a picked body of men. Besides this almost all the soldiers of the
country offered to go with him, as it was an expedition of so great
justice and honor. The governor was urgent in ordering that no others
than Don Tomas and his company should go. But he could not help it,
and accordingly the following persons went on the expedition.

[Here follows a list of the principal officers who accompanied the
governor's nephew. They contained such names as Captain Juan de la
Isla, Captain Villafana, Captain Cebrian de Madrid, and Pedro de
Benavides, besides a number of citizens who are unnamed.]

They came in sight of the enemy on this day, Saturday, and having
joined Don Luys de las Marinas in Tondo and General Juan de Alcega,
they attacked the enemy. The latter were in three squadrons, of forty
companies of one hundred and eighty men apiece; and most of them
were ambushed with their colonel. Our men were not dismayed one whit
by this; on the contrary, they were animated by their justice in the
matter and by Spanish spirit. They made so furious an attack that they
forced the enemy to retire very quickly. Eager for victory, our men
went pressing on after them, so that, when they saw the trickery of the
enemy's retreat and wished to do the same, they were unable to--on the
one hand, because they had entered a swamp, and were up to their knees
in the bog; and on the other, because the enemy had surrounded them,
and they were unable to use their arquebuses and other weapons. Thus
they were all killed with clubs and cutlasses, and only four escaped,
who had retreated when they saw the multitude of the enemy. This event
was indeed one of lamentation and grief, and news of it immediately
spread all over the country, whereat great grief was felt. However, the
truth was not known with certainty for a week, in accordance with the
governor's command, in order not to cause so great pain suddenly. The
enemy sought shelter in their camp, whither they took the heads of
our men strung on some bejucos. The three principal ones--namely,
those of good Don Luis de las Marinas, General Juan de Alcega, and
Captain Don Tomas--were placed above the gates of their camp, and
they made great merriment, while waiting the night. Then they took
the heads of the others, and carried them to the Parian, opposite
the city. There many revolted with them, but more than one thousand
eight hundred Sangleys remained in the Parian--mostly merchants and
mechanics--who cautiously wished to be on their guard, in order that,
if those of their nation should gain the land, they might join these;
but if the Spaniards should obtain the victory, they would say that
they were guiltless in the insurrection. On Sunday, and until noon of
the following Monday, the governor, accompanied by all the Audiencia,
visited the Parian, where he gave what orders seemed advisable. The
Sangley merchants told them that they were friendly to the Castilians,
and that his Lordship should decide what he would command to be done
with them. The governor answered to this that they should place their
property within the city, and that a location would be assigned them
where they would be safe under their guards. The Sangleys did not
wish to accede to this, but placed a great amount of property in the
city. The governor, seeing that they did not wish to enter, ordered
each one to be given a certificate granting him life; and had them
told that he who did not have one of these would be regarded as one
who had come from the enemy's camp. After this resolution the governor
and Audiencia left the Parian on Monday at noon. On the morning of
that day, some Spaniards and four hundred Japanese had left the city,
at the governor's orders, to attack the enemy. They did so and killed
more than fifteen hundred men, and burned all their food. This obliged
them to break camp and to return toward the city, marching in three
squadrons, numbering fifteen hundred men. Every moment they were
joined by bands of two hundred and three hundred. They assembled in a
town called Dilao, situated about three musket-shots from the city,
at twelve o'clock in the morning. They united all their forces, and
carried on operations from a very strong large stone house, which
was the chapel of Nuestra Senora de Candelaria. Two days before, her
image had been carried into the city in most solemn procession. On
that day it rained heavily, and as those in the houses were fearful
lest the enemy would set fire to their dwellings, they had removed
the nipa [20] with which they were covered. In the houses built of
stone and tile there was not standing-room, as all or most of the
people gathered there, both women and children, and those incapable
of bearing arms. All was confusion and lamentation, because of this,
and since more than sixteen hundred Sangleys were in sight of the
city. Most of the people distributed themselves along that part of
the wall; and in the cavaliers and ravelins were mounted pieces of
artillery. Until now no resolution had been taken whether to put
to the sword those Sangleys who remained in the Parian, or to set
the Parian afire, or to let the people benefit from the sack of it,
which was worth more than eighty thousand pesos. However there was no
opportunity for this, as the enemy's camp was so near, that now those
Sangleys in the chapel were communicating with and going to those in
the Parian, and those in the Parian to the chapel. Consequently it
was resolved to burn it. This was done with great haste, for Divine
justice was apparently showing that such sins as were committed there
were deserving of such a penalty. When the Sangleys who had remained
in the Parian perceived that it was burning, they packed up as much of
their possessions as possible and went to the other side of the river,
where stood the residences of the wealthy merchants. That afternoon a
council of war was held in the enemy's camp. They determined to send
late that night Sangleys in pairs to the walls, to ascertain whether we
had any artillery, and whether all the people manning the walls were
Spaniards; for they thought that this was not possible, unless we had
brought the images of the saints which were in the church. They did
not think wrong, either way, for they were a thousand holy religious,
who had laid aside their holy habits for such an occasion, and they
were encouraging all with holy words and valorous deeds, and now with
musket, now with arquebus, pike, or spear, and sword and buckler,
were standing as sentries and helping on the walls day and night. The
enemy began to make grimaces and gestures within musket-range, making
obeisances, and doing other things worthy of their shamelessness. In
reply, they remained there as if born there, so that of the many
Sangleys who came, it was found that only one escaped, and that all
were killed with the balls fired at them from the walls; for both day
and night, no one took his eyes from the enemy, who went retreating
to the river in the midst of his camp, for the other side of it was
defended by a wall, and that precaution was not a bad one, if it had
availed anything. Thursday morning, on the seventh or the said month,
the governor and council of war determined to attack the enemy. Between
eight and nine o'clock, one hundred and fifty Spanish arquebusiers and
five hundred Japanese left the city, under command of Sargento-mayor
Gallinato, who was accompanied by other captains. Attacking with
greater spirit than concert, the Japanese entered in the vanguard, and
the Spaniards in the rear, and assaulted the Sangleys. They gained the
gate of the river, and the chapel, where the camp was situated. They
killed five hundred men, besides wounding many others. They gained
possession of the enemy's flags. Then the Sangleys, perceiving that
the Spaniards were becoming greedy, attacked them on both sides with
more than fourteen hundred men--and so vigorously, that the Spaniards
were compelled to retire, in spite of their disinclination, when they
saw the Japanese retreating as rapidly as possible. Consequently
they were forced to turn and retreat to the city, and to lose what
had been gained. The enemy with loud cries went to attack in their
course the gates of the city and the lowest and weakest part of its
wall. All the army hastened to that side, to the assistance of those
on the walls. They kept their matches ready, and, with each pikeman
between two arquebusiers, Sargento-mayor Gallinato retreated to
the city. As soon as he was in safety, the artillery began to play,
and gave the enemy a shower that softened their fury, and compelled
them to halt upon recognizing their danger. Sargento-mayor Gallinato,
encouraging his men, attacked anew, issuing with his men by the lower
gate, and the city was very joyful on that account. As soon as they had
cleared the country, they halted, in order that the same thing might
not again happen as before. Had they not been near the city walls,
and had not Sargento-mayor Gallinato with only ten soldiers defended
the bridge with great spirit, they would all have been killed. After
this Gallinato sent to the governor asking for orders, for the men
were fatigued and the sun extremely hot, while he was badly used by
two wounds with stakes that he had received. Such are the weapons
used by the Sangleys; and they first wound with the point like a
spear and then draw it through from behind, with so much force that
they cut a man all to pieces. The governor ordered them to retire,
and they did so accordingly. Having informed the governor of what had
happened, a spark fell into a flask full of powder and burned three
people. From that another spark fell into a jar full of powder and
burned five more soldiers. And had not the sargento-mayor been so
agile, it would have injured him. Meanwhile those in the Parian were
not rejoicing when they saw that, the day before, half of the Parian
had been burned. As men determined to conquer or die they came that
night in two machines that they had made with so great skill that one
side was low and the other high so that they overtopped the walls of
the city; thus they could with very little trouble throw thirty men
into the city each time when they attacked. Behind these machines
came a great throng of Sangleys, of whom the fury of the artillery
killed a great number. At the same time the artillery broke up the
machines. At this juncture reenforcements of one thousand men entered
the city--Pampanga Indians, comprising arquebusiers and pikemen. They
sallied out with some Spaniards and attacked the enemy. They killed
more than a thousand of them and set fire to the rest of the Parian. In
the fire three hundred of the most important and richest merchants were
burned. These, in order not to die at the hands of our men, hanged
themselves and burned themselves alive with their belongings. The
Japanese, seeing that the Pampanga Indians were destroying and sacking
the Parian with great fury, gradually joined them. Together they
killed all the Chinese whom they met, and went away, this man with a
chest, this one with a pair of breeches, [and others with] bags filled
with silks and rich articles. But no Spaniard had any leave to take
part in the sack. However, some who took part in it, at all hazards,
profited very much from the enemy. The sack lasted all the afternoon
and part of the night. The enemy, upon seeing the Parian burned in
every part, and their goods lost, were discouraged. Having held a
council that night, they very silently went to a village called San
Pablo. They were pursued by Don Luys de Velasco with five hundred
Spaniards and one thousand Indians, by order of Governor Don Pedro
de Acuna, before they reached San Pablo. The Sangleys killed of our
men six Spaniards and four Japanese, but it cost them fifteen hundred
of their men. So great was their number, and the confusion among all
of them, that our men did not hesitate to kill as many of them as
they met on the road and elsewhere. The governor immediately sent
word to his Majesty's villages and ordered them not to spare any,
but to put to the sword whomsoever they found. Of all the Chinese,
except thirty who were taken to the city--and who died Christians,
to all appearances, for they asked for the water of holy baptism--no
others are known to have taken the road to salvation, out of more
than twenty thousand who were infidels. The governor having seen that
they were killing all the Sangleys in the islands, ordered, for just
reasons, that none of those coming to the city should be killed. As
soon as this news was given out, about four hundred came. Had they
been ten thousand, they would have been received, for they were
needed in the city. They all accused Bautistilla, a Christian, who, as
above stated, was their governor, saying that he was the cause of the
insurrection, and that he had been made king of all the country. They
also accused Miguel Onte and Alonso Sagoyo--both Christian Sangleys,
and the chiefest men. Having taken their depositions, and through the
sufficient proof that was furnished, since all blamed Bautistilla,
the latter was condemned to be hanged and quartered, and his head
set in the Parian. He was declared a traitor, and his property
confiscated for his Majesty. His houses were razed and their sites
sown with salt. This sentence proceeded from the royal Audiencia, and
was executed on the eleventh of the month of October. At the foot of
the scaffold he said that that death was not due him for his conduct,
and that he had always been a loyal vassal of his Majesty; and that
God knew what was in his breast, and the thoughts of his heart. He
died with the marks of a good Christian. Then on the fifteenth day of
the said month, the two Christian Sangleys were executed. They were
condemned by the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp. One of them, in
order to save himself, declared that the mandarins had come with the
cunning purpose of spying out the land, and that the insurrection had
been by their orders. He said that they were coming soon to attack
the city, and that the Spaniards should not neglect to act very
carefully. Accordingly the governor set about taking all necessary
measures. He and the sargento-mayor worked in a way wonderful to
behold. May God strengthen their hands! Four days later, when the enemy
had fortified themselves quite strongly in San Pablo, Captain Don Luys
de Velasco went out at the head of sixty Spaniards. Having reached the
_calaco_, he attacked so spiritedly that the Sangleys retreated. He
entered the camp of the enemy in his eagerness, whereupon, uttering
loud cries, they returned in a large mob to attack him, so that it
cost him his life and those of four soldiers. The others, on seeing
their captain killed, retreated and went down the mountain. This
news reached the city, whereupon Sargento-mayor Ascoeta went Out
with 220 Spanish arquebusiers, 400 Japanese, 2,000 Pampanga Indians
(of whom 1,500 were arquebusiers and musketeers, and the others were
armed with spears, swords and arrows), 200 Monos, [21] and 300 blacks,
who came as friends to take part in this war. After having gone only
seven leguas, they met the enemy, and having rested four days, they
formed their camp. After having found where the enemy could retreat,
and holding them at every point, they attacked the Sangleys, of whom
they killed more than four hundred. Their master-of-camp retreated
to a little elevation near by, after defending himself with great
courage. Our men rested until morning of the next day, when they went
to give them the "Santiago," and killed fourteen hundred. Three hundred
fled, and hid in the thickets and woods there-about. Our men fortified
themselves with the food that the enemy had there. On the morning of
the following day they went in pursuit of the three hundred who had
hidden and attacked them, and not one of them was left alive. This
victory was obtained without the death of more than twelve Christian
Indians. Our camp rested for three days, and on the fourth began to
march to another village, on the seashore, called Batangas. There
they found a troop of twenty-five hundred hostile Sangleys with ships
and boats, with the intention of going to their own country. After
five days' march our leader sighted the enemy, whereupon he ordered
a halt and drew up his men. On the morning of the next day he gave
battle with great fury, and killed one thousand one hundred and two
Sangleys. The rest, badly crippled, sought refuge in the mountains in
the interior. The Spaniards did not go in pursuit of them, for they
were very tired after their six hours of fighting, while some were
wounded. Consequently Sargento mayor Ascoeta sent an Indian chief,
one Don Ventura de Mendoca, with two hundred Pampanga Indians, to
pursue them. In a few days all the Sangleys were killed. After this
good result and victory the sargento-mayor retired with his camp,
without losing a man outside of twelve Indians and one Japanese,
while seventeen Spaniards were wounded. The most dangerously wounded
was the captain of the guard, Martin de Herrera, who was wounded with
two spear-thrusts through the thighs. He has proved himself a very
honorable and gallant soldier on all occasions. The sargento-mayor
immediately sent a messenger to the governor, to tell him of the
victory. This was on the twelfth of November, at eleven o'clock on
St. Martin's day. After the arrival of this news another piece of news,
of no less importance to this country, was received, namely that the
king of Mindanao wishes peace with us. As security he sent his son
and his nephew as hostages, and with them all the Christians captive
in his land. He offered to help the governor as a true friend. It is a
notable thing that even the animals have tried to show the mortal hate
that ought to be extended toward this canaille. Many thanks have been
and are given to our Lord for all. Hence the most holy sacrament has
been exposed for forty days. Every monastery has observed its octave
with great solemnity and processions, accompanied ever by their good
mother [_i.e._, the Virgin] and the propitious St. Francis, by whose
help we have obtained the victory on all occasions offered us. The
plans of the Sangleys were as follows. On the day of St. Francis,
both workmen and merchants were to enter as usual into the city,
some of the merchants with shoes and others with clothes. The barber
was to attend to his duties. Then with four Sangleys in each house,
they were to put all the Spaniards to the sword, reserving the Spanish
women. These they had already distributed, the young girls for their
enjoyment and the old women to serve in the house. For this purpose
each of them was to carry a catan, or sort of cutlass, under their
long robes. Besides this they had ordered a body of five hundred to
assemble, who were to assault the monastery of St. Francis, and leave
no one alive there. Doubtless they would have killed all according to
this plan, if God our Lord had not been pleased, in His divine mercy,
to disclose it, the day before. Although there had been some rumors of
the insurrection nine days before, the Spaniards would never believe
it; for the life of the Spaniard is all confidence, and he thinks no
one can dare to do such things. The cause of the enemy dividing into so
many troops was the factions among them, so that out of the more than
22,00[0] Sangleys in all these islands, not 800 have survived. [22]
On the twenty-fourth of October they began to dig the trench about
the city wall, at which three hundred men, all Sangleys, worked. The
one thousand Moros were engaged in other works, not only on the fort
and in the new retreat, but on the wall and the supplies for it. The
ditch is seventy feet wide and two estados deep. As soon as the war
began, three hundred Sangley Christians who lived in Tondo and Minondo
embarked in some small boats with their wives and children, and went
down the river to the governor, to whom they said that they had no
wish to revolt. These were sent away safely, and returned to their
houses. The Spaniards are living with great caution toward them, for
they are treacherous and cunning in what they do. They exercise their
trades in this city. Each of them is considered as well employed, in
exchange for which they must not commit offenses as in the past, which
were great and numerous. On the fourteenth of November, Sargento-mayor
Ascoeta entered this city, marching in good order with his camp,
both Spaniards, and the Pampanga Indians and Japanese. They brought
in the banners won from the enemy. They were very well received by
the governor and Audiencia, and by all the city. Don Pedro showered
a thousand compliments on all the Pampanga captains for their good
services. They were much pleased at this, and offered their persons,
lives, and possessions to the service of his Majesty. The Japanese
and Pampangas had a share in all the wealth of the booty, and it was
large, for it consisted mainly of gold, silver, reals, and pearls.

I do not mention the stratagems of war, the instructions, and the
orders throughout the course of it, in order not to prove wearisome,
and, moreover, to leave them for one who can write them in a better
style. Only, as an eye-witness, I affirm what I have here told, and
that all in general have behaved themselves very well as honorable
soldiers (especially the leaders), both of the ecclesiastics and of
the laymen; and that in this, as in other matters, our Lord has shown
us a thousand favors.

Among the enemy's flags were two that contained characters in the
Sangley language, which, translated into our Castilian vernacular,
read as follows:

"The leader and general of the kingdom of Espana ... [23] so that
all the Chinese take part together in this affair and obey us by
destroying root and branch these hostile robbers, whom we have against
our will, both Castilians and Japanese. We the Sangleys swear that
after the conquest of this city we shall share the lands, even to
the very herbs, with equal shares, as brothers." That which gave the
traitor Bautistilla more courage in undertaking so great a treason
was a stratagem and subtilty which he employed to know those on his
side. This was to order each Sangley to bring a needle and deliver
it into his hand. This they did, and he put the needles in a little
box. He thus ascertained that twenty-two thousand one hundred and
fifty Sangley Indians could gather in Manila on the last of November,
the day of St. Andrew, patron of this country. He had determined and
ordered that the insurrection be made on that day both in this city and
in the other districts of these islands. But upon seeing the governor
raising the wall and taking other precautions, because of the many
rumors about the mandarins (who had departed to their own country,
and which the governor did not believe), the traitor determined to
make the attempt on the day of St. Francis, since our Lord permitted
it thus for our welfare. Blessed be He forever! Amen!

On the tenth of December, Captain Marcos de la Cueva left this city
as ambassador to the kingdom of China, accompanied by one hundred
and forty Spaniards and two friars, in order to inform the eunuch
who is the viceroy at Canton of the above events. Many thought
that he ought not to go, for if the matter were learned there, and
war-vessels were to come, then the island would be supplied with men
to be able to receive them in the same manner; and if they came for
peace they would be received in peace. In the latter case they were
to be informed of the truth of the matter, to which the Christian law
binds us, and told that we did not intend to take their possessions,
or refuse to pay them what was owing them. Nevertheless, he went,
ordered to do the contrary by the Council. May God direct everything
for His holy service.

On the seventeenth of February of 604, the said ambassador, Marcos
de la Cueva, put back to port on account of a storm that struck him,
which caused his vessel to spring a leak. He was again sent out
in another and very good vessel with one hundred and fifty picked
soldiers, under the leadership of Captain Cueva, a very honorable
and brave soldier. He left on Thursday, the twenty-fifth of the said
month, in the ship "Santiaguillo," which was quite well equipped for
whatever should happen--a very necessary thing. He arrived at the
trading-post where there are Portuguese who trade with the Chinese,
and delivered his letters to them, in order that they might be given
to the eunuch. For the period while he stayed there, no reply was
received to the letters, but he was put off with words; whereupon,
growing impatient, he returned to Manila, leaving affairs in that
condition. With the vessels that came from China this year of 605
to this city, the eunuch sent three letters--one to the governor,
another to the Audiencia, and the third to the archbishop. All were
similar. The eunuch stated that he had received the letters taken by
the ambassador. The people who had been killed were very properly
killed, as they were an abandoned people. By the information that
he had received from some Sangleys he learned that many Sangleys had
been condemned to the galleys. He asked for them in his letters since
they were still living, asking that they be sent with the property
that had been taken from them. If not, then he would go there with
a war-fleet of one hundred armed ships and conquer their land, and
give the same to others who better merited it. [24] The governor, with
the advice of the others, answered this letter to the effect that he
refused to send the Sangleys; and that before the one hundred armed
ships reached here, he would go to meet them with five hundred, for he
would rejoice to put an end to such canaille, and had enough men to do
it. This letter was given to a Sangley, one Juan de San, a prominent
man among them, and very wealthy, who had lived many years among us,
that he might give it to the eunuch. This man and others who came
in this year of 605 brought news that in [the province of] Canton,
three hundred leguas in the interior, a river overflowed so that it
drowned two hundred thousand Sangley Indians, and much property was
lost. It was also said that earthquakes had occurred, two hundred
leguas in the interior, and as far as Canton, which lasted for two
months. They were so terrific that they shook the very strong palaces,
while other houses and mosques were overthrown. This misfortune and
plague has been by the permission of heaven. At another part, the
Japanese of Great Corria have revolted, and are warring with these
Chinese, so that four hundred thousand of them have banded against
the latter, by which the Chinese are receiving great injury. [25]
Thus, by these and other things, the Chinese are being consumed and
finished, although much time is needed for it. May God be mindful of
us, as He is able, and ever give us His protection.

[A list of the chief Spanish inhabitants of Manila who were killed
during the Chinese insurrection follows. It contains such well-known
names as Luyz Perez de las Marinas, Juan de Alcega, Juan de la Pena,
Captain Villafana, Juan de Ybarra, Marcos Diaz, Luys de Vetasco,
Estevan de Marquina, Tomas Bravo de Acuna, besides many others,
both officers and men, among them a number of friars. [26]]




Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III


Sire:

By the death of Don Pedro de Acuna, governor of these islands, who died
on Saturday, June 24, this Audiencia succeeds to their government. In
it has been considered a new order which your Majesty commands to be
followed in sending out the merchant ships that are to go from these
islands to Nueva Espana. Since those which are to go this year are
already laded, and must set sail within three or four days, it has not
been possible to put your Majesty's commands into execution for the
present year. Although this city has prayed for this new order and for
the decrees which have been granted in pursuance of it, yet on account
of the many fires which have occurred in this city in recent years,
the wars, the forced return of some ships, and the loss of others,
by which a great amount of property has been lost, the inhabitants of
these islands are burdened with heavy afflictions and necessities,
which render them unable to pay the new duties imposed by the royal
command. Although these necessities are well known, the new order
of your Majesty will be followed next year, in spite of the fact
that some details involve much difficulty, and that some sections
might well be moderated and limited in the form in which each one is
stated. This matter is of importance to your Majesty's royal service,
and to the welfare of the inhabitants of these islands.

In the first section your Majesty commands that only the inhabitants
of these islands and no others may ship the merchandise which is to
be transported to Nueva Espana, and that the amount invested therein
shall not exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pesos of eight reals,
as was previously determined by other orders and decrees; while
the returns from this shall not exceed, in principal and profit,
five hundred thousand pesos. As for this section, it deserves serious
consideration that after the expenses of sending out a cargo--including
the fees to be paid here and in Nueva Espana, which amount to thirty
per cent in all, with the addition which the new decree imposes--it is
impossible to recover from five hundred thousand pesos the principal
and the [present] profits on the investment of the said two hundred
and fifty thousand pesos which are granted by this permission. To
reach this amount, it is considered necessary that at least three
hundred and fifty thousand pesos be spent on the cargo. In addition
to the charges referred to, many expenses fall upon the inhabitants
of this city for the maintenance and provision of their houses,
and thus are consumed and expended a part of the profits made on
the investments which they make here. If your Majesty were pleased
to permit that the amount of these investments might be at least
three hundred thousand pesos, wherewith all expenses might be paid,
then the permission to bring back five hundred thousand might well
stand. Until it is known what decision will be reached on this point,
your Majesty's commands shall be fulfilled. Care will be taken that the
investment shall not reach three hundred thousand, or pass far beyond
two hundred and fifty thousand. It should also be considered that
when his Majesty, the sovereign of the realm, who is now in heaven,
granted this permission, it was at a time when these islands were
beginning to be settled. Then there were no inhabitants who could
invest so great a sum, while now there are many. They do not send as
much as they might lade in the vessel; and if this condition of affairs
continues to increase, there is no other means of support than this
trade, nor does the country produce those means. If it shall diminish,
the people who come to live in these islands will likewise become
fewer in number. If it should increase somewhat beyond the new grant,
so many more people will come to the colony here. This population,
however great it is, is all very necessary, in view of the way in
which this country consumes the whole of it, no matter how many come.

The second section provides that four freight ships should be built,
each one of two hundred toneladas; and that two of them shall make
the voyage every year, very early, while the other two lie in port,
ready for the following year. In this matter your Majesty's will
shall be fulfilled, and the first ships that shall be built will be
of this tonnage.

The third section provides that there shall be only one commander
for the said two ships, with a lieutenant who shall be second in
command. The intention of this section is to avoid the great expense
which has previously been incurred in this voyage. The section also
provides that each vessel may carry a military captain in addition
to the master, with as many as fifty effective and useful soldiers
on each ship, who shall receive pay. They may also have the necessary
seamen, a certificated pilot, and an adjutant. If this section is to
be fulfilled in this form, then, instead of avoiding many expenses,
it will be the means of increasing again many others which are much
greater. Such will be the result if fifty soldiers sail in each vessel,
since because of the requirement that the capacity of the vessels shall
be so small, they cannot carry so great a number of people. The voyage
is so long that five to seven months are spent in it, and the seasons
are very severe. Many people die at sea; and it is necessary to carry
so many sailors and ship-boys that a great amount of provisions must
be taken for them and the other men. For this reason the late governor
of these islands kept down the number of permissions to go hence to
Nueva Espana to a very small number. He granted them so seldom that he
did not allow the tenth part of those who asked for them to go. Yet
in spite of all this, the commanders of the vessels were obliged,
on account of the great amount of space occupied by the necessary
ship stores, to send on shore, before leaving these islands, some
of the few passengers who had received official permission. In the
despatch of the ships this very year, our experience is of the same
sort. There had returned from the expedition to Maluco many captains,
ensigns, and soldiers detained on shipboard, whom it is necessary
to send back again to Espana. It was found very difficult to put
more than thirty soldiers on a ship of the capacity of four hundred
toneladas, although its cargo amounted to no more than three hundred
and fifty. As for this number of fifty soldiers voyaging [in one ship],
the regulation cannot be carried into effect. If it were to be done,
it could only be at the risk that most of the men on board the ship
should perish, while all would travel in great discomfort. Further,
at the time when the ships are sent out, it would be hard to find in
the city two hundred soldiers having the qualifications necessary for
them to be useful in any battle. It would be a serious evil for this
garrison to be left with so small a number of people. It is considered
as beyond doubt that those who go away from here will not return again
to this city; this will also cause others to abandon the idea of coming
here. Hence it seems that on this point it is not desirable to make
any innovation upon that which has hitherto been done, as that would
be of little advantage, and cause much expense. When the ships return
to these islands they are of much use in defense if they come well
supplied with arms and ammunition, with a hundred soldiers in each as
reenforcements for the troops in these islands. As for the regulation
that the officials who are to go on these ships are to be appointed
here, and that they shall be chosen from among the most influential
and most honored citizens of these islands and those best qualified
for such posts, and that they shall give bonds and that residencia
shall be exacted from them, your Majesty's decrees shall be fulfilled.

As for the fourth section, it provides that the commanders and seconds
in command, and the officers of the said ships, shall have in the
voyage no trade or commerce, either small or large. As regards the
commanders and seconds in command, your Majesty's decrees shall be
executed; as for the other officers, we refer to the following section.

The fifth section deals with the salary paid to the commander, being
four thousand ducados, while the second in command receives three
thousand for each voyage, including the going and the coming. It
seems that this might be reduced, and that it would be sufficient to
allow the commander three thousand pesos and the second in command two
thousand. As for allowing salaries and regular pay to the captains,
soldiers, seamen, and gunners who sail in the said ships with the
regulation that they shall have no trade or commerce, it seems,
with reference to the pay of the captains and soldiers, that for
the reasons referred to in the third section these expenses might
be avoided. It would be sufficient to give wages to the gunners and
seamen, without prohibiting them to trade; for the amount of their
trade is very small, and with the permission to take two bales of
cargo granted to each of the seamen and gunners the whole of their
small capital would be expended. Under these circumstances, if the
ship were to be in any peril from storm they would obey commands with
greater zeal and willingness because of their share in the treasure of
the ship. Without such bait as this, which induces many seamen to come
to these islands, without doing any harm to the residents, it would be
difficult to find anyone willing to come here. If this permission were
taken away, the wages alone would not be sufficient to support the men.

The sixth section provides that only so many officers shall be
appointed as may be needed, that no one shall go as a gunner who is
not one in fact, and that only one gunner shall go for every piece of
artillery carried on the said vessels. In this matter your Majesty's
commands shall be obeyed.

The seventh section provides that an inspector and an accountant
shall go on the said ships to take the accounts and inventory of
all the cargo. It directs that they shall keep books, in which they
shall enter the merchandise shipped from these islands and that which
comes back on the return voyage. It would seem that this expense also
might be avoided, since this account and inventory are taken by the
royal officials of these islands, and also by the royal officials
of the port of Acapulco. By their account it is possible to know
the cargo which goes there, and what returns. From here is sent to
the viceroy of Nueva Espana a statement in which is contained the
amount of the merchandise sent in the cargo, and the names of the
consignors, in order that in conformity therewith license may be
given, to the citizens who have shipped the goods, for sending back
the money which their merchandise shall have yielded. In this way
the account and inventory required by your Majesty are obtained,
since only the inhabitants of these islands send consignments, and
the proceeds thereof are returned to them and no others.

The eighth section provides that the vessels shall be no more
heavily laden than they ought to be, and that room be left in them
for everything that is necessary for the men that sail in them. This
section also provides that sufficient provisions shall be carried for
this long voyage, so that the men may not perish for lack of food. This
section also decrees that the vessels shall not be overladen and
thus embarrassed and endangered; but that they shall be laden so as
to be buoyant, and able to meet dangers from storms and enemies. It
is also provided that in lading the vessels a proper division of the
space should be made. In all these matters your Majesty's will shall
be carried out.

The ninth section decrees that the freight charges to be paid on
cargoes in the aforesaid vessels, for the voyages both going and
coming, shall be determined and regulated in proportion to the
expenses of the voyage, no more being charged than is necessary to
meet them without any supply being required for this purpose from your
Majesty's treasury. The section provides that for these expenses the
duties shall be increased--by two per cent on the goods carried in the
ships, and another two per cent on the money sent to these islands as
proceeds from the shipment. It provides that this fund shall be put
in a chest apart, and kept in this city, to meet the expenses of the
said ships and the men in them. This sum is to be kept together with
the freight charges collected. The contents of this section require
careful consideration. When the ships return to these islands, they
come laden with the forces intended for this military district and
garrison, and artillery, arms, and ammunition; and with the religious,
and the colonists who come to settle in these islands, in addition
to other things required for the service of your Majesty. Although
they do indeed bring the money for the citizens of this city, they
at the same time bring much required for the reenforcement of the
military establishments here. If these freights are to be apportioned
as your Majesty commands, there will be a large amount which might
fall upon your royal treasury. Hence it seems that, if your Majesty
should be pleased, it would be well for the present not to change the
custom which has hitherto been followed; and that only to assist the
expenditures which your Majesty incurs in sending out these vessels
should the citizens of these islands be charged two per cent on the
merchandise which they ship, and two per cent more for the money sent
them in return. For, although it is said on the other side that the
profits are large, they commonly are not; while the freight, fees,
and duties are very great. From these profits there is paid to your
Majesty in this city five per cent, including the new increase, and
in Nueva Espana sixteen per cent; while the expenses of the ships
which had to put back to port, and the goods lost in those which have
been wrecked since the year one thousand six hundred, come to more
than a million. It will take many years for the profits to make up
for such a loss. May God keep the Catholic and royal person of your
Majesty. Manila, July 6, 1606.


The licentiate _Telles de Almacan_
The licentiate _Andres de Alcarez_
The licentiate _Juan Manuel de la Vega_



Letter from the Fiscal to Felipe III


Sire:

Last year, sixteen hundred and five, during which I began to serve
your Majesty as fiscal of this Audiencia, and as protector of the
natives [27] of these islands by appointment of the Audiencia, I sent
a statement of everything of importance which within the short time of
my service I was able to discover. Since that time I have considered
with care and attention the things of greatest consequence to your
royal service, and have found that I ought to give your Majesty an
account and statement of the condition in which I found affairs,
and that in which they are at present.

I reported to your Majesty the uprising of the Sangleys in the year
sixteen hundred and three, leaving military matters to the official
reports which I knew were sent. I reported to your Majesty that it
was well to consider with care what was necessary to be done for the
good government and protection of this kingdom. Afterward I saw that,
just as if the said uprising had not occurred, permission for Sangleys
to remain in this city continued to be given. They were allowed to
have habitations, dwellings, and shops--a permission which has caused
much comment and discussion. The reason is that the Audiencia took
upon itself the administration of this matter, assigning it year by
year in turn to each auditor. With the course of time the permission
has been extended, not by the will of the auditor alone, but by the
decree and direction of the Audiencia itself. The Audiencia granted
of its own free will and pleasure, without the assent of the city
and its cabildo, permission to the Sangleys to remain. The city and
cabildo remonstrated, but the Audiencia granted licenses to as many
as it pleased. In the year sixteen hundred and four, there were 457;
and in the year sixteen hundred and five they had increased to 1,648,
as is shown by the official statement which I enclose. From this
it will be seen that during this said year of sixteen hundred and
five there came from China 3,977, and that 3,687 returned; so that
290 remained here, making with those of the previous year a total
of 747. There actually remained 1,648; hence it is evident that,
besides those who were registered, 901 came here. This has been done
by granting licenses to many to live and make their abode outside
of the city, among the mountains and in other places, where they
easily receive those who disembark before the vessel has come here,
or after the ships have set out on their return voyage.

In view of this disadvantage I petitioned the Audiencia that no Sangley
may have permission to be absent at any time, especially when the ships
are arriving or setting out. Although this demand was so just, they
did not take action as I requested; and affairs remain as they were
before. Inasmuch as the despatch of the vessels is not yet completed,
I do not now make a statement of the evil results which I expect to
follow, until I am able to state them with accuracy. All this results
from a failure to observe the ordinance of the Audiencia with regard to
the number which each ship may carry; for, although the number allowed
was limited to two hundred in the largest vessel, one ship of no great
size has brought about five hundred, so that this year six thousand
five hundred and thirty-three Sangleys have arrived, of which I send
a sworn statement. These, added to the almost two thousand of the
previous year who remained, make up a great number. This is within
two years and a half after so dangerous an uprising, and it promises
more danger to follow. Therefore, in order to set this matter right,
I reported that since this city and commonwealth could not allow and
did not desire the Sangleys to remain, and had remonstrated against
it (although it would be for their service) I therefore demanded,
since this was necessary for the safety of the kingdom, that not one
Sangley should [be allowed to] remain in these islands. I also asked
that the number of ships to come from China each year and the number
of men to be carried in them might be definitely stated, this number
being made as small as possible, and severe penalties being assigned to
anyone who should violate the rules. Although the community requested
that what I asked for might be conceded, and the city confirmed what
it had previously said (of which an account has already been given to
your Majesty), the Audiencia has commanded that this year one thousand
five hundred Sangleys shall remain. I fear that many more will stay,
since they are scattered in the provinces, in the rural districts, and
among the surrounding mountains, from which they could be brought out
only with difficulty. The reason for so many Sangleys being brought
in the ships every year is, that the penalties are so light and the
execution of them is so relaxed. As it is to the advantage of the
owners of the ships to get large returns from their vessels, they
are not troubled at being obliged to pay the small fine levied on
them by the city. In spite of the fact that the city declares that
it does not wish Sangleys to remain, they have built many shops on
the site of their old residence, named Parian, as will appear from
the official statement which I send; and in every one of these live
three of four persons, and in some are many. I opposed the building
of these shops and caused it to cease, because if they were not under
restriction the Parian would become very large. It is now as large
as before the uprising. This evil result follows from the fact that
your Majesty granted the city the income received from these shops;
and many ducados are received for them, as is manifest in the said
official statements. To remedy this wrong, it is desirable that your
Majesty command the number of shops to be definitely limited, and
direct that in one shop one man only may live, who shall have some
known occupation and be a Christian. It would be well also to limit
the number of ships which may come and the number of persons that they
may carry, commanding that when the number is full no more shall be
received into the port, and that no vessel shall be admitted which
carries more than the appointed number. It would be well to provide
also that if the city exceed these limits, in the number and kind of
the shops, the grant allowed for the same be revoked.

When I entered upon the functions of this office, I discovered a
serious irregularity in the succession to encomiendas of Indians. Your
Majesty commanded that such encomiendas should descend from father
to son or daughter, and, in default of children, to the wife of the
encomendero, definitely stating that the succession should come to an
end there. Yet without attracting the attention of anyone, important
as the matter is, the wife has succeeded to her deceased husband,
and then after she has married a second time and has then died, the
second husband has succeeded the wife, and so on _ad infinitum_. Thus
it has come about that nearly all the encomiendas are far from their
original assignment, the majority being in the hands of undeserving
persons. The result is that it is a marvel if an encomienda is ever
vacant; for none has been regarded as vacant unless the possessor
has died without being married or without issue. Since this wrong
is universal, and is of great importance--affecting, as it does, the
common interests of all the islands--I have deemed it proper to advise
your Majesty of it, in order that you may ordain that which shall be
most to your Majesty's service. This may be carried out by commands
given by your Majesty to the governor to declare all encomiendas vacant
in which the rule of succession shall have been transgressed. Then
since some of them are in the hands of deserving persons, in spite
of the improper way in which they have been obtained, they may be
regranted; while many others will remain unassigned and open for
granting to soldiers who have served, but who remain in poverty
and almost in despair of ever receiving a reward. The only reward
in these islands is the encomiendas; and, as they are perpetuated
in the way described, one is never vacated except in very unusual
circumstances--unusual, that is, for this country. Here, for a woman
to be of advanced age is not enough to prevent her marriage, so much
is the succession to her encomienda coveted. The reason for failing
to institute proceedings against all these people is, that they are
in possession; and if proceedings follow the law of Malinas the cases
can take no less time than would be consumed if your Majesty were to
command them to be declared vacant, as I suggest. As for those which
have been vacated during my term of office, I have begun to put a
stop to this improper custom, and shall continue to do so until I am
informed of your Majesty's commands. It is desirable that these be
sent very promptly and clearly, since correction of this evil will
be rendered very difficult if there is any uncertainty.

The same illegality occurs in another way: an encomendero dies, and
is succeeded by his wife; if she marries and has children, these
have succeeded her, and even, when they are married, their wives
or husbands succeed them. This is contrary to the statute that the
succession shall end with the wife of the first encomendero. For all
this your Majesty will make suitable provision.

By a section in a letter from your Majesty to Don Pedro de Acuna,
late governor of these islands, your Majesty commands that the wine
for celebrating mass which was provided to religious in charge of the
instruction of Indians on private encomiendas shall not be given by
the royal exchequer. This decree has caused resentment on the part
of those concerned. They instituted legal proceedings against the
execution of the command, claiming that the previous usage should
prevail, and affirming that the wine is thus furnished in Mexico
and Piru. I presented decrees showing that this is a grant made by
your Majesty to the religious of those provinces for a limited time;
and the Audiencia, on appeal, directed your Majesty's commands to
be executed. The encomenderos declare that your Majesty should meet
this expense, and are sending documents on the subject. I give this
information in order that your Majesty may be assured that this is
entirely an act of bounty on your Majesty's part, and that your Majesty
has many obligations and expenses on these islands, which must be met;
and that since your Majesty gives the wine on the royal encomiendas,
they can and should provide it on their own.

Your Majesty has commanded that no offices or places of profit
shall be given to those who hold Indians in encomienda. There are
some encomiendas so small that they are insufficient as a means of
support, and sometimes these are held by persons very well fitted
for such offices as are to be granted. It would be well if your
Majesty should command that which shall be most to your service on
this matter, that no doubt may exist. The fiscal my predecessor,
whenever offices were given to such encomenderos, was accustomed to
begin suit appealing from the governor's appointments; and he likewise
appealed and brought suit against some of those to whom the governors
made grants, on the ground that they were against decrees and the
instructions of the governor. This was a fruitful source of irritation,
the governors declaring that the offices are thus granted for the good
of your Majesty's service, although it appears that the appointees are
making gain of them. Since that which has occurred and that which may
occur is of moment, your Majesty will ordain according to your royal
pleasure, observing that the governors are subject to residencias,
and that it is difficult to bring a lawsuit with reference to every
one of their decisions made after this manner, or to undertake to
settle the question whether or no such decisions are proper.

This city of Manila is very near the villages of some Indians
who support themselves by agriculture. If there are any places
unoccupied they use them as sites for dwellings. They make use of
the grass to cover their houses and also to cover their fields,
for they always keep these covered thus during the time while the
crops begin to grow. These Indians have suffered great oppression,
for there have been established in the vicinity of this city more
than twenty-four cattle-farms. From very small beginnings they have
multiplied so greatly that in some there are more than four thousand
head, while all of them have more than a thousand. These cattle,
on account of their number, spread and wander out of bounds, and do
much damage. Finding this wrong in existence when I assumed office,
I began some suits to cause the cattle-farms to be abandoned. On one of
the farms, which belonged to Captain Pedro de Brito, near the villages
of Capa, Namayan, and Santana, the Audiencia on appeal decided that he
must keep his cattle within bounds; and that such cattle as might be
found straying might be killed by the Indians who found them in their
fields. Being a wretched race, they dare not do this, and suffer much
from this and other causes. There are some persons who charge Indians
with having wronged them, and who take the Indians into service that
they may work off the damage done. So far is this custom carried that
the service is converted into slavery. There is now a great abundance
of cattle outside of this district, and so many cattle-farms are not
needed. It would be well for your Majesty to command that all of them
within three leguas of towns and cultivated areas should be abandoned,
in order that this molestation may cease.

The province of Panpanga is twelve leguas hence. It is the most
fertile in all the islands, and the inhabitants have done more in
your service than have any others. It lies low and is bounded by
some mountains which slope down to it. The natives of the mountains
are called Zambales. They are a race that live like beasts, without
settled habitations; and they are so murderous that their delight is
cutting off heads. For this purpose they come down upon this province,
and, as its inhabitants are a race entirely devoted to agriculture,
they take them unawares, and have wrought and do work great outrages
upon them. The effort was made to put a garrison in their country,
and some Spanish troops were stationed there. Since the country is
rough and mountainous, it is impossible to march in it; and as there
is no certain day on which the attacks of the mountaineers can be
anticipated, it is impossible to prevent them. The Panpangans have
often asked for permission to destroy these others, by killing or
enslaving them; but no decision has been given them in all the years
during which the matter has been discussed. The remedy for the evil
is easy, for if they be given for a time as slaves to any man who can
capture them, this will encourage the making of inroads upon them. This
has not been done, because of your Majesty's commands not to enslave
any of the inhabitants of this archipelago and island. This would he a
temporary slavery, and by it much or all of this evil described would
be corrected; and the expense which it causes would be prevented. The
same thing happens in the mountains of Yllocos and in other regions,
for every day the mountaineers attack and murder members of the tribes
at peace--who, as they have no permission to kill them and no hope
of making use of them, permit them to return and harass them.

In this matter of slavery there has recently arisen anew a great
problem. This is that among these Indians there is a custom that while
[in Spanish law] the child follows the womb, among them it likewise
follows the father by half. Thus the son of a free mother and a slave
father was half slave, like the son of a slave mother and a free
father; so there were slaveries of the fourth and eighth part. The
former Audiencia, regarding this as absurd, commanded that the rule
should no longer be observed, and that the son of a free mother should
hereafter be free. This decision, being accepted without difficulty,
produced no opposition, and many were in the enjoyment of liberty who
had been married as freemen, and were such. But now, in a late case,
the Audiencia has decided that the old custom shall be observed. Hence
much disquietude has resulted; for, in addition to the infinite number
of suits as to freedom, there is now much trouble as to marriages. This
race is very fickle in that matter; and some who were married as
freemen are already talking of having their marriages annulled by
saying that they are slaves. Since in all these years there has been
no disturbance regarding this matter, I trust that your Majesty will
ordain that the disposition of the former Audiencia may stand.

On the death of Francisco Sarmiento, who held the office of government
secretary of these islands, and on the renunciation of it by Gaspar de
Azebo, who bought the office in the time of the former Audiencia, the
governor, Don Pedro de Acuna, granted the office to Antonio de Ordas,
who acted as his secretary. This was at a time when your treasury
was in very great need, and suffered most urgent demands upon it,
especially for the building of a ship to go to sea that year. The
governor planned to sell this office, and for that purpose the said
Antonio de Ordas surrendered it; but when they set about executing
the governor's purpose this city interposed with objections, and
presented a petition that it might not be sold but might be given
as a grant. The basis of their contention was that your Majesty had
commanded in one section of the instructions given to Gomez Perez as
to the sale of clerical offices that they should be thus managed,
and should be given as grants to the well-deserving. It was urged
that this should be understood of all such offices, not only of
government but of the court of the Audiencia. I opposed the city,
and found a special decree to the effect that these two offices should
be sold. This decree was issued in the time of the former Audiencia,
and in conformity with it this office was sold. Alleging that the
said Ordas, although he had already received that grant, renounced
it so that the office might be sold, and a way be found for meeting
urgent necessities, I succeeded in effecting the sale, which was made
for seventeen thousand pesos to Gaspar Albares, who paid down that
sum, with which many matters were attended to. It was distributed
in accordance with the decision of the Audiencia in meeting the most
important demands, and especially in paying for the building of the
said vessel, which would otherwise have been impossible. I also brought
forward the argument (which I refer to your Majesty) that an office
of such value is a very large grant in these islands; while those
who are entitled to receive favors--that is to say, soldiers--are not
fitted for such offices. I add that your Majesty is very poor here,
and needs to take advantage of all resources. Thus your Majesty will
command that which will be most to your service; for all these measures
have been taken on condition of receiving your Majesty's approval.

Among the irregularities which I discovered was the following. Although
your Majesty has commanded that clerical offices shall not be resigned
more than once, and that the resignations shall be confirmed within a
limited time, still, of four public notaryships which are in existence
here, three have been resigned three or four times, without receiving
any confirmation; but from the sales and resignations it has been
customary to place a third part in the royal treasury. I entered
an action to have them declared vacant; and after having carefully
considered the question, I found that if they were to be granted as
a royal bounty, and then were vacated, your treasury would be the
loser by being obliged to return the thirds which it had received. On
this basis, it is better that things should continue as they are. I
have arranged that if they should be vacated they may be sold; for
the demands upon the treasury are many. If this plan shall receive
your approbation I shall bring the cases to a conclusion; if not,
I shall suspend them until your Majesty gives such commands as are
most for the good of your service. When these notaryships have been
resigned they have brought eight hundred pesos, and latterly one
thousand two hundred. They are now worth more than three thousand,
so that with a single one it would be possible to pay everything due
for the thirds on all. This will remedy something of the much which
requires remedy. The same thing can be done with the clerkships of
registry, which will be worth more than eight thousand; and with
those of probate and of the estates of deceased persons, which will
be worth another good sum; and they have all been given for nothing.

It has been very unfortunate that the funds which your Majesty has
commanded and decreed to be set aside for special objects have been
employed for other purposes. This has been especially the case with
the fund for prebends and for the payment of troops, which should
be performed with the utmost regularity. I have done all I could
to put this in order; but since the current from the past was very
strong it was impossible to accomplish my purpose. The reason given
was that one fund ought to aid another. The evils resulting are
serious; for both ecclesiastics and soldiers perform their service,
and all they get is nothing but poverty. Hence they lament with reason
that their salaries are not paid to them. This is a reason that the
soldiers are wretched and poor, some of them going about begging for
alms. An attempt will be made to correct this when new officials of
your exchequer enter their offices; and more certainly your Majesty
will provide relief in this direction, so that the soldiers' pay may
not fall into arrears. If the Audiencia had not assumed authority to
set apart in the treasury the money which came [from Mexico] during
the preceding year, one thousand six hundred and five, for persons
who had died in previous years in the war with the Sangleys and in
other conflicts, to be used to pay the soldiers, it would have been
a very great misfortune. With this the matter was set right, and the
pay has been kept up; but your Majesty has been obliged to remain in
debt for the sum which was taken for this purpose.

The president and the auditors have likewise suffered in their
salaries, which are at the present time due them for more than a
year. Although for these salaries certain specified encomiendas had
been set apart, the returns from these have been mixed with other
funds. During the term of the former Audiencia, your Majesty commanded
that for this purpose certain encomiendas should be assigned to the
crown; but no more than six thousand pesos was thus realized. Since
the number of encomiendas above referred to will have to be vacated,
your Majesty can decree that some shall be set aside for this purpose;
then the treasury will be in a somewhat easier condition.

One of the most important institutions possessed by your Majesty in
these islands and in this city is the seminary of Santa Potenciana,
in which care is taken of orphaned and poor girls, the daughters of
conquistadors; there are in it more than a hundred. The seminary
prevents many evil results. The girls leave it, when entering the
married state, respected and instructed; and the seminary also serves
as a shelter for other women during the absence of their husbands,
and for many other good purposes. Your Majesty is its patron,
and hence, ought to remember it. During Easter week the house,
which was very well built, and roofed, was burned to the ground,
and its inmates were dispersed. Since it was under the patronage of
your Majesty, and on account of the good work that it was doing, the
archdeacon of this diocese and I determined to ask for subscriptions
in order to rebuild it. The city zealously entered into the work,
and we collected about two thousand five hundred pesos, with which
we immediately began to build the structure. God was pleased that
by the feast of Pentecost we were able to have the greater part of
the inmates sheltered, within narrow quarters but under a roof. The
work has been continued ever since, and I hope that soon it will be
established in its previous condition. Still the institution is very
poor, and is in great need. I trust that your Majesty will command
that some Indians be assigned it, or that some grant be made to it;
for great service is done to God by this institution, through its good
works and by preventing the evil which would result in the community
if its inmates were left without shelter.

This city was also in need of a hospital in which care might be
taken of Spanish women, of whom there are now many here. So great
was their need that some were cared for in a hospital maintained
by La Misericordia for the care of slaves. God aroused the zeal
of a conquistador of this country, by name Joan Ximenes del Pino;
and, encouraged by his own zeal, by suitable measures he bought a
building next to the royal hospital for the Spaniards, which could
be connected with the latter, and which he has given to the hospital
for this purpose, that women may be cared for in it. It cost him five
thousand pesos; and besides this he assumed the expense of putting it
into a proper state for this purpose, with which intent he placed in
my care a sum of money which is being spent. In view of the fact that
the expense is increasing, the said hospital will require some grant
of aid. I beg your Majesty to give it, for all these institutions
are under your protection.

The hospital of the Spaniards also suffers from inadequate service,
for lack of attendants; and it is necessary for your Majesty to provide
a remedy, which can best be done by sending for this purpose brethren
of St. John of God; [28] for although Franciscan friars live there
they attend only to the administration of the sacraments, and of
everything else there is a lack. [29]

Since men here are placed in danger they are continually giving
out, and when any of them die others take under their guardianship
the children of those who are left. Sometimes the guardians give
sufficient bonds, and sometimes not; but with the progress of time
these cases have grown steadily worse, and the poor minors lose their
estates. There are many thousands of ducados in the hands of guardians;
and although the alcaldes-in-ordinary have tried to make them render
accounts, no accounts have ever been finished during the three years
since they were begun, for they are all banded together. This is a
wretched state of affairs; hence, in order to correct this, it will be
well for your Majesty to give commands that the Audiencia shall take
charge of this matter. It should be committed to one auditor, for it
can be done in no other way. This community suffers from this evil.

The governor, Don Pedro de Acuna, being obliged to be absent from the
city on the expedition to Maluco, appointed as his lieutenant in the
governorship and in matters of war the licentiate Christoval Tellez
de Almacan, second auditor of this Audiencia. As soon as the governor
left the city the licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera Maldonado asserted
that he, as the senior auditor, had the right to command in war and
the Audiencia to direct the government, in conformity with the decree
which declares that if the governor shall become unable to perform
the duties of his office, the Audiencia shall govern, and the senior
auditor shall perform the functions of captain-general. With regard to
this the Audiencia determined that the licentiate Don Antonio should
fill the office of captain-general, under certain limitations which
were set, while the governorship should remain as the governor Don
Pedro had left it. If it were necessary to carry out the decree, and
if the chief command in military affairs should have to be given to
the senior auditor, it ought not to be with limitations. Likewise the
Audiencia should assume the functions of the governor. Accordingly,
I give a statement of that which has happened, as I am looking to
the future. An explanation of the said decree is needed to determine
whether, when the governor is absent from the city without leaving
the jurisdiction, he shall have authority to appoint whomsoever he
chooses, or if the decree must necessarily be carried out. The decree
states that, in case the governor thus fails to act, it is necessary
to send a report of the facts to your Majesty, that you may take
suitable measures; and it seems to refer to the event of death. For
deciding this question, it must be considered that it might happen
that the abilities required for the conduct of military affairs would
be lacking in the senior auditor, while they might be found in the
one whom the governor should appoint. From this it will be clearly
seen that for the conduct of military affairs--especially in the
condition in which these islands and the new conquest of Maluco at
present are--it is undesirable not to be provided in this jurisdiction
with a person of much distinction and experience in the conduct of war.

Since your Majesty is at such a distance, and the remedy for
these difficulties must come so slowly, there is no one to correct
certain ecclesiastics. Their superiors sometimes pay very little
attention to the complaints made against them, and hence there
have existed and do exist serious acts of impropriety, especially
among the religious. Since there is no one who has authority to
investigate their cases or to write reports regarding these, matters
are in a most lamentable condition, and mainly to the injury of
the Indians. The religious make assessments on the natives under
the name of benefactions, and employ them at their will, without
limit. I have striven to find means to correct this, and have entered
suit against the agents whom they employ to carry out their plans;
these are called fiscals, and are cruel executors of the will of the
religious. I offered my plea, and accordingly the Audiencia decided
that none of them should have the right to hold Indians in service or
should collect any contributions; and a certain amount of abatement
of this unjust practice seems to have resulted. Those who are most
notorious in this matter, and who are worse than all the others,
are the members of the Order of St. Augustine. They are practically
incorrigible, on account of having as provincial Fray Lorenco de Leon,
a friar of much ambition and ostentation. He left these islands to ask
your Majesty for bounty, and now he is striving to go again, and for
that purpose has collected a large amount of money. He has even taken
the silver from some of the mission churches of his order; and when he
visited the province of Ylocos, he even carried away the monstrances
for the most holy sacrament from Ylaguan, Vantay, Candon, Tagudin,
and other places. It will be well for your Majesty to decree and grant
authority to the Audiencia, that it may cause official investigation
to be made into these matters and others which may arise, and that
it may proceed as do the viceroys of Piru and Mexico. For, so soon
as friars are interfered with in any respect, they begin to declare
that ecclesiastical censures have been incurred and disturbances are
raised, which give occasion for scandal to the common people. When
I saw this, I petitioned the said Audiencia for some correction of
the unlawful acts of the said provincial; and they directed that
the bishop of Nueva Segovia (who was present in this city) and the
vicar-general of this archbishopric should make an official report
in the matter. This they have done in a secret document, stating
the great transgressions of this friar. When I petitioned that some
decree should be passed in session of the Audiencia, it was decided
that a remedy should be provided; but I have not learned that anything
has been done. I inform your Majesty of this, that you may take such
measures as shall be necessary.

A great aid in making a beginning in correcting the unlawful
proceedings of these religious of the Augustinian order has been
the coming of the discalced friars of the order. They have been very
well received and several of the others have begun to join with them,
intending principally to escape the tyranny of their provincial. In
this way the others and he himself, will be corrected, when the good
result of their coming shall be evident in this effect, and in the
conversion of souls which your Majesty has so much at heart. I have
aided them in so far as to provide them with a house, where they
now are.

In the vicinity of this city, and within it, there are Indians without
number who have come from their native places to escape the labor of
tilling the soil and raising animals as they have been commanded. They
make their living by buying and selling provisions and other things,
to the great damage of this community. I have brought suit that
they may be compelled to return to their native places; and finally
they have been commanded to do so, a certain number of them being
retained for the service of each religious order; these are gathered
by the religious into villages. The execution of this decree is very
necessary, and your Majesty accordingly ordained it at the suit of this
city. Your Majesty will please command that this decree be enforced
without exception, especially by directing that these villages for the
service of the religious orders be broken up. Each order having been
allowed as many as thirty Indians, that number has greatly increased
by the protection given to them. The reason why they protect them is,
that the Indians serve them either for nothing or at less than the
ordinary rate of pay, and the sum allowed them for these Indians who
serve them is distributed among those who remain; but, in order to
get these servants cheaply, the religious contrive that there shall
be many of them. If those who are necessary are permitted to remain,
it is but just that the religious should pay them the regular rate.

Your Majesty has commanded that no one shall enjoy any positions
of profit in these islands without being resident here; and that
if encomenderos are absent they shall not receive the tributes. In
particular, your Majesty has decreed by your royal letters, at the suit
of this city, that the encomiendas of the mariscal Gabriel de Ribera,
who has long been absent, shall be vacated. The governor accordingly
vacated them, giving part of them to Don Jhoan Ronquillo, and placing
part of them under the administration of the royal treasury. After
this had been executed and settled, another royal letter arrived
in which your Majesty granted to the said mariscal the privilege of
receiving his tributes during his absence. When his attorney presented
this letter I opposed it, and declared that it had been obtained
by some improper statement, as I now allege, and as will appear by
the documents which I send. Nevertheless, they commanded that the
encomiendas in charge of the treasury should be returned to him,
bonds being taken; accordingly, they were given to his attorney,
because he himself did not come to demand the fulfilment [of the
Audiencia's decree]. With regard to this matter your Majesty will
take such measures as shall please you--considering that there are
many here who, although they have seen service, still suffer need;
and who are discontented that others should be rich and, even while
absent, enjoy what these men are protecting at so great risk.

The expedition against Mindanao having been arranged during the year
ninety-five with Captain Estevan Rrodriguez de Figueroa, who was
under obligations to carry it out, he began to do so, going thither
in his own person; but in the year ninety-six he died, at the first
assault. The army being unprovided with a commander, the governor of
these islands, Don Francisco Tello, selected one. For the continuation
of this expedition a very great expense was incurred by the command
of the said governor, with the assent and advice of Dr. Antonio de
Morga, his assessor and lieutenant. A suit from the heirs afterward
followed, on the ground that they were not obliged to continue the
expedition, and were not responsible for the expenses thereof. The
Audiencia, as a court of appeal, revoked the governor's command,
and declared the estate free from obligations. I appealed the case
to your Majesty, and sent the original documents. This I did, not
only that the principal case might be decided, but also because
the heirs claim that your Majesty should cause them to be paid for
the expenditure of their property. I offer the advice that even if
they were not obliged to carry out the conquest, your Majesty is not
their debtor, since you have commanded that such conquests are not
to be made on your account and at your cost. Hence these expenses are
owing by him who commanded them to be incurred. Since I have been in
your Majesty's service I have placed this matter in a clear light,
as was not previously the case. When claims were made for wages
and other expenses, the Audiencia commanded them to be paid from
the royal treasury; and thus many such payments have been made on
the account of those who really owed them. At the present time the
judges, being informed in regard to these claims, have decided that
they are not due from your Majesty. Accordingly your Majesty is not
only not obliged to pay them, but has a right to claim satisfaction,
for the expenditures from the royal treasury, from the property of
the governor Don Francisco; and, in case it is insufficient, from
the property of the assessor by whose advice they were incurred.

As to the provision of an incumbent for this office, it should be
noticed that most affairs in this country depend upon it--especially
the proper care of the Indians, which is most important; for with
this office is united that of being their protector. I have always
striven to attend to this matter carefully, as I have done in other
matters pertaining to your royal service. This I shall continue to do
in these islands until an appointment is made: and I petition your
Majesty to grant me, when that shall come, permission to leave this
kingdom, the governor that shall be in office making me a sufficient
allowance for my passage hence. God keep the Catholic personage of
your Majesty, with the increase of your realms. Manila, July, 1606.

The licentiate _Rodrigo Diaz Guiral_




The Terrenate Expedition


Sire:

In the Council of War for the Indias there have been presented two
letters from Don Pedro de Acuna, governor and captain-general of the
Filipinas, written to your Majesty on the first and seventh of July
of the year 605 just past, copies of which are enclosed. In them your
Majesty, if so pleased, will see in what condition is the expedition
for the capture of Terrenate, and how the governor went in person
with it, with a great deal of confidence in a favorable outcome,
on account of the excellent reenforcement that had been sent to him
under the command of the master-of-camp, Juan Desquivel. Although they
were fewer in number than what he had asked for, nevertheless he was
pleased with the companies that he had seen, and he expected to join
with them some men from that garrison and some other available men,
and some Indians (Panpangas and others from that vicinity) among whom
are excellent arquebusiers and musketeers, who approve themselves
very well when in company with Spaniards. He says that he foresaw this
undertaking as soon as he began that government; and for that reason
he had built five galleys, as he considered them to be the vessels
most effective for the defense of that realm. He wrote that he would
take four of them, and five ships and seven brigantines; and besides
this five lorchas, which are very good vessels after the Chinese and
Japanese style, for both oars and sails, and are more capacious and
better suited for carrying food than any other kind of oared vessel. He
thought, then, that he would make that expedition, taking with him
all these galleys on your Majesty's account, and providing that for
the private persons and the encomenderos there should go seven or
eight other medium-sized vessels, with high freeboard, in which their
masters should take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine, meat, and other
things--which would help greatly, because a large number of volunteers
were going. He had made every possible effort in urging these latter
to go, representing your Majesty's service to them; and he said that
they greatly needed this opportunity, on account of the losses and
troubles which they have suffered, and because they are poor and much
disheartened. With this force he thought that he would set out from
Manila, after St. Francis's day, for the town at the port of Oton,
in the island of Panay, where the infantry was stationed, in order
that the whole fleet might sail from there at the end of January or
the beginning of February of this year, which is the best time for
Maluco. He says that he has no doubt of encountering vessels from
Olanda and Zelanda, and more this year than in others--according to the
reports which he has that in the city of Nostra Dama, and in another
near to it, they were getting ready twelve or thirteen large vessels
with the intention of coming to the Indias to capture Ambueno and the
Malucas; and that they were bringing a large number of men, and also
lime and cut stone, as ballast, with which to fortify themselves. He
says that he fears greatly that this may be so because the king of
Tidore informed him that the king of Terrenate had sent to the Dutch,
offering to permit them to build a fortress and factory in his land,
in order to keep them satisfied so that they should help him against
the aforesaid king of Tidore and against the Portuguese and Castilians;
and that for this reason the forts there and at Ambueno were in great
danger. Don Pedro says that, if this is true, there will be a great
deal of difficulty in his undertaking. This report by the king of
Tidore seems to be confirmed and made more sure by another which he
sends with the aforesaid letter of the seventh of July, a copy of which
is enclosed. This was made by a Portuguese of Ambueno and a religious
of the Society of Jesus, both of whom were living there. It tells more
at length of the state of affairs in Maluco, and of the lawlessness
of the Hollanders, and their motive in going there with twelve large
ships well equipped with artillery, in the year 604 just past; and
how they came to Ambueno on the twenty-third of February of 605,
with eight ships and six pataches, and captured the fort which was
there, and took possession of the Portuguese town--because, those
within it, seeing the great number of men and pieces of artillery
which they carried, made no defense. Then, with the brick, lime, and
stone which they had brought they began to rebuild the fort which the
Portuguese had, and they left there about one hundred and thirty men
as a garrison. The same thing may be learned from the brother Gaspar
Gomes of the Society of Jesus, who has come from the Filipinas, sent
by the aforesaid Don Pedro de Acuna and bearing letters from him. He
says that the aforesaid Don Pedro had told him that, when the affair
of Maluco was accomplished and the land made safe, he intended to go
quickly to settle affairs in Ambueno, because he had heard that the
Hollanders who had obtained foothold there were expecting a son of
Don Antonio. [30] On this account he desired, as quickly as possible,
a special order from your Majesty; and he, the brother Gaspar Gomes,
comes to ask for it in the name of Don Pedro. This should be considered
with great care, and also what he says in that letter about the king
of Japon, in regard to keeping friendship with him--as your Majesty,
if you are so pleased, may examine in greater detail in the letter. It
is well to note also what he says about the delay that there might
be in his receiving succor because your Majesty is so far away, and
the great hindrance that it would be to him if they were not very
careful and prompt in sending him from Nueva Espana more men, arms,
gunpowder, and munitions in plenty, and also money; for, although
the men had been paid for a year, already more than half had passed,
and when he shall have started from Oton the year will be entirely
completed. It is also necessary that another goodly amount of money be
sent to the treasury of the Filipinas Islands, on a separate account,
because it is so empty and depleted. The garrison also is lacking
in men, and this should be provided for in part. All this having
been reviewed and examined with the attention which a matter of so
much importance requires, it appears that Don Pedro de Acuna has the
Terrenate undertaking well under way, and that he should be thanked
for it, as well as for going thither in person, on which account
it seems that that matter will have better support, and that better
results may be expected from it, on account of the good judgment and
experience which he is known to possess. The information which we have
of the care with which the rebels are fortifying themselves in those
regions and getting control of the trade with them is very important;
for from this results very great loss to your Majesty's exchequer,
and great benefit and increase to that of the enemy, which may be the
greatest support they have for the war which they are carrying on. If
God grants good success in the Terrenate undertaking, as is hoped,
and if Don Pedro can put that stronghold in a state of defense with
a sufficient garrison for safety, and if it appears to him that,
with the remainder of his men and what fleet may be left to him,
he can regain Ambueno and drive the Hollanders out from that island,
as he has given notice that he can do (relying on what the aforesaid
brother Gaspar Gomes has said), the aforesaid Don Pedro de Acuna
might be commanded to do so, and to place it in such a state of
defense and security as is necessary to that stronghold--which is
of the greatest importance for the preservation and security of the
trade of the crown of Portugal, and for obstructing and hindering
the designs of the enemy. Since that nation [_i.e._, the Dutch]
has more steadiness and courage in its military actions than the
Indians, and as it is quite a different thing to fight with them,
it is of great importance that Don Pedro should not lack sufficient
forces, and that he should be succored from Mexico immediately. For
this purpose the Marques de Montesclaros should be written to, and
a despatch-boat sent to him, ordering him that without loss of time
he should proceed to help Don Pedro with the men, arms, gunpowder,
munitions, and money which he requires for this Terrenate expedition,
and whatever may result from it, so that the expense which has been
already incurred in this may not, for any lack of these things, be
put to risk, and that the Holland rebels may not be allowed to get a
foothold and establish strongholds in that land; for the honor of the
state is imperiled, and very great loss to your Majesty's exchequer
is made possible through the hindrance of the trade in spices, if
they get it under their control. What should be still more thought of
and defended, since it is in greater danger, is the Catholic faith,
because the land is infested with heretics, and the Indians are a
very pliant and changeable people. Don Pedro should be informed of
what the marques has been commanded to do for his help, in order that
he may understand, and arrange and provide for everything as is best,
in order that the desired result may be obtained.

Dora Pedro writes also, in regard to the pay of the men who were sent
to him for that expedition, that it seems to him that what a soldier of
that military department gets--namely, six pesos a month--is little,
when the fact is considered that the country is incomparably more
dear than when the pay was fixed; and that the eight ducados which
the soldiers of the expedition earn are a great deal. He thinks,
therefore, that it would be well if both were paid at the rate of
eight pesos of eight reals a month, besides the customary thirty
ducados which are regularly given in addition to each company in Spain
and other regions; and that the captains should earn at the rate of
fifty pesos a month, and the sergeants ten, as they do now. As the
captains of that region get no more than thirty-five pesos, and those
of the expedition get sixty ducados, it seems best to him that these
salaries should be adjusted in the way that he states--giving to each
at the rate of eight pesos of eight reals a month, and the customary
thirty additional ducados a month which are usually given to each
company in Spain and elsewhere; and that the captains should receive
equally at the rate of fifty pesos a month, and the ensigns twenty,
and the sergeants ten, as he says they receive now. Thus all will
have pay that is equal and well adjusted, by taking away from some
and adding to others, in the way which Don Pedro has proposed. Your
Majesty will examine and consider all this, and will order what is
best for your service. In Madrid, August 5, 1606.

His Majesty orders that the enclosed report of the Council of War of
the Indias concerning the Terrenate undertaking be considered in the
Council of State, and that he be informed of what it shall decide. God
keep your Lordship. St. Lorenzo, August 15, 1606.


_The Duke_
The honorable secretary, _Andres de Prada_


Sire:

The Council, having seen that your Majesty sent for the enclosed report
and the papers of the Council of War of the Indias, voted as follows:

The Cardinal of Toledo--that if the injury which the rebels are
causing in India were seen here nearer at hand it would cause great
commotion; and that because it is far away it should not be regarded
as of little importance, but rather, in order to secure a remedy, we
should consider that it is very near. Accordingly, we should attend
to it with the greatest diligence, and agree to what has seemed best
to the Council of War of the Indias and to Don Pedro de Acuna--to
whom many thanks are due for the good courage with which he prepared
for the undertaking and the care with which he gave notice of the
things that were necessary for it, from which, with the favor of God,
we may expect good results. The completion of the undertaking is of
the greatest importance for the state and for its good repute. This
consists in helping Don Pedro with all that he needs, in order that
for lack of it he may not leave the work unfinished, and that what has
been gained may not be lost again; for the greater the foothold that
the rebels get in those regions, and the stronger they grow there,
the harder it will be to remedy the matter, and the greater will
be the harm which will come from them to your Majesty's realms and
to their honor. It is well to order the Marques de Montesclaros to
assist and help Don Pedro de Acuna in every way that he needs, and to
do it so promptly that he shall not fail to succeed in the undertaking
for lack of it. Besides, he thinks it well that your Majesty should
favor Don Pedro in matters which are so properly under his charge as
the matters of war are, so that the archbishop and the Audiencia may
know that in these things they are to respect him and allow him to
do what he thinks best; and that Don Pedro should be advised that in
matters which concern government and justice he should have a great
deal of respect for the archbishop and the Audiencia.

The Constable of Castile--that he has nothing to add to the report of
the Council of War of the Indias since the importance of the matter
shows how proper it is that the Marques de Montesclaros should give
prompt assistance to Don Pedro de Acuna, and that it should be ordered
exactly so. He thinks that it is very well that the archbishop and the
Audiencia should not be mixed up in matters of war, since they do not
understand them. In regard to what concerns Portugal, he supposes that
your Majesty probably has had notice sent to that Council; and if not,
that it would be well to do so.

The Conde de Olivares agreed to all that has been said; and he thinks
it well that the ship which the report mentions should be sent at
once to Nueva Espana, informing the Marques de Montesclaros of the
importance of the expedition, and ordering him to supply Don Pedro
de Cuniga _[sic]_ with all that he needs for the proper execution
of it, in such manner that he shall have no excuse for evading such
requisition. He also would command the archbishop and the Audiencia
not to meddle in matters of war, and to order Don Pedro to keep the
friendship and good understanding which he has with the king of Japon,
and to hang all the rebels that he shall capture. Your Majesty will
ordain, in all matters, what shall be most to your service.



Decree Establishing a Way-Station for Philippine Vessels on the
California Coast


The King: To Don Pedro de Acuna, knight of the Order of St. John, my
governor and captain-general of the Filipinas Islands, and president
of my royal Audiencia therein: You have already heard that Don Luis
de Velasco, former viceroy of Nueva Espana--in view of the long
navigation from the port of Acapulco to those islands, and the great
hardship and danger of navigation in that voyage because of having no
station wherein to repair the ships, and to supply them with water,
wood, masts, and other requisite and necessary things--determined
to explore and mark out the ports of the coasts from the said Nueva
Espana to those islands. He ordered that this effort should be made by
a vessel called "San Agustin;" but, as that vessel was lost, the said
exploration was not then effected. You know that afterward the Conde
de Monterrei, who succeeded him in that government, finding the same
inconveniences in the said navigation, and thinking it advantageous
to remedy them by making anew the exploration that Don Luis de Velasco
had attempted, wrote me in regard to it. He said that, in his opinion,
it could be made by small vessels sailing from the port of Acapulco;
and that the reconnoitering of the coasts and ports of the bay of
the Californias might be included in it, as well as the fisheries. In
reply I ordered, on the twenty-seventh of September of five hundred
and ninety-nine, that letters be written to him in my name that I
considered the demarcation and exploration of that coast and its
ports very desirable, and that he should accordingly set about it
immediately; but advising him not to undertake the exploration of
the Californias except in passing. In pursuance thereof, I appointed
Sebastian Vizcayno for that purpose as he was a man experienced in
maritime matters, and careful and skilled in those of that route,
and as he was one with whom I was thoroughly satisfied. Having given
him for the voyage two vessels, a lancha and a barcoluengo, [31] with
the sailors and soldiers, ammunition and provisions, necessary for a
year, and a cosmographer, skilful and versed in geometrical tables,
in order that he might very minutely and accurately place and set
down what should be discovered on a map and chart. After having
received his orders and instructions, he set sail on the fifth of
May, in the year 602, from the port of Acapulco to make the above
mentioned exploration; as I was advised by the said Conde de Monterrei
and Sebastian Vizcaino. [32] These afterward wrote me by several
letters (the most recent of which were dated on the last of April,
604) that Sebastian Vizcaino spent eleven months in that voyage; and
that he began, from the same port, to delineate and sound the coast,
ports, bays, and indentations up to the thirty-seventh degree, with
all the precision and exactness needful and required; and that from
the thirty-seventh degree to the forty-second he accomplished nothing
beyond sighting the land. He had been unable to take so particular care
there as he had done up to the thirty-seventh degree, because many
of the crew fell sick, and the weather there was very contrary. He
said that that whole coast, as far as the fortieth degree, extends
northwest and southeast; that the other two degrees remaining in
the forty-two degrees extend practically north and south; and that
from the mouth of the Californias up to the thirty-seventh degree,
he found three very excellent ports on the mainland--namely, San
Diego in thirty-three degrees, and the second, of less excellence,
near it. That of San Diego is very large and capable of holding
many vessels; and it has water and wood. The third is better and
more suitable for the Chinese vessels, and as a station for the
ships of the line from those islands. It is called Monterrei, and
lies in thirty-seven degrees. It has water and wood, better and in
greater quantity than the other port. It is excellently sheltered
from all winds, and abounds in pines along the coast, of whatever
size one may wish, for use us masts. That port is very suitable so
that the vessels on returning from those Filipinas Islands may go
there without there being any necessity of going to Japon by reason
of storms, as vessels have done several times, losing thereby a very
great amount of property. The vessels from China generally run along in
sight of this place, for which purpose it is also very suitable. For,
if that port be known, then vessels will not port until reaching it,
when necessity would otherwise compel them to go to Japon and to
those islands, since the work and trouble necessary to reach those
places would take them to the said port. Besides, they report that
the country is of a mild climate and very fertile (as is seen by its
numerous trees), and very thickly inhabited with people of very mild
and docile disposition, and whose reduction to the holy gospel and to
my royal crown will be very easy. It maintains itself, and the food is
of many different kinds of grain and of flesh of game, with which the
country is exceedingly well supplied. The dress of the Indians of the
coast is made of the skins of sea-wolves, which the Indians tan and
dress very well. They have abundance of thread made from Castilian
flax, hemp, and cotton. By these Indians and by many others whom the
said Sebastian Vizcaino discovered along the coast in the more than
eight hundred leguas of his voyage, he was everywhere informed that
there were great settlements inland, and silver and gold. This is
considered to be true, because veins of metals were discovered in
some parts of the mountains of the mainland. If the seasons of the
summer were known, one could enter the interior through this place
and locate those metals, for it promises great wealth. Also the rest
of the coast might be explored from that port, for it extends past the
forty-second degree where the said Sebastian Vizcayno went, and which
was named as his limit in his instructions. The coast extends even to
Japon and the Chinese coast. He said that he could not enter the mouth
of the [gulf of the] Californias, on his return and while passing,
as I had sent him orders, because many of his crew had fallen ill and
were dying rapidly, and because his provisions had suddenly become bad,
which obliged him to hasten his return. After examination of this in my
royal Council of the Indias, together with the surveys and relations
that were sent with the description of each port, singly, of those
discovered by the said Sebastian Vizcaino, and after having listened
to the cosmographer Andres Garcia de Cespedes, they advised me; and
after considering the great importance, for the safety and security
of the ships coming from those islands--a navigation of more than two
thousand leguas of open water--of their having a port on the voyage,
wherein to be repaired and to take in water, wood, and provisions, and
that the said port of Monterrei, lying on the thirty-seventh degree,
will be a half-way station, and that it has all the good qualities that
may be desired, I have deemed it advisable that all the vessels from
those islands, since they approach that coast, shall enter that port,
and there be repaired and reprovisioned. In order to initiate this
and establish it as a fixed and well-known practice, I have ordered
Marques de Montesclaros, [33] my present viceroy of the said provinces
of Nueva Espana, by another decree of the date of this present, to
have the said Sebastian Vizcaino, if now alive, sought with all care
and diligence, since he has made the said exploration, and has coasted
from Acapulco to Cape Mendocino; and, as soon as he shall have been
found, to order him to go to those islands. Sebastian Vizcaino is to
take with him his own chief pilot, or the chief pilot of the admiral;
and in order that his voyage may have the effect intended, and be
accomplished with all possible promptness, as is desirable, I have
ordered the said marques to despatch the ships that are to sail to
those islands in the coming year, 607. He shall despatch them in the
usual manner, and as has been done hitherto, as you probably can not
have any vessels constructed there of the two hundred tons capacity
which is necessary for the trade, in accordance with the new decree
that I had issued in this regard, because of the short time since
it was given. The marques is to appoint the said Sebastian Vizcayno
commander of the said fleet; and, as his admiral, the one whom he
had in the discovery of the said port [34]--if both are living. If
either of them is dead, then he shall send as commander the one of
them still living. As chief pilot, he shall send the said Sebastian
Vizcayno's pilot or that of his admiral, so that, having the vessels
in charge on the return voyage, they may ascertain in what manner the
said port of Monterrey can be colonized and made permanent; and can
show its bay, and the manner of making that navigation, [35] to the
pilots and crews of the said vessels, and especially to two men whom
I order you to send with the said commander Sebastian Vizcayno from
those islands. These men are to be possessed of all the good qualities,
knowledge, and experience necessary, so that they may reconnoiter the
said port, and may be given commands as commander and admiral of the
vessels that are to sail from Acapulco to those islands in the year
608, since the said Sebastian Vizcayno has to go to colonize the said
port. It is my will that these two men and the said Sebastian Vizcayno
and his admiral--and I shall consider myself as served if you favor and
honor them in every way possible--have and be paid the usual salary
that the other commanders and admirals of the said line have had;
and that it be paid to the former in the same form and manner as it
is paid to the latter. In order that all the above commands may have
the end and effect intended, as is necessary, I strictly charge you
that you assist on your part, in whatever pertains to you, with the
care and diligence that I expect from your prudence and great zeal;
and you shall advise me of what is done, so that I may have full
information thereof. Given in San Lorenzo el Real, August 19, 1606.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Juan de Sivicay; signed by the members of the Council.




Chinese Immigration in the Philippines


_Official report of the ships from China which came this year 1606
and of the men in them._

I, Pedro Munoz de Herrera, official receiver of testimony for the royal
Audiencia and Chancilleria of these Philipinas Islands, and notary
of the commission on the Sangleys, give my certificate and testimony,
based upon a memorandum of the inspection of the ships which have come
this year from China to this city, made before me, the said notary,
and the ensign Pedro Gra. Prieto, deputy of the said commission,
as to the number of the ships which have come, and the men in them,
in the form and manner following:


    The ship of Captain Pinyon brought three hundred
		and twenty-two Sangleys									322
    The ship of Captains Bincan and Quinten brought
		two hundred and ninety-four								294
    The ship of Captain Yantin brought three hundred
		and forty-five											345
    The ship of Captain Onsan brought three hundred
		Sangleys												300
    The ship of Captain Sanagu brought three hundred
		and twenty-four											324
    The ship of Captain Cuheran brought two hundred
		and eighty-four											284
    The ship of Captain Selhuan brought three hundred
		and sixty-seven											367
    The ship of Captain Nohu brought two hundred and
		forty Sangleys											240
    The ship of Captain Sousan brought four hundred
		and twenty-three Sangleys								423
    The ship of Captain Guarquico brought three hundred
		and twenty-three Sangleys								323
    The ship of Captain Unican brought two hundred and
		thirty Sangleys											230
    The ship of Captain Ay Pagu brought two hundred and
		four Sangleys											204
    The ship of Captain Onray brought two hundred and
		sixty-five												265
    The ship of Captain Cime two hundred and fifty				250
    The ship of Captain Yansan two hundred and ten				210
    The ship of Captain Ciggan one hundred and
		forty-one Sangleys										141
    The ship of Captain Zuan one hundred and
		sixty-three Sangleys									163
    The ship of Captain Ciray four hundred and
		ninety-two Sangleys										492
    The ship of Captain Ciquey brought two hundred
		and sixty-one Sangleys									261
    The ship of Captain Tzutian brought one hundred
		and sixty-three											163
    The ship of Captain Tongon two hundred and fifty-nine		259
    The ship of Captain Tzontzan two hundred and
		twenty Sangleys											220
    The ship of Captain Bican brought seventy-five Sangleys		 75
    The ship of Captain Buyan brought three hundred and
		one Sangleys											301
    The ship of Captain Licbeu brought seventy-seven
		Sangleys												 77
														      2,011 [36]


as appears and is stated at greater length in the said memorandum
of inspection, to which I refer. That the same might be officially
verified, at the request of his Majesty's fiscal the royal Audiencia,
and at the direction of the president and auditors thereof, I have
made this report, Manila, July 4, 1606, before Geronimo de Peralta
and Miguel de Vemaga as witnesses.

In witness of the accuracy hereof:

_Pedro Munoz de Herrera_, notary and official receiver of testimony.





_Felipe III to Pedro de Acuna_

Don Pedro de Acuna, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas
Islands: I received your letter of July 10 of last year, in which
you inform me of the coming to these realms of some religious, among
them Hernando de los Rios Coronel and Fray Pedro de San Francisco and
others, who are acquainted with many details and circumstances of the
uprising of the Sangleys in the year 1603. From them, as you suggest,
I can command full information to be given me concerning the whole
matter, since they are persons of approved reputation and entitled to
credit. I am pleased that you have sent me this information, since
in due time I shall command the proper proceedings to be taken with
reference to these persons. Ventosilla, November 4, 1606.


_I The King_
Certified to by Juan de Civica, and signed by the Council.


Don Pedro de Acuna, my governor and captain-general of the Philipinas
Islands and president of my royal Audiencia thereof: By various
letters and reports which have been received in my royal Council of
the Yndias, I have learned that there have entered and are living in
the city of Manila three or four thousand Sangleys. It has seemed to
me that although, for the convenience of supplying necessary things
for the country, it is well that as many should remain as are needed,
still the most careful attention must be given to the evil results
which have previously been perceived, and to the very great injuries
which have followed from the permission that so many should enter
and remain in the country. I accordingly charge you that you pay
heed to this matter, and that you permit to remain no more than are
absolutely necessary, having respect to no other consideration; since
nothing can be so profitable as to compensate for the damage which
may follow from the contrary course. Bentosilla, November 4, 1606.


_I The King_
Certified to by Juan de Civica, and signed by the members of the
Council.




Letter from Felipe III to Acuna


The King: To Don Pedro de Acuna, my governor and captain-general of
the Filipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia there. Your
letter of the fifteenth of July of 604, which is in reply to and in
satisfaction of some points in another of mine dated the sixteenth of
February of 602, has been received and considered in my royal Council
of the Indias. I am glad to see the care with which you say that you
are trying to avoid all the expenses that are possible to my royal
exchequer; and, since all your care is necessary on account of the
present and future occasions for necessary expense in those islands,
I charge you to keep before you what I entrust to you.

I was also pleased to hear of the importance of the voyage of Francisco
Rodriguez de Avila and his men to the island of Camar, in order to
pacify the natives for the harm which they received from the people of
Mindanao, and to defend them if they should come again; and the care
which you took in this matter and in all the rest which you advised
concerning this uprising in Mindanao. I thank you, and charge you that,
on occasions which may arise in the future, you do the same.

You say that you have consulted with the Audiencia there, and with
the archbishop and the religious, to see if it is proper that the
Indians pay their tributes, or part of them, in kind; and that you
would try to have them reach a decision, in order that you may inform
me of it on the earliest occasion. I charge you to do so, fulfilling
what I have commanded you in regard to this matter.

You have done well, during your administration, in not paying false
musters, as you informed me; and in not allowing gratuities or salaries
to be paid to the captains, ensigns and other war officers who were
appointed by Don Francisco Tello, your predecessor, for the people
of the villages.

I have seen what you say concerning the lading and despatching of
vessels for Nueva Espana and the care which you take that in this
matter, and in the allotment of the amount allowed [by law] there
should be the equity, accurate account, and method which is proper;
and although I am satisfied with this, nevertheless I have thought
it well to charge you, as I do charge you now, that you should use
the greatest care in this matter, informing me of all that occurs;
and I am grateful for the matters which are in your care.

You have done well in ordering my royal officials not to give wine
at the expense of my royal exchequer for celebrating mass in the
encomiendas of private persons, but rather to oblige the encomenderos
themselves to provide it; and you will try to have them do so, since
it is just that this should be at their expense and to their account.

You say that you did not find sufficient evidence that there were
illegal methods in the election of the twelve regidors that are in
that city, and that you feared that, if you investigated the matter,
there would have arisen uneasiness which might have been followed by
trouble, and so you resolved to let it be; and also because, as they
are being vacated, the four offices can be done away with which are
in excess of the number which I have ordered that there should be. As
it has appeared that this was a good decision, I have chosen to refer
to you what concerns this particular case, in order that you may do
what seems best to you--provided, as I have said, that you observe
and fulfil what I have commanded, whenever occasion arises.

Regarding what you said, that it did not seem best to you that an
auditor should go to visit the country, for the reasons and causes
which you mentioned, you will try to see that what has been provided
for in regard to this be followed and executed.

I have seen the trouble which has been caused you in carrying out
the order that no more money should be taken to those islands than
that which is allowed, although you promptly executed the order;
and all that you say in regard to its being better not to press this
matter very much for the present, not only for the population of this
land, which is of so much importance, but also for the increase of
trade. Nevertheless it has seemed best to me to command you to follow
what I have ordered, without deviating from it in any way.

I have seen what you say regarding the business of the three royal
officials of those islands, and that the office of treasurer cannot
be dispensed with because it is so necessary on this account; all
that you have told me in this regard is satisfactory to me, and I
am informed in regard to it. You will inform me (if, as you say,
you have not done so), of anything that you may observe in regard to
the persons whom my aforesaid royal officials are stationing in the
warehouses, according to what I have commanded you.

I have been pleased to hear of the improvement in the orders regarding
the good treatment of the natives, and the very great care which you
exercise in looking after them, and in seeing that they be relieved
from all hardships which can be avoided; and I command you to continue
to do so. I charge you also not to relax in the efforts which you say
that you are making that the work on the great church may be urged on;
and that you gather materials and begin to rebuild the hospital for
the Spaniards, which was burned in the fire in the year 1603--although
difficulties will not fail to arise therein, in accordance with the
poverty which you say exists in that country.

I thank you for the care which you have taken of the seminary of
Santa Potenciana, and that its inmates should live in due seclusion;
and I have been pleased to hear that you should make efforts to have
me send orders to the viceroy of Nueva Espana to send some religious
women thither for the improvement of the seminary.

It will be well if you have my royal arms placed on the houses of
the cabildo of that city, as you say that you will do. Ventosilla,
November 4, 1606.

_I The King_
By order of the king our sovereign:
_Juan de Ziviza_




DOCUMENTS OF 1607


    Petition for a grant to the Jesuit seminary in Leyte. January 18.
    Artillery at Manila in 1607. Alonso de Biebengud; July 6.
    Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III, on the Confraternity of
    La Misericordia. Pedro Hurtado de Esquivel; July 11.
    Trade of the Philippines with Mexico. December 18.
    Passage of missionaries via the Philippines to Japan. Conde de
    Lemos, and others; 1606-07.



_Sources_: The first three of these documents are obtained from the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the last two, from the Archivo
general at Simancas.

_Translations_: The first document, and the third paper in the fifth,
are translated by James A. Robertson; the second and third, by Henry
B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the second paper of
the fifth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University; the remainder,
by Robert W. Haight.



Petition for Grant to the Jesuit Seminary in Leyte


Sire:

The religious of the Society of Jesus of the Philipinas Islands,
considering that that country was so new, and that it was advisable
that the Indians be reared from its beginning in good customs and
Christian civilization, founded a seminary in the island of Leyte,
located in the province of Pintados. There they instruct the native
children of the island in good customs and in the matters of our holy
Catholic faith, and teach them to speak Spanish, and other things
which conduce to virtue. Inasmuch as the governor of the said islands
was made cognizant of the above, he ordered in the year 601 that one
hundred pesos of common gold and two hundred fanegas of unwinnowed
rice be given the said religious annually for four years, for the
support of the said seminary, to be taken from the fund of the fourths
[_i.e.,_ fourths of the tributes] of the city of Manila--provided
that the Jesuits could obtain a decree in which your Majesty should
give your consent to this grant. On behalf of the said religious it
has been represented that excellent results have been attained from
the foundation of the said seminary, which still continue; and that
it is advisable that it be maintained. They entreat your Majesty
to consider the matter, and have the above-mentioned gift approved,
and the said alms continued to them for ten years more; for otherwise
it cannot take effect. Having examined this in the Council, we think
that, because of the great need for the said seminary in that country,
the provision of the governor for a grant to them for four years may be
confirmed; and, in order that the seminary be preserved and continued,
that the concession of the said one hundred pesos of common gold and
the two hundred fanegas of rice, taken from the fund of the fourths,
may be made for ten years more, as they petition. The governor should
be ordered to have it all very carefully distributed for the said
purpose, and give advice thereof. Your Majesty will order as suits
your pleasure. Madrid, January 18, 1607.

[Four signatures follow.]



Artillery at Manila in 1607


_Memorandum of All the Artillery in the Fortifications of Manila,
June_ 20, 1607

_Fort of Santiago_

One half-culverin, old casting of Manila, choke-bored, caliber fourteen
libras, twenty calibers in length.

One full-sized saker of the same casting, caliber ten libras, length
thirteen calibers.

Another of the same casting, a paterero, [37] caliber eleven libras,
length fourteen calibers.

Another paterero of the same casting, caliber ten libras, and thirteen
calibers in length.

Two bastards, casting Mexican--one of twenty-seven calibers, and the
other choke-bored--of twenty-four calibers, caliber ten libras.

One saker, old Manila casting, caliber six libras, length thirty
calibers.

One culverin, caliber nineteen libras, old Manila casting, choke-bored,
twenty-nine calibers in length.

One demi-saker, Mexican casting, caliber three and a half libras,
length thirty-two calibers.

One bastard saker, Genoese casting, caliber six libras, length
twenty-four calibers.

One paterero, Portuguese casting, caliber eleven libras, length
fourteen calibers.

One demi-saker, cast in Piru, caliber three and a half libras, length
twenty-nine calibers.

One saker, caliber six libras, cast in Flandes, thirty calibers
in length.

Another saker, cast in Mexico, caliber six libras, thirty-four calibers
in length.

One paterero, old Manila casting, caliber eight libras, length
fourteen diameters.

Another similar paterero.

Two catapults, new Manila casting, caliber twenty libras.

One paterero of the same casting, caliber fifteen libras, length
fourteen diameters.

One saker, cast in Mexico, caliber five and a half libras, length
thirty calibers.

One cannon, old Manila casting, caliber thirty-seven libras, length
twenty calibers.

One demi-saker, cast in Flandes, caliber four libras, length thirty
calibers.

One demi-saker, cast in Flandes, caliber four libras, length thirty
calibers.

One demi-saker, cast in Piru, caliber three libras and a half, length
twenty-nine calibers.

One demi-saker, old Manila casting, caliber four libras, length
thirty-one diameters.

One paterero, cast in Portugal, caliber thirty-one libras, fourteen
calibers in length.

In all, there are in the said fort twenty-six pieces.


_Breastwork of S. Gabriel in Parian of the Sangleys_

One paterero of Portuguese casting, caliber fourteen libras, length
thirteen calibers.

One demi-cannon cast in Manila, old style, caliber sixteen libras,
length twenty-two calibers.

One passe-volante, cast in Flandes, caliber five libras, length
four calibers.

One paterero, cast in Manila, caliber thirteen libras, length thirteen
calibers.

One demi-saker, old Manila casting, caliber three and a half libras,
length thirty-two calibers.

One saker cast in Mexico, caliber five libras, length thirty calibers.

In the said breastwork there are six pieces.


_Breastwork of Dilao_

One demi-saker of three libras caliber, old casting of Manila, length
thirty-three calibers.

One saker, old casting of Manila, caliber seven libras, length
twenty-nine calibers.

Another saker, cast in Mexico, caliber one libra, length thirty-two
calibers.

One paterero, cast in Portugal, caliber thirteen libras, length
thirteen calibers.

In the said breastwork there are four pieces.


_Breastwork of S. Andres near the Foundry_

Two patereroes, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, length
thirteen calibers.

One demi-saker of the same casting, caliber three and a half libras,
length thirty diameters.

Another demi-saker, old casting of Manila, caliber three and a half
libras, length thirty calibers.

One passavolante [_i.e._, small culverin], cast in Flandes, caliber
five libras, length forty calibers.

One saker, cast in Mexico, caliber seven libras, length twenty-eight
calibers.


In the said fort there are six pieces.


_Breastwork of S. Pedro near the New Port_

One saker cast in Mexico, caliber five libras, length thirty-two
calibers.

One demi-saker cast in Manila by Sangleys, caliber three libras,
length thirty calibers.

Two patereroes, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, length
thirteen calibers.

One demi-saker, new casting of Manila, caliber three and a half libras,
length thirty-one calibers.

One demi-saker of the same casting, caliber two libras, length thirty
diameters.

In the said fort are six pieces.


_Fort of Nuestra Senora de Guia_

One demi-cannon, old casting of Manila, caliber sixteen libras,
length twenty-two calibers.

Two sakers, old casting of Manila, caliber six libras, length
twenty-eight calibers.

One paterero of the same casting, caliber twelve libras, length
eleven calibers.

Another paterero, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, length
thirteen diameters.

One bell-mouthed piece, caliber six libras, length twelve calibers.

One demi-cannon, old casting of Manila, caliber sixteen libras,
length twenty-two calibers.

In the said fort there are seven pieces.


_Curtain on the Water-front_

One paterero, new casting of Manila, caliber eight libras, length
thirteen calibers, in front of the palace.

One saker, cast in Mexico, caliber six libras, length thirty-one
calibers, in the middle of the curtain.

There are on the water-front two pieces.


_Plaza de Armas_

One demi-saker, cast in Acapulco, caliber three libras, length thirty
calibers.

One saker, cast in Acapulco, caliber three libras, length thirty
calibers.

One saker, cast in Yngalaterra, caliber eight libras, length
twenty-eight calibers.

One demi-saker cast in Flandes, caliber four libras, length thirty
calibers.

Another demi-saker, of the same casting and the same style.

Another demi-saker, old casting of Manila, caliber four libras,
length twenty-eight calibers.

Another demi-saker of the same casting, caliber four libras, length
thirty calibers.

There are in the said plaza six pieces.


_In Cavite_

There are two sakers which came from Terrenate--one cast in Manila,
caliber six libras; and the other in Flandes, caliber seven libras.

There are also four falcons, large patereroes, which were brought in
the said ship.

In the magazines there are two or three falcon patereroes.


_Flag-Ship of the Galleys_

One piece, one-third cannon caliber, cast in Acapulco, caliber eleven
libras, length twenty-two calibers.

Two small culverins [_moyanas_]--cast one in Ynglaterra, caliber
three libras; the other in Manila, caliber two libras.

Four catapults, two discharging stone balls of twenty-five libras,
and the other two of thirteen libras, new casting of Manila.

On the said galley there are seven pieces.


_Second Galley, "San Lorenco"_

One piece, one-third cannon caliber, cast in Acapulco, caliber eleven
libras, length twenty-two calibers.

Two catapults, new casting of Manila, caliber seventy-three libras.

Two small culverins [_moyanas_] of the said casting, caliber one libra.

On the said galley are five pieces.


_Recapitulation of the Artillery_


		Fort of Santhiago						26 pieces
		Breastwork of S. Gabriel				 6   ,,
		Breastwork of Dilao						 4   ,,
		Breastwork of S. Andres					 6   ,,
		Breastwork of S. Pedro					 6   ,,
		Fort of Nuestra Senora de Guia			 7   ,,
		Curtain of the Water-front				 2   ,,
		Plaza des Armas							 6   ,,
		Cavite									 2   ,,
		In the said Cavite, falcon patereroes    4   ,,
		Magazines, falcons						 2   ,,
		Flag-ship Galley						 7   ,,
		Second Galley							 5   ,,

												83   ,,


I, Alonso de Bienbengud, commander of the artillery of our lord the
king in this his royal military station of Manila in the Philipinas
Islands, certify that the artillery declared in this list and
memorandum is placed and distributed in the forts, breastworks,
traverses, and other places named therein, and that it is of the
character described; in witness whereof these presents are signed with
my name. Manila, the sixth of July, one thousand six hundred and seven.




Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III


_On the Confraternity of la Misericordia_


Your Majesty gives commands in a letter dated the seventeenth of
April, 1606, for information to be sent regarding the nature of the
Confraternity of La Misericordia of this city, when and with what
official license it was organized, its constitution, the amount
of its income and the manner in which the income is distributed,
the good results which have followed from the establishment
of the Confraternity, and what are its constitutions [_i.e._,
rules of organization]. Your Majesty also asks that a copy of these
constitutions be sent, and information as to whether the present income
of the Confraternity is sufficient for its purposes, and whether some
grant may properly be made to it; and, if so, the amount and form of
grant that would be suitable--so that your Majesty may be furnished
with full information on the whole matter. Since, as has been stated,
the departure of these vessels is so near at hand, a copy of the
constitutions of the Confraternity is not sent, but a summary of them,
which is enclosed. Your Majesty will see by this abstract that the
works to which this Confraternity is dedicated are those of great
charity and of service to God our Lord. To all such works it attends
with great fervor, using the charitable gifts which are bestowed
for this purpose. Although this Audiencia asked the brethren of the
Confraternity to make a statement of the manner in which your Majesty
might make them a grant, and as to the amount thereof, they were unable
to discover any way in which the grant could be made; nor could this
Audiencia perceive any, so much exhausted and indebted is the treasury
of your Majesty. Accordingly, your Majesty may make such grant as
shall please your Majesty, which will be well employed by them, and
much to the service of God and your Majesty. [_In the margin_: "There
is no answer. Let a copy of this section be given to the secretary,
Senor Contreras, that he may know the deliberations and decree."]

The activity of the Confraternity of La Misericordia in this city
began fourteen years ago. At that time the governor associated with
himself some twelve of the chief persons here, and they gave every
week from their own households what was necessary for the support
of widows, the poor, persons in secret distress, and others in
pressing need. This they continued to do until they received the
rules governing the Confraternity in the city of Lisboa, where it was
first established. By these rules they have been governed ever since,
the number of brethren being now a hundred and fifty.

1. In the first place, knowing that women, both Spanish and mestizas,
suffered greatly in case of sickness, for lack of a hospital in which
to be treated, the Confraternity determined to establish one, which
is still called the hospital of La Misericordia. They bought land
and erected a building with the money given in alms; and they pay the
expense of keeping a physician and a surgeon, of medicines, and of the
maintenance of two Franciscan religious, who administer the sacraments
and care for the welfare of the souls of the patients. In addition,
the Confraternity has made up for the lack of a hospital for slaves
by setting apart some rooms where slaves go to be cared for, and are
attended to with special care of both their bodies and their souls.

2. The principal matter to which the Confraternity gave its attention
from the first was the succor of needy persons who committed themselves
to its protection--as widows, married persons, orphans, cripples,
and deserted persons of good life. To them the Confraternity give
what is necessary for their daily support. This matter is attended to
once a week by two brethren who give them aid in their own houses,
within and without the walls of the city, doing the work with all
the secrecy in the world. Upon this are spent weekly sixty or seventy
pesos, more or less, according to the amount of contributions received.

3. The Confraternity has always attended to the support of the poor
in the prison. A brother is assigned to this duty, who causes food
for the poor prisoners to be prepared daily at his own house, and
takes care to have it sent to them with great regularity. He also
provides the said prison with water sufficient for the prisoners,
which is their greatest want. [38] Thus they alleviate the misery
of the prisoners. The said prison is always attended by one of the
brethren of high station, that he may attend to the care and prompt
decision of the cases of poor prisoners.

4. This Confraternity attends to providing a shelter for the daughters
of poor conquistadors and colonists, and for other women whom they
consider thus in need; and has placed them in a seminary in this city,
supporting them there until they enter the married state, and then
it gives them assistance according to their rank.

5. The Confraternity takes great care to place orphan boys where
they may be cared for, and to protect them. Those who desire to
give themselves to exercises of virtue and learning it places in a
college of the Society of Jesus, paying for each one a hundred pesos
for his board.

6. The Confraternity also aids with clothing, which it collects from
charitable persons, which the said brethren give to both men and
women, who would suffer greatly without this assistance and care,
from lack of clothes. Many women would not go to mass for lack of
cloaks and other things needed, if this alms were not given them.

7. It gives aid to many sick persons who, as incurable and beyond
remedy, are discharged from the royal hospital--the physicians
directing them, if they wish to recover, to go to certain baths
about twelve leguas from the city. [39] They are assisted to do this,
that they may recover their health.

8. Every week when they hold their meeting and assembly they give
assistance to many persons who do not receive continued assistance,
and they also aid many who are on their way to Nueva Espana--discharged
ensigns, sergeants, and soldiers. These are assisted in proportion to
their rank, as their need and their service to your Majesty are known.

9. The Confraternity has also given aid outside of this city, by
sending to the provinces of Pintados much aid to the Portuguese,
of both the higher and the lower classes, who by the destruction of
Maluco and Ambueno by the Dutch have been obliged to come to these
regions with their families and households. Without this assistance
they would have suffered severer privations.

10. It has undertaken to provide persons to go [_i.e._, to the
scaffold] with those who suffer under the law, and to bury them;
and it takes up the dismembered bodies of those who have suffered,
and the bodies of the drowned, burying them in consecrated ground
with much care, and showing honor to their bodies and bones, thus
greatly edifying the natives.

11. It attends with the necessary secrecy to securing reconciliations
between persons at enmity--sometimes of husbands with their wives,
and sometimes between other persons; and thus the brethren bring to
an end many evils and prevent injuries. They likewise correct many
persons of vices of which they have secret knowledge, which without
doubt greatly redounds to the service of God our Lord.

12. It attends to the execution of many wills, which are entrusted to
it by persons who leave their property to be distributed for pious
works and for chaplaincies. Leaving the matter in the care of this
Confraternity, they feel certain that their trusts will be executed
forever. It is a great consolation to them to know that the execution
has been accepted by the Confraternity. In particular, the execution of
the wills of poor persons who leave heirs in Nueva Espana and Espana,
and in Yndia, is accepted by the Confraternity.

13. All of these works of charity are performed by the said
Confraternity from the alms which are received from the citizens, from
the brethren, and from persons who at death leave them bequests because
they see how well is allotted and spent that which is collected. The
income is obtained with much pains, because of the smallness of the
population. Should your Majesty make a grant to the Confraternity,
it could accomplish more in caring for cases of need which every day
occur, requiring aid and claiming pity.

_Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_, clerk of court.

This is an accurate copy of the original section:

_Juan Lopez de Hernani_



Trade of the Philippines with Mexico

_Report from the Council of State_


Sire:

Your Majesty was pleased to order that the enclosed reports from the
Council of the Indias and that of Portugal be examined in the Council,
and that they should make such recommendations as they deemed proper;
and having examined them, the members gave their opinions as follows:

The chief comendador [40] of Leon, in a meeting held at Valladolid,
insisted that it was not desirable that there should be trade
from Nueva Espana to the Filipinas on account of the great drain of
silver thus caused; it is occasioned by the large profits obtained by
investing the silver in the merchandise which comes to those islands
from China--partly through the cheapness of these goods, and partly
through the great value of silver. He also stated the difficulties
which are presented, in that, through this trade, the need for the
merchandise from these regions would cease, and with it the dependence
of those colonies, which it is so important to preserve. It should be
considered that, although the trade of Nueva Espana with China should
be prohibited, this would be of no use if trade with the Philipinas
were left open; for by that means the Chinese will have an outlet for
their merchandise. Accordingly it seemed best that this should be
prohibited, so that there would be no trade from Nueva Espana with
the Philipinas. But, as it must also be considered that the total
prohibition thereof would cause a hindrance to conversion and would put
an end to settlement, he thought it best, in order to maintain both
the one and the other, that two merchant ships should be permitted
to go each year from Nueva Espana to the Philipinas, of the capacity
and under the conditions which are at present in use there. Since,
if the people of the Philipinas are able to trade with Macan, there
will be the risk of their introducing through that channel a trade
with China, and consequently a drain of silver from Nueva Espana,
it seems best not to give an opportunity for this. On the contrary,
the decree should be observed which was despatched in the time of the
king our lord (who rests in glory), prohibiting the trade between
Macan and the Philipinas, for it is to be believed that this was
issued after mature deliberation and reflection; for that conduct
would be greatly to the satisfaction of the Portuguese, and we would
avoid the difficulties of opening that port to the trade from China,
as it is so important for these kingdoms to maintain what they hold in
Peru and Nueva Espana. But it would be very desirable to order that
there shall be considerable understanding and correspondence between
the governors, so that in case the ships from one region make port
at the other, driven by the weather, they may be well received and
treated; and also that they may help each other in times of need,
with money and whatever shall be necessary of provisions, munitions,
and other supplies pertaining to the defense of the land and operations
against the enemy.

The Marques de Velada said that if the trade of Nueva Espana with the
Philipinas could be kept within moderate bounds, and if nothing came
from China to the Philipinas except what was needed there, he would
consider it good; but he regards this as difficult, and therefore
supports the chief comendador of Leon.

The Conde de Chinchon said that the preservation of the Indias
consisted in this, that, through their need of articles which are
not produced there, they always depend upon this country; and it
would be the means of losing them if their wants could be supplied
elsewhere. To think that if there were trade between Nueva Espana
and the Philipinas there would cease to be any with China would be
an evident mistake, and therefore it should be closed. In so far as
concerns Macan, order should be given that the decree which has been
issued be observed, as the chief comendador of Leon has said. In this
state of affairs it has seemed best to him to advise your Majesty that
it ought to be carefully considered whether it is expedient that each
year there should be carried to Eastern India a million eight-real
pieces for articles of so little importance as are those which are
brought thence; and what plan could be made to obviate this drain of
silver, as we are in such need of it here.

The constable of Castilla said that the reports [from the other
councils] discussed only the trade of the Philipinas with Macan;
and it seemed to him that the plan which had been followed should be
maintained, as it ought to be changed only after having examined and
considered well the pros and cons, and there should be very urgent
reasons for making such change.

Your Majesty will order this to be examined and such measures to be
taken as shall be most satisfactory. Madrid, December 18, 1607.

[_Endorsed, in the king's hand_: "All has been carefully considered,
but the remedy is not easy."]



Passage of Missionaries Via the Philippines to Japan

_Report from the Council of the Indias_


Sire:

The Duke de Lerma has written to me, the Conde de Lemos, that your
Majesty orders to be immediately examined in this Council the enclosed
report from the Council of Portugal concerning the question whether
religious from the Philipinas should pass to Japon; and that, with
the consideration which the matter demanded, you be advised of his
opinion. Complying with what your Majesty orders, it has appeared to
us that, in order that the fundamental facts might be understood, it
is proper to answer the reasons advanced by the Council of Portugal
as a basis for their report, which is in conformity with the decrees
issued by their Holinesses Gregory XIII and Clement VIII, and by
his Majesty who is in heaven, and by your Majesty: these are to the
effect that no religious shall pass to the provinces of Japon from
these kingdoms, or from the Western Indias or from the Philipinas,
except as they go by way of Yndia, and commanding that if any had
passed they should return immediately, and that the governor of the
Philipinas should be immediately notified to put this into execution.

The Council of Portugal states--conformably to what the bishop of
Japon writes, who is one of the Society [of Jesus]--that Dayfusama,
universal lord of those realms, continues in the same suspicion that
his predecessor Taycosama had of the Spaniards from the Philipinas
Islands, and those who go from Nueva Espana, that they ate people
looking for conquests. He thinks that their principal aim is directed
to making themselves lords of the country, as they have done in the
Philipinas themselves and in Nueva Espana; and that what they call
preaching the gospel is an artifice, and a means of conquering,
as Taicosama wrote to the city of Manila. On this account, also,
he had caused the Franciscan religious to be crucified as spies,
whose intention was to conquer kingdoms; and therefore no more should
be sent there. To make this the stronger, they add an example, in the
entrance made there in the year 1602 by sixteen Franciscan, Dominican,
and Augustinian religious, who say that they were not well received
by the heathens and Christians who were there.

The second reason is, to cut off the communication of Nueva Espana
with Japon and China, which results in the diversion of a great part
of the silver from Nueva Espana into those kingdoms, on account of
the great profit which there is in that trade, to the great prejudice
of these kingdoms.

Reply is to be made, presupposing as a certain thing that discalced
[_i.e._ Franciscan], Augustinian, and Dominican friars have at
various times been readily admitted into Japon, obtaining great
results in conversion; and that in the year 1594 there had come a
well-known Japanese named Faranda to the city of Manila, who asked
for friars. Moreover, Gomez Perez de las Marinas, governor of the
Philipinas, sent in the capacity of ambassador father Fray Pedro
Baptista, a discalced Franciscan, with several religious of his order,
to whom Dayfusama, universal lord of the Japanese, extended many
favors, and whom he permitted to build a convent in Usaca--a very
large city near that of Miaco, where his court is--so that he might
preach the holy gospel. Afterward, in October of the year 1597,
when the Japanese undertook to destroy, in a province of Japon,
the galleon "San Phelipe"--which was going from the Philipinas lo
Nueva Espana, laden with merchandise from China of great value, and
having more than a hundred Spaniards and other men in the crew--the
said Taycosama, to have some excuse for appropriating to himself
the contents of the said ship (as he did), gave us to understand
that he was suspicious, as has been said, of those Spaniards. It
has been learned, however, that a seaman from the said galleon gave
occasion for this feeling, when he was asked how the Spaniards had
conquered so many countries. Thus far we have not been able to learn
with certainty in regard to this, except that it is said that some
Portuguese spread this news through the kingdoms of Yndia, for the
sake of their own private interests. In confirmation of the suspicion
or fear which the tyrant has shown, he has ordered the publication of
an edict, in which it is provided that no one should be a Christian;
and has crucified the six discalced friars (whom, as before stated,
he had treated with favors) and twenty converted Japanese, in the
neighborhood of Nangasaqui, to which place the galleon resorts, which
ordinarily goes each year from Macao for the Japanese trade. It was
there, with one hundred and fifty Portuguese; and the bishop of Japon
then officiated publicly, and there were more than twenty thousand
Christian Japanese and a principal college of the Society--whence
it is supposed that the reason was greed, under color of a reason
of state. For if the intention of the tyrant was to exclude at all
points Christianity and its ministers from Japon, he would not have
permitted so great a number of fathers of the Society as were residing
in that country, with their prelate (several of whom were known to
him), and hundreds of thousands of Christian Japanese, contenting
himself with the persecution of these few. This is especially so as,
in the year following this martyrdom, the conversion of more than
60,000 Japanese was affirmed, a greater number than for many years
past taken together. It may be believed that God worked this miracle
through the blood shed by those martyrs and their intercession. Since
that event, on various occasions religious have entered Japon in the
ships of the Japanese themselves, who go to the Philipinas to trade,
and express a desire that some religious from the orders there should
go. The same Dayfusama, who is now reigning, sent an embassy to the
Philipinas seeking friars in order that one of the ports of his island,
called Quanto, might be settled by Spaniards. To further this claim, he
sent later Fray Jeronimo de Jesus,--a discalced friar who had survived
his companions the martyrs, for the consolation of the converted,
and who had been hidden; accordingly the Audiencia of your Majesty
which resides in Manila ordered religious to be sent.

To the second reason, it is answered that thus far it is not known in
the Council that there has been any trade from Nueva Espana or from
the Philipinas to Japon, nor does it even appear that those who are
occupied in trade have any need thereof; for to the Philipinas Islands
themselves there come so great a number of junks and ships belonging
to the Chinese from Chincheo, that there is always a superabundance
of merchandise, and to limit this trade your Majesty has already
decreed what appears most expedient for his service.

What is known is that the fathers of the Society do not desire other
orders than their own to enter into Japon, giving as a reason that
others would not know the method which must be followed in preaching
to those heathen, whose perversity has need of cunning to overcome
it. This the fathers say they know, as they have been occupied in this
conversion for fifty years; and they say that there would be great
occasion for weakening the belief of the natives in the doctrine which
is preached to them, if they saw a diversity in the vestments, rules,
and ceremonies. Accordingly, with these arguments they obtained by
entreaty the above-mentioned briefs; and, having been opposed by the
Dominicans and Franciscans before his Holiness, they finally obtained
a brief that in case religious of other orders were to go, it must
be by way of Yndia. This is the same as prohibiting it altogether;
for in the domains of Portugal the missionaries are not supplied with
maintenance, including everything that they need on the journey,
as they are in Castilian lands. The road, too, is much longer, and
strewn with difficulties; and in it care is taken to embarrass them,
and not let them pass--as has been seen several times when religious
have gone by way of Yndia, several Dominicans and Augustinians having
been stopped at Goa, even after part of their sea-stores had been
placed on the ship. In the year 1602 the Franciscan friars of Yndia
said in response to Fray Pablo de los Martires, who came to seek
friars, that they could not send them to Japon. This is answered
by saying that the Catholic faith is already old and widely spread
in Japon, and it would be a dangerous thing to exclude from its
preaching the method which Christ our Lord has left in His gospel,
which the mendicant orders observe, and through which have been
converted the nations of the greatest power, genius, and learning
in the world--among them the Romans, who held dominion over it. And
it appears that not without much harm to conscience can obstacles be
put in the way of ministers who preach in 66 countries, disposed to
receive them, where it is impossible that the fathers of the Society
should be sufficient, even to maintain the faithful who are there;
for it is understood that [in Japan] they number more than 600,000,
and they have not had in past years even 150 fathers, for which reason
it was necessary for them to say daily three masses each, and then fail
in the service of the sacraments on account of the great number of the
faithful and the distance between the places. As for the difference
in vestments and rules of the orders, this is answered by the fact
that the Japanese have already seen them many times, and now see
these in their own country, yet with especial profit. Moreover, those
who are continually going to the Philipinas are, it is understood,
not only not scandalized by this, but even--considering that in
the diversity of religious orders and multitude of religious there
is but one confession of faith, one set of sacraments, and one law
alone, all submitting to the Supreme Pontiff as the universal head
of the Church--draw therefrom a very strong argument for the truth
of the gospel law which is preached to them, especially by people
of such ability and understanding as the very fathers who direct the
Japanese certify that they are. The emulation of holiness and virtues
among the religious orders is of great importance for their benefit
and that of the public; and this will cease where there is only one
order. The persecution against the faithful could not have taken place,
if religious from the other orders had gone there; for it is certain
that there would have been other and very severe persecutions before
this, if the fathers of the Society alone had been preaching in Japon.

The Portuguese of Yndia have great interests at stake, according to
their opinion, in this measure; for it seems to them that, as the
presence of the fathers has been a means for their trade with Japon
(which amounts each year to more than a million and a half), and
the religious from Castilla must be favorable to Nueva Espana and
the Philipinas, and as the traders of those provinces pay for the
merchandise, on account of the abundance of silver which they have,
a third more than is paid by those from India, they must either be
shut out from this trade, or buy so dearly that the profit would be
very little. Thus far, as has been said to your Majesty, it is not
known that this has happened; but in order to provide for this, and
at the same time for the principal aim which your Majesty has, the
spread of the holy gospel in regions so remote, and where experience
has shown that there is so great a disposition to receive it, and for
the preservation of the states which your Majesty holds in the Western
and Eastern Yndias, it has appeared best to the Council that your
Majesty should be pleased to order his ambassador who is present in
Rome to represent to his Holiness the reasons which exist for opening
the way for preaching in Japon, for such religious as may be approved
by their superiors and the Council; and therefore he should ask for
the revocation of the briefs which oppose this object, leaving it
to the general disposal of all the provinces of the world. They also
suggest that your Majesty should order that from no part of his kingdom
should religious go to Japon without first making port at the city of
Manila in the Philipinas Islands, where the governor of the islands
and the superiors of the orders, as those who manage this business,
shall ascertain at what time and opportunity, and what religious, it
is expedient to send over to preach in Japon; and these and no others
shall go. The said governor should command that the religious who are
to go to Japon shall go in ships belonging to the Japanese themselves,
as it is understood that those who have gone up to the present time
have done, without permitting that other ships than those of the
crown of Castilla should go, under this pretext, to the provinces
and realms of Japon--severely punishing those who violate this order.

Your Majesty will order what shall be most for the royal
service. Valladolid, May 30, 1606.


_Report from the Council of the Indias_

Sire:

The Duke de Lerma has written to me, the Conde de Lemos, that your
Majesty orders that the enclosed report from the Council of Portugal
be examined in this Council, in regard to the order that there should
be no passing to Japon by way of the Philipinas, and that your Majesty
be advised of what seems best. In this report the principal purpose
seems to be that commerce should be prohibited, by your Majesty's
command, in order that the Philipinas may not maintain it with China
or Japon. This matter depends very much on what the same Council of
Portugal has claimed, and now brings forward as foundation for its
claim, which is the prohibition of the entrance of Castilian religious
into Japon to preach. At your Majesty's command, the Council replied,
in the past year, to another report from the Council of Portugal,
in which it proposed in detail the arguments on which it founds
its claim. Therefore it seemed best to return the report to your
Majesty, together with a letter written to your Majesty by Francisco
Pena, auditor of Rota, from which it is apparent how this matter is
considered in Rome, and how much that opinion is in conformity with
what this Council has advised your Majesty, adding what we have learned
since the aforesaid report was sent, from letters from the governor
and Audiencia, and investigations made before the aforesaid Audiencia
and the archbishop of Manila, and other trustworthy papers which
came from the Philipinas and Japon. The emperor of Japon sent to the
governor of the islands, asking him very earnestly to send religious
to settle in the land of Quanto; and some were therefore sent, and
they were very kindly received. Land was given them for houses and
hospitals; so they have founded two residences, where they are making
great headway in the conversion of the Japanese, and the religious are
very well treated. As the emperor himself has for three years desired
and insisted upon the commerce of the Philipinas with his realms,
a ship has accordingly been sent each year from the islands to those
of Quanto, with merchandise from China, and various articles of which
they have more than enough in the aforesaid [Philippine] islands;
and it brought back in return much silver (with which the land of
Japon abounds), wheaten flour, dried beef, hemp for cordage, iron,
steel, powder, and hafted weapons and other things of great value for
the provision and preservation of the aforesaid Philipinas Islands. In
those islands it appears of the greatest importance that this commerce
be introduced and preserved; because, besides the provision of the
aforesaid goods, it is well to keep the king of Japon friendly by
this means. For if he were not so he would be the greatest enemy that
could be feared, on account of the number and size of his realms,
and the valor of the people therein, who are, beyond comparison,
the bravest in all India--as has been experienced in the aforesaid
islands sometimes, with pirates who have overrun those coasts, doing
great harm and hindering the commerce of the other nations. Japon is
so anxious to assure and facilitate friendly relations with the said
islands that, the king having heard that some Japanese were molesting
them with their vessels, he ordered them all to be crucified; and he
gave chapas, or decrees, to some religious, in order that with these
the ships which went from the islands to Japon might be safe.

Also it was understood that when the bishop of Japon (who belongs
to the Society) desired to make known to the religious who were in
those lands the last brief of his Holiness, in order for them to
depart from the country in fulfilment of it, it was represented what
great difficulties would result from the publication and execution
of it, in order that he might wait for an appeal to be taken to his
Holiness. For the orders of St. Francis, St. Dominic, and St. Augustine
have nine convents and four hospitals, where they have achieved great
results in the conversion; moreover, they were admitted and called
thither by the emperor. They find a great number of people disposed
to receive the gospel law, and it would be impossible for the fathers
of the Society (who are in some kingdoms of Japon) to be sufficient as
workmen in so broad and fertile a vineyard. On this account, it would
cause great scandal among the converted and those to be converted,
to see the opposition of one order to the others, since previously
they held them all to be uniform in the purpose of the spreading of
the gospel, and the religious to be vassals of one king and subjects
of the one and only head of the church. But in spite of the statements
of the friars, the bishop ordered the said brief to be published and
made known, with its penalties and censures. Councils were held by
the orders in the Philipinas and Japon, and they thought that they
ought to appeal from the said brief to his Holiness; this was done
before the said bishop, in order that his Holiness might understand
the state in which affairs were in those lands, and, being better
informed, revoke the brief. It seems important, for the decision of
this matter, that it be understood, from the description of Japon
and from trustworthy accounts, that the preaching of the fathers of
the Society, in the more than fifty years since they entered Japon,
has not reached to within a hundred miles of the kingdoms of Quanto,
where there are some convents of discalced Franciscan friars, nor
has the merchandise of the Portuguese done so; but on the contrary
the emperor--having a particular fondness for those kingdoms, as
being a patrimony of his--at great cost has caused to be carried by
land some of the merchandise which the Portuguese brought from China
to Japon. So then, neither is the Society limited in the bounds of
its preaching, nor is the crown of Portugal in those of its trade;
for even if six ships went there, instead of the single one that now
goes from Macao each year, all that they should carry would still
easily be consumed in the lands which are more than a hundred leguas
distant from those of Quanto. For from the island where Nangacaqui
is, until the ship reaches Quanto, there are more than two hundred
and twenty leguas of very thickly settled mainland. Granting the
prohibition which your Majesty has made that no merchandise beyond a
certain stated amount should go from the Philipinas to Nueva Spana,
on account of the great difficulties which result otherwise, it seems
well worthy of consideration that goods bought from China in those
islands of your Majesty should be diverted to Japon, from which so
much silver is and may be obtained for the benefit of your vassals
and the increase of their wealth and of your Majesty's exchequer--at
least making unnecessary in the Philipinas that which is and may
be brought from the lands of Piru and Nueva Spana, with benefit to
both those colonies and the islands. For the ships which go from the
Philipinas to Nueva Spana it is of the greatest importance to have a
safe harbor in Japon, in which to repair and supply themselves with
the necessities for so long and dangerous a voyage--because, for not
having had it hitherto, great losses have been suffered; and some,
such as that of the galleon "San Phelipe," amounted to more than a
million. It is more fitting for this purpose and for others that
our ships should go to Japon than that theirs should come to the
Philipinas, because when they come to those islands they buy from the
Chinese, who come there to sell, the merchandise which the Castilians
would have bought, enhancing the prices of it, and giving the Chinese
for it the silver which they would have given to the subjects of your
Majesty; nor is there any remedy therefor, although it has been sought.

As for the entrance of religious, the Council persists in the opinion
of their last report, a copy of which is subjoined; but in regard
to the prohibition of commerce it changes the opinion which it
had reached, on account of the new information. It thinks that for
the present your Majesty ought to allow one or two ships to go each
year from the Philipinas to the kingdoms of Quanto, at the same time
warning the governor that he should manage this matter with the care
and prudence necessary, so that your Majesty's purpose may be attained
in facilitating and spreading the law of the gospel, and keeping your
vassals and realms in peace and quietness, in order that thus they may
serve God and your Majesty. Since the Council of Portugal, in its last
report, begs your Majesty to discuss this matter jointly with it, that
might be done, if it please your Majesty, in order that, the arguments
for and against being presented by persons whom your Majesty would
choose from both Councils, the decision might be made with greater
satisfaction and understanding of the situation, as the magnitude and
importance of the matter demand. Your Majesty will command what may
serve you best. Madrid, 31st of March, 1607. [Ten signatures follow.]





_Report from the Council of State_

Sire:

Your Majesty was pleased to order the Council to examine a report
from the Council of Yndia resident in Lisboa, dated December 4,
1605, and another from the Council of Portugal, dated January 31,
1606, which treat of the inadvisability of religious going to the
kingdoms of Xapon from the Philipinas, for the reasons advanced; and
two others dated May 30, 1606, and March 31, 1607, from the Council
of the Yndias, which allege the contrary. The Council after examining
these, and calling to mind what was advised on the occasion of other
reports from the Council of Portugal and of certain briefs of the Pope,
which were laid before them, advised your Majesty of its opinion in
this matter--namely, to examine the report and what your Majesty was
pleased to decide. And inasmuch as the said advice was given November
2, 1604, in Valladolid, and your Majesty was pleased to answer the
Council of Portugal in regard to it, and decreed what was resolved
thereon; and now since we have come to advise your Majesty: we advise
that, in order to express our opinion, as your Majesty orders, it would
be advisable to examine what your Majesty resolved then. Accordingly
if your Majesty please, you might order the Conde de Salinas to send
your Majesty the resolution taken upon the report of that Council of
the year 1604, which was accompanied by the briefs of his Holiness,
so that after examination in this Council, we may more reasonably
advise your Majesty of our opinion. Madrid, September 7, 1607. [Six
signatures follow].


[_Endorsed_: "+ Officially; September 7, 1607. The Council of State
in regard to certain reports from the Councils of Portugal and of the
Yndias, of Castilla, as to whether or not religious are to go to Japon
by way of the Philipinas." _In a different hand_: "The accompanying
report from the Council of Portugal will give information on what is
asked here. Also other reports from the same Council, and from that
of the Yndias, in regard to matters of the Filipinas, and of Macan,
are enclosed. They should be examined together in the Council, and the
Council should advise me of their opinion regarding the whole matter."]

[One signature, evidently that of the king, follows].





_Report from the Council of State_

Sire:

Conformably to what your Majesty was pleased to order, there were
examined in the Council the reports and papers which are returned
with this, and opinions were expressed as follows:

The chief comendador of Leon said that from the accounts and
investigations which the reports from the Council of Portugal
disclose, it is gathered that in the preaching of the gospel which is
being carried on by those of the Society who reside in Japon, they
practice, contrary to its spirit, worldly artifice; for it is said,
on the one hand, that they are preaching in secret, and, on the other,
that they maintain a ship in trade and traffic for their support. He
considers it very unsuitable that the gospel should go in disguise,
and believes that those who preach it should emulate the poverty
of the apostles, and should carry on no manner of trade or profit,
so that they may attract and convert by the example of the purity of
their lives, with no worldly ostentation. This is very fitting for
the reputation of the faith and those who preach it, that those who
oppose it may not say that they trade. If they adopt this plan, and
are so numerous that they can attend to all parts of the country where
it is necessary, the going of other orders thither might be dispensed
with. But if they are not sufficient to attend to all parts, and that
king begs that Franciscan friars should go, the comendador knows no
reason why they should not be sent; and the bishops of the Filipinas
should be charged to send such religious as are fit for the ministry
of preaching. The governor of those islands should be ordered to send
them in small vessels, which should only take sufficient provisions
for their support, expressly prohibiting that they carry any kind
of merchandise, and the trade of the Filipinas with Japon should
cease entirely; for in this way would be obviated the difficulties
which are represented on the part of the Portuguese, and the desired
end of the conversion of souls would be better attained. It would
be an easy thing to obtain from the Pope that he should revoke the
restriction that none could go except by way of Portuguese Yndia,
leaving to the choice of your Majesty all that concerns this affair;
for his Holiness may be sure that your Majesty, as the best informed
of all, will do what is most fitting for the propagation of our
holy faith. What the Portuguese allege in regard to the religious
who went to Japon being missed in the Filipinas is not sufficient;
for there will certainly be some who, without being missed there,
could go to Japon. Thus, if personal interests and differences would
cease, those religious might attend solely to the conversion of
those heathen, with the discretion and moderation which is fitting,
so as to relieve that king from the suspicion he has, that in that
way they are trying to take away his kingdom. For if he is assured
of that, and sees that no other than religious come, and that these
are engaged in no other business than that of conversion, it is to
be hoped in our Lord that he will not hinder it; since by those same
documents it is evident that the reason for his having made martyrs
of the Franciscan friars was the suspicion which he had that they had
other objects to the prejudice of his state. It is likewise fitting
that all the religious maintain friendly relations with one another,
and be united, and that their duties be not ill performed. For quarrels
between them will be of much greater injury and less edification for
the heathen than is the diversity of their garb; and, when it is seen
that they are all working toward the same end, it will be recognized
that all profess the same faith, and that religion is one.

The Marques de Velada said that the reports from the Council of
Portugal are at variance with those from the Council of the Yndias;
for the former say that in Japon they do not desire Franciscan friars,
and the others that they are asking for them. It therefore appears best
to him that your Majesty should secure from the Pope a revocation of
the clause in the brief which prohibits other religious from going
to Japon unless it be by way of Yndia; and that his Holiness leave
it to the choice of your Majesty to send them by the way which shall
seem most fitting, as, in regard to the principal point--which is
that they should go, whether it be by Yndia or otherwise--they are in
accord. Whether they are to go by that or some other route is such a
minor consideration that it ought not to depend on that. Accordingly
he would order Don Juan de Silva [41] to investigate whether it be
true that the king of Japon is asking for Franciscan friars; and if
this be so he should not fail to send some, in the manner which has
been stated by the chief comendador of Leon. And even if the king does
not seek them, let it be known that he will permit them. Moreover,
all kinds of trade should be totally prohibited, and the passing of
any other people from the Filipinas to Japon, except such religious
friars as are not only holy, but judicious and discreet--although
these qualities were not displayed by those friars who told the king
of Japon that by means of them the Western Yndias had been conquered,
because that was sufficient reason for causing their martyrdom,
fearing that by the same means his kingdom would be taken away from
him. Accordingly it is fitting that those who go should be fully warned
not to speak of this, before assuring that king of the amity and kind
feeling of your Majesty, and that you will never attempt anything to
his injury. The members of the Society will have an advantage over the
friars, in having been so many years in that country, but the latter
will have an advantage in not having ships for trade; and it is very
fitting that this should be remedied, since the purity with which the
gospel ought to be preached will not allow of such sources of profit.

The Conde de Chinchon said that the ill-feeling in those regions
between the Castilians and the Portuguese has lasted many years,
because the Portuguese have been and are suspicious that the profit
of the trade will be taken away from them; and if the fathers of
the Society who are in Japon proceed with the caution that they use
in England, it is no wonder that they are troubled by the fact that
others go [to Japon] who, without underhand measures, endeavor to
establish the faith as it should be done, and not in private, or with
any mixture of worldly interests. The first thing which it appears
to him ought to be done is to procure the revocation of the brief,
as has been said, so that it will remain at the free disposition of
your Majesty to send religious to Japon when and by such route as
your Majesty may judge expedient; and, having procured the revocation,
there should be no prohibition of certain Franciscan friars from the
Filipinas going there, in the manner in which the chief comendador
of Leon has suggested--totally prohibiting commerce, and the passing
of people other than religious. In this manner he believes that the
Portuguese will be satisfied, and that the fathers of the Society
will agree to it, if influence be brought to bear upon the superiors
of both orders, so that they may secure agreement between the orders.

The constable of Castilla said that for the present he would not change
the order which was given that religious friars should not go from
the Filipinas to Japon, and he would only consider the revocation of
the brief in which they were prohibited from going by any other route
than that by Yndia; because that was nothing else than an attempt
of the Council of Portugal to tie your Majesty's hands with the
authority of the Pope, and tacitly to exclude the Castilian religious
from going there. It is expedient that your Majesty should have this
matter at your own disposal, to send them when and by what route is
expedient. This would serve as a check, so that those of the Society
would take great care as to what they do. It would also be desirable
to urge, through the Council of Portugal, that those fathers should
enjoy no trade or profit; and to prohibit totally the trade of the
Filipinas with Japon. In this way the suspicions and apprehensions
of both parties would cease, and by this means your Majesty might be
better informed, and by impartial persons, and time would show what
was most expedient. Your Majesty will have this examined, and take
measures according to your pleasure. Madrid, December 20, 1607.

[_Endorsed, in the hand of the king_: "I am advised concerning all this
that I may decree, by one way or another, what is most suitable. Write
today secretly to the Marques de Aytona that he shall ask the Pope in
my name for the revocation of the order of which mention is here made;
and that he shall order another one despatched, leaving to my choice to
send the religious who are to go to preach, by the route which appears
best to me according to the state of affairs; and charge the Marques
to have this despatch sent immediately, as secretly as possible."]



DOCUMENTS OF 1608-09


    Annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine
    government. Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca; August 18, 1608.
    Decrees regarding way-station for Philippine vessels. Felipe III;
    September 27, 1608, and May 13, 1609.
    Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; May 26 and July 29, 1609.
    Expeditions to the province of Tuy. Juan Manuel de la Vega;
    July 3, 1609.
    Petition of a Filipino chief for redress. Miguel Banal; July
    25, 1609.
    Despatch of missionaries to the Philippines. Diego Aduarte. and
    others; [1608-09?].


_Source_: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla.

_Translations_: The first, fourth, and fifth documents are translated
by James A. Robertson; the first decree in the second, by Henry
B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; the rest, by Robert
W. Haight.



Annual Receipts and Expenditures of the Philippine Government


Statement of the Annual Incomes and Sources of Profit of His Majesty
in These Philipinas Islands

_Tributes from his Majesty's encomiendas_


Tributes												Common gold


3U359   In the encomienda of the coast of this city of Manila,
        his Majesty has three thousand three hundred and fifty-nine
        tributes. The tributes are each one peso, besides the two reals
        for the _situado_, and amount to the same number of pesos.
												3U359 pesos, -- tomins.

U533    In the encomienda of the villages of Capa, Santa Ana, and
        Caruya, there are five hundred and thirty-three tributes.
												 U533 pesos, -- tomins.

U100    From the wandering Indians of the said coast and of this
        city of Manila, a greater or less sum is collected annually,
        which accordingly approximates to one hundred tributes annually
												 U100 pesos, -- tomins.

805     In the encomienda of the villages of San Miguel and San
        Francisco, in Laguna de Bay, there are eight hundred and five
        tributes, or a like number of pesos.	 U805 pesos, -- tomins.

U894    In the encomienda of Lumban, Pacte, and Longos in the said
        Laguna, there are eight hundred and ninety-four tributes.
												 U894 pesos, -- tomins.

1U364 1/2 In the encomienda of Nayun and Tayavas there are one thousand
        three hundred and sixty-four and one-half tributes, or one
        thousand three hundred and sixty-four pesos and four tomins.
												 1U364 pesos, 4 tomins.

U275    In the encomienda of Calilaya there are two hundred and
        seventy-five tributes, or a like number of pesos.
												 U275 pesos, -- tomins.

U711	In the encomienda of Tuley and Maragondon there are seven
        hundred and eleven tributes, or a like number of pesos.
												 U711 pesos, -- tomins.

2U091	In the encomienda of Mindoro, there are two thousand and
        ninety-one tributes.					 2U091 peso, -- tomins.

4U307 1/2 In the encomienda of La Panpanga there are four thousand three
        hundred and seven and one-half tributes, or four thousand
        three hundred and seven pesos and four tomins.
												 4U307 pesos, 4 tomins.

U824	In the encomienda of the villages of Agoo and Alingayen, in the
        province of Pangasinan, there are eight hundred and twenty-four
        tributes. In this province the tributes amount each to ten
        reals, thus making a total of one thousand and thirty pesos.
												1U030 pesos, -- tomins.

U431	In the encomienda of Binalatonga, in the said province of
        Pangasinan, there are four hundred and thirty-one tributes,
        which, at ten reals, amount to five hundred and thirty-eight
        pesos and six tomins.					  U538 pesos, 6 tomins.

4U785 1/2 In his Majesty's encomiendas in the province of Ylocos, where
        the tributes are also ten reals, there are four thousand
        seven hundred and eighty-five and one-half tributes, which
        amount to five thousand nine hundred and eighty-one pesos
		and seven tomins.						 5U981 pesos, 7 tomins.

2U668	In the encomiendas of Camarines there are two thousand six
        hundred and sixty-eight tributes at one peso.
												2U668 pesos, -- tomins.

        In the province of Cibu, his Majesty owns the encomienda of
        the island of Compot and Cagayan, the tribute of which has
        not been collected for three years, as it is in revolt.

2U400	In the encomienda of Bohol and Bantayan in the said province
        of Cebu--which was apportioned to the royal crown this year,
        one thousand six hundred and eight, because of the death of Don
        Pedro de Gamboa, its former owner; and which his Majesty enjoys
        since the twenty-second of January of this said year--there
        are two thousand tour hundred tributes at one peso.
												2U400 pesos, -- tomins.

3U624	In the encomienda of Panay and Oton there are three thousand
        six hundred and twenty-four tributes at one peso.
												3U624 pesos, -- tomins.

U382	In the village of Baybay, on the river of this city, three
        hundred and eighty-two tributes are collected from Christian
        Sangleys.								 U382 pesos, -- tomins.

1U500	There are always a varying number of infidel Sangleys living
        in the Parian of this city; as for the last collections,
        they amount to one thousand five hundred tributes.
												1U500 pesos, -- tomins.

------											----------------------
32U395 1/2										33U906 pesos, 5 tomins.


_Situados of all the encomiendas in these islands_


													  Common gold

	The situado [42] of his Majesty's encomiendas above mentioned
	amounts to eight thousand and ninety-eight pesos and seven
	tomins, at the rate of two reals for each tribute--the tributes
	amounting to thirty-two thousand three hundred and ninety-five
	and one-half							 8U098 pesos, 7 tomins.

	The situados of the encomiendas of individuals in these
	islands amount to twenty-three thousand two hundred pesos.
											23U200 pesos.

											----------------------
											31U298 pesos, 7 tomins.

	_Tithes of gold_

	The tithes of gold (of which the tenth is taken in these
	islands) are worth on an average, considering former years,
	eight hundred pesos.
											 U800 pesos, -- tomins.

	_Ecclesiastical tithes_

	Of the ecclesiastical tithes of this archbishopric of
	Manila and of the three bishoprics of the islands, there
	are collected annually, on an average, one thousand pesos;
	for, although they have been worth one thousand one hundred
	pesos or one thousand two hundred pesos, in certain years,
	they approximate to the said sum, according to the present.
											1U000 pesos, -- tomins.

	_Import and export duties_

	The import duties on the Chinese merchandise entering this
	city, amounted, this said year of six hundred and eight, to
	thirty-eight thousand, two hundred and eighty-eight pesos,
	four tomins, and two granos. In this matter no exact figures
	can be given, because it is more or less, according to the
	amount of merchandise brought annually by the Sangleys.
								  38U288 pesos, 4 tomins, 2 granos.

	The import duties and freight-charges on the goods brought
	from Nueva Espana, and entering this city are usually worth
	five hundred pesos, or thereabout, because the citizens of
	these islands to whom the goods are consigned have received the
	concession of not paying duties on goods to the value of three
	hundred pesos for the married person, and one hundred and fifty
	pesos for the single person; and because the bulk of these
	said goods is to be used for their households and comfort.
											 U500 pesos, -- tomins.

	The duties on the goods exported from this city to the said
	Nueva Espana are usually worth fourteen thousand pesos. In
	this matter no exact figures can be given, for it varies
	according to the value of the merchandise.
										   14U000 pesos.

							52U788 [pesos], 4 [tomins], 2 [granos].

	_Fines forfeited to the royal treasury_

	Seven hundred and eight pesos have been paid into the royal
	treasury this year from fines forfeited to the royal treasury.
											 U708 pesos, -- tomins.

	_Expenses of justice and courts_

	From the expenses of justice and courts, sixty pesos have
	been paid into the royal treasury this year.
											 U060 pesos, -- tomins.

	Amount of the tributes.				   33U905 pesos, 5 tomins.

	The situados.						   31U298 pesos, 7 tomins.

	The tithes of gold.				         U800 pesos.

	Ecclesiastical tithes.					1U000 pesos.

	Import and export duties.
							52U788 [pesos], 4 [tomins], 2 [granos].

	Fines forfeited to the royal treasury.				U708 pesos.

	Expenses of justice and the courts.                 U060 pesos.

								 ----------------------------------
								 120U561 pesos, -- tomins, 2 granos.


All the above incomes total one hundred and twenty thousand five
hundred and sixty-one pesos and two granos of common gold.


Statement of the Ordinary Expense Incurred By His Majesty in These
Islands


												Common gold


	The president, governor, and captain-general of these islands
	receives an annual salary of eight thousand pesos de minas,
	or thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty-five pesos and
	two tomins.							13U235 pesos, 2 tomins.

	Four auditors and one fiscal receive each two thousand pesos
	de minas, which total sixteen thousand five hundred and
	forty-nine pesos and six granos.	16U549 pesos, 6 granos.

	One chaplain of the royal Audiencia, three hundred pesos.
										  U300 pesos.

	Three royal officials with five hundred and ten thousand
	maravedis apiece, which amounts to five thousand six hundred
	and twenty-five pesos.				 5U625 pesos.

	One chief clerk with a salary of three hundred pesos.
										  U300 pesos.

	Another clerk, for military affairs, with a salary of two
	hundred pesos.						  U200 pesos.

	Another clerk, for matters of trade, with the same salary.
										  U200 pesos.

	One executioner, with one hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U150 pesos.

	One notary, with two hundred pesos.	  U200 pesos.

	One galley-purser, with one hundred pesos.
										  U100 pesos.

	_Alcaldes-mayor and corregidors_

	The alcalde-mayor of Tondo, with a salary of three hundred
	pesos.								  U300 pesos.

	Of Bulacan, with another three hundred pesos.
										  U300 pesos.

	Of La Panpanga, the same.			  U300 pesos.

	Of Laguna de Bay, the same.			  U300 pesos.

	Of Calilaya, the same.				  U300 pesos.

	Of Balayan, the same.				  U300 pesos.

	Of Pangasinan, the same.			  U300 pesos.

	Of Ylocos, the same.				  U300 pesos.

	Of Carmarines, the same.			  U300 pesos.

	Of Arevalo, the same.				  U300 pesos.

	Of Cibu, the same.					  U300 pesos.

	Corregidor of Calamianes, with two hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U250 pesos.

	Of Maribeles, with one hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U150 pesos.

	Of Mindoro, one hundred pesos.		  U100 pesos.

	Of Catanduanes, one hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U150 pesos.

	Of Ybalon, two hundred pesos, because it serves also as the
	outpost of Capul.					  U200 pesos.

	Of Panay, another two hundred pesos.  U200 pesos.

	Leyte, one hundred and fifty pesos.	  U150 pesos.

	Butuan, two hundred pesos.			  U200 pesos.

	Alcalde-mayor of Cagayan, three hundred pesos.
										  U300 pesos.


	_Various salaries_

	One assayer and appraiser, with four hundred pesos.
										  U400 pesos.


	One navy storekeeper, two hundred pesos.
										  U200 pesos.


	One clerk, for the warehouses of this city, with one hundred
	and fifty pesos.					  U150 pesos.

	One shore master, with a salary of six hundred pesos.
										  U600 pesos.

	One clerk, for the warehouses of Cavite, with one hundred
	and forty pesos.					  U140 pesos.


	One chief of galley construction, with five hundred pesos.
										  U500 pesos.

	Another carpenter, with two hundred pesos.
										  U200 pesos.

	One hundred and sixty Indian carpenters at one-half real
	and their board daily; their wages amount annually to three
	thousand six hundred and fifty pesos.
										 3U650 pesos.


	One master blacksmith, with five hundred pesos.
										  U500 pesos.


	The Indian smiths who serve in the smithies for various
	wages, now more and now less, which amount to one thousand
	one hundred pesos.  				 1U100 pesos.

	The charcoal used in the smithies and in the founding of
	artillery will amount to one thousand pesos.
										  1U000 pesos.

	One artillery and bell-founder, with a salary of one thousand
	pesos.								  1U000 pesos.

	In the said founding eight hundred pesos will be spent
	yearly in paying the Indians who work at it, and in other
	petty expenses.						   U800 pesos.


	One master powder-maker, with six hundred pesos.
										  U600 pesos.

	In the manufacture of powder, twenty or twenty-five mortars
	are used, which are manipulated by slaves of private persons,
	who place them there for evil conduct; and nothing but their
	board is given them.

	Four coopers and one workman--the former with wages of three
	hundred pesos apiece, besides their rations of rice; and the
	workman, with forty-eight pesos: All together amounting to
	one thousand two hundred and forty-eight pesos.
										 1U248 pesos.


	Six calkers, with wages of three hundred pesos apiece,
	besides their rations of rice, which amount to one thousand
	eight hundred pesos.				 1U800 pesos.

	At the time of careening and repairing the ships, and for
	other extraordinary matters in this trade of the calkers,
	some receive daily wages of two pesos and two and one-half
	pesos apiece, which will amount to one thousand five hundred
	pesos annually.						 1U500 pesos.

	There are sixty sailors, or two more or less, who are kept
	here. As for those who come in vessels from Nueva Espana,
	they serve in the port of Cavite, and in the warehouses;
	and sail in fragatas used to carry rice, rigging, pitch,
	and other articles which are offered and taken to the said
	warehouses. They receive wages of one hundred and fifty
	pesos, besides the rations of rice, which amount to nine
	thousand pesos.						 9U000 pesos.

	There are also other sailors and other workmen who come in the
	ships from Nueva Espana, and take from here a certification
	of their services here, by virtue of which they are paid in
	Mexico; while nothing more than their rations of rice are
	paid them here, which amount to three fanegas of unwinnowed
	rice apiece per month, and some additional aid from year to
	year, and between the departure of the vessels. The total
	will amount to eight thousand pesos.
										  8U000 pesos.

	There are three pilots, who are experienced in the navigation
	between these islands and the mainland, for some voyages
	that are usually made to the mainland near these islands,
	and who receive six hundred pesos apiece, or one thousand
	eight hundred pesos.				  1U800 pesos.

	In the royal warehouses of this city, ten Indians generally
	serve from month to month. They receive apiece one peso per
	month, and their board, which amounts to one hundred and
	twenty pesos.						  U120 pesos.

	In the fragatas and other vessels of his Majesty which ply
	amid these islands eighty Indians are employed from month
	to month, each receiving one peso per month and their board,
	which amounts to nine hundred and sixty pesos.
										  U960 pesos.

	For the service of the port of Cavite and its vessels, sixty
	Indians are generally drafted each month. They are paid six
	reals per month and their board, a total of five hundred and
	forty pesos.						  U540 pesos.

	To three Indian rope-makers who assist in the rope-factory
	at Manila, where the hemp rigging is made, are paid total
	annual wages of one hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U150 pesos

	Each month thirty Indians work month by month in this rope
	factory, to whom are paid six reals per month and their
	rations of rice, a total of two hundred and seventy pesos.
										  U270 pesos.


	_Purchases_

	The black rigging and that made from abaca in Balayan for
	the ships and galleys will amount to four thousand pesos.
										 4U000 pesos.

	Every year hemp brought from Japon is bought for rigging,
	which from year to year will amount to one thousand five
	hundred pesos.						 1U500 pesos.

	One thousand six hundred quintals of pitch, at ten reals per
	quintal, are also used annually, which amounts to two thousand
	one hundred and twenty-five pesos    2U125 pesos.

	The saltpeter purchased for this camp will average from year
	to year one thousand eight hundred pesos. Some years it will
	amount to more or less.				 1U800 pesos.

	The bonote [43] purchased to calk the vessels [going to
	New Spain?] and other ships will amount to two hundred and
	seventy pesos						  U270 pesos.

	Arquebus fuses, one hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U150 pesos.

	The cocoa-oil purchased for the churches where the sacraments
	are administered amounts to two hundred and fifty pesos.
										  U250 pesos.

	The fish-oil and galagal for the careening and repairing of
	the ships amounts to nine hundred pesos.
										  U900 pesos.

	Six hundred picos of iron, at various prices are used in
	addition to that brought by sail from Nueva Espana, which
	will amount to two thousand pesos.   2U000 pesos.

	_Item_: Four hundred picos of nails, which, at the least
	price, is seven pesos [per pico], amount to two thousand
	eight hundred pesos.				 2U800 pesos.

	The canvas bought annually for the sails of the ships and
	other vessels, exclusive of those for the galleys (which is
	included in gross expense of those vessels), amounts from year
	to year to six thousand pieces at three reals apiece, which
	makes a total of two thousand two hundred and fifty pesos.
										 2U250 pesos.

	For the other trifling expenses incurred in building each
	year, to which, as they are various, no name can be given,
	are spent two thousand pesos.		 2U000 pesos.

	The purchases of timbers and ribs and their carriage to
	the port of Cavite and other ports, for the ships made and
	repaired, will amount to two thousand two hundred pesos.
										 2U200 pesos.

	Likewise for the food supplies bought annually for the voyage
	of the ships to Nueva Espana, and other trifles, are spent
	eleven thousand pesos.			     11U000 pesos.

	The rice purchased yearly, and collected from the tributes,
	amounts to fourteen or fifteen thousand pesos for the support
	of the people in [government] service, and is given them in
	place of board and rations. To each one is given the amount
	that he must have according to his work and contract. Six
	thousand fanegas of this is given to the orders and hospitals,
	which his Majesty has ordered to be given them annually. Of
	the above quantity of fifteen thousand pesos, two thirds,
	or ten thousand pesos, are not mentioned here; for the other
	third is used in the galleys, of whose expense a report is
	made later, and in that report enters this third part which
	is still to be mentioned			10U000 pesos.

	The artillery balls bought annually from Japon amount yearly
	to six hundred pesos.				  U600 pesos.

	The lead bought for the musket and arquebus balls amounts on
	an average to one thousand five hundred pesos.
										 1U500 pesos.

	The copper used in founding the artillery is computed at one
	thousand pesos annually.			 1U000 pesos.

	The tin and other metals for the mixture amount to another
	thousand pesos.						 1U000 pesos.


	_Salaries and expenses among the ecclesiastics, and in the
	churches and doctrinas_ [_i.e., missions_]

	Archbishop of Manila, with an annual salary of four thousand
	one hundred and twenty-five pesos    4U125 pesos.

	Bishop of Cibu, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-eight.
										  1U838 pesos.

	Bishop of Cagayan, the same    	      1U838 pesos.

	Bishop of Camarines, the same         1U838 pesos.

	The dean of Manila, six hundred pesos
										   U600 pesos.

	The archdeacon, five hundred pesos     U500 pesos.

	The precentor, another five hundred pesos
										   U500 pesos.

	The schoolmaster, another five hundred pesos
										   U500 pesos.

	The treasurer, another five hundred pesos
										   U500 pesos.

	Four canons, with salaries of four hundred pesos apiece,
	which amounts to one thousand six hundred pesos
										  1U600 pesos.

	Two racioneros [44] with three hundred pesos apiece, amounting
	to six hundred pesos				   U600 pesos.

	Two medio-racioneros, [45] with two hundred pesos apiece
										   U400 pesos.

	One chaplain of the college of Santa Potenciana, with three
	hundred pesos						   U300 pesos.

	To the convent of San Agustin in this city, six hundred pesos
	and six hundred fanegas of rice, for six religious who are
	engaged there in instruction; given by decree of his Majesty
										   U600 pesos.

	To the above convent, seven hundred pesos annually, which sum
	is the situados from two encomiendas, given for the building
	of the convent, until the fulfilment of three of his Majesty's
	decrees--one of which grants ten thousand ducados, another
	six thousand, and the third two thousand
										   U700 pesos.

	Each of the two convents of St. Dominic and of the Society of
	Jesus are given four hundred pesos and four hundred fanegas
	of rice for four religious, which amount to eight hundred pesos
										   U800 pesos.

	And although his Majesty orders the same to be given to the
	convent of St. Francis they neither accept nor wish it.

	To the convent of Santisimo Nombre de Jesus, in Cibu, are
	given annually two hundred pesos and two hundred fanegas of
	rice. That convent was the first one founded.
										   U200 pesos.

	In the doctrinas of the encomiendas belonging to his Majesty
	in these islands (which were mentioned in the statement of
	the incomes), there are fifty-eight religious who administer
	instruction therein; and, according to the stipend given to
	each one, the total amounts to seven thousand and seventy-one
	pesos								  7U071 pesos.

	To six parish priests and their sacristans, located in the
	six Spanish settlements--namely, Manila, Caceres, Segovia,
	Arebalo, Villa Fernandina, and Cibu--are given salaries of
	fifty thousand maravedis to each priest, and twenty-five
	thousand to each sacristan, making a total of one thousand
	six hundred and fifty-four pesos, three tomins, and two granos
								  7U654 pesos, 3 tomins, 2 granos.

	Three other parish priests and two sacristans, for the towns
	of Cavite and La Hermita de Guia, and for the natives in
	Manila and those outside its walls, receive a total of seven
	hundred pesos						   U700 pesos.

	It appears that there has been excessive expense hitherto in
	the building of churches; but at present there is not so much,
	because there is not given to any church that is being rebuilt
	that part [of the expense] pertaining to his Majesty--and
	which his Majesty should have paid--in the encomiendas of
	private persons. For the churches in the lands of the royal
	crown the amount averages four thousand pesos annually
										  4U000 pesos.

	For the ornaments given to the doctrinas of the encomiendas
	apportioned to the royal crown, exclusive of missal-books
	and other articles from Nueva Espana, six hundred pesos
										   U600 pesos.

	To the three convents of St. Augustine, Santo Domingo, and
	the Society of Jesus, are given medicines according to his
	Majesty's decree. This amounts annually to six hundred pesos
										   U600 pesos.

	_Item_: Six hundred Castilian ducados, given to the Manila
	cathedral, by decree of his Majesty--five hundred for music
	and the verger, and one hundred for the building of the church.
										   U85 pesos.

	_Item_: Four hundred pesos, to be given annually to the said
	cathedral, by decree of his Majesty, for six years, for wine,
	wax, and other things				  U400 pesos.

	_Item_: Five hundred ducados, given annually by order of Don
	Luis Perez Dasmarinas, former governor of these islands, to
	the native hospital of this city. This amounts to six hundred
	and eighty-seven pesos and four tomins. Further, one thousand
	five hundred fanegas of rice, one thousand five hundred fowls,
	and a number of coverlets for the sick
											U687 pesos, [tomins]

	_Item_: To the hospital of Cagayan, three hundred pesos
	annually, by order of Doctor Santiago de Vera, former governor
	of these islands						U300 pesos.


	_Extraordinary expenses_

	On his Majesty's account, a vessel is annually despatched
	to the kingdom of Japon with an embassy and present to the
	king. This, with other embassies to various other kings and
	lords, and many other trifling matters, will amount to six
	thousand pesos annually				   6U000 pesos.

	Likewise there is another expense of the two salaries paid
	at the same time to a governor, auditor, or royal official;
	for from their departure from Espana until their arrival here
	the salary of each is paid to him, as well as to the official
	here, so that two salaries are paid at the same time for one
	office. These amount annually to about two thousand pesos
										  2U000 pesos.

	The salaries paid to the agents who collect the tributes of
	his Majesty's encomiendas, and the situados of individuals,
	in accordance with what each one collects, and the commission
	given him, amount to one thousand six hundred pesos
										  [1U600 pesos]


	_Expenses of the soldiers and their officers_

	One master-of-camp, with a salary of one thousand six hundred
	and fifty-three pesos. 				  1U653 [pesos]

	This camp of Manila has five captains, each receiving a salary
	of four hundred and twenty pesos, which amount to two thousand
	one hundred pesos.					  [2U100 pesos]

	Five alferezes, with a salary of two hundred and forty pesos
	apiece, which amount to one thousand two hundred pesos
										  1U200 [pesos]

	Five sergeants with one hundred and twenty pesos apiece,
	which amount to six hundred pesos     U600 [pesos]

	Five drummers, with seventy-two pesos apiece, which amount
	to three hundred and sixty pesos	  U360 [pesos]

	Five fifers, with the same pay		  U360 [pesos]

	Five shield-bearers, with the same pay
										  U360 [pesos]

	Also five standard-bearers, with the same pay
										  U360 [pesos]

	At present there are also two captains, two alferezes, two
	sergeants, two drummers, two fifers, two shield-bearers,
	and two standard-bearers, who all receive the same pay as
	those above--but they do not draw it in the lump but only
	for extraordinary expenses--who were appointed for the
	reenforcement of the Pintados.

	_Item_: One commanding officer of this reenforcement, with
	eight hundred pesos' pay annually.   [800 pesos]

	_Item_: One sargento-mayor, with the same pay as the captains
	above-mentioned.

	His adjutant, with the same pay as that of this camp.

	According to the last musters made, there are five hundred and
	sixteen foot soldiers, of whom one hundred and four lately
	departed for the said reenforcement of the Pintados. Among
	them are included fourteen corporals, twelve halberdiers of
	the captain-general's guard, and those serving in the fort
	of Santiago. At the rate of six pesos apiece per month, this
	amounts to thirty-seven thousand one hundred and fifty-two
	pesos annually						  37U152 pesos.

	_Item_: At the option of the captain-general, one thousand
	pesos is distributed among all the soldiers, ten pesos being
	given to each soldier whom the captain-general wishes to favor.
										  1U000 pesos.

	_Item_: There are one hundred musketeers among all this
	soldiery, each of whom receives two pesos more each month
	than the pay of the arquebusiers of infantry. This amounts
	to two thousand four hundred pesos
										  2U400 pesos.

	_Item_: There are fourteen corporals, each of whom
	receives twelve pesos more per year than the pay of the
	infantrymen. This amounts to one hundred and sixty-eight pesos
										   U168 pesos.

	There is an artillery-captain in the camp, with an annual
	salary of four hundred and twenty pesos
										  U420 pesos.

	An adjutant of the sargento-mayor, with one hundred and eighty
	pesos' pay							  U180 pesos.

	One campaign barrachel, [46] with the same pay
										  U180 pesos.

	One head drummer, with seventy-two pesos
										  U072 pesos.

	One captain of the guard of the captain-general, with two
	hundred and forty pesos.			  U240 pesos.

	One corporal of the said guard, with eighty-four pesos
										  U084 pesos.

	In the presidio of the town of Arevalo are one sergeant and
	twenty-nine infantrymen, with the same pay as the others,
	which amounts to two thousand two hundred and eight pesos
										 2U208 pesos.

	In the presidio of Cibu are a captain, alferez, sergeant,
	drummer, fifer, shield-bearer, standard-bearer, and
	eighty-three infantrymen, all with the pay above mentioned
	for the others. The total amounts to seven thousand and
	forty-four pesos					 7U044 pesos.

	_Item_: One adjutant of the sargento-mayor, with ninety-six
	pesos								  U096 pesos.

	In the presidio of Cagayan are a sargento-mayor, and another
	sergeant, each drawing ninety-six pesos; and forty-seven
	infantrymen, with the same pay as the others. The total
	amounts to three thousand five hundred and seventy-six pesos.
										  3U576 pesos.

	In this camp there are usually twelve artillerymen, who
	serve in the fortresses, ships, and on other occasions of the
	camp. They draw pay of two hundred pesos apiece, the total
	amounting to two thousand four hundred pesos, beside their
	rations of rice.					  2U400 pesos.

	In the districts of Calamianes and Leyte are eight infantrymen,
	whose pay amounts to five hundred and seventy-six pesos.
										  U576 pesos.

	By virtue of one of his Majesty's decrees, brought by Governor
	Don Pedro de Acuna, and of a clause of the instructions
	received here by Don Francisco Tello, the said Don Pedro de
	Acuna began to rebuild the galleys, and, as appears, built four
	galleys. After having often adjusted the expenses incurred by
	his Majesty annually in salaries, food, and other expenses of
	galleys, the expense is found always to reach six thousand
	pesos per galley. At present there are two eighteen-bench
	galliots, the expenses of which, likewise adjusted, amount
	to four thousand five hundred pesos apiece, a total of nine
	thousand pesos.  					 9U000 pesos.

	_Item_: There is usually one sentry-post in the island of
	Maribeles, which receives two hundred and forty pesos for the
	pay of the Indians serving in it, besides the rice given them
	as rations.							  U240 pesos.


	_Castellans_

	One castellan of the fort of Santiago in this city of Manila,
	with a salary of eight hundred pesos annually.
										  U800 pesos.

	One lieutenant, with pay of three hundred pesos.
										  U300 pesos.

	_Item_: One sergeant, with one hundred and twenty pesos;
	one corporal, with eighty-four pesos; a drummer and fifer,
	with seventy-two pesos' pay apiece; all amounting to three
	hundred and forty-eight pesos.		  U348 pesos.

	In Cagayan, a governor of the fortress, with title of captain,
	who draws a salary of two hundred pesos.
										  U200 pesos.

	One lieutenant, with ninety-six pesos.
										  U096 pesos.

	In Arevalo there is another governor of the fort, with two
	hundred pesos.						  U200 pesos.

	In Cibu is another governor of the fort, with two hundred
	pesos.								  U200 pesos.

	One lieutenant with ninety-six pesos.
										  U096 pesos.


    Expenses.	 255U578 pesos,    1 [tomin],	 8 [granos].
    Incomes.	 120U561 pesos,			         2 [granos].
    Excess of expenses over incomes.
			     135U017 pesos,    1 [tomin],    6 [granos].


The incomes total one hundred and twenty thousand five hundred and
sixty-one pesos and two granos; and the expenses two hundred and
fifty-five thousand five hundred and seventy-eight pesos, one tomin,
and eight granos of common gold. In conformity to this, the said
expenses exceed the said incomes by one hundred and thirty-five
thousand and seventeen pesos, one tomin, and six granos.

The above statement was drawn from the royal books in our charge,
at the order of Don Rodrigo de Bibero, president, governor, and
captain-general of these islands. Manila, August eighteen, in the
year one thousand six hundred and eight.

_Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca_

_Alonso Despia Ssaravia_



Decrees Regarding Way-Station for Philippine Vessels


The King: To Don Luis de Velasco, [47] my viceroy, governor, and
captain-general of the provinces of Nueva Espana. Your predecessor
in the government of those provinces, the Marques de Montes Claros,
informed me by a letter of May 24 of last year that he had received
my decree of August 19, one thousand six hundred and six, in which
were contained the directions to be followed by him in the opening to
navigation and the settlement of the new port of Monte Rey, discovered
by Sevastian Vizcayno on the voyage from Nueva Espana to the Philipinas
Islands. He stated that the decree could not be carried out in any
respect, since it reached his hands when the trading fleet for those
islands had already set sail, and since Sevastian Vizcayno--whom I
had commanded to undertake that voyage and found the colony, as being
the discoverer of the said port--had departed for that kingdom in the
fleet of that year. He stated that with a view, above all, to reaching
a decision in regard to what must be done for the prosecution of this
business, it seemed to him well to inform me of what he had heard, and
of what had been brought before him with reference to the matter. He
took for granted that it was of great importance to discover a port
where the ships returning from the Filipinas might stop to refit;
for on so long a voyage the greatest part of the danger is due to
the lack of a place where the injuries received in the voyage may be
repaired. If no more suitable place should be found, he said, it would
be advisable to make use of the port of Monte Rrey, of which he had
been notified; but, to understand better the importance of this port,
it would be well to notice that according to the survey made by the
said Sevastian Vizcayno it seems to be in latitude thirty-seven, on
the coast known as the coast of Nueva Espana, which runs from Cape
Mendocino to Acapulco. Now while it is true that most of the ships
on his voyage sight land within one or two degrees of that place,
still, it must be understood that they always regard themselves as
being at the end of their voyage and out of danger on the day when
they reach there. This is so true that there have been ships which,
when they were at the mouth of the harbor of Monte Rey, decided, as
soon as they recognized it, not to enter it, but kept on their voyage
with all sails spread. They felt that as soon as they sighted land
anywhere they could go on, and, with favorable weather, reach the
harbor of Acapulco in twenty-five or thirty days. The accidents and
injuries caused by hurricanes--which are the things that place ships in
jeopardy, and which oblige them to return to their port of departure,
with so much loss--ordinarily occur from the time when they pass the
cape of Spiritu Santo on the island of Manila, all along the chain
of the Ladrones until they pass the end of Japon at the point called
the Cape of Sestos and reach latitude thirty-two or thirty-three;
consequently, the ship which receives such injuries always does
so before entering the great gulf of Nueva Espana, and can find no
place of refuge without returning to Japon or to the Philipinas. If
its condition should permit it to sight the coast of Cape Mendocino
after fifty days (the usual length of time), its troubles would be
practically over. On this account, and since the harbor of Monte
Rrey is so situated that when the ships from the Philipinas reach
it they feel that their voyage to the harbor of Acapulco within
twenty-five or thirty days is certain, as has been said, and since
it has never been known to occur that a ship after sighting land
has been obliged to put back, therefore the Marques declares that,
as the object is to provide ships with a harbor where they may land,
or at least touch and refit, the harbor should be provided, or at
least be sought, where it may be of use before the vessels enter the
great gulf of Nueva Espana. This he urges the more because there are
two islands in latitude thirty-four or thirty-five, named Rrica de Oro
and Rrica de Plata, [48] to the west of the harbor of Monte Rey and
in almost the same latitude though very distant in longitude. Those
who have undertaken that voyage and have made it declare that both
these islands are very well suited to be places of refitting for the
ships from the Philipinas, and that it would be advantageous to find
them again and colonize one of them for this purpose. Regarding this
as certain, the Marques thinks that the exploration and colonizing
in question should be mainly at these islands, being committed to
some person of competence, care, and fidelity. For this he judges
that the said Sevastian Vizcayno would be suitable, because he would
know, as well as anyone could, the way to the harbor of Monte Rrey,
being already acquainted with it. If the commission were entrusted
to him, it would be well for him to go from Acapulco as commander of
the ships for the Philipinas, returning from Manila with two small
and lightly-laden ships for no other purpose than the discovery;
for if he were to return as commander [of the trading fleet] the
merchandise and stuffs of the inhabitants of Manila would run great
risk of being detained on the voyage, and of suffering some loss,
and the owners would have a right to recover damages from my royal
treasury. Then after the new harbor which is affirmed to exist shall
have been discovered, Sevastian Vizcayno may go as commander in the
year following, and may make a beginning of refitting a station there
with the trading ships, so that the navigation may be opened. After
this report had been brought before my Council of the Yndias and
my Council of War for those lands, and had been discussed there,
both sides having been considered by me, the suggestions of the said
Marques of Montes Claros were approved by me. Therefore I command
you that since he declares that the two islands, Rica de Oro and Rica
de Plata, in latitude thirty-four or thirty-five, will be much more
suitable than the harbor of Monte Rey as a port in which the ships of
the Filipinas trade may refit, you shall suspend for the present the
opening to navigation and the settlement of the harbor of Monte Rey. I
command you that, in conformity with the opinion of the said Marques of
Montes Claros, you shall give the charge of the expedition to Sevastian
Vizcayno; and shall cause to be undertaken the discovery, settlement,
and opening to navigation of a harbor in one of the said islands, Rica
de Oro and Rica de Plata, as shall seem best and most suitable for
the purpose intended. For the present I intrust to you the choice of
all that concerns the matter. On account of my trust in your prudence
and caution, and my confidence that you will not permit any excessive
expense, I license you to expend from my royal exchequer, for all the
aforesaid and for the arrangement of all other requisites, all the
money needed, drawing the same from my royal treasury of the City of
Mexico. I sanction and command the granting by you to the colonists
of the same privileges that were granted in my decree of August 19,
one thousand six hundred and six, to those who should go to colonize
the port of Monte Rey. In case it seems to them that the latter port
is entirely preferable to either of the two islands referred to, you
will execute the decree previously issued with reference to the said
colonization and opening to navigation of the said port of Monte Rey;
and by this my decree I command my accountants for my Council of the
Yndias to record this command. Dated at [_word partly illegible_;
Aranjuez?] September 27, one thousand six hundred and eight.


_I The King_

Certified to by Juan de Civica and signed by the members of the
Council of War of the Yndias.


The King: To Don Luis de Velasco, my viceroy, governor and
captain-general of the provinces of Nueva Espana, or to the person or
persons in whose charge the government may be. Having understood that
as a way-station for the vessels in the Philippine trade, one of these
islands, Rrica de Oro and Rrica de Plata, would be more suitable than
the port of Monte Rey--which had been explored, and for the opening
and colonization of which orders had been issued--because the former
are in a better situation: by a decree of the twenty-seventh of
September of the past year, I commanded you to suspend for the time
being the opening and settlement of the said port of Monte Rey, and
to undertake the exploration, settlement, and opening of one of those
two islands, Rrica de Oro and Rrica de Plata, as it appeared better
and more suitable for the object desired; and you were to spend from
my royal exchequer whatever money was necessary for this, and settle
other matters, as should be expedient. You were to concede to the
settlers the same privileges as were accorded to those who were to
go to settle the port of Monte Rey; and in case it still appeared to
you that the latter was better fitted than either of the two islands,
you were to execute what I had ordered you to do in connection with
its settlement and opening, as is explained more at length in my said
decree, to which I refer you. But now Hernando de los Rios Coronel,
procurator-general of the said islands, has represented to me that
in any case it is best that the said exploration should be made from
the Filipinas, and not from Nueva Espana--both to avoid the great
expense which would fall on the royal exchequer, if the ships for this
expedition were built there, as all marine supplies are very dear in
your country, and difficult to procure; and also because it would be
necessary to make that voyage at hazard, mainly, and there would be
great danger of not finding the islands and of losing the results of
the voyage and the expenses incurred. For they are in a high latitude,
and far distant from your country of Nueva Espana; and, besides,
as all those who should go on this expedition would necessarily
take a large amount of money to invest in the Philipinas (for, as
the ships are to go back empty, they would take the opportunity to
lade them with merchandise), they might, in order not to lose their
goods by going on the exploration, draw up an information on the ship
(as has been done at other times), saying that on account of storms,
or for some other reason, they were unable to make the islands. But
if the said discovery were made from the Philipinas, all these
difficulties would be avoided; for it is evident that the cost and
danger would be much less, as the two islands to be discovered are
so near at hand that they can almost go and take them with their
merchant ships. All the rest may be arranged merely by ordering that,
having made the discovery, they shall come back to the Philipinas
without going to Nueva Espana; for in this way there will be no
reason for them to lade their vessels with merchandise. Furthermore,
there are in the Philipinas trustworthy persons for this affair, to
whom it may be entrusted; and the sailors there are more competent,
since they have more experience. Having again considered this in our
Council for the Yndias, it has seemed best to command you, and you
are so commanded and ordered, that if you have not begun to carry out
the preparations for this exploration, as I have ordered you to do,
and if you have not so advanced them as to make it inconvenient or
very expensive to abandon it, you shall examine and consider with
especial attention whether, for the suitable execution and less cost
of the exploration, it would be expedient to place it in the hands
of my governor and captain-general of the said Philipinas Islands,
so that he may proceed to undertake it from those islands. And if it
appear to you that this plan is expedient, you shall send at the first
opportunity to my said governor the letter which will accompany this,
for him, in which he is so ordered; and at the same time you will
remit to him the money that in your opinion may be necessary, which
is not to exceed the twenty thousand ducats, which I had granted for
the settlement of the port of Monte Rey Dated at San Lorenzo el Real,
on the third of May of the year one thousand six hundred and nine.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Juan de Civica; signed by the members of the Council.



Letters from Felipe III to Silva


_Personal services from the Indians_

The King: To Don Juan de Silva, my governor and captain-general of the
Philipinas Islands, and president of my royal Audiencia of Manila;
or to the person or persons in whose charge that government may
be. Having been advised from various parts of the Yndias, of the
great vexations suffered by the Indians who pay tribute to their
encomenderos in personal services, I have despatched decrees to all
the viceroys, presidents, and governors of the Yndias, commanding
that the encomenderos, judges, or commissaries of assessment shall
not commute, or be paid in personal services, the tributes of the
Indians. This same is my wish and my will, and is to be observed
and executed in all provinces that are or may be under your charge;
and you will not tolerate the said commutation, from the abuse of
which have resulted so great evils and complaints as was the case
when personal service was maintained; it must be entirely done away
with in that region. For this good object you will immediately give
official notice to the Indians who now pay their tributes in this
form; and whatever they are to pay shall be received from them in
produce that they possess and gather from their own lands, or in
money, as may seem the least oppressive and most convenient for the
Indians. For the same end, if any encomendero shall violate in any
manner any of the provisions of this clause, he shall incur the loss
of his encomienda; and any royal official who shall be guilty of this,
or of concealing it, shall be deprived of his office. At Aranjuez,
on the twenty-sixth of May, of one thousand six hundred and nine.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Juan de Civica; signed by the members of the Council.





_Proposal of Dominicans to found a college_

The King: To Don Juan de Silva, my governor and captain-general, and
the president and auditors of my royal Audiencia of the Philipinas
Islands: The bishop of Nueva Segovia wrote to me in a letter of June
20, 1606, that he and the former archbishop had discussed the founding
of a college there, where there could be as many as twenty collegiate
students of theology and the arts. For this purpose, before the death
of the archbishop, [49] he outlined a plan to purchase some buildings
near the convent of Santo Domingo, in which the college could be
established. In the mean time, while the work was being carried out,
or until I should otherwise decree, it should be administered by the
Order of Saint Dominic. In order to avoid certain difficulties, one
of the articles of foundation was that the writings of St. Thomas
should be read, as is done in the reformed universities; and the
income derived from the Indians was to be devoted to the support
of the collegians, the college being under obligation to attend to
the lawsuits and causes of the Indians, soliciting for them, and
making their petitions, and aiding the protector whom I had appointed
for them. The chairs were to be two, one of arts, and the other of
theology; and the professors were to be appointed by the archbishop
and the governor, one or two auditors of the Audiencia there, and the
provincials of orders whom I should approve. For the present, as it
is so good a work, the lectures were to be given by the incumbents
without remuneration, since it is certain that more austere orders
give instruction without it; and the degrees could be given as is
done in the convent of Santo Thomas de Avila, also of the Dominican
order. By this plan a university with its expenses may be dispensed
with, and dignity and assistance be conferred on that country. As I
wish to know from you what is your opinion on the subject, I command
you, when you shall have examined and considered it with attention,
to inform me in regard to the whole matter in great detail, so that,
having examined it, suitable measures and decrees can be provided. At
Segovia, July 29, 1609.

_I The King_

Countersigned by Juan de Civica; signed by the members of the Council.



Expeditions to the Province of Tuy

_Relation of the information that we possess regarding the province of
Tuy, and the wanderings of those who went to explore it, each singly;
and the condition in which the said exploration was left. What is
known of the characteristics of the said province, and the great
importance of completing the exploration of it all, and pacifying
and colonizing it, for the preaching of the holy gospel; of its
fertility and the excellent disposition of the people, of whom it
is understood that they will readily accept the holy Catholic faith,
because it has pleased God that the cursed sect of Mahoma, which is
being extended through this archipelago, has [not] yet arrived there_.


_Guido de Lavacares_. When Guido de Lavacares was governor of these
islands, he sent an expedition to explore this land, as he had learned
of a densely-populated and very fertile province eighty leguas from
the city of Manila, in the northern part of these islands. For this
exploration he sent Captain Chacon; but the latter managed the affair
so poorly that, after having covered half the distance and reached the
place called Bongavon, he returned to the city of Manila with his men,
under pretext of having no guides, without bringing any account.

_Doctor Santiago de Vera_. Doctor Santiago de Vera, who succeeded
to the said office, having been informed of the same region, sent
an Indian chief, named Don Dionisio Capolo, who is still living. He
gave the latter one hundred Indians for the said exploration. This
man returned after having gone sixty leguas from Manila--twenty more
than the former expedition--on the said exploration. He reported that
Indians of the country, his acquaintances, upon learning his errand,
advised him not to proceed farther, for the people whom he was going
to discover were numerous and warlike, and were hostile and would kill
him. And inasmuch as he had no order to fight, and had but few men,
he returned.

_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_. In the year one thousand five hundred and
ninety-one, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor of the said islands, sent
his son, Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas, with seventy or eighty Spanish
soldiers, and many Indian chiefs of La Pampanga, who were going with
their arms and men to serve with Don Luis, to explore the province
now called Tuy. The chiefs took more than one thousand four hundred
Indian bearers. Don Luis, having reached the river called Tuy, [50]
which is at the entrance of the said province, ordered a cross to be
made there on a tree, rendered thanks to God, and took possession,
in his Majesty's name, on the fifteenth of July of the said year. On
the sixteenth, after having told the inhabitants of that village,
which was called Tuy, that he came in order to make them friends of
the Castilians, and to have them render homage to his Majesty, so
that the latter might take them under his royal protection, and so
that they might be instructed in matters of the faith--for which he
[Don Luis] had brought religious; and after having given them a few
small articles, as pieces of cloth, garments, beads, and combs: they
accepted the situation, and promised to pay tribute and recognition in
due season. They swore peace after their own manner, which consisted
in Don Luis and another another--a chief, who spoke for all--each
taking an egg, and throwing the eggs to the ground at the same time;
they said together that just as those eggs had been broken, so they
would be broken, should they not fulfil their promises.

_Bantal; Bugay; Burat_. That same day, Don Luis summoned other
chiefs of the villages of Bantal, Bugay, and Burat, and after the same
ceremonies as on other occasions, ordered them, since they were friends
and vassals of his Majesty, to bring their wives (whom they had placed
in the mountains) to the villages. Although he so ordered them twice,
they declined, saying that they were keeping them in another village
in order to amuse them, and give them time to rest from the care of
their houses, and that it would be impossible to bring them at this
time. Another chief, named Tuy--after whom the province was thus named,
and who had not taken part in making peace--as soon as he knew this,
reproved the Indians severely for having made peace; and he caused them
to break it by hostilities. Don Luis also heard that a great number
of armed Indians were in the mountains. He attacked the trenches of
the fort built by a troop of Indians, who declared with loud boasting
that they desired no peace, even if the Spaniards were to go farther to
see other villages. The natives set fire to the village of Tuy itself,
which was totally burned, with the houses within the fort--although
all the means possible were exerted, and some soldiers risked their
lives--as the houses were all roofed with nipa and were built of wood,
compactly constructed and built, with their streets evenly laid out.

_A notable case_. All the village having been burned, together with
some houses near a cross, the latter did not catch fire on the front
side facing the street, but only at the back. And although the rattan
that fastened the arm of the cross was burned, the arm did not fall,
or destroy the shape of the cross. And while there was not a single
stick left unburned in the village, the fire did not leave mark or
stain on the front of the cross, but it retained the same color as
when set up. Alonso Vela, notary of the expedition, testified to the
truth of this.





_Tuy, sixty houses; Bantal, thirty houses; Burat y Buguey, with five
hundred houses_. Don Luis afterward arrived at three villages, one of
sixty houses, another of thirty, and the third of five hundred. There
were no people there, but he learned of two provinces, one called
Danglay and the other Guamangui; and that inhabitants of the above
villages had gone to join those of the said provinces, although before
that time they had been hostile to them.

The chiefs of Sicat, Barat, Tuy, Bugat, and Bantal begged pardon
of Don Luis for the past, promising peace and the payment of the
tribute in products of the land. They took oath according to another
custom--each chief taking a candle in his hand and Don Luis one in
his, and saying that so would he, who failed to keep his promise,
or who broke his promise in whole or in part, be consumed even as
that candle was consumed. Then they extinguished the candles, saying
that just as that candle expired and was consumed, just so would he
who broke his promise be slain and perish. Then the tribute for that
year was conceded to them, whereat they were very happy.

_Acknowledgment: Tuy; Sicat; Ybarat; Bugay; Bantal._ On July 29,
the village of Tuy paid its acknowledgment, consisting of seven
little trinkets of gold in the shape of necklaces; that of Sicat,
three maes of gold and two canutos of rice; Barat, six little gold
trinkets in the form of necklaces of the value of four maes, and two
canutos of rice; Bugay, thirteen small gold necklaces valued at eight
maes, a small string of beads, and two canutos of rice; Bantal, five
small gold necklaces valued at three maes, and two canutos of rice.

_Dangla Province_. On the thirty-first, Don Luis left Tuy, going
down the valley, following the course of the principal stream,
a large river, which at Cayan gives a passage to the province of
Dangla. The chiefs of the province came to see him, whom he informed
that the inhabitants of Tuy, Bantal, and other villages, accepted the
peace. They took the oath, with the ceremony of the egg, and rendered
acknowledgment in small gold necklaces of the value of eight maes,
and ten _bandines_.

_Japalan; Tugai; Bayaban; Balayan; Chiananen; Yabios; Bayalos; Banete;
Lamot; Bolos._ From the second of August until the eighth of the same
month, Don Luis remained in the villages of Japalan, Bugai, [_sic_],
Bayaban, Balayan, Chicananen, Yabios, Bayocos, Banete, Lamot, and
Bolo. The chiefs of these villages and the Indians rendered homage,
took the oath as the others had done, and gave as their recognition
small trinkets of gold necklaces, _cornerillas_ [cornerinas?], [51]
and other trifles. The Indians of Boloc alone seized their weapons
and fled to the open fields.

By the sixth or seventh of August, they had already consumed the
food that they had brought, and what they had seized at Tuy and
other villages; and they had seized some without paying for it, as
appears from the original. Don Luis reached three little hamlets, and,
calling an Indian, the latter told him that his chief was gone to make
peace with the Spaniards who were coming up the river; and that if
Spaniards came both up and down the river, they were to escape. Don
Luis saw also the old village of Yugan, which was then divided
among the three hamlets above, for they did not dare to live in the
village after killing seven Spaniards, who had come up the river from
Cagayan with assurances of safety. Don Luis returned to the hamlets,
and, after summoning the chiefs, four of them came. These, together
with some Indians, rendered homage, and promised to pay tribute;
and by way of acknowledgment, they pardoned the damage committed
by Don Luis in one of the hamlets. When they offered to ransom some
women and children who were in the camp, Don Luis gave these to the
Indians freely, so that they might understand that the Spaniards did
not come to harm them. The Indians swore, with the candle ceremony,
to remain obedient and to pay tribute. The province of Tuy, it seems,
ends at that place. On the ninth or tenth of August, Don Luis embarked
on the river of Tuy, which is the same river as Cagayan, otherwise
called Nueva Segovia. It appears that he did no more than the above.





_Relation of what Don Francisco de Mendoza did in the exploration of
the said province_.

_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_. At the beginning of August of the same
year, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas sent Don Francisco de Mendoca with
a troop of soldiers after Don Luis Dasmarinas, his son. Having
reached Tuy on the nineteenth of the said month, the chiefs gave
him a cordial reception, and he traded with them, especially with
one of the principal women. Thence, accompanied by this woman, and
other Indians of her village, who aided him in carrying the burdens
of his stores, he went to Bantal. There he found a cross erected,
and the inhabitants of the village drawn up near it with lance and
shield, as if about to offer him battle. He asked nothing from them,
and they gave nothing. He did not stop there. A chief went with Don
Francisco of his own accord to Buguey, where he found its inhabitants
stationed in the passes with the same preparation of arms. The people
making an effort to fool him with some bundles of grass, he begged
them for rice in return for money, but they refused him. He seized by
force two chiefs, and took them with him. These men, having seen the
injury done him by the inhabitants of Tuy, took it upon themselves
to guide the expedition to the hamlets where Don Luis had been before
going to Dangla. Don Francisco tried to get rice in Dangla, offering
to pay for it; but as they refused to sell it to him, he seized a
chief. He entertained this chief and his wife and had them sleep near
him. When morning came, the chief offered that if Don Francisco would
allow him to go to the village, he would bring him rice; but as soon
as he was at liberty he took flight, and had the village put under
arms. The inhabitants went out to meet Don Francisco armed with spear
and shield, so that he was obliged to fortify himself during one night,
as they insolently molested the Spaniards.

_Balabat; Pao; Palali; Lamot; Nacalan_. Don Francisco went to the
villages of Balabat and Pao. The two chiefs in his custody escaped
from him there. Thence he went to the village of Palilamot, which
he found under arms. From this latter place he went to the village
of Nacalan, which he found deserted. In that place he embarked in
certain small boats on Thursday, the twenty-ninth, and voyaged along
the river until the thirty-first of August. On that date he reached
three small villages, which he found deserted and their approaches
strewn with straw.

He reached some farms on the first of September, where Don Luis had
been, opposite Yugan. He offered several Indians pay to guide him,
but they refused. On the third of September, Don Francisco reached
a river, that of Cagayan. Embarking on it, he reached the settlement
of Purao, where he seized some supplies. On the sixth of September he
reached the presidio of San Pedro y San Pablo [St. Peter and St. Paul]
where he found some Spaniards from the province of Cagayan. Continuing
his voyage in search of Don Luis, along the said river, he reached
the city of Nueva Segovia. [52] It is understood that he was sent
from Manila to look for Don Luis, since throughout his journey he
proceeded on the road that he had taken, without stopping to attend
to anything pertaining to the exploration and pacification.





_Expedition made by Pedro Sid to the province of Tuy in the year 591_.

_Gomez Perez, November 16; Tuy._ In that same year of 91 Gomez Perez
Dasmarinas sent Pedro Sid and a number of soldiers to make explorations
additional to those made by Don Luis, his son. It appears that on
the sixteenth of November, he arrived opposite the settlement of Tuy,
near Bantal. He found that place deserted, but after he had informed
the inhabitants that he had not come to harm them, they returned to
their village. The chief of Tuy, accompanied by many other Indians,
went to his camp. He received them with much show of affection,
asking them whether they desired religious to instruct them in the
faith. They replied that they did not know what that was, but that the
Spaniards should do as they wished. Don Pedro had some bits of cloth,
bells, rings, needles, small strings of beads, and combs given to
them. When he asked if there were any other settlements, they replied
that there were several thickly-settled valleys back of a mountain
to the left. He told them that his Majesty wished no tribute for
the present, but only what recognition they were willing to make as
a sign of homage; and that they should settle and cultivate their
fields and grow their products, in order to have the wherewithal
to pay their tribute when it should be asked. They answered that
they would do so. When he asked them where they obtained the gold
that they possessed, they answered that they obtained it from the
villages of Yguat, Panuypui, and Bila, which were located behind a
range of mountains opposite them. The inhabitants there obtained it
from the village of Bayaban, located near the town of Yguat, close to
the Ygolotes, where the gold mines were situated, and where the gold
was traded. They gave as recognition two fowls and a small quantity
of rice, and very heartily bade Don Pedro farewell.

_Bantal, Marangui._ After this, chiefs came from Bantal and the village
of Marangui; and with them the former scenes were reenacted. They
gave as recognition some fowls, a little rice, and sugar-canes.

It appears also that chiefs came from Bugay, accompanied by other
Indians. After the same dealings with them as with the others, they
said that Pedro de Sid should be bled with them in order to make the
peace sure, and that each should drink the other's blood. This was
accordingly done, whereupon they gave as recognition a small string
of red beads, together with a little rice, gold, and a few fowls.

_Dungla._ It appears that Don Pedro went afterward to the village
of Dungla, where he was received by the chiefs and a number of
Indians. The same ceremonies were enacted with them as with those
above, and blood friendship was made. Their recognition was one cock,
three chickens, and rice.

_Pamut._ He also went to Pamut, where the same things occurred as
with the others, and he was bled with them.





_Palan; Pao; Balabat; Payta; Balavad; Yanil._ The inhabitants of the
villages of Palan, Pao, Balabat, and Paita did the same. They gave,
as recognition, hens, chickens, swine, and rice. It appears that
he shifted his course at the village of Balabad, and went up the
river. After half a day's journey he reached a village called Yanil,
which he explored anew. The Indians received him gladly, and declared
their pleasure at becoming acquainted with the Castilians. They
confirmed the peace by bleeding themselves as those above had done,
and gave as recognition two fowls and rice.

_Saguli._ On the afternoon of that same day, Don Pedro came upon
another village named Saguli, which is located in the same valley. The
chief and the Indians went out to meet him with expressions of their
joy at becoming acquainted with the Castilians. They made peace after
the manner of those above, and Don Pedro advanced the same arguments
with them as with the inhabitants of the above-named villages.

_Pintian._ Next day Don Pedro discovered the village of Pintian,
where the same proceedings occurred as with those above. They received
him gladly and gave as recognition, venison and sweet potatoes. He
took possession of that place and those above mentioned, as he had
rediscovered them.

After a four days' march through very rough roads, and without knowing
his bearings, Don Pedro reached the village of Ayubon, through which he
had passed on his way up. That place is located between the province
of La Pampanga and that of Tuy. There his expedition ended, on the
thirtieth of November of the said year 591. Don Luis Dasmarinas, Don
Francisco de Mendoza, and Pedro Sid made this exploration so hastily
that all three expeditions were made between July seven, five hundred
and ninety-one, and November 30 of the same year: for Don Luis began
his on the seventh of July of the above year, and finished it, and
left the said province on the eighth of August of the same year. Don
Francisco left on the sixth of August of the said year, and finished on
the sixth of September. Pedro Sid began his expedition on the fourth of
November, and finished on the thirtieth [of November] of the same year.





_Relation and treatise of Captain Toribio de Miranda's deeds in the
exploration and pacification of the said province of Tuy, in the
year 1594._

_Year 1594. Don Luis Dasmarinas._ By commission of Don Luis Perez
Dasmarinas, who became governor of the Filipinas upon the death of
his father, Gomez Perez, Captain Toribio de Miranda was sent in the
year 594 with eighty Spanish soldiers, four Franciscan religious, and
the necessary Indian bearers, to pacify and complete the exploration
of the province of Tuy. He reached the valley of Dumagui, which the
religious called Todos Santos ["All Saints"], near the village of
Guilaylay, which lies in front of Tuy, on the second of November. A
chief went to meet him, whom Captain Miranda received courteously,
and gave to understand the reason for his coming--namely, for their
good and protection; and told him that he had fathers to instruct them
in the faith. The captain gave him some small articles, and he gave
the captain two fowls and a sucking pig. He said that the settlement
consisted of forty houses, and went away happy.

_Anit; 70 houses._ That same day the captain reached the village of
Anit, which consisted of seventy houses. From the houses were hanging
the heads of people and animals. On being asked why they did that,
the people answered that it was their custom. The captain dealt with
the chief and Indians as with those above named. They said that they
would receive instruction, and three of them gave rice, a sucking pig,
and three chickens. They were quite satisfied.

_Bantal; Buguey._ The chiefs went to meet him, among them one
Ybarat. The captain gave them some presents, whereat they were
satisfied, and Ybarat promised him rice, but did not keep his word. The
captain built a fort, which he called San Jhoseph, and suspecting that
Ybarat was planning some treachery, seized him several days later, when
he came with a sucking pig and four jars of rice. On this occasion the
captain heard that the chiefs were waiting in the village of Buyguey
in order to kill the Spaniards. Chief Ybarat was so insolent that he
could not be induced to bring provisions either by requests or threats;
and, as our men lacked food, it was determined to go out to obtain
rice, by orderly means, among the Tanbobos; it was brought from the
village of Bantal and the fort was supplied. This was done without any
resistance, for the village was deserted. One of the principal women,
the mother of Chief Tuy, the friend of Don Luis, brought two baskets
of rice and two sucking pigs. The captain made much of her and gave
her several articles. Having told her that the fathers were coming
to give instruction in the faith, she was overjoyed. She told the
captain of a village called Tulan, whose inhabitants she declared to
be knaves and excellent archers. She visited the fathers, while in
the fort. The captain told Ybarat that he would set him at liberty,
if the latter's children would remain as hostages. As soon as their
father told them this his children said, with great humility, that they
would do as he ordered. The captain did the same with a chief who had
been arrested as a disturber of the peace. The latter gave his only
son, and the youth obeyed with cheerful face and great resolution,
remaining as prisoner in his father's stead. The captain ordered
another chief, who had been arrested, to do the same; but the latter
refused to give his son as hostage. Ybarat requested the captain to
free his children when he should fulfil his word, and the captain,
trusting his word, restored them to him.

On November 16, the captain reached the valley of Dangla. A chief with
his timaguas went out to meet him. The captain received him well and
said that he was coming to treat them well, and brought fathers to
instruct them in the faith, and told them to treat the fathers with
great respect. Chief Ybarat guided them, having done so because the
captain had gained his good-will. The captain asked them for some
provisions, to be supplied for pay and on the account of the future
tribute. They replied that they did not desire pay. They gave two
hogs and two baskets of rice. The first village which he reached was
called Agulan and consisted of eighty houses. It is to be noted that
many little boys and girls were observed in that village who wore
gold necklaces of as good quality as those of the Moros of Manila,
and good enough to be worn in Madrid. When they were asked where
they had obtained these, they replied, "From Balagbac," which was
the customary reply to all such questions.

The captain went to another village called Yrao, which consisted of
sixty houses, at a quarter-legua's distance from the former village. A
chief gave the Spaniards a cordial reception, and called himself
their friend. He said that he had not gone to visit them because of
sickness. They asked him for some rice, and he gave them three baskets
of it, and two hogs. In this town were seen chased gold necklaces,
and armlets reaching to the elbow, and anklets. Their earrings were
of fine gold.

Thence the captain went to the village of Palan. A chief and some
Indians went out to receive him and carried him a hog and rice. This
chief was Ybarat's brother-in-law. They asked, since the latter was
the friend of the Spaniards, why they also should not be friends of
our people. The captain presented them with some articles and asked
them for rice; and because they did not give it to him, seized it
and paid for it in cloth. That village had eighty houses.

_Tuguey; 112 houses._ The captain went from that village to the village
of Tuguey, crossing a lofty mountain to which the Spaniards gave the
name Altos de Santa Zicilia ["St. Cecilia's Peaks"]. Notwithstanding
the stout resistance of the Indians, the Spaniards entered the
village. The natives hearing the discharge of the arquebuses came to
make peace. They gave six baskets of rice and six sucking pigs. The
captain made the same statements to them as to those above, and they
were satisfied. The village has one hundred and twelve houses.

_Giarin; 40 houses._ Thence the captain went to the village of
Giaren. The inhabitants are excellent archers, and with their bows
and arrows tried to resist the Spaniards' entry. After forcing their
way into the village, the Spaniards assured them with friendly talk,
and gave the people some trifles, so that they lost their fear of
the Spaniards. The village contained forty houses.

_Pao; 40 houses_. The captain went thence to the village of Pao,
which contained forty houses. He used with them the same arguments
as with the others, and they gave two hogs and some rice.

_Balagbac, with 120 houses; another village, of 12 houses._ Thence
the captain went to the village of Balagbac, which consists of one
hundred houses. On the way he passed another of twelve houses, called
Bizinan, dependent on Balagbac. As he was passing that village, the
people shot some arrows at him from a thicket, and, in the camp, it
appeared that a Cagayan, who was acting as guide, was killed; but it
was not ascertained who killed him. The captain informed them of the
purpose of his expedition, and that he had fathers to instruct them
in the faith. He gave them some trinkets, and they gave rice and hogs,
and were satisfied.

Thence he went to the village of Paytan, which he found deserted. Three
Indians came with a little rice and a hog; and although he assured
them, so that they might call their people, they returned to the
village and their chiefs. Only one chief came, and the captain detained
him, to act as guide.

_Palali; Buya, with 30 houses; Batobalos; Apio, with 180 houses._
On the twenty-eighth of November, the captain went to the village
of Palali, which he found deserted. From that place four [_sic_]
other villages were seen: Buya, with thirty houses; Batobalos,
the population of which was not known; and Apio, with one hundred
and eighty houses. The Indians seemed to be much disturbed, and with
threats warned the Spaniards to depart from their country, since all
the valley was uniting in order to kill them, and that the Pogetes,
who are Indians in the more rugged parts of the mountain, had joined
the others. At that place, they killed an Indian guide with a volley
of arrows. This loss was felt deeply, for he had promised to show the
Spaniards the mines of Yguat. An extensive ambuscade was discovered,
whereupon the captain ordered a musket and four arquebuses to be
fired at the same moment. With this volley a great noise was heard,
and the people fled. From this point the captain returned to his fort
with all his men, for lack of guides, ammunition, and provisions, and
with some sick men. A guide informed him of certain villages located
in the mountain to the left, called Piat, Pulinguri, Malias, Ybana,
and Aplad. Their population is not known.

By the flight of Chief Ybarat, the captain feared lest he should go to
incite to rebellion the villages that he had left quiet behind. Going
to them, he found the inhabitants of the village of Balagbac in
insurrection, and that of Paytan deserted, while the village of Bugay
was also deserted. Upon reaching the fort, the captain found that
the said Ybarat was inciting the people of his village to assault the
fort; and those who were inside the fort were very fearful, and some
of them sick.

After the captain had provided some necessary things in the fort, he
made another sally and remained away for two days. During that time
he discovered certain very small villages among the mountains. On his
return to the fort, he captured Ybarat, and sent him to Manila. Don
Luis Dasmarinas had him feasted and delivered him to Don Dionizio
Capolo. After some days Don Luis visited Ybarat and those who
accompanied him, and then sent him back, well satisfied, to his own
country, in charge of the same Don Dionisio.

The captain again made a trip, to look for some mines that were
reported to be situated among those mountains, and a golden goat [53]
which people said that a chief had abandoned. It was all found to
be false. The captain requested permission from Don Luis to return,
as he was sick, although the friars had first made the same request,
notwithstanding that they had promised great perseverance at first.

In his place, Don Luis sent Captain Clavijo with orders to go on
farther in order to discover the mines of the Ygolotes. Although
that captain left the province of Tuy in search of the Ygolotes,
he turned back on the way, because he was assaulted by more than one
thousand Indians. The latter wounded his guide, Don Dionizio Capolo,
very severely in the face; and it is reported that the captain was
forced to return because he had no one to guide him. After his arrival
at the fort, it was determined that the entire camp should return to
Manila, as they had no provisions and the soldiers were sick, without
making any further efforts for the discovery of the Tuy Ygolotes.

In the year 607, when the Audiencia was governing, two chiefs of that
province [Tuy] came to the house of Don Dionisio. This man had been in
all the above expeditions, where he had served with great fidelity. He
took the two chiefs to the Audiencia and said that those chiefs were
coming to render homage to his Majesty, and wished to pay tribute,
and would make others come. This was regarded lightly, for the most
part, although the Audiencia took care to make much of them and to
feast them, in order to get news of their land from them. Finally
permission was granted to Don Dionisio to return with the chiefs to
their land, in order that they might bring in more Indians who might
wish to come. He accomplished this so well, that he brought seventeen
chiefs, whom he took to the Audiencia. These were received with the
same coldness as the two chiefs, and no more was given them, nor any
interest in them displayed. And inasmuch as a citizen encomendero
came with the report that those chiefs were peaceful and belonged to
his encomienda--which was a notorious falsehood, as they lived more
than forty leguas from his encomienda, and were hostile, as appeared
but a few days ago--this was sufficient completely to extinguish what
little interest the Audiencia had displayed in the matter.

In order that the prevarication of the encomendero may be understood,
it is to be noted that about one year ago, the inhabitants of the
encomienda of this man and other fellow-citizens of his attempted
to make an incursion into the land of these Tuy chiefs, under the
leadership of three Spaniards; but the inhabitants of Tuy attacked them
and killed more than one hundred, among whom were more than twenty
chiefs and the Spaniards. From that occurrence the encomendero's
falsehood is manifest, as well as the coldness and neglect of the
Audiencia, although not of all that body.

Don Dionizio attests that he has gone to the province of Tuy sometimes
with seven or eight Indians; and as they were acquainted with him
in the past, and knew that he had entertained Chief Ybarat, they
have received him very hospitably and entertained him. They request
him earnestly that some officer may go to protect them and receive
their submission to his Majesty, and for fathers to teach them. They
show by their deeds that they desire just what they say, for they
begged a servant of this chief to teach them the prayers and Christian
instruction. They learned these in the Tagal language and went to pray
before a cross raised by the same chief. It is reported that their
land is quite capable of sustaining the burden of the Ygolotes and
the Spaniards who should go there to discover and work the mines; and
would be of great service in the discovery of them and the pacification
of the mountaineers, because of their communication with the latter,
as the said province borders on the said Ygolotes. The land contains
many settlements and many level plains, while its rice is the best
that is grown in the Yndias.

The nature of that land is for the most part good. It is an upland
situated between two mountains, and is covered with grass, like
Castilla. There is abundance of water and trees; and there are many
valleys and broad, pleasant plains. It has many deer and carabaos,
or buffaloes. Sugarcane is grown, and produces abundantly, and it
attains a much larger growth than in other regions; and even, where
moisture is obtained, many trees grow. There are many bare mountains,
thought to be composed of minerals. The highest mountains are very
rugged. The region explored by those who have gone there hitherto has
been only the valley of Tuy, and part of the headwaters of the river
of the same name. This river becomes of great volume, and terminates
at the city of Nueva Segovia, or Cagayan. It contains numerous fish,
and the best ones that are found in the island of Luzon. This valley
and province are said to be forty leguas long, and end at the mountains
of the Ygolotes. Its width is unknown, except that it extends from
the province of Pangasinan to the sea, from which one may infer that
is a greater distance than the forty leguas.


_Relation of what has been known from old times, in these districts,
of the rich mines of the Ygolotes--both from seeing the great amount
of gold that the Indians of those mountains have extracted without
skill, and are still obtaining, and which they sell to the neighboring
provinces, and trade for food; and by persons (Spaniards as well as
Indians) who have been in the mines opened by those mountaineers._

First, it is to be taken for granted that they are located in the
mountains and ridges called Ygolotes, at somewhat less than eighteen
degrees of latitude; It is an upland situated between two mountains,
and is covered with grass, like Castilla. There is abundance of
water and trees; and there are many valleys and broad, pleasant
plains. It has many deer and carabaos, or buffaloes. Sugarcane is
grown, and produces abundantly, and it attains a much larger growth
than in other regions; and even, where moisture is obtained, many
trees grow. There are many bare mountains, thought to be composed of
minerals. The highest mountains are very rugged. The region explored
by those who have gone there hitherto has been only the valley of Tuy,
and part of the headwaters of the river of the same name. This river
becomes of great volume, and terminates at the city of Nueva Segovia,
or Cagayan. It contains numerous fish, and the best ones that are found
in the island of Luzon. This valley and province are said to be forty
leguas long, and end at the mountains of the Ygolotes. Its width is
unknown, except that it extends from the province of Pangasinan to
the sea, from which one may infer that is a greater distance than
the forty leguas.


_Relation of what has been known from old times, in these districts,
of the rich mines of the Ygolotes--both from seeing the great amount
of gold that the Indians of those mountains have extracted without
skill, and are still obtaining, and which they sell to the neighboring
provinces, and trade for food; and by persons (Spaniards as well as
Indians) who have been in the mines opened by those mountaineers._

First, it is to be taken for granted that they are located in the
mountains and ridges called Ygolotes, at somewhat less than eighteen
degrees of latitude; and as the land in itself is so lofty, it is cold,
although its inhabitants go naked except for some garments made from
the bark of trees. This region lies between the provinces of Cagayan,
Ylocos, Pangasinan, and Tuy. The people are light complexioned,
well-disposed, and intelligent. [54] It is reported that about
eighteen or twenty thousand Indians use lance and shield. They are
at war with their neighbors up to certain boundaries. Beyond those
boundaries those peoples trade with one another; for the Ygolotes
descend to certain towns of Pangasinan with their gold, and exchange
it for food--hogs, carabaos, and rice, taking the animals alive to
their own country. Until that food is consumed, or but a little time
before, they pay no heed to securing any gold. Then each man goes to
the mine assigned to him, and they get what they need, according to
what they intend to buy, and not any more. They are a people as void
of covetousness as this; for they say that they have it there at hand
for the times when they need it.

It is probable that the mines here are very numerous and rich; and
it is a well-known fact that for these many centuries the greatest
quantity of gold, and that of the finest quality, in these islands has
been and is still obtained there; and at the present time this industry
is as active as ever. Although gold is obtained in certain parts of
these islands, such as the island of Masbate, Catanduanes, Paracali,
and the Pintados, yet none of it is in such quantities as that here;
and this has been always, and now is the general opinion. Consequently
one cannot doubt that a great treasure could be secured with expert
men and the order to work those mines, since rude Indians, without
any skill except in washing, obtain so great a quantity. It is said
that one can obtain more gold in the rewashing of what the Indian
leaves than the latter obtains.

It is also said that the wealth of these mines lies in certain
mountains, in a district of four or five leguas in extent, and
included between two large rivers which flow into the province of
Pangasinan. The natives do not cultivate the land--for one reason,
because of its great sterility, and the lack of ground to cultivate;
and, on the other hand (which can more easily be believed), because,
confident in their gold mines, they have thereby sufficient to purchase
whatever they wish from Pangasinan, where the nearest abundant supply
of provisions is to be found. The richest and chiefest among them
is he who has more heads hanging in his house than the others; for
that is a sign that he has more food, and gives more banquets. These
mountains contain large pines, and other trees found in Castilla. Don
Luis Dasmarinas, as above stated in the relation of Captain Miranda,
sent Captain Clavijo to discover those mines; but he did nothing
therein, because his guide was wounded on the road.

It is not known that these people have as yet received any evil
religious sect. Accordingly they are pagans, and but little given
to pagan rites, at that. On the contrary they are very lukewarm in
their idolatry, and consequently it will be easy to inculcate in
them the holy Catholic faith, as they are a race uncorrupted with
pagan rites. One may greatly hope, with the divine aid, that their
souls will be stamped with the faith, like a clean tablet. The same
is said of the inhabitants of Tuy.

Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, former governor of these islands, sent Juan
Pacheco Maldonado to discover those mines. It was said of this man
that he was of little diligence and intelligence, and that he remained
two months amid those mountains, in which period he could not catch
a single Indian except only two women. At the end of that time,
he returned because his provisions were all consumed. He brought
a quantity of earth with him, which he declared to be from the
mines. A charlatan--who had been brought from Espana, at a salary of
one thousand ducados, as an assayer--having made the test, found no
gold in this earth. They say that the reason was, that he threw salt
into the mass that he was about to smelt; and that salt should not be
thrown into gold as is done in smelting silver. As then but few men
knew of that, they did not investigate this difficulty. That test was,
accordingly, worth nothing, since the experience of so many centuries
and that of the present prove that those mines contain quantities of
gold, most of it of twenty-two carats; for almost daily those Ygolotes
go to a village of the province of Pangasinan, as to an emporium,
to buy provisions in exchange. Of this one cannot doubt in the least.

This race and the inhabitants of Tuy, and those of many other
provinces and mountains, have a cruel, barbarous custom, which they
call "the cutting off of heads." This is quite usual among them,
and he is considered as most valiant who has cut off most heads in
the civil wars waged among themselves and with their neighbors. This
race are ruled by certain superiors whom they call "chiefs," who are
the arbiters of peace or war.

The above relations follow the fragments of certain old papers that
have been found, and the narratives of persons acquainted with these
matters. From them one can easily infer the lack of care among those
who have ruled the country, to know the truth concerning the Ygolotes;
but in no event would that have been work lost. On the contrary,
according to the opinion of many men who have lived a long time in
the country, it is regarded as very probable that a wealth of gold
would have been discovered, like the silver of Potosi. [55] The same
is true of Tuy, even if no other wealth should be attained beyond the
inestimable one of having reduced to the faith of Christ a province
so vast, and which is said to number more than 100,000 souls; that
would be a most lofty and divine work and one accompanied by great
temporal advantage.

After having reached this point in the present relation, I saw the men
who made the test of the earth brought from the Ygolotes. They were two
men sent by Joan Pacheco from Tuy to Don Gonzalo Ronquillo. They tried
to deceive the latter by bringing some bars of very fine gold, which
they said was taken from the mines which had been discovered. Some
doubt having been expressed at this, the governor had the metal or
earth pulverized in their presence, and had the said men make the
test. Being ignorant of that business, they did not obtain a grain
of gold. On being urged, they said that those bars had truly been
obtained from the Indians of the mines of the Ygolotes; accordingly,
they did not come from the earth that had been brought. Thereupon Juan
Pacheco came, without any clearer explanations, which sufficiently
demonstrates his lack of intelligence, since he was unable, in so
long a time, to catch any Indians in order to talk with them. If the
Indians descended to the plain daily, as they do at present, for food,
as would seem necessary, they could have caught many of them; for,
as above stated, the natives resort to Pangasinan, as to a market or
fair. Given in Passi, July three, one thousand six hundred and nine.

_Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_





_Relation of how Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, governor of the Philipinas,
heard that the province of Tuy was unexplored, which induced him to
undertake its exploration; and his authorization to his son, Don Luis
Perez, to make the said exploration._

Governor Gomez Perez Dasmarinas learned from certain religious of the
Order of St. Augustine that this island of Luzon, where is located
the capital of all the islands--namely, the city of Manila--was not
yet completely explored or conquered, as it was suspected that the
interior contained hostile and very valiant Indians; that the country
was exceedingly productive, temperate, and fertile, and contained many
cattle; that it was called the province of Tuy, and was contiguous on
one side, as was imagined, to the farthest territory of the Sanvales
[_i.e._, Zambales], and on the other to the source of the river flowing
to Cagayan. This last was one of the reasons why Cagayan had always
been hostile, and the Indians never weary of continuing the war; for
they went inland by way of the river--where, the Spaniards did not
know, beyond the fact that they were supplied from that region with
provisions and other things, which the Spaniards took from them, in
order to reduce them. When the governor asked the Spaniards the reason
for so much neglect--why, for twenty years, they had made no attempt
to go inland, since that was so important for the pacification of what
was discovered--they did not know what to answer, except that a certain
number of Spaniards had once ascended the Cagayan River, seven of whom
were captured by the Indians. Since then, they said, the ascent had
not been again attempted. The governor, having found that, although
he tried to obtain from the Spaniards more definite information of
the nature and characteristics of the said new land of Tuy, they were
unable to give him any account of the said province, tried to gain
information of that land by means of some of the natives. This he did
by sending two Indians thither with all secrecy. One of them only,
the more clever of the two, reported that beyond the farthest village
of the Sanbales toward the north, he had learned with certainty that
there were three or four villages of very well-disposed Indians,
and that the country was excellent. He recounted some details of it,
adding that he believed that the river of that province ended in
Cagayan. The governor realized the importance of the expedition from
this relation, and through two Indian women (by the medium of two
interpreters from that land); and saw that the sure pacification of
all Cagayan and of this island of Luzon, and the removal of errors
by ascertaining with certainty what it contained, depended on that
expedition. There was also reasonable ground, from the indications and
reports adduced, for expecting that there must be many undiscovered
Indian settlements. Accordingly he determined--although against the
advice of the Spaniards who had lived longest in the country, who
declared that the country was thoroughly explored and that there was
nothing else to explore in it--to send his son, Don Luis Dasmarinas,
thither to make the said new exploration of Tuy. The latter was to be
accompanied by the captain and sargento-mayor, Juan Xuarez Gallinato,
Captain Don Alonso de Sotomayor, and Captain Cristoval de Asqueta
(all old residents), and seventy soldiers, most of whom the governor
had brought new with him from Espana, besides certain of the governor's
servants and some other soldiers who had been here in the country. The
said Don Luis was accompanied also by two fathers, religious of the
Order of St. Augustine, for the greater justification both of the
expedition and of the mildness with which he was to proceed. One was
the definitor, Fray Diego Gutierrez, and the other, Fray Mateo de
Peralta. Juan de Argumedo, and even many soldiers and others, private
persons, who came to the governor to ask permission to go with his
son, accompanied Don Luis halfway, but halted in La Pampanga, as they
did not appear to be needed. To these latter the governor refused the
permission, although very much pleased at seeing so great willingness
and readiness in all of them to follow his son, and to take part in
this or in any other expedition that might offer, and which for lack
of system and resolute action could not be continued throughout, as
was fitting, according to the arrangement and outcome of affairs. The
title of lieutenant to the captain-general was given to the said Don
Luis, with the following orders and instructions. He was instructed
especially to tell his father in detail all that should happen.

_Warrant of Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas for the exploration of the
province of Tuy._

Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, etc. Inasmuch as I have been informed by the
relations of persons of credit that about three days' journey from
Mungabo, a village of La Pampanga, lies a densely-settled district,
very fertile and prosperous, called Tuy, which extends to the confines
of the province of Cagayan; and although many things have been told
of it and of its vast population, no exploration has as yet been
made therein, nor has possession been taken of it in his Majesty's
name; and although his Majesty's royal and holy intention is the
preaching of the holy gospel; and since--so that these nations may
learn of the true God, and be saved by means of our holy Catholic
faith--it is advisable to explore and colonize the said province,
and establish therein the holy Catholic faith and obedience to his
Majesty, for which it is necessary to send religious to preach the
law of God and the Christian doctrine, and soldiers to accompany
and protect the religious: Therefore, by this present, I order my
son, Don Luis Dasmarinas, hereby appointed by me as lieutenant of
the captain-general in this camp, to undertake the exploration,
entrance, and new pacification of the said province and district of
Tuy accompanied by the said fathers, religious of the said Order of
St. Augustine, and those soldiers who will be assigned to him. He shall
fulfil and observe the instructions that shall be given him with this
my order, in the expedition and exploration. For all the above and for
all annexed and pertaining to it, I grant him authority and power in
due legal form, and as I possess and hold it from his Majesty. Given
at Manila, July three, one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.

_Gomez Perez Dasmarinas_

By the governor's order:   _Juan de Cuellar_


_Instructions for this expedition given by Gomez Perez Dasmarinas to
his son._

Granting that one of the reasons for the hatred and hostility of the
Indians toward us is the collection of tributes, especially when it is
not accomplished with suitable mildness and moderation, this question
shall by no means be discussed with them in the beginning. Rather,
if the Indians should be fearful of what should be collected from
them, and should place obstacles in the way of their reduction and our
principal end, that of their conversion, good hopes shall be offered
them that all satisfaction shall be accorded them in this matter,
and that the tribute shall be only what they choose to give.

2. You shall under no consideration allow any soldier to seize any
gold or any other article of value from any Indian, in case that any
of the said Indians should flee through fear or any other reason, and
abandon their gold or other property to the power of the soldiers. It
shall immediately be sent to its owner, to show them, as above stated,
that the expedition is not being made there for their gold. On the
contrary, you shall endeavor, before the Indians, to attach very
slight importance to gold, alleging that it has but little value and
esteem among us. In all the above, and in whatever else may come to
your notice, you shall always govern yourself by, and conform as far
as possible to, the opinion of the undersigned members of the council
of war. You shall endeavor to direct everything that you do with the
great energy and resolution that can and should be expected from your
wisdom and prudence. In all things you shall regard the service of
God and that of the king our sovereign.

3. Rivers, so far as possible, shall be crossed only on well-made
rafts, and without any danger to the soldiers or overturning them in
the water.

4. On entering the country, possession of it shall be taken by notarial
attestation in his Majesty's name. The summons and protests made
shall be made through an interpreter, and by the religious fathers,
and by those others whom you deem most moderate.

5. As soon as you shall have come in sight of the district that you
are to seek, you shall send your message and protests, with show of
great love and moderation, so that the natives will admit our trade and
friendship, as above stated. You shall under no consideration permit
any soldier to violate any woman, or to offer to either mother or
daughter any uncivil or rough treatment. Rather you shall see that no
ill-treatment, or offenses to God, occur. You shall give the natives
some silks or gifts of slight value, which will be highly esteemed
among the Indians, and which will be a partial way of making them
understand that we do not go there only for their property, but in
order to give them ours, so that they will admit our friendship and
trade, which is beneficial to them.

6. You shall appoint what governor and other officials you deem
necessary in that district that shall render homage to his Majesty. You
may leave there some Spaniards, if you think that they will remain
with safety. This is left to your judgment.

7 If the natives will give the tribute peacefully, and without trouble
and willingly, you shall assign them the usual tribute ordered to
be collected by his Majesty, namely, ten reals. You shall send a
census of the people, and a description and plan of their location,
and a relation of the special features of the district, together with
the nature of ports, rivers, grain-fields, and any products that may
be mentioned.


_Title of lieutenant of the captain-general of Don [Luis] of the camp
of the Philipinas._

From the same document it appears that Gomez Perez Dasmarinas appointed
his son, Don Luis, as his lieutenant of the captain-general, two
days before, in order to send him with authority on this expedition,
as appears from the title itself, dated July first, one thousand five
hundred and ninety-one, and which was drawn before Juan de Cuellar,
government notary. The writ for it does not accompany the present,
because of its prolixity.


_The villages reporting gold from the Ygolotes_

Although not stated in the relation, for the sake of brevity, the
natives were asked from how many villages they obtained the gold
that they paid as a recognition, and deposited. They replied that
it was obtained from one village in the mountains of the Ygolotes,
where gold was bartered; and that there were thirteen villages. This
is to be noted so that one may understand how widespread everywhere,
and among people that we do not know, is the knowledge of gold mines
among the Ygolotes.

_Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_

_Additional conditions and stipulations in regard to the conquest and
pacification of the province of Tuy, and the discovery of the mines
of the Ygolotes._

Most potent Sir:

Inasmuch as the conditions contained in the present paper, additional
to those which were given over our signatures in a former paper, seem
to us advisable and necessary, in order that the end desired in the
conquest and pacification of the province of Tuy and the mountains
of Ygolotes may be better attained, and his Majesty better served,
we add these others.

1. First, inasmuch as many clauses of the first conditions entreat
his Majesty to order the governor and captain-general, the Audiencia,
and the royal officials, to observe, and that exactly, the requirements
therein set forth; and inasmuch as by not doing so, the pacification
and exploration will not be obtained without the imposition of a
larger fine; and inasmuch as it is advisable to prevent mischief,
when the remedy is so remote: in order that no occasion may be taken
from this, as some ill-intentioned persons desire, to discontinue the
pacification and exploration, it is advisable to impose a large fine
on each and all who do not observe it, with the injunction that his
Majesty will also consider such conduct as displeasing to himself.

2. _Item_: That all the officers and soldiers engaged in this conquest,
either on pay or as volunteers, who had while in Manila any right to
receive a share in the lading, [56] shall retain and preserve that
right while engaged in the said conquest. To the volunteers--whether
married or single, without distinction--shall be given [space therein]
to him who has no capital, at least one _pieza_; and to him who has
capital, in proportion to that capital, and to his length of residence
here. Thus many may be induced by this _pieza_ to take service,
who otherwise would not serve, but would be wandering about idly,
and gambling, to the corruption of the community.

3. _Item_: Inasmuch as the envy of two or three men, who try, by means
of trickery, to prevent and thwart any affair or action of another, is
very usual and well known in this country; and it is to be presumed of
these men that they will not, even if they can, pardon this conquest;
and as they say slyly that the share of the citizens in the cargo
may be so large that there is no one who can buy any of the tonnage,
or use other artful means, or say that at least the tonnage must be
sold cheaply, at less than fifty pesos a share--in order that, as the
proceeds therefrom will be slight, the conquest and exploration might
not be made: to correct the above, it is necessary to ordain that no
one, under heavy penalties, can sell the piezas granted to him until
the eighty toneladas are sold--which are given them, in accordance
with the royal decrees, not to be sold, but for export purposes. We
might make public by proclamations, public criers, or edicts, the
provisions regarding this matter, and order the officials who regulate
the cargo not to lade any pieza without certification by the receiver
of the freight, of what one shall have sold, given, or transferred
to another in any way, under penalty of losing his office as manager
of the cargo, and one hundred pesos' fine for each pieza thus laded.

4. _Item_: In order that volunteers may be induced to serve on this
occasion, a moderate ration of rice and wine shall be given them
from that bought with the money received for the tonnage. This is
a matter of slight importance, since in a whole year, even if there
be a hundred and fifty volunteers [_aventureros_], the sum does not
amount to one thousand five hundred pesos.

5. _Item_: That we may build the forts and fortresses of stone, or
wood, as was determined by the council of war, or sun-dried mud bricks,
for the preservation and defense of what is obtained from the price
of the tonnage, or from the tributarios that shall have been pacified
in the said province and mountains of Ygolotes, measures for this
purpose being taken by three councils of war on different days. That
we be authorized to appoint wardens, their deputies, and the other
necessary officers in order to govern, defend, and faithfully guard
the said forts and fortresses in the name of his Majesty, together
with what garrison soldiers are necessary--to whom we may assign pay
in proportion to the importance of the stronghold, after consultation
with the council of war. The pay of these shall be a charge on the
royal treasury, and be paid on their presentation of their title and
appointment as wardens, assistants, and other officers and soldiers.

6. _Item_: That if, in the opinion of the council of war, it should
be necessary for the service of the camp to appoint other needful
officers, besides those specified in the other conditions, we be
authorized to do so, assigning to them the adequate pay from the money
received for the tonnage; and, if there is no money in that fund,
from the royal tributes of the conquered country.

7. _Item_: That, if there be any good result, such that it is worth
while to advise his Majesty of it, we be authorized to send it by
way of the sea of the said provinces--that is, the sea by which
the voyage is made to Nueva Espana--without being obliged to have
recourse to the governor and Audiencia. This is to be done at the
cost of the royal treasury, taken from what is conquered, or from the
money received for the tonnage; because, as that region is more than
one hundred leguas distant from Manila by land, and it is necessary
to guard against the tardy despatch that is usually made, and the
later necessity of sailing among islands for another hundred leguas,
which is the most dangerous navigation between these islands and
Nueva Espana. In that course the ship "Santiago," and another vessel
that came with advices from Nueva Espana, were wrecked last year. On
the other hand, the coasts of Tuy and Ygolotes are the most advanced
points toward Espana, so that he who sails thence will be halfway on
his journey before he who sails from Manila has reached the open sea.

8. _Item_: That, if, by our care and diligence, we allure the chiefs
of the Yogolotes together with the other chiefs by means of presents,
kind words, and mild treatment, to descend to the plain, or to live
quietly in settlements in their natural habitat, submissive to his
Majesty, paying their tribute, and abandoning the barbarities that
they have been wont to practice on their own children and those
of the lowlands; and if they accept the faith and are quiet and
pacified: we receive permission to distribute and apportion them in
encomiendas--assigning one-third to the royal treasury, and another
third to the soldiers engaged in the conquest, while we be awarded
the remaining third as our exclusive property; for the Indians will
be few, and reduced after many days and great toil.

9. _Item_: That we beseech his Majesty to concede this favor to
us, that we pay the tenth of the gold obtained from the mines to
be worked by our order, instead of the fifth. The same is to be
understood in regard to the mines of silver, quicksilver, and lead
that shall be discovered and worked by our order; and that in all
mines we be excused from clause 31, law 5, title 13, book 6, of the
_Recopilacion_, [57] so that we may have more than two mines in one
vein, if there is only a slight space between the different mines,
in order to keep the measure of one mine.

_Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_


_Additional conditions and notifications in regard to the conquest,
pacification, and exploration of the province of Tuy and Ygolotes._

In the last or next to last of the former conditions we make two
statements: one, that it is unnecessary to wait for advice or
investigations from here, for the reasons and causes assigned in
the condition; the second, that an answer must be given us as to
the acceptance of our offer, in the same year when our despatches
are received, and by the first advice-boat; and if this shall not
be done immediately, then we shall be free from all obligations. It
remains to answer the silent criticism that may be opposed to each
statement: to the first, that it seems a senseless thing for us to
proceed according to our own judgment, without ascertaining whether it
is advisable or not and that there are others who may make a better
contract; and to the second, that our offer may be solely to fulfil
appearances and not real.

1. In regard to the first, we reply that it has already been determined
to be advantageous to make the said conquest, pacification, and
exploration, by what each of the governors, as declared in the
relation, tried to do during his administration, and what was
lastly and courageously determined by the great governor, Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas, to whom the Spaniards now living in these islands
owe their lives. He undertook the exploration of the province of
Tuy, and held the same in great esteem, since he entrusted it to
no less than the person and valor of his only son, Don Luis Perez
Dasmarinas, sending with him the best captains of this camp and
Sargento-mayor Juan Xuares Gallinato. He was moved by the reasons
given in the first chapter of the relation of this conquest,
the literal copy of which accompanies these conditions, as it is
believed that no advice can be given his Majesty or your Highness
that will be as forcible as this. The importance of the matter is
superlative; and it is all the more advisable to undertake it, as
that was done by a most truthful knight and one most zealous for
the service of God and of his Majesty. And it is quite well known,
as is said unanimously by all this community, that it was seen and
could well be believed that, had not death taken him so suddenly, he
would have finished the conquest. Lastly, Don Luis Perez Dasmarinas,
who became governor at his father's death, followed in his footsteps;
and desiring to enjoy and attain what his father had himself begun to
discover, sent Captain Miranda. Although the latter exerted himself,
yet he did it without any system. If he had had the discernment and
sound judgment necessary for the permanent pacification of the lands
explored, he would have remained there with the soldiers working thus
night and day and through rain and wind; but at the very best time,
he had to abandon all. Then, touching the mines of the Ygolotes,
this serves also as a good relation, for the news of them that both
Don Gonzalo Ronquillo and Don Luis Dasmarinas had received obliged
each one to make his greatest efforts; and the knowledge of those
mines was widespread, both among barbarians and Spaniards.

As to the opinion that this should not be done at the cost of the
royal treasury, as the former expeditions were made, we believe
that it cannot be done more mildly and without prejudice to a third
party, and it is better to do it at the expense of this commonwealth;
for this year the community has allowed, without any remonstrance,
the owner of a small vessel to lade, for the freight-charges, eighty
toneladas for whomsoever he wished, besides the tonnage allotted to
the citizens. Consequently it may be believed that the community will
not object to applying the freight money to this conquest; but rather
that it will be done to the great satisfaction of all the public,
if no other burden is imposed, as in the past.

Then in regard to there being some person who would accomplish this
enterprise more advantageously by loading upon his own shoulders a
so heavy burden, there is the risk of his having to keep it for these
four or five years without any greater profit than the ordinary pay.

The emoluments, gains, and advantages to be derived from the enterprise
are very large. It seems very probable if it be not done in any
other way, or through us, it can be done only by those occupying the
positions that we now fill. For as regards the position of auditor,
the person appointed to the charge of the mountains [_montaraz_]
could serve in that capacity [_i.e._, as auditor], (although with
great inconvenience), in the labors of both peace and war, and can
remain quietly at home. But he cannot do that, except with great zeal
for the service of both majesties. As for the position of captain
of this camp, it can serve on this occasion, thus relieving the
royal treasury of his pay and of that of all the company--which,
agreeably to the stipulations, has to be paid from money received
for the eighty toneladas. In regard to our persons we shall be ready
for it, and trust that the divine Majesty, who placed this thought
in our hearts, will give us the needful ability--to one to counsel,
aid, and govern, since the pen never blunts the spear; and to the
other to execute with valor and courage what is most fit for these
states. And it is to be expected of him that he will do it well,
since, before he was twenty years of age, God made him once alferez
and twice captain, more by reason of his ability than of his being the
son of his father. From the age of twenty-three he must have been very
capable for any occasion. Hence, we believe, after considering these
reasons thoroughly, that no further reports or relations are needed,
and that we are not unreasonable in asking that answer be made to
us without awaiting them--especially since they are so dangerous in
this country, where the zeal for God's service and that of his Majesty
and the public welfare is so lukewarm, and self-interest so strong. A
further consideration is, that serious harm to the conversion of those
people may result from delay; for those people are very indifferent,
and the accursed sect of Mahoma is gaining a foothold among them. This
sect is spreading throughout this archipelago like a pest, and once
established, as it is so contagious, it will be, in order to eradicate
it, more difficult to convert ten Moros than to reduce a thousand
pagans. Likewise touching the service to be performed by Doctor de
la Vega, ordering him to do it would result in loss, because from
sixty years on, every man weighs more than he did before that age;
and it is not good for him to ascend and descend mountains, even with
the aid of another's feet.

2. Touching the second point, that reply must be made to us whether or
not our offer be accepted, in the same year when the despatches are
received, where we are not free. Replying to that, we may contradict
the opinion that in requesting an answer to so serious a matter in
so short a time, our offer is more apparent than real. We declare,
Sir, that we are going on the supposition that the relations which
were sent to his Majesty and to your Highness are truth itself,
and were made by persons who have seen what they relate, according
to the papers which have been found, the summary of which composes
the relation which is being sent there. I believe that those of
Gomez Perez and his son, and common tradition must be as fresh in
the minds of people as if their expeditions were taking place, and
that these were true reports of those former governors; and that
they proceeded with so great zeal, that their zeal served to make
us determine to thank them by responding. But this, forsooth, must
furnish opportunity for entertaining so sinister a suspicion, that
we are offering what we do not intend to fulfil in one, two, or three
years, and what would be of most service to his Majesty--although it
is of great importance to consider that any delay in the conversion
of those souls means great loss, especially if meanwhile one should
succeed in binding them more closely together.

3. Inasmuch as there might occur some uncertainty and strife among
those encomenderos possessing encomiendas within the boundaries of
La Pampanga, Canbales, Pangasinan, Ylocos, and Cagayan, in order to
avoid these it is advisable to state definitely the points where the
province of Tui begins and ends, in every direction, that a specific
declaration may be made of the boundaries; and in case that anyone
should have been entered on the list without any warrant, or with a
greater number of natives than had been assigned to him, or should
he not have pacified or instructed the greater number of the natives
that belong to him by his title, a statement of what he ought to do
shall be made.

In respect to the first the province of Tuy commences, as the
documents state, and as Gomez Perez Dasmarinas declares, as one goes
from La Pampanga to the said province from the end of the Canbales
to the beginning of the Tui River; thence following its course to the
villages of Datan, Lamot, and Duli to the end of the province of Tui,
and the commencement of that of Cagayan; and, cutting this line, by
a cross-line from the end of the province of Pangasinan to the sea,
on the coast opposite Manila.

As to the second, the encomiendas which shall be within the confines of
the said province and shall have any part in the province of Tuy--that
the encomenderos retain what they have thus far held and collected
by the register, quietly and peacefully, without exceeding the number
of natives assigned to them; and in such case they may remain in the
province of Tuy and be distributed according to the conditions and
agreements. In case that any one's concession and title indicate a
greater number of natives than he possesses, he must keep only those
whom he himself has conquered, pacified, and had instructed, and no
more; for it is not right that he enjoy those who were hostile when
the concession was given him, those conquered or instructed here
later, if others have shed their blood in the conquest of these,
and they have been won at his Majesty's expense.

4. _Item_: We believe that the condition stated in the first clause of
the first [agreement] can be emended, granting that authority is to be
given to Doctor de la Vega to be able to appoint the alcaldes-mayor
of the provinces of Cagayan, Ylocos, and Pangasinan, and take their
residencias. This gave opportunity to the governor to complain that,
inasmuch as none of this pertained to Doctor de la Vega, a part of his
[the governor's] office was being taken from him. This was necessary
for the proper accomplishment of his Majesty's service; but in order
not to give any occasion for ill-feeling in the other affairs that will
arise daily with the governor, it seems a sufficient remedy to give
the said Doctor de la Vega commission, so that these alcaldes-mayor
be subordinate to him, as all the justices in the adelantamientos
[58] of Castilla [are subordinate]. Also the said Doctor de la Vega
and his deputies should be authorized to try the causes, as stated in
the first clause herein cited of the first conditions, leaving their
appointment and the taking of their residencias to the governor,
or to whom that may pertain; and the said Doctor de la Vega should
have full power, in case that they do not exactly fulfil any orders
sent them, to punish them, and to execute upon them the penalties
to which he shall condemn them, even to suspension or exile. For
if they know that that can be done, they will act more carefully,
in order to give no occasion for such action.

By decree of his Majesty, it is ordained that the inhabitants of this
city may export the products of the country without formal allotment
in the lading. We beseech his Majesty to be pleased to allow the
cakes of wax possessed by the volunteer soldiers who shall go to
serve and who actually do serve in this expedition, to be exported;
and that our certification and that of each one be sufficient for
the official laders to stow it in the vessels as soon as they, or
anyone in their name, may arrive, under severe penalties. The same
we beseech for the piezas of the cargo which should be given to them,
when it shall likewise appear, by certification, that they are engaged
in this expedition.

_Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega_



Petition of a Filipino Chief for Redress


Sire:

In former years the archbishop of these Philipinas Islands, on petition
of the natives of the village of Quiapo, which is near this city of
Manila, wrote to your Majesty, informing you that the fathers of the
Society of Jesus--under pretext that the former dean of this holy
church of Manila, whom your Majesty has lately appointed archbishop,
[59] had sold them a garden lying back of our village--have been
insinuating themselves more and more into our lands and taking more
than what was assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcely
any land remaining in the village for our fields, and even for our
houses. The petition begged your royal Majesty to remedy this and
protect us under your royal clemency, since we are Indians, who cannot
defend ourselves by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would be
a matter with a religious order. Your royal Majesty, as so Catholic
and most Christian, sent a command to the royal Audiencia resident in
these islands to gather information of the details of this matter,
and to redress it, and not allow injuries to be inflicted on us. We
have heard that the royal Audiencia has advised your Majesty; but
we do not know what they have advised, for nothing was told us. Now
this present year, I, who am the chief, and claim that the lands which
are in dispute with the fathers are of greater extent, built a house
in my fields. One of the fathers [_i.e._, Jesuits], named Brother
Nieto, came with a numerous following of negroes and Indians, armed
with halberds and catans; and of his own accord, and with absolute
authority, razed my house to the ground. This caused great scandal to
those who saw a religious armed for the purpose of destroying the house
of a poor Indian--although, after seeing his intention to seize all my
property and bind me, I did not raise my eyes to behold him angered,
because of the respect that I know is due the ministers who teach us
the law of God. Although the alcalde-mayor of our village (namely,
the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves) was angry, as was proper, at the
little attention they paid to the royal justice of your Majesty and of
your servants; and went immediately on that same day to the destroyed
house, and did not leave the village until he knew that another small
house had been rebuilt for me in place of the one destroyed--yet, as
all the fathers had threatened me that, as often as I should build
a house there, they would return to raze or burn it (and this they
have declared before the alcalde-mayor himself and the canon Talavera,
our minister), and as I am a poor Indian, I fear the power of the said
fathers. For I fear that I can find no one to aid me in the suits that
the fathers are about to begin against me, or who will appear for
my justice, since I have even been unable to find anyone who dared
to write this letter for me. This letter is therefore written by my
own hand and in my own composition, and in the style of an Indian
not well versed in the Spanish language. But I confide my cause to
your royal Majesty's great kindness, and, prostrate at your Majesty's
royal feet, implore you to protect me with your royal protection, by
ordering the royal Audiencia and the archbishop to inform your royal
Majesty anew, and to summon me in order that I may inform them of my
claims to justice. Also in the meanwhile will you order the fathers
not to molest me in the ancient possession that I have inherited from
my fathers and grandfathers, who were chiefs of the said village. I
trust in the royal clemency and exceedingly great Christian spirit of
your Majesty that I shall be protected and defended in what should
have justice. This I petition from your royal person, whom may our
Lord preserve during many happy years, for the protection of these
poor Indians, your Majesty's loyal vassals, and for the increase of
this new Christian community. From Quiapo; July 25, 1609.

The useless slave of your royal Majesty,

_Don Miguel Banal_

[_Endorsed_: "Have the governor and the Audiencia investigate, and
in the meanwhile provide suitable measures."]



Despatch of Missionaries to the Philippines


_Information by father Fray Diego Aduarte, concerning the journey
that he made in the year 1605 from Spana to the Philipinas, with 38
religious of his order; and, further, that made by father Fray Gabriel
de San Antonio in the year 1008; and, further, what is necessary that
there should not be failures in such journeys_.

By command of Senor Don Luis de Belasco, viceroy of this country
of Nueva Spana, in compliance with a clause of a letter from his
Majesty--whereby he was commanded to advise his Majesty of the
religious who, going under his orders to the Philipinas, have remained
here, and what was the occasion of it; and in particular of those who
remained of my company, two years ago--I, Diego Aduarte, declare as
follows, having come as his vicar; and I call God to witness that in
all I tell the truth.

In the month of July of 1605 I sailed from Spana, with thirty-eight
religious of my order, whom I was empowered by his Majesty's decrees
to convey thither; and none were lacking. Among these there were only
four lay brethren; and of the rest, who were priests (they being the
majority), all except one were preachers and confessors; and those who
were not such had studied sufficiently to be ordained as priests for
mass--as all of them now are, and actual ministers, who preach and
hear confessions in various languages which they have learned, much
to the service of God and the increase of His church. I arrived in
this country of Nueva Spana with all the said thirty-eight religious,
where two of my priests died. One of them was named Fray Dionisio
de Rueda, who had come from Valencia, of which he was a native;
the other, Fray Pablo Colmenero, who came from Salamanca, and was
a native of Galicia. [60] Both of them were religious of excellent
abilities. I embarked at the port of Acapulco for the Philipinas,
with only twenty-eight. Although it is true that at the time of
embarkation some nine were absent, who had not yet arrived at the
port, yet even if they had arrived they could in no wise have been
embarked; for the ship which was given me was very small, and had
accommodations for no more than twelve friars at the most. So true
is this, that the treasurer of his Majesty of this City Of Mexico,
one Birbiesca, who was then at the port to despatch the ships by
command of the Marques de Montesclaros, told me not to embark more
than twelve. This I swear to be true _in verbo sacerdotis_. I left
in that very port several religious, with permission and order to
return to Mexico until they could go to the Philipinas; and I was
many times sorry for those whom I had embarked, on account of the
poor accommodations that we had. Four of them died at sea, between
here and the Philipinas (three of these being priests, and the other
not), all of them being friars from whom much was hoped. I have made
information of all this before the notary of the ship itself (who was
called Francisco de Vidaurre), with witnesses who were aboard--which,
with the favor of God, I myself shall take to Espana, as I am now on
the way there. This was in the year of 1606.

The very next year two religious of my company--priests, confessors,
and preachers, Fray Jacinto Orfanel and Fray Joseph de San
Jacinto--went to the Philipinas with Don Rodrigo de Mendoza, nephew
of the marques, who was commander for two patajes; and this year, 608,
I sent four others of the same qualifications with the lord governor,
Don Rodrigo de Bibero.

Thus of all my company, except six who have died, only one has failed
to go to the Philippinas. To this one, I confess, I gave permission
to remain; and he is at present in the province of Oaxaca as minister
and interpreter, and so has not been obtained for it unfairly, since
religious go from Spana to this province also at the cost of the
royal exchequer. It was at the time expedient and even necessary
to give the permission; and if his Majesty should try to tie the
hands of him who takes the religious in charge, in this matter, it
would be the occasion of many grave injuries to his royal service,
and still more to that of God, for the new church in the Philippinas
can be entrusted only to ministers with the apostolic spirit. For,
in order to persuade to the faith, the lack of miracles must be
made good by the life of the minister, which, when apostolic, is
so much the more a power, as the ability to work miracles is less;
for the force of example, and that of miracles which the apostles
had to convert the world then, must now be contained in the life of
the minister. In truth this is more important for the heathen than
are miracles, if it be what it ought. But it is impossible for the
superior who takes them in his charge to become acquainted with them
before he engages them, as there is no opportunity for that in Spana,
or hardly even to know their names; for after procuring his decrees at
court, almost all his time is necessary, up to the embarkation, to get
his ship-supplies in Sevilla and set affairs in order there. And if
he must go about seeking religious in one house and another, through
all Castilla and Aragon, as far as Barcelona, how can he have time to
become gradually acquainted with them, as he should do? Although it is
true that, if he supplies religious to this country by his authority,
when he has become acquainted with them, it is a loss to the royal
exchequer, to the amount that he has spent for them without carrying
out his Majesty's intentions; yet, if they should go on farther,
that purpose would be much less successful, and the expenses would
be greater. It is less harmful to spend some money ill, than a great
deal to the loss, perhaps, of souls, whose welfare is the object
of these expenditures. In the government of man, to attempt to flee
from difficulties is the greatest hindrance of all; accordingly, the
difficulties that may be encountered in this matter can best be avoided
by not entrusting this work to anyone except some very trustworthy
religious; then his Majesty, being thoroughly informed in regard to
him, can place entire confidence in him. For as he must do this with
men in his royal service, there is no reason why he should not do as
much here, for his agent is a priest and a religious, with greater
obligations to keep his conscience pure than has a secular minister;
nor is he ignorant of the fidelity which he owes his king and lord,
and how great a sin it would be against justice, and what obligation
there would be for restitution of money ill spent. The truth is that
anyone to whom his Majesty entrusts this could, if he did not proceed
with great exactness, very legitimately excuse himself by saying that
what was ordered to be given him for the despatch is not enough,
by far, and so he is spending on a few what is given him for the
many; since it is hardly enough for even the few--having recourse,
for the external forum, to equivocal answers. It is actually true,
that the provision that his Majesty orders to be given, in Sevilla
and in Mexico, for supplies on the two seas, and for the support of
the religious in these two cities, is extremely scanty; and if his
Majesty does not increase it he can have no just complaint against
the religious who may act thus. In Sevilla he orders that two reals
be given for each religious, every day; but three are necessary, at
the least. In Mexico, he orders that four be given; but it is certain
that six to each man would be little for their food, clothing, and
shoes, and for the ordinary expenses of a house. In Sevilla there
is assigned, for the supplies of each religious on the voyage, 22
ducats; whereas 40 at least are necessary, and, if it be a year of
high prices, 50. In Mexico, for supplies on the other sea, and to pay
the charges to the muleteers who transport the goods to Acapulco,
and the expenses of the journey to that point with the religious,
there is given for each one 150 pesos; but 200 are needed, and even
that does not suffice. The reason for all this is, that these rates
were set a long time ago, when things were much cheaper than at
present; for goods could be bought for these sums to a much greater
amount. This would be cause for the religious to plead that the
[actual] expenses incurred for him should be allowed; and there is
no other way [in which this difficulty can be settled].

Of both things we have illustration enough in this journey which
was begun by father Fray Gabriel de San Antonio (whom may God keep
in heaven), for, on account of the scanty aid that was given him at
Sevilla, he left there a debt of one thousand two hundred ducados;
and if his Majesty does not pay this, I know not whence his creditors
will procure it. Then, as he had not the necessary freedom to dispose
of his friars, seeing that there was no fleet that year, which is a
second instance, he did what he should not have done--namely, among
twenty-four religious whom he embarked with him, he took seven laymen,
and, of the rest, one was insufficiently educated, and others were
ill suited for the work in the Philipinas; so that counting those who
were well fitted to go, they would not number twelve. It seems that he
wished only to make it appear to the Council that he was embarking with
friars, since this was commanded so insistently. He had, as I have been
told, thirty religious quite suitable for the journey, ready to embark
in the fleet; but as there was no fleet, and they saw that according
to the orders of the Council they must embark in the heart of winter,
and in weak craft, they, being discreet, returned to the houses from
which they had come; and father Fray Gabriel, to comply with his
orders, sought others in their places, most of whom did not fill the
places of the others, or come near doing so. From this resulted many
expenses that might have been avoided; for if those who returned had
been left in the convents of Andalucia, to come over in the fleet
this year, all the expenses that were incurred would be obviated,
and they would arrive at the proper time to go to the Philippinas,
as they would come in the patages. Even if not all came, most of
them could come, and none of these would have to be refused, as we
have to do now--for, if the lord viceroy does not give permission to
leave some, there is no use to consider sending religious there. Then
I, who am going to seek them in Espana, for the second time, with
so many labors and dangers, would find them half way, without the
least cost to myself. Supplicate and beg this from his Excellency,
by the bowels of Christ. The objection raised is that it will not be
expedient for them to go; but I hope through God that it will be so,
and that it will be explained to his Majesty that it is very important
for his service. This is the truth, which I am bound to tell my king
and lord, as his faithful vassal and servant, which I am.

_Fray Diego Aduarte_





_Jesus, Mary_

Father Fray Antonio de Santo Angel, procurator-general of the order
of the discalced friars of our father St. Augustine, declares that
in the year 1608 your Majesty gave permission to father Fray Pedro
de San Fulgencio, of the said order, to return to the Philipinas
Islands, taking with him thirty religious of his order, and six
servants for their service. In the said year he was obliged to
go to Rome to secure some favors and jubilees from his Holiness;
but an illness attacked him, and our Lord saw fit to take him unto
Himself. For this reason his embarkation for the Philipinas did not
take place, as he died on the way; and the funds that were given him
for the purpose were lost. Since it has pleased the divine Majesty
that the discalced Augustinian religious who are in those parts [61]
should succeed in so satisfactory and exemplary a manner, preaching
the holy gospel and giving the light of our holy Catholic faith, and
so earnestly striving for its increase--as your Majesty is informed by
the archbishop of Manila, and the city and cabildo, and the bishop of
Santissimo Nombre de Jesus. For all point out to your Majesty the great
importance of sending religious of this holy order to the Philipinas;
and that it is better to maintain there those who have been discalced,
than those who enter from among the calced and are not instructed in
the austerity to which the discalced are obliged. For this reason our
very holy father, Paul V, separated and divided us from the calced
fathers; and accordingly our father-general sent them a notification
that his Holiness had separated them, and had sent an order that they
should form a chapter and appoint a provincial--as will appear from
the papers which I present, and from the letters of the archbishop of
Manila, and from the bishop of Santissimo Nombre de Jesus, and from
the letter from the city of Manila. From the letters of the religious
it will be plain to your Majesty how important it is for the service
of our Lord to have a head and superior of the same penitent mode of
life, so that this reformation may be preserved, and they may with
fervor continue to gain souls for heaven and the increase of our holy
Catholic faith. I therefore beg your Majesty to grant us the same
despatches that were given to us for the said voyage, so that we
may receive the favor of it. I likewise present the letter written
by the Audiencia of Manila, in which your Audiencia states what are
its intentions when anything is asked on the part of the Recollects.





Bibliographical Data


All the documents contained in this volume are obtained from original
MSS. in various foreign archives--excepting only that the _Relation_
of Maldonado (1606) is from a printed pamphlet. Most of them are from
the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, their pressmarks as follows.

1. _Complaints against the archbishop_.--(a) Letters from Acuna and
the Augustinians: "Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y
expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; anos de
1600 a 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7." (b) Letter from the Audiencia:
"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes
del presidente y oidores de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo;
anos de 1600 a 1612; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 19."

2. _Relations with the Chinese_.--(a) Memorials by archbishop:
"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes
del arzobispo de Manila vistos en el Consejo; anos 1579 a 1679;
est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32." (b). Letter to viceroy of Ucheo: the same as
No. 1 (a). (c) Chinese immigration restricted: the same as No. 1 (b).

3. _Letters from Acuna_.--(a) Letters of July 1 and 8: the same as
No. 1 (a). (b) Letter of July 15: the same as No. 1 (b).

4. _Dominican mission of 1606_.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de religiosos misioneros en Filipinas
vistos en el Consejo; anos de 1569 a 1616; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 37."

5. _Dutch factory at Tidore_.--The same as No. 1 (b).

6. _Letter from the Audiencia_, 1606.--The same as No. 1 (b).

7. _Letter from the fiscal_.--The same as No. 1 (b).

8. _Chinese immigration_.--(a) Report of ships: the same as No. 1
(b). (b) Letters from Felipe III: "Audiencia de Filipinas; registros
de oficio reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades del distrito de
la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105, caj. 2, leg. 1."

9. _Petition for grant to seminary_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes a dicha Audiencia;
anos de 1586 a 1636; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."

10. _Artillery at Manila_.--The same as No. 1 (b).

11. _Confraternity of La Misericordia_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de dicha
Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1607 a 1626; est. 67, caj. 6,
leg. 20."

12. _Receipts and expenditures of Philippine government_.--The same
as No. 1 (a).

13. _Decrees regarding way-station for vessels_, 1608-09.--The same
as No. 8 (b).

14. _Letters to Silva_.--The same as No. 8 (b).

15. _Expeditions to Tuy_.--The same as No. 1 (a).

16. _Petition of Filipino chief_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en el
Consejo; anos de 1607 a 1613; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 36."

17. _Despatch of missionaries_.--The same as No. 4. The following is
from the Real Academia de Historia, Madrid:

18. _Relation by Maldonado_, 1606.--"Papeles jesuitas, tomo 92,
num. 40." (A printed pamphlet.)

The following is from the British Museum, London:

19. _Decree regarding way-station for vessels_, 1606.--"Papeles
varios de Indias; Mus. Brit, jure emptionis; 13,976 Plut. CXC.D;
folios 469-472a."

The following is from the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

20. _Letter to Acuna_, 1606.--"Cedulario Indico, t. 38, fol. 114,
no. 89."

The following are from the Archivo general, Simancas:

21. _Terrenate expedition_.--"Secretario de Estado, legajo 205."

22. _Trade with Mexico_.--"Secretario de Estado, leg. 2637."

23. _Passage of missionaries_.--The same as No. 22.






NOTES

[1] The sense is here somewhat incomplete; there may be some omission
in the text.

[2] _Fuerza_: injury committed by an ecclesiastical judge; see
_Vol_. v, p. 292.

[3] Apparently a reference to the organization of "el Nuevo Reino
['the new kingdom'] de Granada," afterward known as Nueva (or New)
Granada; a name applied in the nineteenth century to the country
now known as United States of Colombia. This region was conquered by
Gonzalo Jiminez Quesada in 1537, its capital (established August 6,
1538) being Santa Fe de Bogota.

[4] In the original there is a brief summary at the head of each
paragraph, for the convenience of the council in considering the
document.

[5] The botanical name of the clove is _Caryophyllus aromaticus_. See
Crawfurd's excellent account, both descriptive and historical, of this
valued product, in his _Dict. of Indian Islands_, pp. 101-105. Cf. the
account by Duarte Barbosa, in _East Africa and Malabar_ (Hakluyt
Soc. publications No. 35, London, 1866), pp. 201, 219, 227; he says,
among other things: "And the trees from which they do not gather
it for three years after that become wild, so that their cloves are
worth nothing." Crawfurd says: "It is only in its native localities,
the five small islets [Moluccas] on the western coast of the large
island of Gilolo, that it is easily grown, and attains the highest
perfection. There, it bears in its seventh or eighth year, and lives
to the age of 130 or 150." He also states that the Dutch, in their
attempt to secure the monopoly of the clove trade, exterminated the
clove trees from the Moluccas, and endeavored to limit their growth
to the five Amboyna islands, in which they had introduced the clove.

[6] Referring to the military order of St. John of Jerusalem, to
which Acuna belonged.

[7] The Spanish form of the name of Mechlin, an important city of
Belgium, between Antwerp and Brussels. The reference in the text is
probably to some law enacted by the emperor Charles V while holding
his court at Mechlin, during his long stay in the Netherlands.

[8] Diego Aduarte was born at Zaragoza, about 1570, and at the age of
sixteen entered a Dominican convent at Alcala de Henares. In 1594 he
joined the mission to the Philippines, arriving at Manila June 12,
1595. In the following January Aduarte accompanied the expedition
sent by Luis Dasmarinas to Cambodia (see _Vol_. IX, pp. 161-180,
265, 277); the result of this was disastrous, and after many dangers
and hardships, and a long illness, he returned to Manila on June
24, 1597. Two years later he went to China, to rescue Dasmarinas
(stranded there after another unsuccessful expedition to Cambodia),
and remained until February, 1600. Soon afterward he went to Spain
on business of his order, arriving there in September, 1603. There
he obtained a reenforcement of missionaries for the Philippines,
arriving at the islands in August, 1606. He was again despatched to
Spain (July, 1607), where he remained until 1628; he then returned to
the Philippines with another missionary band. He was seen afterward
elected prior of the convent at Manila, and later became bishop of
Nueva Segovia; but exercised the latter office only a year and a half,
dying in the summer of 1636. Aduarte's _Historia de la provincia del
Sancto Rosario_ (Manila, 1640) is his chief work; we shall present it
in later volumes of this series. See biography of Aduarte in _Resena
biografica de los religiosos de la provincia del Santisimo Rosario
de Filipinas_ (Manila, 1891), pp. 148-172.

[9] Master (Latin _magister_, Spanish _maestro_): a title of honor
given to religious of venerable age or distinguished services; see
Du Cange, _s.vv. dominus ordinis, magister ordinis_.

[10] So in the MS., but apparently an error of _cuatro_ for _cinco_
("five"), as the evidence of this and the other documents of this
group indicates that this warrant was given in 1605, not 1604.

[11] The garment placed by the tribunal of the Inquisition upon persons
who, after trial, became penitent and were reconciled to the church.

[12] San Juan de Ulua (or Lua, also Ulloa), in Mexico, was thus named
(1518) for St. John and in honor of Juan Grijalva, one of Cortes's
officers, who in that year discovered Yucatan. In the summer of the
following year, Cortes founded, not far from this place, the city of
Vera Cruz.

[13] In our copy of this document (the official transcript) the text
reads _que son 80 pesos_; but as in half a year but two of these
tri-yearly payments would be made, it seems more probable that this
was intended for _20 pesos_.

[14] Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio came to the Philippines in 1595,
and was assigned to the mission among the Chinese in Binondo; but he
could not learn their language, and, becoming discouraged thereat,
returned to Spain. Finally, being troubled by his conscience for
having abandoned his post, he obtained permission from his superiors
to conduct a band of new missionaries to the islands. Embarking with
them, he was overcome by sickness and the hardships of the voyage,
and died before reaching Mexico (1608). He was appointed (apparently
after his departure on this journey) bishop of Nueva Caceres.

[15] The word "factory," as here used, refers to the place where the
factors, or agents, of a commercial company reside and transact the
business entrusted to them.

[16] These names are merely phonetic renderings of the names of
certain Dutch cities. Absterdaem and Ambstradama are for Amsterdam;
Yncussa (and probably Cuyssem), for Enkhuysen (or Enchuysen); Campem,
for Campen; Amberes, for Antwerp; Millburg, for Middleburg; Horrem,
for Hoorn. Olanda and Gelanda are for Holland and Zeeland.

[17] That is: Achin (or Acheen), in Sumatra; Pajang, a province in
Java; and Bengal, in India.

[18] At the end of this pamphlet is the imprint, showing that
permission to print it was given to Clemente Hidalgo on May 9, 1606;
and that it was printed by him in the same year, at Sevilla. It was
sold at the establishments of Melchor Goncalez and Rafael Charte.

[19] In the margin: "The Parian, establishment and residence of the
Sangleys, on the other side of the Manila River."

[20] The leaves of a species of palm (_Nipa fruticans_), used as
thatch to cover houses.

[21] Probably a misprint for Moros.

[22] Cf. La Concepcion's account of this insurrection, in _Hist. de
Philippinas_, iv, pp. 52-64.

[23] At this point, in the printed original, follow the words
_tribuleco llamadotin_--evidently some typographical error.

[24] This letter will be found in _Vol_. XIII, pp. 287-291; Morga also
gives it in his _Sucesos_ (which will be presented in our _Vols_. XV
and XVI).

[25] Korea had been conquered by the Japanese in 1592, but soon
afterward was partially regained by the Chinese (_Vol_. VIII,
pp. 260-262; IX, pp. 36, 44, 46). The death of the Japanese ruler
Hideyoshi (1598), and the consequent recall of the Japanese troops,
left affairs between the three countries unsettled; finally Iyeyasu,
ruler of Japan, made peace with Korea and China, in 1605.

[26] Another account of this insurrection is given by Gregorio Lopez,
S.J., in a letter dated April, 1604; it is substantially the same
as those already presented in this series, but Lopez relates in much
fuller detail the final pursuit of the Sangleys. He also states that
the Chinese Juan Bautista de Bera (Vera), whose heathen name was
Hincan, had lived in Manila since the time of Limahon; and that in
the conflict there were twenty stalwart Sangleys to each Spaniard. He
enumerates the Spanish citizens slain by the Sangleys, mentioning
the place where each died. A copy of this letter is contained in the
Ventura del Acro MSS. (Ayer library)--for account of which collection
see _Vol_. VI, pp. 231, 232--in vol. i, pp. 121-272; it is accompanied
by the statement that the original MS. is in the Real Academia de lit
Historia, Madrid--its pressmark, "Jesuitas, Filipinas; legajo no. 7."

[27] _Recopilacion de leyes_, lib. vi, tit. vi, ley viii, contains
the following law in regard to the appointment of the protector of
the Indians; "The bishops of Filipinas were charged by us with the
protection and defense of those Indians. Having seen that they cannot
attend to the importunity, and judicial acts and investigations, which
require personal presence, we order the president-governors to appoint
a protector and defender, and to assign him a competent salary from the
taxes of the Indians, proportioned among those which shall be assigned
to our royal crown and to private persons, without touching our royal
treasury, which proceeds from other kinds [of taxes]. We declare
that it is not our intention by this to deprive the bishops of their
superintendence and protection of the Indians in general." (Felipe II,
Madrid, January 17, 1593, in a clause of a letter).

[28] The hospital order of St John of God was originally founded by a
Portuguese soldier (named Joan), who at the age of forty years devoted
himself, as a religious duty, to the care of sick persons. He began a
hospital in his own house at Granada (1540), and his bishop permitted
him and his associates to wear a habit. After his death (1550) similar
hospitals were formed in Spain, and even spread to Italy. In 1585 all
these were organized into an order, with constitutions, under the papal
sanction; this order is still in existence, and has establishments
in many countries. It did not reach the Philippines until 1649.

[29] Fray Diego Aduarte, Bishop of Nueva Segovia, wrote to the king
(July 7, 1606), as follows: "Your Majesty possesses here a royal
hospital which is one of the most necessary and useful things in this
country for the welfare and care of the poor soldiers and others who
serve your Majesty. Although the income which it has is small, it would
be sufficient aid, with the many alms given by the citizens who are
well to do, if there were some one who could distribute it well and
take it in charge as his own affair. It is a most necessary thing for
its good government and maintenance that your Majesty should send four
or five brethren of the order called Juan de Dios, with the authority
of your Majesty and his Holiness, and with power to receive others. For
the institution is already founded and everything necessary supplied;
and these brethren might come with the religious whom your Majesty
sends here, either Franciscan or Dominican; or you might command that
some of the excellent hospitallers who are settled in Nueva Espana
should come to these islands, which would economize in expense
and hasten their coming, and make it more certain." [_Endorsed_:
"September 24, 1607. Have the four brethren whom he mentions sent,
and entrust the matter to Senor Don Francisco de Tejada, that he may
arrange it with the elder brother of Anton Martin. Have a copy sent
to Senor Don Francisco."]

[30] Evidently referring to Antonio, prior of Crato, pretender to the
crown of Portugal (see _Vol_. I, p. 355). He died at Paris, August
25, 1595; and left six (illegitimate) children whom he commended to
the care of Henri IV of France. It is probable that the son mentioned
in our text was Cristoval, his second son (born in 1564); he assumed
the title of king of Portugal, and with this pretension might easily
undertake to fight against Spain (as usurper of that crown), in aid
of the Dutch. Cristoval died at Paris June 3, 1638.

[31] _Lancha_: a small vessel navigated with sails and oars;
cf. English "launch." _Barcoluengo_: an oblong boat with a long bow,
its only mast being in the center.

[32] The capture of the "Santa Ana" by Cavendish in 1588, and the
difficulties and risks of the long Pacific voyage for the richly-laden
galleons from Manila, made it evident that some halting-place for them
should be provided on the California coast. The vessel "San Agustin"
was despatched from Manila in 1595 to search for such a place, but
was wrecked in the present Drake Bay. In the preceding year Velasco
had made a contract with Sebastian Vizcaino for the exploration and
occupation for Spain of California; but he did not begin his task until
1597, when he was sent out by Monterey. This expedition accomplished
little; but Vizcaino was selected to command the one mentioned in our
text, which had the same object as that for which the "San Agustin"
was sent, and the pilot of that vessel accompanied Vizcaino. There
appear to have been four vessels in this expedition, which carried
nearly two hundred men: there were also three Carmelite friars, one of
whom, Antonio de la Ascension, kept a diary of the voyage, and assisted
the cosmographer, Geronimo Martin Palacios. They returned to Acapulco
in March, 1603, having explored and mapped the coast of California
beyond Cape Mendocino, and discovered the bays of Todos Santos, San
Diego, and Monterey. Vizcaino made another voyage (1611-14), which
was originally intended for the establishment and equipment of the
port of Monterey as a station for the Philippine vessels, but was
diverted to the Pacific Ocean and Japan. See Bancroft's account of
these explorations--with abundant citations of sources, and reduced
copy of Vizcaino's map--in his _History of North Mexican States_
(San Francisco, 1886), i, pp. 147-163.

[33] See _Vol_. XIII, p. 228, note 31.

[34] This admiral was Toribio Gomez de Corvan.

[35] The route of vessels to and from the Philippines is described by
Morga at the end of his _Sucesos_ (_Vols_. XV and XVI of this series).

[36] This total is as found in the MS., but is inaccurate. The correct
total is 6,533.

[37] Also written "pederero"--from Old Spanish _pedra_, "a stone;"
so named because of the use of stone for balls, before iron balls were
invented; a swivel-gun. For descriptions and illustrations of various
kinds of artillery, see Demmin's _Arms and Armor_ (London, 1877).

[38] Cf. "Foundation of the Audiencia," _Vol_. VI, p. 37, sec. 295.

[39] Referring to the famous hot springs and health resort of Los
Banos, situated on the southern coast of Laguna de Bay, thirty-five
miles from Manila, at the foot of the volcanic mountains Maquiling and
Los Banos. See Chirino's account of these springs, in chap. X of his
_Relacion_ (_Vol_. XII of this series). Cf. the more detailed accounts
by La Concepcion (_Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, pp. 134-151), Zuniga
(_Estadismo_, i, pp. 180-185), and Buzeta and Bravo (_Diccionario_,
ii, pp. 168-179). The virtues of these waters were first made known
by St. Pedro Bautista, the noted Franciscan martyr (_Vol_. VIII,
p. 233), in the year 1590; and he undertook to found there a hospital,
but for lack of means this project languished until 1604, when it was
duly organized, under the charge of a Franciscan lay brother, Fray
Diego de Santa Maria. Various grants were made to this institution, at
different times, by colonial and local authorities; and in 1671 large
and suitable buildings of stone were erected--which, however, were
destroyed by fire in 1727. The hospital seems to have retrograded,
in extent and management, early in its history; Zuniga found it
in very poor condition, at the end of the eighteenth century. See
chapter on "Minero-medicinal waters" of the islands in U.S. Philippine
Commission's _Report_, 1900, iii, pp. 217-227.

[40] The name applied to any knight of a military order who received
one of die ecclesiastical benefices called _encomiendas_. These were
suitably-endowed dignities conferred on knights of those orders.

[41] After Acuna's death, Rodrigo de Vivero was sent from Nueva Espana
to govern the Philippines _ad interim_, where he arrived June 15,
1608. He remained less than one year in this poet, and was then made
governor of Panama. In April, 1609, arrived his successor, Juan de
Silva, a member of the Order of Santiago; and distinguished by military
service in Flanders. He governed the Philippines for seven years, and
died at Malaca, on his way with an expedition to the Spice Islands,
on April 19, 1616.

[42] _Situado_ is used here to mean the extra income from the
encomiendas which is obtained by increasing the tribute from eight
reals to ten. This was done at the time when Gomez Perez Dasmarinas
was sent to govern the Philippines; see his instructions (_Vol_. VII,
pp. 145, 146), and cf. Morga's _Sucesos_, chap. viii (_Vol_. XVI of
this series; and Hakluyt Society's trans., pp. 325, 326). The two
reals thus gained were to be thus applied: one-half real, to pay the
obligations of the tithes; one and one-half reals, for the pay of
soldiers, etc.

	Prof. E.G. Bourne says: "Many of the Spanish colonies
	received regular situados from the crown to make up their
	annual deficits. The word may mean subsidy, appropriation,
	rent, or income, according to the context." Humboldt
	mentions--in _New Spain_ (Black's trans.), iv, pp. 228,
	229--the situados, "remittances of specie annually, made to
	other Spanish colonies" from the treasury of Mexico, which
	in 1803 amounted to 3,500,000 piastres. These remittances
	from Mexico of course ceased when that colony revolted from
	Spain and became a republic (1823).

	Still another meaning of _situado_ is given by Bowring
	(_Philippine Islands_, pp. 98, 99): "As it is, the Philippines
	have made, and continue to make, large contributions to the
	mother country, generally in excess of the stipulated amount
	which is called the _situado_."

[43] The husk surrounding the cocoanut; it is used for making cordage
and calking vessels.

[44] A prebendary who enjoys the benefice called _racion_.

[45] The prebendary immediately subordinate to the racionero.

[46] _Barrachel_: the alguacil-mayor. This word is now obsolete.

[47] He had filled this post before, during 1590-95 (_Vol_. VII,
p. 230); he succeeded Montesclaros on July 2, 1607, and governed Nueva
Espana until June 12, 1611, when he returned to Spain as president of
the Council of the Indias. Already aged, he did not long survive this
promotion. He established many reforms in Nueva Espana, and showed
great humanity in his treatment of the Indians.

[48] That is, "rich in gold," and "rich in silver;" two mythical
islands, often mentioned in documents of that time; thus named,
according to Gemelli Careri, because some earth taken from them,
accidentally heated on a ship, was found to contain grains of
precious metal. There is an interesting mention of these islands on
La Frechette's "Chart of the Indian Ocean" (published by W. Faden,
London, 1803). They are placed thereon in 32 deg. and 34 deg., N. lat., and
in 160 deg. and 164 deg. E. long., respectively, with the following legend:
"Kin-sima, la Rica de Oro, or Gold Island. Gin-sima, la Rica de Plata,
or Silver Island. These Two Islands, which are Known to the Japanese,
are laid down according to the report of the former Spanish Navigators;
they did imagine till the middle of the last century, that Gin-sima
and Kin-sima were the Land of Ophir, since it could not be found in
the Isles of Solomon."

[49] Referring to the archbishop Benavides; he bequeathed his library
and the sum of one thousand pesos for the foundation of the college
of Santo Tomas at Manila.

[50] The route of this expedition was evidently up the Rio Grande
de Pampanga, northward through the present provinces of Pampanga and
Nueva Ecija; the headwaters of this stream are separated by the ridge
of Caraballo Sur from those of the Rio Grande de Cagayan. Crossing
these mountains, the Spaniards found themselves, at the southern end
of Nueva Viscaya, at the sources of one of the two great branches
of the latter river, the Magat River--the one which is named Tuy in
our text. It joins the main stream of the Rio Grande de Cagayan, a
few miles above Ilagan, in the province of Isabela, and the united
streams flow northward through the entire length of that province
and of Cagayan, falling into the sea below Aparri, on the northern
coast of Luzon. See the short account of this expedition given in
_Vol_. VIII, pp. 250, 251.

[51] A species of orange-colored agate, of great beauty.

[52] This city is no longer in existence; it has been replaced by
the town of Lallo, formerly only a district of that city.

[53] In the MS., _cabra_; but this may be only a copyist's conjecture
for an illegible word.

[54] The Igorrotes first appear under the name Ygolot, which was
applied to the inhabitants of Benguet; and those people probably
represent the original tribe. The name was later applied to all
the head-hunters of northern Luzon, then collectively to all in the
Philippine Islands, and is now almost synonymous with "wild." The
district assigned to the real Igorrotes is a matter of controversy
among various authors, as are also their various characteristics,
and their origin. Certain characteristics point to infusions of
Chinese and Japanese blood. Comparatively few of them have embraced
Christianity. They live in villages of three or four hundred, with
a chief in each, who is usually the richest man, and whose lands
the common people cultivate. They are generally monogamous, and
respect the marriage tie highly. They believe in a supreme being
whom they call Apo or Lu-ma-oig; his wife Bangan; his daughter
Bugan; and his son Ubban. There are two inferior gods Cabigat and
Suyan. Their priests are called Maubunung and they heal sickness
with charms and incantations. They believe in two places of abode
after death: one pleasant and cheerful, for those who die a natural
death; the other a real heaven, for warriors killed in battle and
women who die in childbirth. They bury their dead in coffins in
a sitting position, in clefts or caves, and often dry the corpse
over a fire. Ancestor-worship is prevalent. They are an agricultural
people, but do not breed cattle. They have worked the copper mines of
their districts and extracted gold from the earliest times. As yet,
however, exact and scientific knowledge regarding them is slight, as
is true of many other Filipino tribes, owing to the confused state
of Philippine ethnology. See Smithsonian _Report_, 1899, p. 538,
"List of native tribes of Philippines" by Ferdinand Blumentritt
(translated by Dr. O.T. Malon); Blumentritt's "Ueber den Namen der
Igorroten" in _Ausland_, no. 1, p. 17 (Stuttgart, 1882); Sawyer's
_Inhabitants of the Philippines_ (New York, 1900); pp. 254-267;
and Foreman's _Philippine Islands_ (London, 1890), pp. 212-215.

[55] The city of Potosi in Bolivia is situated on the slope of the
Cerro Gordo de Potosi, a mountain 16,152 feet high, which contains
silver mines of a richness that has become proverbial; they were
discovered in 1545, by an Indian. It is estimated that the silver
obtained from this mountain, up to the middle of the nineteenth
century, amounted to $1,600,000,000. Humboldt gives the figures for
its yield, from 1566 to 1789, amounting to 60,864,359 pounds troy; see
his _New Spain_ (Black's trans., London, 1811), iii, pp. 171, 172. He
also endeavors to estimate (pp. 353-379) the value of the total yield
from its discovery to 1789, which he places at 5,750,000,000 of livres
tournois (L234,693,840 sterling). The mines now are almost abandoned,
and the annual yield is about $800,000.

[56] Referring to the allotment of space for freight in the regular
trading fleet sent yearly to Mexico. As has been shown in preceding
documents, this privilege, as the source of much profit, was restricted
by the government to the citizens of the islands, among certain of
whom the space was duly allotted by toneladas, each shipping goods
to that extent--although many frauds were practiced, often by royal
officials themselves. The stipulation in our text secured, to persons
having the right to a share in this trade, the exercise of that right
while absent on the Tuy expedition, the same as if they were present
in Manila when the ships were laden. The _pieza_ mentioned in this
paragraph was the bale used as the unit of capacity in lading the
vessel (see Bourne's introduction to this series, _Vol_. I, p. 63). A
letter from Andres de Alcaraz to the king (August 10, 1617), which will
be presented in _Vol_. XVII, gives further information regarding the
pieza. From this document it appears that the tonelada was reckoned
at eight piezas; the pieza would then be estimated at ten arrobas,
or two hundred and fifty libras.

[57] Evidently a reference to a compilation of Spanish laws. There is
nothing in the _Recopilacion de las leyes de Indias_ answering to this.

[58] The district of the governor formerly called adelantado.

[59] Archbishop Benavides died on July 26, 1605, and was succeeded
by Diego Vazquez de Mercado--although the latter did not take
possession of the see until June, 1610. He was a native of Arevalo,
Castilla, and a relative of Gonzalo Ronquillo, fourth governor of
the Philippines. He was the first dean of the Manila cathedral,
serving therein for sixteen years; then went to Nueva Espana, and,
having obtained a doctor's degree from the University of Mexico,
held a benefice at Acapulco. He was appointed bishop of Yucatan,
but was transferred to the archbishopric of Manila; this post he
held until his death, in 1618. He completed the cathedral edince,
applying to that work much of his patrimony.

[60] Rueda's name alone is contained in the list furnished by
Aduarte in 1605 (see "Dominican mission of 1606," _ante_). The names
of those Dominicans who actually reached the Philippines in 1606,
twenty-six in number, are found (with biographical information) in
_Resena biog. Sant. Rosario_, i, pp. 328-333; but the list of those
who died on the way (including Rueda and Colmenero) is on p. 335.

[61] Also known as Recollects (see _Vol_. XIII, p. 246 and
_note_). When they arrived in the Philippines (1606), they established
themselves in a suburb of Manila called Bagumbayan. See the detailed
account of the circumstances attending the despatch of friars thither
from this order, and of the beginning of their work in the islands,
in La Concepcion's _Hist. de Philipinas_, iv, pp. 189-265.






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