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diff --git a/15394.txt b/15394.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..edb650b --- /dev/null +++ b/15394.txt @@ -0,0 +1,8254 @@ +Project Gutenberg's American Eloquence, Volume IV. (of 4), by Various + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: American Eloquence, Volume IV. (of 4) + Studies In American Political History (1897) + +Author: Various + +Release Date: March 17, 2005 [EBook #15394] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN ELOQUENCE, IV. *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +AMERICAN ELOQUENCE + + +STUDIES IN AMERICAN POLITICAL HISTORY + + + +Edited with Introduction by Alexander Johnston + +Reedited by James Albert Woodburn + + + +Volume IV. (of 4) + + +VII.--CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION + +VIII.--FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION. + +IX.--FINANCE AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. + + + + CONTENTS + + INTRODUCTION + + VII.--CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION + + ABRAHAM LINCOLN + First Inaugural Address, + March 4, 1861. + + JEFFERSON DAVIS + Inaugural Address. Montgomery, Ala., + February 18, 1867. + + ALEXANDER HAMILTON STEPHENS + The "Corner-Stone" Address + --Atheneum, Savannah, Ga., March 2, 1861. + + JOHN CALEB BRECKENRIDGE and + EDWIN D. BAKER + Suppression Of Insurrection + --United States Senate, August 1, 1861. + + CLEMENT L. VALLANDIGHAM + On The War And Its Conduct + --House Of Representatives, January 14, 1863. + + HENRY WARD BEECHER + Address At Liverpool, October 16, 1863. + + ABRAHAM LINCOLN + The Gettysburgh Address, + November 19, 1863. + + ABRAHAM LINCOLN + Second Inaugural Address, + March 4, 1865. + + HENRY WINTER DAVIS + On Reconstruction ; The First Republican Theory + --House Of Representatives, March 22, 1864. + + GEORGE H. PENDLETON + On Reconstruction ; The Democratic Theory + --House Of Representatives, May 4, 1864. + + THADDEUS STEVENS + On Reconstruction; Radical Republican Theory + --House Of Representatives-December 18, 1865. + + HENRY J. RAYMOND . + On Reconstruction; Administration Republican Theory + --House Of Representatives, December 21, 1865. + + THADDEUS STEVENS + On The First Reconstruction Bill + --House Of Representatives, January 3, 1867. + + + VIII.--FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION. + + HENRY CLAY + On The American System + --In The United States Senate, February 2-6,1832. + + FRANK H. HURD. + A Tariff For Revenue Only + --House Of Representatives, February 18, 1881. + + + IX.--FINANCE AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. + + JUSTIN S. MORRILL + On The Remonetization Of Silver + --United States Senate, January 28, 1878. + + JAMES G. BLAINE + On The Remonetization Of Silver + --United States Senate, February 7, 1878 + + JOHN SHERMAN + On Silver Coinage And Treasury Notes + --United States Senate, June 5, 1890. + + JOHN P. JONES + On Silver Coinage And Treasury Notes + --United States Senate, May 12, 1810. + + GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS + On The Spoils System And The Progress Of Civil Service Reform + --Address Before The American Social Science Association, + Saratoga, N. Y., September 8, 1881. + + CARL SCHURZ + On The Necessity And Progress Of Civil Service Reform + --Address At The Annual Meeting Of The National + Civil Service Reform League, Chicago, Ills., + December 12, 1894. + + + + + LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS + + GEORGE W. CURTIS--Frontispiece + From a painting by SAMUEL LAWRENCE. + + JOHN C. BRECKENRIDGE + From a photograph. + + HENRY W. BEECHER . + Wood-engraving from photograph. + + ABRAHAM LINCOLN + Wood-engraving from photograph. + + JAMES G. BLAINE + Wood-engraving from photograph. + + + + +INTRODUCTION TO THE FOURTH VOLUME. + + +The fourth and last volume of the American Eloquent e deals with +four great subjects of discussion in our history,--the Civil War and +Reconstruction, Free Trade and Protection, Finance, and Civil Service +Reform. In the division on the Civil War there has been substituted in +the new edition, for Mr. Schurz's speech on the Democratic War +Policy the spirited discussion between Breckenridge and Baker on the +suppression of insurrection. The scene in which these two speeches were +delivered in the United States Senate at the opening of the Civil war +is full of historic and dramatic interest, while the speeches themselves +are examples of superior oratory. Mr. Schurz appears to advantage in +another part of the volume in his address on Civil Service Reform. + +The speeches of Thaddeus Stevens and Henry J. Raymond, delivered at the +opening of the Reconstruction struggle under President Johnson, are +also new material in this edition. They are fairly representative of two +distinct views in that period of the controversy. These two speeches are +substituted for the Garfield-Blackburn discussion over a "rider" to +an appropriation bill designed to forbid federal control of elections +within the States. This discussion was only incidental to the problem +of reconstruction, and may be said to have occurred at a time (1879) +subsequent to the close of the Reconstruction period proper. + +The material on Free Trade and Protection has been left unchanged +for the reason that it appears to the present editor quite useless to +attempt to secure better material on the tariff discussion. There might +be added valuable similar material from later speeches on the tariff, +but the two speeches of Clay and Hurd may be said to contain the +essential merits of the long-standing tariff debate. + +The section of the volume devoted to Finance and Civil Service Reform +is entirely new. The two speeches of Curtis and Schurz are deemed +sufficient to set forth the merits of the movement for the reform of +the Civil Service. The magnitude of our financial controversies during a +century of our history precludes the possibility of securing an adequate +representation of them in speeches which might come within the scope of +such a volume as this. It has, therefore, seemed best to the editor to +confine the selections on Finance to the period since the Civil War, and +to the subject of coinage, rather than to attempt to include also the +kindred subjects of banking and paper currency. The four representative +speeches on the coinage will, however, bring into view the various +principles of finance which have determined the differences and +divisions in party opinion on all phases of this great subject. + +J. A. W. + + + + +VII.--CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION. + +THE transformation of the original secession movement into a _de facto_ +nationality made war inevitable, but acts of war had already taken +place, with or without State authority. Seizures of forts, arsenals, +mints, custom-houses, and navy yards, and captures of Federal troops, +had completely extinguished the authority of the United States in +the secession area, except at Fort Sumter in South Carolina, and Fort +Pickens and the forts at Key West in Florida; and active operations to +reduce these had been begun. When an attempt was made, late in January, +1861, to provision Fort Sumter, the provision steamer, Star of the +West, was fired on by the South Carolina batteries and driven back. +Nevertheless, the Buchanan administration succeeded in keeping the peace +until its constitutional expiration in March, 1861, although the rival +and irreconcilable administration at Montgomery was busily engaged in +securing its exclusive authority in the seceding States. + +Neither of the two incompatible administrations was anxious to strike +the first blow. Mr. Lincoln's administration began with the policy +outlined in his inaugural address, that of insisting on collection of +the duties on imports, and avoiding all other irritating measures. Mr. +Seward, Secretary of State, even talked of compensating for the loss of +the seceding States by admissions from Canada and elsewhere. The urgent +needs of Fort Sumter, however, soon forced an attempt to provision +it; and this brought on a general attack upon it by the Confederate +batteries around it. After a bombardment of two days, and a vigorous +defence by the fort, in which no one was killed on either side, the fort +surrendered, April 14, 1861. It was now impossible for the United States +to ignore the Confederate States any longer. President Lincoln issued +a call for volunteers, and a proclamation announcing a blockade of the +coast of the seceding States. A similar call on the other side and the +issue of letters of marque and reprisal against the commerce of the +United States were followed by an act of the Confederate Congress +formally recognizing the existence of war with the United States. +The two powers were thus locked in a struggle for life or death, the +Confederate States fighting for existence and recognition, the United +States for the maintenance of recognized boundaries and jurisdiction; +the Confederate States claiming to be at war with a foreign power, the +United States to be engaged in the suppression of individual resistance +to the laws. The event was to decide between the opposing claims; and it +was certain that the event must be the absolute extinction of either the +Confederate States or the United States within the area of secession. + +President Lincoln called Congress together in special session, July 4, +1861; and Congress at once undertook to limit the scope of the war +in regard to two most important points, slavery and State rights. +Resolutions passed both Houses, by overwhelming majorities, that slavery +in the seceding States was not to be interfered with, that the autonomy +of the States themselves was to be strictly maintained, and that, when +the Union was made secure, the war ought to cease. If the war had ended +in that month, these resolutions would have been of some value; every +month of the extension of the war made them of less value. They were +repeatedly offered afterward from the Democratic side, but were as +regularly laid on the table. Their theory, however, continued to control +the Democratic policy to the end of the war. + +For a time the original policy was to all appearance unaltered. The war +was against individuals only; and peace was to be made with individuals +only, the States remaining untouched, but the Confederate States being +blotted out in the process. The only requisite to recognition of a +seceding State was to be the discovery of enough loyal or pardoned +citizens to set its machinery going again. Thus the delegates from the +forty western counties of Virginia were recognized as competent to +give the assent of Virginia to the erection of the new State of West +Virginia; and the Senators and Representatives of the new State actually +sat in judgment on the reconstruction of the parent State, although +the legality of the parent government was the evident measure of the +constitutional existence of the new State. Such inconsistencies were +the natural results of the changes forced upon the Federal policy by the +events of the war, as it grew wider and more desperate. + +The first of these changes was the inevitable attack upon slavery. +The labor system of the seceding States was a mark so tempting that no +belligerent should have been seriously expected to have refrained from +aiming at it. January 1, 1863, after one hundred days' notice, President +Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation, freeing the slaves within +the enemy's lines as rapidly as the Federal arms should advance. This +one break in the original policy involved, as possible consequences, all +the ultimate steps of reconstruction. Read-mission was no longer to be a +simple restoration; abolition of slavery was to be a condition-precedent +which the government could never abandon. If the President could impose +such a condition, who was to put bounds to the power of Congress to +impose limitations on its part? The President had practically declared, +contrary to the original policy, that the war should continue until +slavery was abolished; what was to hinder Congress from declaring that +the war should continue until, in its judgment, the last remnants of the +Confederate States were satisfactorily blotted out? This, in effect, +was the basis of reconstruction, as finally carried out. The steady +opposition of the Democrats only made the final terms the harder. + +The principle urged consistently from the beginning of the war by +Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, was that serious resistance to the +Constitution implied the suspension of the Constitution in the area +of resistance. No one, he insisted, could truthfully assert that the +Constitution of the United States was then in force in South Carolina; +why should Congress be bound by the Constitution in matters connected +with South Carolina? If the resistance should be successful, the +suspension of the Constitution would evidently be perpetual; Congress +alone could decide when the resistance had so far ceased that +the operations of the Constitution could be resumed. The terms of +readmission were thus to be laid down by Congress. To much the same +effect was the different theory of Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts. +While he held that the seceding States could not remove themselves from +the national jurisdiction, except by successful war, he maintained +that no Territory was obliged to become a State, and that no State was +obliged to remain a State; that the seceding States had repudiated their +State-hood, had committed suicide as States, and had become Territories; +and that the powers of Congress to impose conditions on their +readmission were as absolute as in the case of other Territories. +Neither of these theories was finally followed out in reconstruction, +but both had a strong influence on the final process. + +President Lincoln followed the plan subsequently completed by Johnson. +The original (Pierpont) government of Virginia was recognized and +supported. Similar governments were established in Tennessee, Louisiana, +and Arkansas, and an unsuccessful attempt was made to do so in Florida. +The amnesty proclamation of December, 1863, offered to recognize any +State government in the seceding States formed by one tenth of the +former voters who should take the oath of loyalty and support of the +emancipation measures. At the following session of Congress, the first +bill providing for congressional supervision of the readmission of +the seceding States was passed, but the President retained it without +signing it until Congress had adjourned. At the time of President +Lincoln's assassination Congress was not in session, and President +Johnson had six months in which to complete the work. Provisional +governors were appointed, conventions were called, the State +constitutions were amended by the abolition of slavery and the +repudiation of the war debt, and the ordinances of secession were either +voided or repealed. When Congress met in December, 1865, the work had +been completed, the new State governments were in operation, and the +XIIIth Amendment, abolishing slavery, had been ratified by aid of their +votes. Congress, however, still refused to admit their Senators or +Representatives. The first action of many of the new governments had +been to pass labor, contract, stay, and vagrant laws which looked much +like a re-establishment of slavery, and the majority in Congress felt +that further guarantees for the security of the freedmen were necessary +before the war could be truly said to be over. + +Early in 1866 President Johnson imprudently carried matters into an open +quarrel with Congress, which united the two thirds Republican majority +in both Houses against him. The elections of the autumn of 1866 showed +that the two thirds majorities were to be continued through the next +Congress; and in March, 1867, the first Reconstruction Act was passed +over the veto. It declared the existing governments in the seceding +States to be provisional only; put the States under military governors +until State conventions, elected with negro suffrage and excluding +the classes named in the proposed XIVth Amendment, should form a State +government satisfactory to Congress, and the State government should +ratify the XIVth Amendment; and made this rule of suffrage imperative +in all elections under the provisional governments until they should be +readmitted. This was a semi-voluntary reconstruction. In the same +month the new Congress, which met immediately on the adjournment of +its predecessor, passed a supplementary act. It directed the military +governors to call the conventions before September 1st following, and +thus enforced an involuntary reconstruction. + +Tennessee had been readmitted in 1866. North Carolina, South Carolina, +Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas were reconstructed under the +acts, and were readmitted in 1868. Georgia was also readmitted, but was +remanded again for expelling negro members of her Legislature, and came +in under the secondary terms. Virginia, Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas, +which had refused or broken the first terms, were admitted in 1870, on +the additional terms of ratifying the XVth Amendment, which forbade the +exclusion of the negroes from the elective franchise. + +In Georgia the white voters held control of their State from the +beginning. In the other seceding States the government passed, at +various times and by various methods during the next six years after +1871, under control of the whites, who still retain control. One of the +avowed objects of reconstruction has thus failed; but, to one who does +not presume that all things will be accomplished at a single leap, the +scheme, in spite of its manifest blunders and crudities, must seem to +have had a remarkable success. Whatever the political status of the +negro may now be in the seceding States, it may be confidently affirmed +that it is far better than it would have been in the same time under +an unrestricted readmission. The whites, all whose energies have been +strained to secure control of their States, have been glad, in return +for this success to yield a measure of other civil rights to the +freedmen, which is already fuller than ought to have been hoped for in +1867. And, as the general elective franchise is firmly imbedded in the +organic law, its ultimate concession will come more easily and gently +than if it were then an entirely new step. + +During this long period of almost continuous exertion of national power +there were many subsidiary measures, such as the laws authorizing the +appointment of supervisors for congressional elections, and the use of +Federal troops as a _posse comitatus_ by Federal supervisors, which +were not at all in line with the earlier theory of the division between +Federal and State powers. The Democratic party gradually abandoned +its opposition to reconstruction, accepting it as a disagreeable but +accomplished fact, but kept up and increased its opposition to the +subsidiary measures. About 1876-7 a reaction became evident, and with +President Hayes' withdrawal of troops from South Carolina, Federal +control of affairs in the Southern States came to an end. + +Foreign affairs are not strictly a part of our subject; but, as going to +show one of the dangerous features of the Civil War, the possibility +of the success of the secession sentiment in England in obtaining the +intervention of that country, the speech of Mr. Beecher in Liver-pool, +with the addenda of his audience, has been given. + + + + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, + +OF ILLINOIS. (BORN 1809, DIED 1865.) + +FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 1861. + + +FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES: + +In compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, I appear +before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath +prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the +President "before he enters on the execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist, among the people of the Southern States, +that by the accession of a Republican administration their property and +their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There never has +been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to +their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of +him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches +when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where +it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no +inclination to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with +full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and +had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform +for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and +emphatic resolution which I now read: + +"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, +and especially the right of each State to order and control its +own domestic institutions according to its judgment exclusively, is +essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance +of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by +armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what +pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are +to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, +too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution +and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, +when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section +as to another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions: + +"No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws +thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or +regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall +be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may +be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who +made it for the re-claiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear +their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as +any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within +the terms of this clause, "shall be delivered up," their oaths are +unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they +not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which +to keep good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by National or by State authority; but surely that difference +is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be +of but little consequence to him, or to others, by what authority it is +done. And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath should +go unkept, on a mere unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be +kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might +it not be well, at the same time, to provide by law for the enforcement +of that clause of the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens +of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of +citizens in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservation, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our National Constitution. During that period, fifteen different +and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +Executive branch of the government. They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is +safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its +organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the +express provisions of our National Government, and the Union will endure +forever--it being impossible to destroy it, except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a +contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, +in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history +of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It +was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. + +It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. +It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States +expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the +Articles of Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, one of the +declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to +form a more perfect union." + +But if destruction of the Union, by one, or by a part only, of the +States, be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before, the +Constitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, +can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that +effect are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or +States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to +be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it, so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or, in some authoritative manner, direct +the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as +the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend +and maintain itself. In doing this there need be no blood-shed or +violence; and there shall be none, unless it be forced upon the National +authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and +possess the property and places belonging to the government, and to +collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for +these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or +among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in +any interior locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent +competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will +be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that +object. While the strict legal right may exist in the government to +enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so +irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to +forego, for the time, the uses of such offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts +of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the National troubles, and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy +the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to +them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +National fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain why we do it? Will you hazard so +desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the +certain ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the +certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly +from,--will you risk the omission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is +so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. +Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written +provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere +force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly +written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, +justify revolution--certainly would if such right were a vital one. +But such is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and +of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and +negations, guaranties and prohibitions in the Constitution, that +controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever +be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question +which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can +anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, express +provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be +surrendered by National or State authority? The Constitution does not +expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in +the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. +If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government +must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government +is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case +will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, +will divide and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from +them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. +For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year +or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the +present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion +sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose +a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly +inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or +despotism, in some form, is all that is left. * * * + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot +do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. It is impossible, then, +to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before. Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always, +and when after much loss on both sides and no gain on either you cease +fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are +again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government they +can exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their +revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant +of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of +having the National Constitution amended. * * * I understand a proposed +amendment to the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not +seen--has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government +shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, +including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of +what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular +amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to +be implied constitutional law, I have no objections to its being made +express and irrevocable.' + +The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose, but the +Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successor. Why should there not be a patient +confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better +or equal hope in the world? In our present differences is either party +without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, +with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or +yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail, by +the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. By the frame +of the Government under which we live, the same people have wisely given +their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal +wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very +short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, +no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, can very +seriously injure the government in the short space of four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never +take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no +good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied +still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, +the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration +will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it +were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in this +dispute there is still no single good reason for precipitate action. +Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who +has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to +adjust in the best way all our present difficulty. In your hands, my +dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, are the momentous +issues of civil war. The government will not assail you. You can have +no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath +registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the +most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. + +I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our +bonds of affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone +all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when +again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our +nature. + + + + +JEFFERSON DAVIS, + +OF MISSISSIPPI.' (BORN 1808, DIED 1889.) + +INAUGURAL ADDRESS, MONTGOMERY, ALA., FEBRUARY 18, 1861. + + +GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, FRIENDS, +AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: + +Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history +of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the +consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter +and abolish governments whenever they become destructive to the ends +for which they were established. The declared compact of the Union +from which we have withdrawn was to establish justice, ensure domestic +tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general +welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our +posterity; and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now +composing this Confederacy it has been perverted from the purposes for +which it was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was +established, a peaceful appeal to the ballot-box declared that, so far +as they were concerned, the government created by that compact should +cease to exist. In this they merely asserted the right which the +Declaration of Independence of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the +time and occasion of this exercise they as sovereigns were the final +judges, each for himself. The impartial, enlightened verdict of mankind +will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct; and He who knows the hearts +of men will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the +government of our fathers in its spirit. + +The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which +has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills of rights of the States +subsequently admitted into the Union of 1789, undeniably recognizes in +the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes +of government. Thus the sovereign States here represented proceeded to +form this Confederacy; and it is by the abuse of language that their act +has been denominated revolution. They formed a new alliance, but +within each State its government has remained. The rights of person +and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they +communicated with foreign nations is changed, but this does not +necessarily interrupt their international relations. Sustained by the +consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present +Confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just +obligations or any failure to perform every constitutional duty, moved +by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to +cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to +avoid war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of +having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of +wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there +can be no use to doubt the courage and patriotism of the people of the +Confederate States will be found equal to any measure of defence which +soon their security may require. + +An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a +commodity required in every manufacturing country, our true policy is +peace and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is +alike our interest and that of all those to whom we would sell and +from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable +restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but +little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating +community, such as the northeastern States of the American Union. It +must follow, therefore, that mutual interest would invite good-will and +kind offices. If, however, passion or lust of dominion should cloud the +judgment or inflame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to +meet the emergency, and maintain by the final arbitrament of the sword +the position which we have assumed among the nations of the earth. + +We have entered upon a career of independence, and it must be inflexibly +pursued through many years of controversy with our late associates of +the Northern States. We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity +and obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a +necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, +and henceforth our energies must be directed to the conduct of our own +affairs, and the perpetuity of the Confederacy which we have formed. If +a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue +our separate political career, my most earnest desire will have been +fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the integrity of our territory +and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us with firm +resolve to appeal to arms and invoke the blessing of Providence on a +just cause. * * * + +Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our own rights, and to promote +our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been +marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic +convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have received no check, the +cultivation of our fields progresses as heretofore, and even should we +be involved in war, there would be no considerable diminution in the +production of the staples which have constituted our exports, in which +the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This +common interest of producer and consumer can only be intercepted by +an exterior force which should obstruct its transmission to foreign +markets, a course of conduct which would be detrimental to manufacturing +and commercial interests abroad. + +Should reason guide the action of the government from which we have +separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized world, the Northern +States included, could not be dictated by even a stronger desire +to inflict injury upon us; but if it be otherwise, a terrible +responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will +bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the +meantime there will remain to us, besides the ordinary remedies before +suggested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the commerce of +an enemy. * * * We have changed the constituent parts but not the system +of our government. The Constitution formed by our fathers is that of +these Confederate States. In their exposition of it, and in the judicial +construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its +true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of that +instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held +for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, +I will hope by due diligence in the performance of my duties, though I +may disappoint your expectation, yet to retain, when retiring, something +of the good-will and confidence which will welcome my entrance into +office. + +It is joyous in the midst of perilous times to look around upon a people +united in heart, when one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates +the whole, where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the +balance, against honor, right, liberty, and equality. Obstacles may +retard, but they cannot long prevent, the progress of a movement +sanctioned by its justice and sustained by a virtuous people. Reverently +let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us in our +efforts to perpetuate the principles which by His blessing they were +able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to their posterity; and +with a continuance of His favor, ever gratefully acknowledged, we may +hopefully look forward to success, to peace, to prosperity. + + + + +ALEXANDER HAMILTON STEPHENS, + +OF GEORGIA. (BORN 1812, DIED 1884.) + +THE "CORNER-STONE" ADDRESS; + +ATHENAEUM, SAVANNAH, GA., MARCH 21, 1861 + + +MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN: + +We are in the midst of one of the greatest epochs in our history. The +last ninety days will mark one of the most interesting eras in the +history of modern civilization. Seven States have in the last three +months thrown off an old government and formed a new. This revolution +has been signally marked, up to this time, by the fact of its having +been accomplished without the loss of a single drop of blood. This new +constitution, or form of government, constitutes the subject to which +your attention will be partly invited. + +In reference to it, I make this first general remark: it amply secures +all our ancient rights, franchises, and liberties. All the great +principles of Magna Charta are retained in it. No citizen is deprived of +life, liberty, or property, but by the judgment of his peers under the +laws of the land. The great principle of religious liberty, which was +the honor and pride of the old Constitution, is still maintained and +secured. All the essentials of the old Constitution, which have endeared +it to the hearts of the American people, have been preserved and +perpetuated. Some changes have been made. Some of these I should prefer +not to have seen made; but other important changes do meet my cordial +approbation. They form great improvements upon the old Constitution. So, +taking the whole new constitution, I have no hesitancy in giving it as +my judgment that it is decidedly better than the old. + +Allow me briefly to allude to some of these improvements. The question +of building up class interests, or fostering one branch of industry to +the prejudice of another under the exercise of the revenue power, which +gave us so much trouble under the old Constitution, is put at rest +forever under the new. We allow the imposition of no duty with a view of +giving advantage to one class of persons, in any trade or business, +over those of another. All, under our system, stand upon the same broad +principles of perfect equality. Honest labor and enterprise are left +free and unrestricted in whatever pursuit they may be engaged. This old +thorn of the tariff, which was the cause of so much irritation in the +old body politic, is removed forever from the new. + +Again, the subject of internal improvements, under the power of Congress +to regulate commerce, is put at rest under our system. The power, +claimed by construction under the old Constitution, was at least a +doubtful one; it rested solely upon construction. We of the South, +generally apart from considerations of constitutional principles, +opposed its exercise upon grounds of its inexpediency and injustice. * +* * Our opposition sprang from no hostility to commerce, or to all +necessary aids for facilitating it. With us it was simply a question +upon whom the burden should fall. In Georgia, for instance, we have done +as much for the cause of internal improvements as any other portion of +the country, according to population and means. We have stretched out +lines of railroad from the seaboard to the mountains; dug down the +hills, and filled up the valleys, at a cost of $25,000,000. * * * No +State was in greater need of such facilities than Georgia, but we did +not ask that these works should be made by appropriations out of the +common treasury. The cost of the grading, the superstructure, and the +equipment of our roads was borne by those who had entered into the +enterprise. Nay, more, not only the cost of the iron--no small item in +the general cost--was borne in the same way, but we were compelled +to pay into the common treasury several millions of dollars for the +privilege of importing the iron, after the price was paid for it abroad. +What justice was there in taking this money, which our people paid into +the common treasury on the importation of our iron, and applying it to +the improvement of rivers and harbors elsewhere? The true principle is +to subject the commerce of every locality to whatever burdens may be +necessary to facilitate it. If Charleston harbor needs improvement, let +the commerce of Charleston bear the burden. * * * This, again, is the +broad principle of perfect equality and justice; and it is especially +set forth and established in our new constitution. + +Another feature to which I will allude is that the new constitution +provides that cabinet ministers and heads of departments may have +the privilege of seats upon the floor of the Senate and House of +Representatives, may have the right to participate in the debates and +discussions upon the various subjects of administration. I should have +preferred that this provision should have gone further, and required +the President to select his constitutional advisers from the Senate +and House of Representatives. That would have conformed entirely to the +practice in the British Parliament, which, in my judgment, is one of the +wisest provisions in the British constitution. It is the only feature +that saves that government. It is that which gives it stability in +its facility to change its administration. Ours, as it is, is a great +approximation to the right principle. * * * + +Another change in the Constitution relates to the length of the tenure +of the Presidential office. In the new constitution it is six years +instead of four, and the President is rendered ineligible for a +re-election. This is certainly a decidedly conservative change. It will +remove from the incumbent all temptation to use his office or exert the +powers confided to him for any objects of personal ambition. The only +incentive to that higher ambition which should move and actuate one +holding such high trusts in his hands will be the good of the people, +the advancement, happiness, safety, honor, and true glory of the +Confederacy. + +But, not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the +better, allow me to allude to one other--though last, not least. The +new constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions +relating to our peculiar institution, African slavery as it exists +amongst us, the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. +This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. +Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the "rock upon which +the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him +is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great +truth upon which that rock stood and stands may be doubted. The +prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen +at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were that the +enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that +it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an +evil they knew not well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the +men of that day was that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, +the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not +incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at that time. +The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the +institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly +urged against the constitutional guaranties thus secured, because of the +common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally +wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This +was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the government built upon +it fell when "the storm came and the wind blew." + +Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its +foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that +the negro is not equal to the white man, that slavery--subordination to +the superior race--is his natural and normal condition. + +This, our new government, is the first in the history of the world based +upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. This truth has +been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in +the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst us. +Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth was +not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past +generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the +North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we +justly denominate fanatics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of +the mind, from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of insanity. One +of the most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is +forming correct conclusions from fancied or erroneous premises. So with +the antislavery fanatics; their conclusions are right, if their premises +were. They assume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he +is entitled to equal rights and privileges with the white man. If their +premises were correct, their conclusions would be logical and just; but, +their premise being wrong, their whole argument fails. I recollect once +hearing a gentleman from one of the Northern States, of great power and +ability, announce in the House of Representatives, with imposing effect, +that we of the South would be compelled ultimately to yield upon this +subject of slavery, that it was as impossible to war successfully +against a principle in politics as it was in physics or mechanics; that +the principle would ultimately prevail; that we, in maintaining slavery +as it exists with us, were warring against a principle, founded in +nature, the principle of the equality of men. The reply I made to him +was that upon his own grounds we should ultimately succeed, and that +he and his associates in this crusade against our institutions would +ultimately fail. The truth announced, that it was as impossible to war +successfully against a principle in politics as it was in physics and +mechanics, I admitted; but told him that it was he, and those acting +with him, who were warring against a principle. They were attempting to +make things equal which the Creator had made unequal. + +In the conflict, thus far, success has been on our side, complete +throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is +upon this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly planted; and I +cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition +of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world. + +As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in +development, as all truths are and ever have been, in the various +branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo. +It was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy. It +was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of the blood; it +is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the +time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now +they are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with +confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon +which our system rests? It is the first government ever instituted upon +the principles in strict conformity to nature and the ordination +of Providence in furnishing the materials of human society. Many +governments have been founded upon the principle of the subordination +and serfdom of certain classes of the same race; such were and are in +violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of +nature's laws. With us, all the white race, however high or low, rich +or poor, are equal in the eye of the law. Not so with the negro; +subordination is his place. He, by nature or by the curse against +Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. +The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation +with the proper material--the granite; then comes the brick or the +marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by +nature for it; and by experience we know that it is best not only for +the superior race, but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It +is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not +for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question +them. For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another, +as He has made "one star to differ from another star in glory." The +great objects of humanity are best attained when there is conformity to +His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments as well as in +all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict +conformity with these views. This stone, which was rejected by the first +builders, "is become the chief of the corner," the real "corner-stone" +in our new edifice. * * * + +Mr. Jefferson said in his inaugural, in 1801, after the heated contest +preceding his election, that there might be differences of opinion +without differences of principle, and that all, to some extent, had +been Federalists, and all Republicans. So it may now be said of us +that, whatever differences of opinion as to the best policy in having +a cooperation with our border sister slave States, if the worst came +to the worst, as we were all cooperationists, we are all now for +independence, whether they come or not. * * * + +We are a young republic, just entering upon the arena of nations; +we will be the architects of our own fortunes. Our destiny, +under Providence, is in our own hands. With wisdom, prudence, and +statesmanship on the part of our public men, and intelligence, virtue, +and patriotism on the part of the people, success to the full measure +of our most sanguine hopes may be looked for. But, if unwise counsels +prevail, if we become divided, if schisms arise, if dissensions spring +up, if factions are engendered, if party spirit, nourished by unholy +personal ambition, shall rear its hydra head, I have no good to prophesy +for you. Without intelligence, virtue, integrity, and patriotism on +the part of the people, no republic or representative government can be +durable or stable. + + + + +JOHN C. BRECKENRIDGE, and EDWARD D. BAKER + + +JOHN C. BRECKENRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY, (BORN 1825, DIED 1875), + +EDWARD D. BAKER, OF OREGON, (BORN 1811, DIED 1861) + +ON SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTION, + +UNITED STATES SENATE, AUGUST I, 1861. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. I do not know how the Senate may vote upon this +question; and I have heard some remarks which have dropped from certain +Senators which have struck me with so much surprise, that I desire to +say a few words in reply to them now. + +This drama, sir, is beginning to open before us, and we begin to +catch some idea of its magnitude. Appalled by the extent of it, and +embarrassed by what they see before them and around them, the Senators +who are themselves the most vehement in urging on this course of events, +are beginning to quarrel among themselves as to the precise way in which +to regulate it. + +The Senator from Vermont objects to this bill because it puts a +limitation on what he considers already existing powers on the part of +the President. I wish to say a few words presently in regard to some +provisions of this bill, and then the Senate and the country may judge +of the extent of those powers of which this bill is a limitation. + +I endeavored, Mr. President, to demonstrate a short time ago, that the +whole tendency of our proceedings was to trample the Constitution under +our feet, and to conduct this contest without the slightest regard to +its provisions. Everything that has occurred since, demonstrates that +the view I took of the conduct and tendency of public affairs was +correct. Already both Houses of Congress have passed a bill virtually to +confiscate all the property in the States that have withdrawn, declaring +in the bill to which I refer that all property of every description +employed in any way to promote or aid in the insurrection, as it is +denominated, shall be forfeited and confiscated. I need not say to +you, sir, that all property of every kind is employed in those States, +directly or indirectly, in aid of the contest they are waging, and +consequently that bill is a general confiscation of all property there. + +As if afraid, however, that this general term might not apply to slave +property, it adds an additional section. Although they were covered by +the first section of the bill, to make sure of that, however, it adds +another section, declaring that all persons held to service or labor; +who shall be employed in any way to aid or promote the contest now +waging, shall be discharged from such service and become free: Nothing +can be more apparent than that that is a general act of emancipation; +because all the slaves in that country are employed in furnishing the +means of subsistence and life to those who are prosecuting the contest; +and it is an indirect, but perfectly certain mode of carrying out the +purposes contained in the bill introduced by the Senator from Kansas +(Mr. Pomeroy). It is doing under cover and by indirection, but +certainly, what he proposes shall be done by direct proclamation of the +President. + +Again, sir: to show that all these proceedings are characterized by an +utter disregard of the Federal Constitution, what is happening around us +every day? In the State of New York, some young man has been imprisoned +by executive authority upon no distinct charge, and the military officer +having him in charge refused to obey the writ of _habeas corpus_ issued +by a judge. What is the color of excuse for that action in the State +of New York? As a Senator said, is New York in resistance to the +Government? Is there any danger to the stability of the Government +there? Then, sir, what reason will any Senator rise and give on this +floor for the refusal to give to the civil authorities the body of a man +taken by a military commander in the State of New York? + +Again: the police commissioners of Baltimore were arrested by military +authority without any charges whatever. In vain they have asked for +a specification. In vain they have sent a respectful protest to the +Congress of the United States. In vain the House of Representatives, by +resolution, requested the President to furnish the representatives of +the people with the grounds of their arrest. He answers the House of +Representatives that, in his judgment, the public interest does not +permit him to say why they were arrested, on what charges, or what he +has done with them--and you call this liberty and law and proceedings +for the preservation of the Constitution! They have been spirited off +from one fortress to another, their locality unknown, and the President +of the United States refuses, upon the application of the most numerous +branch of the national Legislature, to furnish them with the grounds of +their arrest, or to inform them what he has done with them. + +Sir, it was said the other day by the Senator from Illinois (Mr. +Browning) that I had assailed the conduct of the Executive with +vehemence, if not with malignity. I am not aware that I have done so. +I criticised, with the freedom that belongs to the representative of a +sovereign State and the people, the conduct of the Executive. I shall +continue to do so as long as I hold a seat upon this floor, when, in my +opinion, that conduct deserves criticism. Sir, I need not say that, in +the midst of such events as surround us, I could not cherish personal +animosity towards any human being. Towards that distinguished officer, I +never did cherish it. Upon the contrary, I think more highly of him, +as a man and an officer, than I do of many who are around him and who, +perhaps guide his counsels. I deem him to be personally an honest man, +and I believe that he is trampling upon the Constitution of his country +every day, with probably good motives, under the counsels of those who +influence him. But, sir, I have nothing now to say about the President. +The proceedings of Congress have eclipsed the actions of the Executive; +and if this bill shall become a law, the proceedings of the President +will sink into absolute nothingness in the presence of the outrages upon +personal and public liberty which have been perpetrated by the Congress +of the United States. + + * * * * * + +Mr. President, gentlemen talk about the Union as if it was an end +instead of a means. They talk about it as if it was the Union of these +States which alone had brought into life the principles of public and +of personal liberty. Sir, they existed before, and they may survive it. +Take care that in pursuing one idea you you do not destroy not only +the Constitution of your country, but sever what remains of the Federal +Union. These eternal and sacred principles of public men and of personal +liberty, which lived before the Union and will live forever and ever +somewhere, must be respected; they cannot with impunity be overthrown; +and if you force the people to the issue between any form of government +and these priceless principles, that form of government will perish; +they will tear it asunder as the irrepressible forces of nature rend +whatever opposes them. + +Mr. President, I shall not long detain the Senate. I shall not enter +now upon an elaborate discussion of all the principles involved in this +bill, and all the consequences which, in my opinion, flow from it. A +word in regard to what fell from the Senator from Vermont, the substance +of which has been uttered by a great many Senators on this floor. What I +tried to show some time ago has been substantially admitted. One Senator +says that the Constitution is put aside in a struggle like this. Another +Senator says that the condition of affairs is altogether abnormal, and +that you cannot deal with them on constitutional principles, any more +than you can deal, by any of the regular operations of the laws of +nature, with an earthquake. The Senator from Vermont says that all these +proceedings are to be conducted according to the laws of war; and he +adds that the laws of war require many things to be done which are +absolutely forbidden in the Constitution; which Congress is prohibited +from doing, and all other departments of the Government are forbidden +from doing by the Constitution; but that they are proper under the laws +of war, which must alone be the measure of our action now. I desire the +country, then, to know this fact; that it is openly avowed upon this +floor that constitutional limitations are no longer to be regarded; +but that you are acting just as if there were two nations upon this +continent, one arrayed against the other; some eighteen or twenty +million on one side, and some ten or twelve million on the other, as to +whom the Constitution is nought, and the laws of war alone apply. + +Sir, let the people, already beginning to pause and reflect upon the +origin and nature and the probable consequences of this unhappy strife, +get this idea fairly lodged in their minds--and it is a true one--and +I will venture to say that the brave words which we now hear every +day about crushing, subjugating, treason, and traitors, will not be +so uttered the next time the Representatives of the people and States +assemble beneath the dome of this Capitol. + + * * * * * + +Mr. President, we are on the wrong tack; we have been from the +beginning. The people begin to see it. Here we have been hurling gallant +fellows on to death, and the blood of Americans has been shed--for what? +They have shown their prowess, respectively--that which belongs to +the race--and shown it like men. But for what have the United States +soldiers, according to the exposition we have heard here to-day, been +shedding their blood, and displaying their dauntless courage? It has +been to carry out principles that three fourths of them abhor; for the +principles contained in this bill, and continually avowed on the floor +of the Senate, are not shared, I venture to say, by one fourth of the +army. + +I have said, sir, that we are on the wrong tack. Nothing but ruin, utter +ruin, to the North, to the South, to the East, to the West, will follow +the prosecution of this contest. You may look forward to countless +treasures all spent for the purpose of desolating and ravaging this +continent; at the end leaving us just where we are now; or if the forces +of the United States are successful in ravaging the whole South, what on +earth will be done with it after that is accomplished? Are not gentlemen +now perfectly satisfied that they have mistaken a people for a faction? +Are they not perfectly satisfied that, to accomplish their object, it +is necessary to subjugate, to conquer--aye, to exterminate--nearly ten +millions of people? Do you not know it? Does not everybody know it? Does +not the world know it? Let us pause, and let the Congress of the United +States respond to the rising feeling all over this land in favor of +peace. War is separation; in the language of an eminent gentleman now +no more, it is disunion, eternal and final disunion. We have separation +now; it is only made worse by war, and an utter extinction of all +those sentiments of common interest and feeling which might lead to +a political reunion founded upon consent and upon a conviction of its +advantages. Let the war go on, however, and soon, in addition to the +moans of widows and orphans all over this land, you will hear the cry of +distress from those who want food and the comforts of life. The people +will be unable to pay the grinding taxes which a fanatical spirit +will attempt to impose upon them. Nay, more, sir; you will see further +separation. I hope it is not "the sunset of life gives me mystical +lore," but in my mind's eye I plainly see "coming events cast their +shadows before." The Pacific slope now, doubtless, is devoted to the +union of States. Let this war go on till they find the burdens of +taxation greater than the burdens of a separate condition, and they will +assert it. Let the war go on until they see the beautiful features +of the old Confederacy beaten out of shape and comeliness by the +brutalizing hand of war, and they will turn aside in disgust from the +sickening spectacle, and become a separate nation. Fight twelve months +longer, and the already opening differences that you see between New +England and the great Northwest will develop themselves. You have two +confederacies now. Fight twelve months, and you will have three; twelve +months longer, and you will have four. + +I will not enlarge upon it, sir. I am quite aware that all I say is +received with a sneer of incredulity by the gentlemen who represent the +far Northeast; but let the future determine who was right and who was +wrong. We are making our record here; I, my humble one, amid the +sneers and aversion of nearly all who surround me, giving my votes, +and uttering my utterances according to my convictions, with but few +approving voices, and surrounded by scowls. The time will soon come, +Senators, when history will put her final seal upon these proceedings, +and if my name shall be recorded there, going along with yours as an +actor in these scenes, I am willing to abide, fearlessly, her final +judgment. + + +MR. BAKER. + +Mr. President, it has not been my fortune to participate in at any +length, indeed, not to hear very much of, the discussion which has been +going on--more, I think, in the hands of the Senator from Kentucky than +anybody else--upon all the propositions connected with this war; and, as +I really feel as sincerely as he can an earnest desire to preserve the +Constitution of the United States for everybody, South as well as North, +I have listened for some little time past to what he has said with +an earnest desire to apprehend the point of his objection to this +particular bill. And now--waiving what I think is the elegant but loose +declamation in which he chooses to indulge--I would propose, with +my habitual respect for him, (for nobody is more courteous and more +gentlemanly,) to ask him if he will be kind enough to tell me what +single particular provision there is in this bill which is in violation +of the Constitution of the United States, which I have sworn to +support--one distinct, single proposition in the bill. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. I will state, in general terms, that every one of them +is, in my opinion, flagrantly so, unless it may be the last. I will send +the Senator the bill, and he may comment on the sections. + + +MR. BAKER. Pick out that one which is in your judgment most clearly so. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. They are all, in my opinion, so equally atrocious that +I dislike to discriminate. I will send the Senator the bill, and I tell +him that every section, except the last, in my opinion, violates the +Constitution of the United States; and of that last section, I express +no opinion. + + +MR. BAKER. I had hoped that that respectful suggestion to the Senator +would enable him to point out to me one, in his judgment, most clearly +so, for they are not all alike--they are not equally atrocious. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. Very nearly. There are ten of them. The Senator can +select which he pleases. + + +MR. BAKER. Let me try then, if I must generalize as the Senator does, +to see if I can get the scope and meaning of this bill. It is a bill +providing that the President of the United States may declare, by +proclamation, in a certain given state of fact, certain territory within +the United States to be in a condition of insurrection and war; which +proclamation shall be extensively published within the district to +which it relates. That is the first proposition. I ask him if that is +unconstitutional? That is a plain question. Is it unconstitutional to +give power to the President to declare a portion of the territory of the +United States in a state of insurrection or rebellion? He will not dare +to say it is. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. Mr. President, the Senator from Oregon is a very +adroit debater, and he discovers, of course, the great advantage he +would have if I were to allow him, occupying the floor, to ask me a +series of questions, and then have his own criticisms made on them. +When he has closed his speech, if I deem it necessary, I will make some +reply. At present, however, I will answer that question. The State of +Illinois, I believe, is a military district; the State of Kentucky is a +military district. In my judgment, the President has no authority, +and, in my judgment, Congress has no right to confer upon the President +authority, to declare a State in a condition of insurrection or +rebellion. + + +MR. BAKER. In the first place, the bill does not say a word about +States. That is the first answer. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. Does not the Senator know, in fact, that those States +compose military districts? It might as well have said "States" as to +describe what is a State. + +MR. BAKER. I do; and that is the reason why I suggest to the honorable +Senator that this criticism about States does not mean anything at all. +That is the very point. The objection certainly ought not to be that he +can declare a part of a State in insurrection and not the whole of +it. In point of fact, the Constitution of the United States, and the +Congress of the United States acting upon it, are not treating of +States, but of the territory comprising the United States; and I submit +once more to his better judgment that it cannot be unconstitutional to +allow the President to declare a county or a part of a county, or a town +or a part of a town, or part of a State, or the whole of a State, or +two States, or five States, in a condition of insurrection, if in his +judgment that be the fact. That is not wrong. + +In the next place, it provides that that being so, the military +commander in that district may make and publish such police rules and +regulations as he may deem necessary to suppress the rebellion and +restore order and preserve the lives and property of citizens. I submit +to him, if the President of the United States has power, or ought to +have power, to suppress insurrection and rebellion, is there any better +way to do it, or is there any other? The gentleman says, do it by the +civil power. Look at the fact. The civil power is utterly overwhelmed; +the courts are closed; the judges banished. Is the President not +to execute the law? Is he to do it in person, or by his military +commanders? Are they to do it with regulation, or without it? That is +the only question. + +Mr. President, the honorable Senator says there is a state of war. The +Senator from Vermont agrees with him; or rather, he agrees with the +Senator from Vermont in that. What then? There is a state of public war; +none the less war because it is urged from the other side; not the +less war because it is unjust; not the less war because it is a war of +insurrection and rebellion. It is still war; and I am willing to say it +is public war,--public as contra-distinguished from private war. What +then? Shall we carry that war on? Is it his duty as a Senator to carry +it on? If so, how? By armies under command; by military organization +and authority, advancing to suppress insurrection and rebellion. Is that +wrong? Is that unconstitutional? Are we not bound to do, with whomever +levies war against us, as we would do if he were a foreigner? There +is no distinction as to the mode of carrying on war; we carry on war +against an advancing army just the same, whether it be from Russia or +from South Carolina. Will the honorable Senator tell me it is our duty +to stay here, within fifteen miles of the enemy seeking to advance +upon us every hour, and talk about nice questions of constitutional +construction as to whether it is war or merely insurrection? No, sir. It +is our duty to advance, if we can; to suppress insurrection; to put down +rebellion; to dissipate the rising; to scatter the enemy; and when we +have done so, to preserve, in the terms of the bill, the liberty, lives, +and property of the people of the country, by just and fair police +regulations. I ask the Senator from Indiana, (Mr. Lane,) when we took +Monterey, did we not do it there? + +When we took Mexico, did we not do it there? Is it not a part, a +necessary, an indispensable part of war itself, that there shall be +military regulations over the country conquered and held? Is that +unconstitutional? + +I think it was a mere play of words that the Senator indulged in when he +attempted to answer the Senator from New York. I did not understand the +Senator from New York to mean anything else substantially but this, that +the Constitution deals generally with a state of peace, and that +when war is declared it leaves the condition of public affairs to be +determined by the law of war, in the country where the war exists. It is +true that the Constitution of the United States does adopt the laws of +war as a part of the instrument itself, during the continuance of +war. The Constitution does not provide that spies shall be hung. Is it +unconstitutional to hang a spy? There is no provision for it in terms in +the Constitution; but nobody denies the right, the power, the justice. +Why? Because it is part of the law of war. The Constitution does not +provide for the exchange of prisoners; yet it may be done under the law +of war. Indeed the Constitution does not provide that a prisoner may be +taken at all; yet his captivity is perfectly just and constitutional. +It seems to me that the Senator does not, will not take that view of the +subject. + +Again, sir, when a military commander advances, as I trust, if there are +no more unexpected great reverses, he will advance, through Virginia +and occupies the country, there, perhaps, as here, the civil law may +be silent; there perhaps the civil officers may flee as ours have been +compelled to flee. What then? If the civil law is silent, who shall +control and regulate the conquered district, who but the military +commander? As the Senator from Illinois has well said, shall it be done +by regulation or without regulation? Shall the general, or the colonel, +or the captain, be supreme, or shall he be regulated and ordered by the +President of the United States? That is the sole question. The Senator +has put it well. + +I agree that we ought to do all we can to limit, to restrain, to fetter +the abuse of military power. Bayonets are at best illogical arguments. I +am not willing, except as a case of sheerest necessity, ever to permit +a military commander to exercise authority over life, liberty, and +property. But, sir, it is part of the law of war; you cannot carry +in the rear of your army your courts; you cannot organize juries; you +cannot have trials according to the forms and ceremonial of the +common law amid the clangor of arms, and somebody must enforce police +regulations in a conquered or occupied district. I ask the Senator from +Kentucky again respectfully, is that unconstitutional; or if in the +nature of war it must exist, even if there be no law passed by us to +allow it, is it unconstitutional to regulate it? That is the question, +to which I do not think he will make a clear and distinct reply. + +Now, sir, I have shown him two sections of the bill, which I do not +think he will repeat earnestly are unconstitutional. I do not think that +he will seriously deny that it is perfectly constitutional to limit, to +regulate, to control, at the same time to confer and restrain authority +in the hands of military commanders. I think it is wise and judicious +to regulate it by virtue of powers to be placed in the hands of the +President by law. + +Now, a few words, and a few only, as to the Senator's predictions. The +Senator from Kentucky stands up here in a manly way in opposition to +what he sees is the overwhelming sentiment of the Senate, and utters +reproof,malediction, and prediction combined. Well, sir, it is not every +prediction that is prophecy. It is the easiest thing in the world to do; +there is nothing easier, except to be mistaken when we have predicted. I +confess, Mr. President, that I would not have predicted three weeks ago +the disasters which have overtaken our arms; and I do not think (if I +were to predict now) that six months hence the Senator will indulge in +the same tone of prediction which is his favorite key now. I would ask +him what would you have us do now--a confederate army within twenty +miles of us, advancing, or threatening to advance, to overwhelm your +Government; to shake the pillars of the Union; to bring it around your +head, if you stay here, in ruins? Are we to stop and talk about an +uprising sentiment in the North against the war? Are we to predict evil, +and retire from what we predict? Is it not the manly part to go on as +we have begun, to raise money, and levy armies, to organize them, to +prepare to advance; when we do advance, to regulate that advance by all +the laws and regulations that civilization and humanity will allow in +time of battle? Can we do anything more? To talk to us about stopping, +is idle; we will never stop. Will the Senator yield to rebellion? Will +he shrink from armed insurrection? Will his State justify it? Will its +better public opinion allow it? Shall we send a flag of truce? What +would he have? Or would he conduct this war so feebly, that the whole +world would smile at us in derision? What would he have? These speeches +of his, sown broadcast over the land, what clear distinct meaning have +they? Are they not intended for disorganization in our very midst? Are +they not intended to dull our weapons? Are they not intended to destroy +our zeal? Are they not intended to animate our enemies? Sir, are they +not words of brilliant, polished treason, even in the very Capitol of +the Confederacy? (Manifestations of applause in the galleries.) + + +The Presiding Officer (Mr. Anthony in the chair). Order! + + +MR. BAKER. What would have been thought if, in another Capitol, in +another Republic, in a yet more martial age, a senator as grave, not +more eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with +the Roman purple flowing over his shoulders, had risen in his place, +surrounded by all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that +advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with +in terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the battle of +Canne, a senator there had risen in his place and denounced every levy +of the Roman people, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal +to the old recollections and the old glories? Sir, a Senator, himself +learned far more than myself in such lore (Mr. Fessenden), tells me, in +a voice that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled +from the Tarpeian rock. It is a grand commentary upon the American +Constitution that we permit these words to be uttered. I ask the Senator +to recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort to the enemy, do +these predictions of his amount to? Every word thus uttered falls as a +note of inspiration upon every confederate ear. Every sound thus uttered +is a word (and falling from his lips, a mighty word) of kindling and +triumph to a foe that determines to advance. For me, I have no such +word as a Senator to utter. For me, amid temporary defeat, disaster, +disgrace, it seems that my duty calls me to utter another word, and that +word is, bold, sudden, forward, determined war, according to the laws +of war, by armies, by military commanders clothed with full power, +advancing with all the past glories of the Republic urging them to +conquest. + +I do not stop to consider whether it is subjugation or not. It is +compulsory obedience, not to my will; not to yours, sir; not to the +will of any one man; not to the will of any one State; but compulsory +obedience to the Constitution of the whole country. The Senator chose +the other day again and again to animadvert on a single expression in +a little speech which I delivered before the Senate, in which I took +occasion to say that if the people of the rebellious States would not +govern themselves as States, they ought to be governed as Territories. +The Senator knew full well then, for I explained it twice--he knows full +well now--that on this side of the Chamber; nay, in this whole Chamber; +nay, in this whole North and West; nay, in all the loyal States in all +their breadth, there is not a man among us all who dreams of causing any +man in the South to submit to any rule, either as to life, liberty, or +property, that we ourselves do not willingly agree to yield to. Did +he ever think of that? Subjugation for what? When we subjugate South +Carolina, what shall we do? We shall compel its obedience to the +Constitution of the United States; that is all. Why play upon words? +We do not mean, we have never said, any more. If it be slavery that men +should obey the Constitution their fathers fought for, let it be so. If +it be freedom, it is freedom equally for them and for us. We propose to +subjugate rebellion into loyalty; we propose to subjugate insurrection +into peace; we propose to subjugate confederate anarchy into +constitutional Union liberty. The Senator well knows that we propose +no more. I ask him, I appeal to his better judgment now, what does he +imagine we intend to do, if fortunately we conquer Tennessee or South +Carolina--call it "conquer," if you will, sir--what do we propose to +do? They will have their courts still; they will have their ballot-boxes +still; they will have their elections still; they will have their +representatives upon this floor still; they will have taxation and +representation still; they will have the writ of _habeas corpus_ still; +they will have every privilege they ever had and all we desire. When the +confederate armies are scattered; when their leaders are banished from +power; when the people return to a late repentant sense of the wrong +they have done to a Government they never felt but in benignancy and +blessing, then the Constitution made for all will be felt by all, +like the descending rains from heaven which bless all alike. Is that +subjugation? To restore what was, as it was, for the benefit of the +whole country and of the whole human race, is all we desire and all we +can have. + + * * * * * + +I tell the Senator that his predictions, sometimes for the South, +sometimes for the Middle States, sometimes for the Northeast, and then +wandering away in airy visions out to the far Pacific, about the dread +of our people, as for loss of blood and treasure, provoking them to +disloyalty, are false in sentiment, false in fact, and false in loyalty. +The Senator from Kentucky is mistaken in them all. Five hundred million +dollars! What then? Great Britain gave more than two thousand million +in the great battle for constitutional liberty which she led at one time +almost single-handed against the world. Five hundred thousand men! What +then? We have them; they are ours; they are the children of the country. +They belong to the whole country; they are our sons; our kinsmen; and +there are many of us who will give them all up before we will abate one +word of our just demand, or will retreat one inch from the line which +divides right from wrong. + +Sir, it is not a question of men or of money in that sense. All the +money, all the men, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause. +When we give them, we know their value. Knowing their value well, we +give them with the more pride and the more joy. Sir, how can we retreat? +Sir, how can we make peace? Who shall treat? What commissioners? Who +would go? Upon what terms? Where is to be your boundary line? Where +the end of the principles we shall have to give up? What will become of +constitutional government? What will become of public liberty? What +of past glories? What of future hopes? Shall we sink into the +insignificance of the grave--a degraded, defeated, emasculated people, +frightened by the results of one battle, and scared at the visions +raised by the imagination of the Senator from Kentucky upon this floor? +No, sir; a thousand times, no, sir! We will rally--if, indeed, our words +be necessary--we will rally the people, the loyal people, of the whole +country. They will pour forth their treasure, their money, their men, +without stint, without measure. The most peaceable man in this body may +stamp his foot upon this Senate-Chamber floor, as of old a warrior and +a senator did, and from that single stamp there will spring forth armed +legions. Shall one battle determine the fate of an empire? or, the loss +of one thousand men or twenty thousand, or $100,000,000 or $500,000,000? +In a year's peace, in ten years, at most, of peaceful progress, we can +restore them all. There will be some graves reeking with blood, watered +by the tears of affection. There will be some privation; there will +be some loss of luxury; there will be somewhat more need for labor to +procure the necessaries of life. When that is said, all is said. If we +have the country, the whole country, the Union, the Constitution, +free government--with these there will return all the blessings of +well-ordered civilization; the path of the country will be a career of +greatness and of glory such as, in the olden time, our fathers saw in +the dim visions of years yet to come, and such as would have been ours +now, to-day, if it had not been for the treason for which the Senator +too often seeks to apologize. + + +MR. BRECKENRIDGE. Mr. President, I have tried on more than one occasion +in the Senate, in parliamentary and respectful language, to express my +opinions in regard to the character of our Federal system, the relations +of the States to the Federal Government, to the Constitution, the +bond of the Federal political system. They differ utterly from those +entertained by the Senator from Oregon. Evidently, by his line of +argument, he regards this as an original, not a delegated Government, +and he regards it as clothed with all those powers which belong to an +original nation, not only with those powers which are delegated by the +different political communities that compose it, and limited by the +written Constitution that forms the bond of Union. I have tried to +show that, in the view that I take of our Government, this war is +an unconstitutional war. I do not think the Senator from Oregon has +answered my argument. He asks, what must we do? As we progress southward +and invade the country, must we not, said he, carry with us all the laws +of war? I would not progress southward and invade the country. + +The President of the United States, as I again repeat, in my judgment +only has the power to call out the military to assist the civil +authority in executing the laws; and when the question assumes the +magnitude and takes the form of a great political severance, and nearly +half the members of the Confederacy withdraw themselves from it, what +then? I have never held that one State or a number of States have a +right without cause to break the compact of the Constitution. But what I +mean to say is that you cannot then undertake to make war in the name of +the Constitution. In my opinion they are out. You may conquer them; but +do not attempt to do it under what I consider false political pretenses. +However, sir, I will not enlarge upon that. I have developed these ideas +again and again, and I do not care to re-argue them. Hence the Senator +and I start from entirely different stand-points, and his pretended +replies are no replies at all. + +The Senator asks me, "What would you have us do?" I have already +intimated what I would have us do. I would have us stop the war. We +can do it. I have tried to show that there is none of that inexorable +necessity to continue this war which the Senator seems to suppose. I do +not hold that constitutional liberty on this continent is bound up in +this fratricidal, devastating, horrible contest. Upon the contrary, I +fear it will find its grave in it. The Senator is mistaken in supposing +that we can reunite these States by war. He is mistaken in supposing +that eighteen or twenty million upon the one side can subjugate ten or +twelve million upon the other; or, if they do subjugate them, that you +can restore constitutional government as our fathers made it. You will +have to govern them as Territories, as suggested by the Senator, if +ever they are reduced to the dominion of the United States, or, as the +Senator from Vermont called them, "those rebellious provinces of this +Union," in his speech to-day. Sir, I would prefer to see these States +all reunited upon true constitutional principles to any other object +that could be offered me in life; and to restore, upon the principles +of of our fathers, the Union of these States, to me the sacrifice of one +unimportant life would be nothing; nothing, sir. But I infinitely prefer +to see a peaceful separation of these States, than to see endless, +aimless, devastating war, at the end of which I see the grave of public +liberty and of personal freedom.' + + + + +CLEMENT L. VALLANDIGHAM, + +OF OHIO. (BORN 1820, DIED 1871.) + +ON THE WAR AND ITS CONDUCT; + +HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 14, 1863. + + +SIR, I am one of that number who have opposed abolitionism, or the +political development of the antislavery sentiment of the North and +West, from the beginning. In school, at college, at the bar, in public +assemblies, in the Legislature, in Congress, boy and man, in time of +peace and in time of war, at all times and at every sacrifice, I have +fought against it. It cost me ten years' exclusion from office and honor +at that period of life when honors are sweetest. No matter; I learned +early to do right and to wait. Sir, it is but the development of the +spirit of intermeddling, whose children are strife and murder. Cain +troubled himself about the sacrifices of Abel, and slew his brother. +Most of the wars, contentions, litigation, and bloodshed, from the +beginning of time, have been its fruits. The spirit of non-intervention +is the very spirit of peace and concord. * * * + +The spirit of intervention assumed the form of abolitionism because +slavery was odious in name and by association to the Northern mind, +and because it was that which most obviously marks the different +civilizations of the two sections. The South herself, in her early and +later efforts to rid herself of it, had exposed the weak and offensive +parts of slavery to the world. Abolition intermeddling taught her +at last to search for and defend the assumed social, economic, and +political merit and values of the institution. But there never was an +hour from the beginning when it did not seem to me as clear as the sun +at broad noon that the agitation in any form in the North and West of +the slavery question must sooner or later end in disunion and civil war. +This was the opinion and prediction for years of Whig and Democratic +statesmen alike; and, after the unfortunate dissolution of the Whig +party in 1854, and the organization of the present Republican party upon +the exclusive antislavery and sectional basis, the event was inevitable, +because, in the then existing temper of the public mind, and after +the education through the press and the pulpit, the lecture and the +political canvass, for twenty years, of a generation taught to hate +slavery and the South, the success of that party, possessed as it was +of every engine of political, business, social, and religious influence, +was certain. It was only a question of time, and short time. Such +was its strength, indeed, that I do not believe that the union of the +Democratic party in 1860 on any candidate, even though he had been +supported also by the entire so-called conservative or anti-Lincoln vote +of the country, would have availed to defeat it; and, if it had, the +success of the Abolition party would only have been postponed four years +longer. The disease had fastened too strongly upon the system to be +healed until it had run its course. The doctrine of "the irrepressible +conflict" had been taught too long, and accepted too widely and +earnestly, to die out until it should culminate in secession and +disunion, and, if coercion were resorted to, then in civil war. I +believed from the first that it was the purpose of some of the apostles +of that doctrine to force a collision between the North and the South, +either to bring about a separation or to find a vain but bloody pretext +for abolishing slavery in the States. In any event, I knew, or thought I +knew, that the end was certain collision and death to the Union. + +Believing thus, I have for years past denounced those who taught that +doctrine, with all the vehemence, the bitterness, if you choose--I +thought it a righteous, a patriotic bitterness--of an earnest and +impassioned nature. * * * But the people did not believe me, nor those +older and wiser and greater than I. They rejected the prophecy, and +stoned the prophets. The candidate of the Republican party was chosen +President. Secession began. Civil war was imminent. It was no petty +insurrection, no temporary combination to obstruct the execution of +the laws in certain States, but a revolution, systematic, deliberate, +determined, and with the consent of a majority of the people of each +State which seceded. Causeless it may have been, wicked it may have +been, but there it was--not to be railed at, still less to be laughed +at, but to be dealt with by statesmen as a fact. No display of vigor or +force alone, however sudden or great, could have arrested it even at the +outset. It was disunion at last. The wolf had come, but civil war had +not yet followed. In my deliberate and solemn judgment there was but +one wise and masterly mode of dealing with it. Non-coercion would avert +civil war, and compromise crush out both abolitionism and secession. The +parent and the child would thus both perish. But a resort to force would +at once precipitate war, hasten secession, extend disunion, and while it +lasted utterly cut off all hope of compromise. I believed that war, if +long enough continued, would be final, eternal disunion. I said it; I +meant it; and accordingly, to the utmost of my ability and influence, I +exerted myself in behalf of the policy of non-coercion. It was adopted +by Mr. Buchanan's administration, with the almost unanimous consent of +the Democratic and Constitutional Union parties in and out of Congress; +and in February, with the consent of a majority of the Republican party +in the Senate and the House. But that party most disastrously for the +country refused all compromise. How, indeed, could they accept any? That +which the South demanded, and the Democratic and Conservative parties of +the North and West were willing to grant, and which alone could avail to +keep the peace and save the Union, implied a surrender of the sole vital +element of the party and its platform, of the very principle, in fact, +upon which it had just won the contest for the Presidency, not, indeed, +by a majority of the popular vote--the majority was nearly a million +against it,--but under the forms of the Constitution. Sir, the crime, +the "high crime," of the Republican party was not so much its refusal +to compromise, as its original organization upon a basis and doctrine +wholly inconsistent with the stability of the Constitution and the peace +of the Union. + +The President-elect was inaugurated; and now, if only the policy of +non-coercion could be maintained, and war thus averted, time would do +its work in the North and the South, and final peaceable adjustment +and reunion be secured. Some time in March it was announced that the +President had resolved to continue the policy of his predecessor, and +even go a step farther, and evacuate Sumter and the other Federal forts +and arsenals in the seceded States. His own party acquiesced; the whole +country rejoiced. The policy of non-coercion had triumphed, and for +once, sir, in my life, I found myself in an immense majority. No man +then pretended that a Union founded in consent could be cemented by +force. Nay, more, the President and the Secretary of State went farther. +Said Mr. Seward, in an official diplomatic letter to Mr. Adams: "For +these reasons, he (the President) would not be disposed to reject a +cardinal dogma of theirs (the secessionists), namely, that the Federal +Government could not reduce the seceding States to obedience by +conquest, although he were disposed to question that proposition. But +in fact the President willingly accepts it as true. Only an imperial +or despotic government could subjugate thoroughly disaffected and +insurrectionary members of the State." * * * This Federal republican +system of ours is, of all forms of government, the very one which is +most unfitted for such a labor. This, sir, was on the 10th of April, and +yet on that very day the fleet was under sail for Charleston. The +policy of peace had been abandoned. Collision followed; the militia were +ordered out; civil war began. + +Now, sir, on the 14th of April, I believed that coercion would bring on +war, and war disunion. More than that, I believed what you all believe +in your hearts to-day, that the South could never be conquered--never. +And not that only, but I was satisfied--and you of the Abolition party +have now proved it to the world--that the secret but real purpose +of the war was to abolish slavery in the State. * * * These were my +convictions on the 14th of April. Had I changed them on the 15th, when I +read the President's proclamation, * * * + +I would have changed my public conduct also. But my convictions did not +change. I thought that, if war was disunion on the 14th of April, it was +equally disunion on the 15th, and at all times. Believing this, I +could not, as an honest man, a Union man, and a patriot, lend an active +support to the war; and I did not. I had rather my right arm were +plucked from its socket and cast into eternal burnings, than, with +my convictions, to have thus defiled my soul with the guilt of moral +perjury. Sir, I was not taught in that school which proclaims that "all +is fair in politics." I loathe, abhor, and detest the execrable maxim. +* * * Perish office, perish honors, perish life itself; but do the thing +that is right, and do it like a man. + +Certainly, sir; I could not doubt what he must suffer who dare defy the +opinions and the passions, not to say the madness, of twenty millions of +people. * * * I did not support the war; and to-day I bless God that not +the smell of so much as one drop of its blood is upon my garments. Sir, +I censure no brave man who rushed patriotically into this war; neither +will I quarrel with any one, here or elsewhere, who gave to it an honest +support. Had their convictions been mine, I, too, would doubtless +have done as they did. With my convictions I could not. But I was a +Representative. War existed--by whose act no matter--not by mine. The +President, the Senate, the House, and the country all said that there +should be war. * * * I belonged to that school of politics which teaches +that, when we are at war, the government--I do not mean the Executive +alone, but the government--is entitled to demand and have, without +resistance, such number of men, and such amount of money and supplies +generally, as may be necessary for the war, until an appeal can be had +to the people. Before that tribunal alone, in the first instance, +must the question of the continuance of the war be tried. This was Mr. +Calhoun's opinion * * * in the Mexican war. Speaking of that war in +1847, he said: "Every Senator knows that I was opposed to the war; but +none but myself knows the depth of that opposition. With my conception +of its character and consequences, it was impossible for me to vote for +it. * * * But, after war was declared, by authority of the government, +I acquiesced in what I could not prevent, and what it was impossible for +me to arrest; and I then felt it to be my duty to limit my efforts to +give such direction to the war as would, as far as possible, prevent +the evils and dangers with which it threatened the country and its +institutions." + +Sir, I adopt all this as my position and my defence, though, perhaps, in +a civil war, I might fairly go farther in opposition. I could not, with +my convictions, vote men and money for this war, and I would not, as a +Representative, vote against them. I meant that, without opposition, the +President might take all the men and all the money he should demand, and +then to hold him to a strict responsibility before the people for the +results. Not believing the soldiers responsible for the war or its +purposes or its consequences, I have never withheld my vote where +their separate interests were concerned. But I have denounced from the +beginning the usurpations and the infractions, one and all, of law and +constitution, by the President and those under him; their repeated and +persistent arbitrary arrests, the suspension of _habeas corpus_, the +violation of freedom of the mails, of the private house, of the press, +and of speech, and all the other multiplied wrongs and outrages upon +public liberty and private right, which have made this country one of +the worst despotisms on earth for the past twenty months, and I will +continue to rebuke and denounce them to the end; and the people, thank +God, have at last heard and heeded, and rebuked them too. To the record +and to time I appeal again for my justification. + + + + +HENRY WARD BEECHER, + +OF NEW YORK. (BORN 1813, DIED 1887.) + +ADDRESS AT LIVERPOOL, OCTOBER 16, 1863 + + +For more than twenty-five years I have been made perfectly familiar with +popular assemblies in all parts of my country except the extreme South. +There has not for the whole of that time been a single day of my life +when it would have been safe for me to go South of Mason's and Dixon's +line in my own country, and all for one reason: my solemn, earnest, +persistent testimony against that which I consider to be the most +atrocious thing under the sun--the system of American slavery in a great +free republic. [Cheers.] I have passed through that early period when +right of free speech was denied to me. Again and again I have attempted +to address audiences that, for no other crime than that of free speech, +visited me with all manner of contumelious epithets; and now since I +have been in England, although I have met with greater kindness and +courtesy on the part of most than I deserved, yet, on the other hand, I +perceive that the Southern influence prevails to some extent in England. +[Applause and uproar.] It is my old acquaintance; I understand it +perfectly--[laughter]--and I have always held it to be an unfailing +truth that where a man had a cause that would bear examination he was +perfectly willing to have it spoken about. [Applause.] And when +in Manchester I saw those huge placards: "Who is Henry Ward +Beecher?"--[laughter, cries of "Quite right," and applause.]--and +when in Liverpool I was told that there were those blood-red placards, +purporting to say what Henry Ward Beecher had said, and calling upon +Englishmen to suppress free speech--I tell you what I thought. I thought +simply this: "I am glad of it." [Laughter.] Why? Because if they had felt +perfectly secure, that you are the minions of the South and the slaves +of slavery, they would have been perfectly still. [Applause and uproar.] +And, therefore, when I saw so much nervous apprehension that, if I were +permitted to speak--[hisses and applause]--when I found they were afraid +to have me speak [hisses, laughter, and "No, no!"]--when I found that +they considered my speaking damaging to their cause--[applause]--when I +found that they appealed from facts and reasonings to mob law--[applause +and uproar]--I said, no man need tell me what the heart and secret +counsel of these men are. They tremble and are afraid. [Applause, +laughter, hisses, "No, no!" and a voice: "New York mob."] Now, +personally, it is a matter of very little consequence to me whether I +speak here to-night or not. [Laughter and cheers.] But, one thing is +very certain, if you do permit me to speak here to-night you will +hear very plain talking. [Applause and hisses.] You will not find a +man--[interruption]--you will not find me to be a man that dared to +speak about Great Britain 3,000 miles off, and then is afraid to speak +to Great Britain when he stands on her shores. [Immense applause and +hisses.] And if I do not mistake the tone and temper of Englishmen, they +had rather have a man who opposes them in a manly way--[applause from +all parts of the hall]--than a sneak that agrees with them in an unmanly +way. [Applause and "Bravo!"] Now, if I can carry you with me by sound +convictions, I shall be immensely glad--[applause]; but if I cannot +carry you with me by facts and sound arguments, I do not wish you to go +with me at all; and all that I ask is simply FAIR PLAY. [Applause, and a +voice: "You shall have it too."] + +Those of you who are kind enough to wish to favor my speaking--and you +will observe that my voice is slightly husky, from having spoken almost +every night in succession for some time past,--those who wish to hear +me will do me the kindness simply to sit still, and to keep still; and I +and my friends the Secessionists will make all the noise. [Laughter.] + +There are two dominant races in modern history--the Germanic and the +Romanic races. The Germanic races tend to personal liberty, to a sturdy +individualism, to civil and to political liberty. The Romanic race tends +to absolutism in government; it is clannish; it loves chieftains; it +develops a people that crave strong and showy governments to support and +plan for them. The Anglo-Saxon race belongs to the great German family, +and is a fair exponent of its peculiarities. The Anglo-Saxon carries +self-government and self-development with him wherever he goes. He has +popular GOVERNMENT and popular INDUSTRY; for the effects of a generous +civil liberty are not seen a whit more plain in the good order, in the +intelligence, and in the virtue of a self-governing people, than in +their amazing enterprise and the scope and power of their creative +industry. The power to create riches is just as much a part of the +Anglo-Saxon virtues as the power to create good order and social safety. +The things required for prosperous labor, prosperous manufactures, and +prosperous commerce are three. First, liberty; second, liberty; third, +liberty. [Hear, hear!] Though these are not merely the same liberty, as +I shall show you. First, there must be liberty to follow those laws of +business which experience has developed, without imposts or restrictions +or governmental intrusions. Business simply wants to be let alone. +[Hear, hear!] Then, secondly, there must be liberty to distribute and +exchange products of industry in any market without burdensome tariffs, +without imposts, and with-out vexatious regulations. There must be these +two liberties--liberty to create wealth, as the makers of it think best, +according to the light and experience which business has given them; and +then liberty to distribute what they have created without unnecessary +vexatious burdens. + +The comprehensive law of the ideal industrial condition of the word +is free manufacture and free trade. [Hear, hear! A voice: "The Morrill +tariff." Another voice: "Monroe."] I have said there were three elements +of liberty. The third is the necessity of an intelligent and free race +of customers. There must be freedom among producers; there must +be freedom among the distributors; there must be freedom among the +customers. It may not have occurred to you that it makes any difference +what one's customers are, but it does in all regular and prolonged +business. The condition of the customer determines how much he will buy, +determines of what sort he will buy. Poor and ignorant people buy little +and that of the poorest kind. The richest and the intelligent, having +the more means to buy, buy the most, and always buy the best. Here, +then, are the three liberties: liberty of the producer, liberty of +the distributor, and liberty of the consumer. The first two need no +discussion; they have been long thoroughly and brilliantly illustrated +by the political economists of Great Britain and by her eminent +statesmen; but it seems to me that enough attention has not been +directed to the third; and, with your patience, I will dwell upon that +for a moment, before proceeding to other topics. + +It is a necessity of every manufacturing and commercial people that +their customers should be very wealthy and intelligent. Let us put the +subject before you in the familiar light of your own local experience. +To whom do the tradesmen of Liverpool sell the most goods at the highest +profit? To the ignorant and poor, or to the educated and prosperous? [A +voice: "To the Southerners." Laughter.] The poor man buys simply for his +body; he buys food, he buys clothing, he buys fuel, he buys lodging. His +rule is to buy the least and the cheapest that he can. He goes to the +store as seldom as he can; he brings away as little as he can; and he +buys for the least he can. [Much laughter.] Poverty is not a misfortune +to the poor only who suffer it, but it is more or less a misfortune to +all with whom he deals. On the other hand, a man well off--how is it +with him? He buys in far greater quantity. He can afford to do it; he +has the money to pay for it. He buys in far greater variety, because he +seeks to gratify not merely physical wants, but also mental wants. He +buys for the satisfaction of sentiment and taste, as well as of sense. +He buys silk, wool, flax, cotton; he buys all metals--iron, silver, +gold, platinum; in short he buys for all necessities and all substances. +But that is not all. He buys a better quality of goods. He buys richer +silks, finer cottons, higher grained wools. Now a rich silk means so +much skill and care of somebody's that has been expended upon it to make +it finer and richer; and so of cotton and so of wool. That is, the price +of the finer goods runs back to the very beginning, and remunerates the +workman as well as the merchant. Now, the whole laboring community is +as much interested and profited as the mere merchant, in this buying and +selling of the higher grades in the greater varieties and quantities. +The law of price is the skill; and the amount of skill expended in the +work is as much for the market as are the goods. A man comes to market +and says: "I have a pair of hands," and he obtains the lowest wages. +Another man comes and says: "I have something more than a pair of hands; +I have truth and fidelity." He gets a higher price. Another man comes +and says: "I have something more; I have hands, and strength, and +fidelity, and skill." He gets more than either of the others. + +The next man comes and says: "I have got hands, and strength, and skill, +and fidelity; but my hands work more than that. They know how to create +things for the fancy, for the affections, for the moral sentiments"; and +he gets more than either of the others. The last man comes and says: "I +have all these qualities, and have them so highly that it is a peculiar +genius"; and genius carries the whole market and gets the highest price. +[Loud applause.] So that both the workman and the merchant are profited +by having purchasers that demand quality, variety, and quantity. Now, +if this be so in the town or the city, it can only be so because it is a +law. This is the specific development of a general or universal law, and +therefore we should expect to find it as true of a nation as of a city +like Liverpool. I know that it is so, and you know that it is true of +all the world; and it is just as important to have customers educated, +Intelligent, moral, and rich out of Liverpool as it is in Liverpool. +[Applause.] They are able to buy; they want variety, they want the very +best; and those are the customers you want. That nation is the best +customer that is freest, because freedom works prosperity, industry, +and wealth. Great Britain, then, aside from moral considerations, has a +direct commercial and pecuniary interest in the liberty, civilization, +and wealth of every nation on the globe. [Loud applause.] You also have +an interest in this, because you are a moral and religious people. ["Oh, +oh!" laughter and applause.] You desire it from the highest motives; and +godliness is profitable in all things, having the promise of the life +that now is, as well as of that which is to come; but if there were no +hereafter, and if man had no progress in this life, and if there were no +question of civilization at all, it would be worth your while to +protect civilization and liberty, merely as a commercial speculation. To +evangelize has more than a moral and religious import--it comes back to +temporal relations. Wherever a nation that is crushed, cramped, degraded +under despotism is struggling to be free, you, Leeds, Sheffield, +Manchester, Paisley, all have an interest that that nation should be +free. When depressed and backward people demand that they may have a +chance to rise--Hungary, Italy, Poland--it is a duty for humanity's +sake, it is a duty for the highest moral motives, to sympathize with +them; but besides all these there is a material and an interested +reason why you should sympathize with them. Pounds and pence join with +conscience and with honor in this design. Now, Great Britain's chief +want is--what? + +They have said that your chief want is cotton. I deny it. Your chief +want is consumers. [Applause and hisses.] You have got skill, you have +got capital, and you have got machinery enough to manufacture goods for +the whole population of the globe. You could turn out fourfold as much +as you do, if you only had the market to sell in. It is not so much the +want, therefore, of fabric, though there may be a temporary obstruction +of it; but the principal and increasing want--increasing from year to +year--is, where shall we find men to buy what we can manufacture so +fast? [Interruption, and a voice, "The Morrill tariff," and applause.] +Before the American war broke out, your warehouses were loaded +with goods that you could not sell. [Applause and hisses.] You had +over-manufactured; what is the meaning of over-manufacturing but this: +that you had skill, capital, machinery, to create faster than you had +customers to take goods off your hands? And you know that rich as Great +Britain is, vast as are her manufactures, if she could have fourfold +the present demand, she could make fourfold riches to-morrow; and +every political economist will tell you that your want is not cotton +primarily, but customers. Therefore, the doctrine, how to make +customers, is a great deal more important to Great Britain than the +doctrine how to raise cotton. It is to that doctrine I ask from you, +business men, practical men, men of fact, sagacious Englishmen--to +that point I ask a moment's attention. [Shouts of "Oh, oh!" hisses, and +applause.] There are no more continents to be discovered. [Hear, hear!] +The market of the future must be found--how? There is very little hope +of any more demand being created by new fields. If you are to have a +better market there must be some kind of process invented to make the +old fields better. [A voice, "Tell us something new," shouts of order, +and interruption.] Let us look at it, then. You must civilize the world +in order to make a better class of purchasers. [Interruption.] If you +were to press Italy down again under the feet of despotism, Italy, +discouraged, could draw but very few supplies from you. But give her +liberty, kindle schools throughout her valleys, spur her industry, make +treaties with her by which she can exchange her wine, and her oil, and +her silk for your manufactured goods; and for every effort that you +make in that direction there will come back profit to you by increased +traffic with her. [Loud applause.] If Hungary asks to be an unshackled +nation--if by freedom she will rise in virtue and intelligence, then by +freedom she will acquire a more multifarious industry, which she will +be willing to exchange for your manufactures. Her liberty is to be +found--where? You will find it in the Word of God, you will find it +in the code of history; but you will also find it in the Price Current +[Hear, hear!]; and every free nation, every civilized people--every +people that rises from barbarism to industry and intelligence, becomes a +better customer. + +A savage is a man of one story, and that one story a cellar. When a man +begins to be civilized, he raises another story. When you Christianize +and civilize the man, you put story upon story, for you develop faculty +after faculty; and you have to supply every story with your productions. +The savage is a man one story deep; the civilized man is thirty stories +deep. [Applause.] Now, if you go to a lodging-house, where there are +three or four men, your sales to them may, no doubt, be worth something; +but if you go to a lodging-house like some of those which I saw in +Edinburgh, which seemed to contain about twenty stories ["Oh, oh!" and +interruption], every story of which is full, and all who occupy buy of +you--which is the better customer, the man who is drawn out, or the man +who is pinched up? [Laughter.] Now, there is in this a great and sound +principle of economy. ["Yah, yah!" from the passage outside the hall, and +loud laughter.] If the South should be rendered independent--[at this +juncture mingled cheering and hissing became immense; half the audience +rose to their feet, waving hats and hand-kerchiefs, and in every part of +the hall there was the greatest commotion and uproar.] You have had your +turn now; now let me have mine again. [Loud applause and laughter.] It +is a little inconvenient to talk against the wind; but after all, if you +will just keep good-natured--I am not going to lose my temper; will you +watch yours? [Applause.] Besides all that, it rests me, and gives me a +chance, you know, to get my breath. [Applause and hisses.] And I think +that the bark of those men is worse than their bite. They do not mean +any harm--they don't know any better. [Loud laughter, applause, hisses, +and continued up-roar.] I was saying, when these responses broke in, +that it was worth our while to consider both alternatives. What will be +the result if this present struggle shall eventuate in the separation +of America, and making the South--[loud applause, hisses, hooting, +and cries of "Bravo!"]--a slave territory exclusively,--[cries of "No, +no!" and laughter]--and the North a free territory,--what will be +the final result? You will lay the foundation for carrying the slave +population clear through to the Pacific Ocean. This is the first step. +There is not a man that has been a leader of the South any time within +these twenty years, that has not had this for a plan. It was for this +that Texas was invaded, first by colonists, next by marauders, until +it was wrested from Mexico. It was for this that they engaged in the +Mexican War itself, by which the vast territory reaching to the Pacific +was added to the Union. Never for a moment have they given up the plan +of spreading the American institutions, as they call them, straight +through toward the West, until the slave, who has washed his feet in +the Atlantic, shall be carried to wash them in the Pacific. [Cries of +"Question," and up-roar.] There! I have got that statement out, and you +cannot put it back. [Laughter and applause.] Now, let us consider the +prospect. If the South becomes a slave empire, what relation will it +have to you as a customer? [A voice: "Or any other man." Laughter.] It +would be an empire of 12,000,000 of people. Now, of these, 8,000,000 are +white, and 4,000,000 black. [A voice: "How many have you got?" Applause +and laughter. Another voice: "Free your own slaves."] Consider that one +third of the whole are the miserably poor, unbuying blacks. [Cries of +"No, no!" "Yes, yes!" and interruption.] You do not manufacture much for +them. [Hisses, "Oh!" "No."] You have not got machinery coarse enough. +[Laughter, and "No."] Your labor is too skilled by far to manufacture +bagging and linsey-woolsey. [A Southerner: "We are going to free them, +every one."] Then you and I agree exactly. [Laughter.] One other third +consists of a poor, unskilled, degraded white population; and +the remaining one third, which is a large allowance, we will say, +intelligent and rich. + +Now here are twelve million of people, and only one third of them are +customers that can afford to buy the kind of goods that you bring to +market. [Interruption and uproar.] My friends, I saw a man once, who was +a little late at a railway station, chase an express train. He did not +catch it. [Laughter.] If you are going to stop this meeting, you have +got to stop it before I speak; for after I have got the things out, you +may chase as long as you please--you would not catch them. [Laughter and +interruption.] But there is luck in leisure; I 'm going to take it easy. +[Laughter.] Two thirds of the population of the Southern States to-day +are non-purchasers of English goods. [A voice: "No, they are not"; "No, +no!" and uproar.] Now you must recollect another fact--namely, that this +is going on clear through to the Pacific Ocean; and if by sympathy or +help you establish a slave empire, you sagacious Britons--["Oh, oh!" +and hooting]--if you like it better, then, I will leave the adjective +out--[laughter, Hear! and applause]--are busy in favoring the +establishment of an empire from ocean to ocean that should have fewest +customers and the largest non-buying population. [Applause, "No, no!" +A voice: "I thought it was the happy people that populated fastest."] ` + +Now, what can England make for the poor white population of such a +future empire, and for her slave population? What carpets, what linens, +what cottons can you sell them? What machines, what looking-glasses, +what combs, what leather, what books, what pictures, what engravings? [A +voice: "We 'll sell them ships."] You may sell ships to a few, but what +ships can you sell to two thirds of the population of poor whites and +blacks? [Applause.] A little bagging and a little linsey-woolsey, a +few whips and manacles, are all that you can sell for the slave. [Great +applause and uproar.] This very day, in the slave States of America +there are eight millions out of twelve millions that are not, and cannot +be your customers from the very laws of trade. [A voice: "Then how are +they clothed?" and interruption.] * * * + +But I know that you say, you cannot help sympathizing with a gallant +people. [Hear, hear!] They are the weaker people, the minority; and you +cannot help going with the minority who are struggling for their rights +against the majority. Nothing could be more generous, when a weak party +stands for its own legitimate rights against imperious pride and power, +than to sympathize with the weak. But who ever sympathized with a weak +thief, because three constables had got hold of him? [Hear, hear!] And +yet the one thief in three policemen's hands is the weaker party. +I suppose you would sympathize with him. [Hear, hear! laughter, and +applause.] Why, when that infamous king of Naples--Bomba, was driven +into Gaeta by Garibaldi with his immortal band of patriots, and Cavour +sent against him the army of Northern Italy, who was the weaker party +then? The tyrant and his minions; and the majority was with the noble +Italian patriots, struggling for liberty. I never heard that Old England +sent deputations to King Bomba, and yet his troops resisted bravely +there. [Laugh-ter and interruption.] To-day the majority of the people +of Rome is with Italy. Nothing but French bayonets keeps her from going +back to the kingdom of Italy, to which she belongs. Do you sympathize +with the minority in Rome or the majority in Italy? [A voice: "With +Italy."] To-day the South is the minority in America, and they are +fighting for independence! For what? [Uproar. A voice: "Three cheers +for independence!" and hisses.] I could wish so much bravery had a better +cause, and that so much self-denial had been less deluded; that the +poisonous and venomous doctrine of State rights might have been kept +aloof; that so many gallant spirits, such as Jackson, might still have +lived. [Great applause and loud cheers, again and again renewed.] The +force of these facts, historical and incontrovertible, cannot be broken, +except by diverting attention by an attack upon the North. It is said +that the North is fighting for Union, and not for emancipation. The +North is fighting for Union, for that ensures emancipation. [Loud +cheers, "Oh, oh!" "No, no!" and cheers.] A great many men say to +ministers of the Gospel: "You pretend to be preaching and working for +the love of the people. Why, you are all the time preaching for the +sake of the Church." What does the minister say? "It is by means of the +Church that we help the people," and when men say that we are fighting +for the Union, I too say we are fighting for the Union. [Hear, hear! and +a voice: "That 's right."] But the motive determines the value; and +why are we fighting for the Union? Because we never shall forget the +testimony of our enemies. They have gone off declaring that the Union in +the hands of the North was fatal to slavery. [Loud applause.] There is +testimony in court for you. [A voice: "See that," and laughter.] * * * + +In the first place I am ashamed to confess that such was the +thoughtlessness--[interruption]--such was the stupor of the +North--[renewed interruption]--you will get a word at a time; to-morrow +will let folks see what it is you don't want to hear--that for a period +of twenty-five years she went to sleep, and permitted herself to be +drugged and poisoned with the Southern prejudice against black men. +[Applause and uproar.] The evil was made worse, because, when any +object whatever has caused anger between political parties, a political +animosity arises against that object, no matter how innocent in itself; +no matter what were the original influences which excited the quarrel. +Thus the colored man has been the football between the two parties in +the North, and has suffered accordingly. I confess it to my shame. But +I am speaking now on my own ground, for I began twenty-five years ago, +with a small party, to combat the unjust dislike of the colored man. +[Loud applause, dissension, and uproar. The interruption at this point +became so violent that the friends of Mr. Beecher throughout the hall +rose to their feet, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and renewing their +shouts of applause. The interruption lasted some minutes.] Well, I have +lived to see a total revolution in the Northern feeling--I stand here to +bear solemn witness of that. It is not my opinion; it is my knowledge. +[Great uproar.] Those men who undertook to stand up for the rights of +all men--black as well as white--have increased in number; and now what +party in the North represents those men that resist the evil prejudices +of past years? The Republicans are that party. [Loud applause.] And who +are those men in the North that have oppressed the negro? They are +the Peace Democrats; and the prejudice for which in England you are +attempting to punish me, is a prejudice raised by the men who have +opposed me all my life. These pro-slavery Democrats abuse the negro. +I defended him, and they mobbed me for doing it. Oh, justice! [Loud +laughter, applause, and hisses.] This is as if a man should commit an +assault, maim and wound a neighbor, and a surgeon being called in should +begin to dress his wounds, and by and by a policeman should come and +collar the surgeon and haul him off to prison on account of the wounds +which he was healing. + +Now, I told you I would not flinch from any thing. I am going to read +you some questions that were sent after me from Glasgow, purporting +to be from a workingman. [Great interruption.] If those pro-slavery +interrupters think they will tire me out, they will do more than eight +millions in America could. [Applause and renewed interruption.] I was +reading a question on your side too. "Is it not a fact that in most of +the Northern States laws exist precluding negroes from equal civil and +political rights with the whites? That in the State of New York the +negro has to be the possessor of at least two hundred and fifty dollars' +worth of property to entitle him to the privileges of a white citizen? +That in some of the Northern States the colored man, whether bond or +free, is by law excluded altogether, and not suffered to enter the State +limits, under severe penalties? and is not Mr. Lincoln's own State one +of them? and in view of the fact that the $20,000,000 compensation which +was promised to Missouri in aid of emancipation was defeated in the last +Congress (the strongest Republican Congress that ever assembled), what +has the North done toward emancipation?" Now, then, there 's a dose for +you. [A voice: "Answer it."] And I will address myself to the answering +of it. And first, the bill for emancipation in Missouri, to which +this money was denied, was a bill which was drawn by what we call +"log-rollers," who inserted in it an enormously disproportioned price +for the slaves. The Republicans offered to give them $10,000,000 for +the slaves in Missouri, and they outvoted it because they could not +get $12,000,000. Already half the slave population had been "run" down +South, and yet they came up to Congress to get $12,000,000 for what was +not worth ten millions, nor even eight millions. Now as to those States +that had passed "black" laws, as we call them; they are filled with +Southern emigrants. The southern parts of Ohio, the southern part of +Indiana, where I myself lived for years, and which I knew like a +book, the southern part of Illinois, where Mr. Lincoln lives--[great +uproar]--these parts are largely settled by emigrants from Kentucky, +Tennessee, Georgia, Virginia, and North Carolina, and it was their vote, +or the Northern votes pandering for political reasons to theirs, that +passed in those States the infamous "black" laws; and the Republicans +in these States have a record, clean and white, as having opposed these +laws in every instance as "infamous." Now as to the State of New York; +it is asked whether a negro is not obliged to have a certain freehold +property, or a certain amount of property, before he can vote. It is so +still in North Carolina and Rhode Island for white folks--it is so in +New York State. [Mr. Beecher's voice slightly failed him here, and +he was interrupted by a person who tried to imitate him. Cries of +"Shame!" and "Turn him out!"] I am not undertaking to say that these +faults of the North, which were brought upon them by the bad example +and influence of the South, are all cured; but I do say that they are +in process of cure which promises, if unimpeded by foreign influence, to +make all such odious distinctions vanish. + +There is another fact that I wish to allude to--not for the sake +of reproach or blame, but by way of claiming your more lenient +consideration--and that is, that slavery was entailed upon us by your +action. [Hear, hear!] Against the earnest protests of the colonists the +then government of Great Britain--I will concede not knowing what were +the mischiefs--ignorantly, but in point of fact, forced slave traffic +on the unwilling colonists. [Great uproar, in the midst of which one +individual was lifted up and carried out of the room amidst cheers and +hisses.] + +The CHAIRMAN: If you would only sit down no disturbance would take +place. + +The disturbance having subsided, + +MR. BEECHER said: I was going to ask you, suppose a child is born with +hereditary disease; suppose this disease was entailed upon him by +parents who had contracted it by their own misconduct, would it be fair +that those parents that had brought into the world the diseased child, +should rail at that child because it was diseased. ["No, no!"] Would not +the child have a right to turn round and say: "Father, it was your +fault that I had it, and you ought to be pleased to be patient with +my deficiencies." [Applause and hisses, and cries of "Order!" Great +interruption and great disturbance here took place on the right of +the platform; and the chairman said that if the persons around the +unfortunate individual who had caused the disturbance would allow him to +speak alone, but not assist him in making the disturbance, it might soon +be put an end to. The interruption continued until another person was +carried out of the hall.] Mr. Beecher continued: I do not ask that you +should justify slavery in us, because it was wrong in you two hundred +years ago; but having ignorantly been the means of fixing it upon us, +now that we are struggling with mortal struggles to free ourselves from +it, we have a right to your tolerance, your patience, and charitable +constructions. + +No man can unveil the future; no man can tell what revolutions are about +to break upon the world; no man can tell what destiny belongs to France, +nor to any of the European powers; but one thing is certain, that in the +exigencies of the future there will be combinations and recombinations, +and that those nations that are of the same faith, the same blood, and +the same substantial interests, ought not to be alienated from each +other, but ought to stand together. [Immense cheering and hisses.] I +do not say that you ought not to be in the most friendly alliance +with France or with Germany; but I do say that your own children, the +offspring of England, ought to be nearer to you than any people of +strange tongue. [A voice: "Degenerate sons," applause and hisses; +another voice: "What about the Trent?"] If there had been any feelings +of bitterness in America, let me tell you that they had been excited, +rightly or wrongly, under the impression that Great Britain was going +to intervene between us and our own lawful struggle. [A voice: "No!" and +applause.] With the evidence that there is no such intention all bitter +feelings will pass away. [Applause.] We do not agree with the recent +doctrine of neutrality as a question of law. But it is past, and we are +not disposed to raise that question. We accept it now as a fact, and +we say that the utterance of Lord Russell at Blairgowrie--[Applause, +hisses, and a voice: "What about Lord Brougham?"]--together with the +declaration of the government in stopping war-steamers here--[great +uproar, and applause]--has gone far toward quieting every fear and +removing every apprehension from our minds. [Uproar and shouts of +applause.] And now in the future it is the work of every good man and +patriot not to create divisions, but to do the things that will make for +peace. ["Oh, oh!" and laughter.] On our part it shall be done. [Applause +and hisses, and "No, no!"] On your part it ought to be done; and when +in any of the convulsions that come upon the world, Great Britain finds +herself struggling single-handed against the gigantic powers that spread +oppression and darkness--[applause, hisses, and uproar]--there ought to +be such cordiality that she can turn and say to her first-born and most +illustrious child, "Come!" [Hear, hear! applause, tremendous cheers, +and uproar.] I will not say that England cannot again, as hitherto, +single-handed manage any power--[applause and uproar]--but I will say +that England and America together for religion and liberty--[A voice: +"Soap, soap," uproar, and great applause]--are a match for the world. +[Applause; a voice: "They don't want any more soft soap."] Now, +gentlemen and ladies--[A voice: "Sam Slick"; and another voice: "Ladies +and gentlemen, if you please,"]--when I came I was asked whether I would +answer questions, and I very readily consented to do so, as I had in +other places; but I will tell you it was because I expected to have the +opportunity of speaking with some sort of ease and quiet. [A voice: "So +you have."] I have for an hour and a half spoken against a storm--[Hear, +hear!]--and you yourselves are witnesses that, by the interruption, I +have been obliged to strive with my voice, so that I no longer have the +power to control this assembly. [Applause.] And although I am in spirit +perfectly willing to answer any question, and more than glad of +the chance, yet I am by this very unnecessary opposition to-night +incapacitated physically from doing it. Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you +good-evening. + + + + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +THE GETTYSBURGH ADDRESS, + +NOVEMBER 19, 1863. + + +Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this +continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the +proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a +great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived +and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of +that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final +resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might +live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But +in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot +hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, +have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world +will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can +never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be +dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have +thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to +the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we +take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full +measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall +not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new +birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, and +for the people, shall not perish from the earth. + + + + +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS, + +MARCH 4, 1865. + + +FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN: + +At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, +there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at first. +Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued seemed +very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during +which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every +point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention +and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be +presented. + +The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as +well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably +satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no +prediction in regard to it is ventured. + +On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were +anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought +to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this +place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent +agents were in the city seeking to destroy it with war--seeking to +dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotiation. Both parties +deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the +nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it +perish, and the war came. One eighth of the whole population were +colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized +in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and +powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause +of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the +object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by war, while the +government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial +enlargement of it. + +Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which +it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the +conflict might cease when, or even before the conflict itself should +cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental +and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and +each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men +should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from +the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not +judged. The prayer of both could not be answered. That of neither has +been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. Woe unto the +world because of offences, for it must needs be that offences come, but +woe to that man by whom the offence cometh. If we shall suppose that +American slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of +God, must needs come, but which having continued through His appointed +time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South +this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, +shall we discern there any departure from those Divine attributes which +the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, +fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass +away. Yet if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by +the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be +sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by +another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, +so still it must be said, that the judgments of the Lord are true and +righteous altogether. + +With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the +right as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are +in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have +borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans, to do all which may +achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with +all nations. + + + + +HENRY WINTER DAVIS, + +OF MARYLAND. (BORN 1817, DIED 1865.) + +ON RECONSTRUCTION; THE FIRST REPUBLICAN THEORY; + +HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MARCH 22, 1864. + + +MR. SPEAKER: + +The bill which I am directed by the committee on the rebellious States +to report is one which provides for the restoration of civil government +in States whose governments have been overthrown. It prescribes such +conditions as will secure not only civil government to the people of +the rebellious States, but will also secure to the people of the United +States permanent peace after the suppression of the rebellion. The bill +challenges the support of all who consider slavery the cause of the +rebellion, and that in it the embers of rebellion will always smoulder; +of those who think that freedom and permanent peace are inseparable, and +who are determined, so far as their constitutional authority will +allow them, to secure these fruits by adequate legislation. * * * It is +entitled to the support of all gentlemen upon this side of the House, +whatever their views may be of the nature of the rebellion, and the +relation in which it has placed the people and States in rebellion +toward the United States; not less of those who think that the rebellion +has placed the citizens of the rebel States beyond the protection of the +Constitution, and that Congress, therefore, has supreme power over them +as conquered enemies, than of that other class who think that they +have not ceased to be citizens and States of the United States, though +incapable of exercising political privileges under the Constitution, but +that Congress is charged with a high political power by the Constitution +to guarantee republican governments in the States, and that this is the +proper time and the proper mode of exercising it. It is also entitled +to the favorable consideration of gentlemen upon the other side of the +House who honestly and deliberately express their judgment that slavery +is dead. To them it puts the question whether it is not advisable to +bury it out of sight, that its ghost may no longer stalk abroad to +frighten us from our propriety. * * * + +What is the nature of this case with which we have to deal, the evil +we must remedy, the danger we must avert? In other words, what is that +monster of political wrong which is called secession? It is not, Mr. +Speaker, domestic violence, within the meaning of that clause of the +Constitution, for the violence was the act of the people of those States +through their governments, and was the offspring of their free and +unforced will. It is not invasion, in the meaning of the Constitution, +for no State has been invaded against the will of the government of the +State by any power except the United States marching to overthrow the +usurpers of its territory. It is, therefore, the act of the people of +the States, carrying with it all the consequences of such an act. +And therefore it must be either a legal revolution, which makes them +independent, and makes of the United States a foreign country, or it is +a usurpation against the authority of the United States, the erection +of governments which do not recognize the Constitution of the United +States, which the Constitution does not recognize, and, therefore, not +republican governments of the States in rebellion. The latter is +the view which all parties take of it. I do not understand that any +gentleman on the other side of the House says that any rebel government +which does not recognize the Constitution of the United States, and +which is not recognized by Congress, is a State government within the +meaning of the Constitution. Still less can it be said that there is a +State government, republican or unrepublican, in the State of Tennessee, +where there is no government of any kind, no civil authority, no +organized form of administration except that represented by the flag of +the United States, obeying the will and under the orders of the military +officer in command. * * * + +Those that are here represented are the only governments existing within +the limits of the United States. Those that are not here represented are +not governments of the States, republican under the Constitution. And +if they be not, then they are military usurpations, inaugurated as the +permanent governments of the States, contrary to the supreme law of the +land, arrayed in arms against the Government of the United States; +and it is the duty, the first and highest duty, of the government to +suppress and expel them. Congress must either expel or recognize and +support them. If it do not guarantee them, it is bound to expel them; +and they who are not ready to suppress are bound to recognize them. + +We are now engaged in suppressing a military usurpation of the authority +of the State governments. When that shall have been accomplished, there +will be no form of State authority in existence which Congress can +recognize. Our success will be the overthrow of all sent balance of +government in the rebel States. The Government of the United States is +then in fact the only government existing in those States, and it is +there charged to guarantee them republican governments. + +What jurisdiction does the duty of guaranteeing a republican government +confer under such circumstances upon Congress? What right does it give? +What laws may it pass? What objects may it accomplish? What conditions +may it insist upon, and what judgment may it exercise in determining +what it will do? The duty of guaranteeing carries with it the right +to pass all laws necessary and proper to guarantee. The duty of +guaranteeing means the duty to accomplish the result. It means that the +republican government shall exist. It means that every opposition to +republican government shall be put down. It means that every thing +inconsistent with the permanent continuance of republican government +shall be weeded out. It places in the hands of Congress to say what is +and what is not, with all the light of experience and all the lessons of +the past, inconsistent, in its judgment, with the permanent continuance +of republican government; and if, in its judgment, any form of policy +is radically and inherently inconsistent with the permanent and enduring +peace of the country, with the permanent supremacy of republican +government, and it have the manliness to say so, there is no power, +judicial or executive, in the United States that can even question +this judgment but the people; and they can do it only by sending +other Representatives here to undo our work. The very language of +the Constitution, and the necessary logic of the case, involve that +consequence. The denial of the right of secession means that all the +territory of the United States shall remain under the jurisdiction of +the Constitution. If there can be no State government which does not +recognize the Constitution, and which the authorities of the United +States do not recognize, then there are these alternatives, and these +only: the rebel States must be governed by Congress till they submit +and form a State government under the Constitution; or Congress must +recognize State governments which do not recognize either Congress +or the Constitution of the United States; or there must be an entire +absence of all government in the rebel States--and that is anarchy. +To recognize a government which does not recognize the Constitution is +absurd, for a government is not a constitution; and the recognition of +a State government means the acknowledgment of men as governors and +legislators and judges, actually invested with power to make laws, to +judge of crimes, to convict the citizens of other States, to demand the +surrender of fugitives from justice, to arm and command the militia, to +require the United States to repress all opposition to its authority, +and to protect it against invasion--against our own armies; whose +Senators and Representatives are entitled to seats in Congress, and +whose electoral votes must be counted in the election of the President +of a government which they disown and defy. To accept the alternative +of anarchy as the constitutional condition of a State is to assert the +failure of the Constitution and the end of republican government. Until, +therefore, Congress recognize a State government, organized under +its auspices, there is no government in the rebel States except the +authority of Congress. * * * When military opposition shall have been +suppressed, not merely paralyzed, driven into a corner, pushed back, but +gone, the horrid vision of civil war vanished from the South, then +call upon the people to reorganize in their own way, subject to the +conditions that we think essential to our permanent peace, and to +prevent the revival hereafter of the rebellion--a republican government +in the form that the people of the United States can agree to. + +Now, for that purpose there are three modes indicated. One is to remove +the cause of the war by an alteration of the Constitution of the United +States, prohibiting slavery everywhere within its limits. That, sir, +goes to the root of the matter, and should consecrate the nation's +triumph. But there are thirty-four States; three fourths of them would +be twenty-six. I believe there are twenty-five States represented in +this Congress; so that we on that basis can-not change the Constitution. +It is, therefore,a condition precedent in that view of the case that +more States shall have governments organized within them. If it be +assumed that the basis of calculation shall be three fourths of the +States now represented in Congress, I agree to that construction of the +Constitution. * * * + +But, under any circumstances, even upon that basis it will be difficult +to find three fourths of the States, with New Jersey, or Kentucky, or +Maryland, or Delaware, or other States that might be mentioned, +opposed to it, under existing auspices, to adopt such a clause of the +Constitution after we shall have agreed to it. If adopted it still +leaves all laws necessary to the ascertainment of the will of the +people, and all restrictions on the return to power of the leaders of +the rebellion, wholly unprovided for. The amendment of the Constitution +meets my hearty approval, but it is not a remedy for the evils we must +deal with. + +The next plan is that inaugurated by the President of the United States, +in the proclamation of the 8th December (1863), called the amnesty +proclamation. That proposes no guardianship of the United States over +the reorganization of the governments, no law to prescribe who shall +vote, no civil functionaries to see that the law is faithfully executed, +no supervising authority to control and judge of the election. But if +in any manner by the toleration of martial law, lately proclaimed the +fundamental law, under the dictation of any military authority, or +under the prescription of a provost marshal, something in the form of a +government shall be presented, represented to rest on the votes of one +tenth of the population, the President will recognize that, provided +it does not contravene the proclamation of freedom and the laws of +Congress; and to secure that an oath is exacted. There is no guaranty +of law to watch over the organization of that government. It may be +recognized by the military power, and not recognized by the civil +power, so that it would have a doubtful existence, half civil and half +military, neither a temporary government by law of Congress nor a +State government, something as unknown to the Constitution as the rebel +government that refuses to recognize it. The only prescription is that +it shall not contravene the provisions of the proclamation. Sir, if that +proclamation be valid, then we are relieved from all trouble on that +score. But if that proclamation be not valid, then the oath to support +it is without legal sanction, for the President can ask no man to +bind himself by an oath to support an unfounded proclamation or an +unconstitutional law even for a moment, still less after it shall have +been declared void by the Supreme Court of the United States. * * * + +By the bill we propose to preclude the judicial question by the solution +of a political question. How so? By the paramount power of Congress to +reorganize governments in those States, to impose such conditions as it +thinks necessary to secure the permanence of republican government, to +refuse to recognize any governments there which do not prohibit slavery +forever. Ay, gentlemen, take the responsibility to say in the face of +those who clamor for the speedy recognition of governments tolerating +slavery, that the safety of the people of the United States is the +supreme law; that their will is the supreme rule of law, and that we +are authorized to pronounce their will on this subject. Take the +responsibility to say that we will revise the judgments of our +ancestors; that we have experience written in blood which they had +not; that we find now what they darkly doubted, that slavery is really, +radically inconsistent with the permanence of republican governments; +and that being charged by the supreme law of the land on our conscience +and judgment to guarantee, that is to continue, maintain and enforce, +if it exist, to institute and restore, when overthrown, republican +government throughout the broad limits of the republic, we will weed +out every element of their policy which we think incompatible with its +permanence and endurance. The purpose of the bill is to preclude +the judicial question of the validity and effect of the President's +proclamation by the decision of the political authority in reorganizing +the State governments. It makes the rule of decision the provisions +of the State constitution, which, when recognized by Congress, can be +questioned in no court; and it adds to the authority of the proclamation +the sanction of Congress. If gentlemen say that the Constitution does +not bear that construction, we will go before the people of the United +States on that question, and by their judgment we will abide. + + + + +GEORGE H. PENDLETON, + +OF OHIO. (BORN 1825, DIED 1889.) + +ON RECONSTRUCTION; THE DEMOCRATIC THEORY; + +HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MAY 4, 1864. + + +The gentleman [Mr. H. W. Davis] maintains two propositions, which lie +at the very basis of his views on this subject. He has explained them to +the House, and enforced them on other occasions. He maintains that, by +reason of their secession, the seceded States and their citizens "have +not ceased to be citizens and States of the United States, though +incapable of exercising political privileges under the Constitution, but +that Congress is charged with a high political power by the Constitution +to guarantee republican government in the States, and that this is +the proper time and the proper mode of exercising it." This act of +revolution on the part of the seceding States has evoked the most +extraordinary theories upon the relations of the States to the Federal +Government. This theory of the gentleman is one of them. + +The ratification of the Constitution by Virginia established the +relation between herself and the Federal Government; it created the +link between her and all the States; it announced her assumption of +the duties, her title to the rights, of the confederating States; it +proclaimed her interest in, her power over, her obedience to, the +common agent of all the States. If Virginia had never ordained that +ratification, she would have been an independent State; the Constitution +would have been as perfect and the union between the ratifying States +would have been as complete as they now are. Virginia repeals that +ordinance, annuls that bond of union, breaks that link of confederation. +She repeals but a single law, repeals it by the action of a sovereign +convention, leaves her constitution, her laws, her political and social +polity untouched. And the gentleman from Maryland tells us that the +effect of this repeal is not to destroy the vigor of that law, but to +subvert the State government, and to render the citizens "incapable of +exercising political privileges"; that the Union remains, but that one +party to it has thereby lost its corporate existence, and the other has +advanced to the control and government of it. + +Sir, this cannot be. Gentlemen must not palter in a double sense. These +acts of secession are either valid or invalid. If they are valid, they +separated the State from the Union. If they are invalid, they are void; +they have no effect; the State officers who act upon them are rebels +to the Federal Government; the States are not destroyed; their +constitutions are not abrogated; their officers are committing illegal +acts, for which they are liable to punishment; the States have never +left the Union, but, as soon as their officers shall perform their +duties or other officers shall assume their places, will again perform +the duties imposed, and enjoy the privileges conferred, by the +Federal compact, and this not by virtue of a new ratification of the +Constitution, nor a new admission by the Federal Government, but by +virtue of the original ratification, and the constant, uninterrupted +maintenance of position in the Federal Union since that date. + +Acts of secession are not invalid to destroy the Union, and valid to +destroy the State governments and the political privileges of their +citizens. We have heard much of the twofold relations which citizens of +the seceded States may hold to the Federal Government--that they may be +at once belligerents and rebellious citizens. I believe there are some +judicial decisions to that effect. Sir, it is impossible. The Federal +Government may possibly have the right to elect in which relation +it will deal with them; it cannot deal at one and the same time in +inconsistent relations. Belligerents, being captured, are entitled to +be treated as prisoners of war; rebellious citizens are liable to be +hanged. The private property of belligerents, according to the rules +of modern war, shall not be taken without compensation; the property +of rebellious citizens is liable to confiscation. Belligerents are +not amenable to the local criminal law, nor to the jurisdiction of the +courts which administer it; rebellious citizens are, and the officers +are bound to enforce the law and exact the penalty of its infraction. +The seceded States are either in the Union or out of it. If in the +Union, their constitutions are untouched, their State governments are +maintained, their citizens are entitled to all political rights, except +so far as they may be deprived of them by the criminal law which they +have infracted. + +This seems incomprehensible to the gentleman from Maryland. In his view, +the whole State government centres in the men who administer it, so +that, when they administer it unwisely, or put it in antagonism to +the Federal Government, the State government is dissolved, the State +constitution is abrogated, and the State is left, in fact and in form, +_de jure_ and _de facto_, in anarchy, except so far as the Federal +Government may rightfully intervene. * * * I submit that these gentlemen +do not see with their usual clearness of vision. If, by a plague or +other visitation of God, every officer of a State government should at +the same moment die, so that not a single person clothed with official +power should remain, would the State government be destroyed? Not +at all. For the moment it would not be administered; but as soon as +officers were elected, and assumed their respective duties, it would be +instantly in full force and vigor. + +If these States are out of the Union, their State governments are still +in force, unless otherwise changed; their citizens are to the Federal +Government as foreigners, and it has in relation to them the same +rights, and none other, as it had in relation to British subjects in +the war of 1812, or to the Mexicans in 1846. Whatever may be the true +relation of the seceding States, the Federal Government derives no +power in relation to them or their citizens from the provision of the +Constitution now under consideration, but, in the one case, derives all +its power from the duty of enforcing the "supreme law of the land," and +in the other, from the power "to declare war." + +The second proposition of the gentleman from Maryland is this--I use +his language: "That clause vests in the Congress of the United States +a plenary, supreme, unlimited political jurisdiction, paramount over +courts, subject only to the judgment of the people of the United States, +embracing within its scope every legislative measure necessary and +proper to make it effectual; and what is necessary and proper the +Constitution refers in the first place to our judgment, subject to no +revision but that of the people." + +The gentleman states his case too strongly. The duty imposed on Congress +is doubtless important, but Congress has no right to use a means of +performing it forbidden by the Constitution, no matter how necessary or +proper it might be thought to be. But, sir, this doctrine is monstrous. +It has no foundation in the Constitution. It subjects all the States +to the will of Congress; it places their institutions at the feet of +Congress. It creates in Congress an absolute, unqualified despotism. It +asserts the power of Congress in changing the State governments to be +"plenary, supreme, unlimited," "subject only to revision by the people +of the United States." The rights of the people of the State are +nothing; their will is nothing. Congress first decides; the people of +the whole Union revise. My own State of Ohio is liable at any moment to +be called in question for her constitution. She does not permit negroes +to vote. If this doctrine be true, Congress may decide that this +exclusion is anti-republican, and by force of arms abrogate that +constitution and set up another, permitting negroes to vote. From that +decision of Congress there is no appeal to the people of Ohio, but +only to the people of New York and Massachusetts and Wisconsin, at the +election of representatives, and, if a majority cannot be elected to +reverse the decision, the people of Ohio must submit. Woe be to the +day when that doctrine shall be established, for from its centralized +despotism we will appeal to the sword! + +Sir, the rights of the States were the foundation corners of the +confederation. The Constitution recognized them, maintained them, +provided for their perpetuation. Our fathers thought them the safeguard +of our liberties. They have proved so. They have reconciled liberty +with empire; they have reconciled the freedom of the individual with the +increase of our magnificent domain. They are the test, the touchstone, +the security of our liberties. This bill, and the avowed doctrine of its +supporters, sweeps them all instantly away. It substitutes despotism for +self-government--despotism the more severe because vested in a numerous +Congress elected by a people who may not feel the exercise of its power. +It subverts the government, destroys the confederation, and erects a +tyranny on the ruins of republican governments. It creates unity--it +destroys liberty; it maintains integrity of territory, but destroys the +rights of the citizen. + + + + +THADDEUS STEVENS, + +OF PENNSYLVANIA. (BORN 1792, DIED 1868.) + +ON RECONSTRUCTION; THE RADICAL REPUBLICAN THEORY; + +HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 18, 1865. + + +A candid examination of the power and proper principles of +reconstruction can be offensive to no one, and may possibly be +profitable by exciting inquiry. One of the suggestions of the message +which we are now considering has special reference to this. Perhaps +it is the principle most interesting to the people at this time. The +President assumes, what no one doubts, that the late rebel States have +lost their constitutional relations to the Union, and are incapable of +representation in Congress, except by permission of the Government. It +matters but little, with this admission, whether you call them States +out of the Union, and now conquered territories, or assert that because +the Constitution forbids them to do what they did do, that they are +therefore only dead as to all national and political action, and will +remain so until the Government shall breathe into them the breath of +life anew and permit them to occupy their former position. In other +words, that they are not out of the Union, but are only dead carcasses +lying within the Union. In either case, it is very plain that it +requires the action of Congress to enable them to form a State +government and send representatives to Congress. Nobody, I believe, +pretends that with their old constitutions and frames of government they +can be permitted to claim their old rights under the Constitution. They +have torn their constitutional States into atoms, and built on their +foundations fabrics of a totally different character. Dead men cannot +raise themselves. Dead States cannot restore their own existence "as it +was." Whose especial duty is it to do it? In whom does the Constitution +place the power? Not in the judicial branch of Government, for it only +adjudicates and does not prescribe laws. Not in the Executive, for he +only executes and cannot make laws. Not in the Commander-in-Chief of +the armies, for he can only hold them under military rule until the +sovereign legislative power of the conqueror shall give them law. + +There is fortunately no difficulty in solving the question. There are +two provisions in the Constitution, under one of which the case must +fall. The fourth article says: + +"New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union." + +In my judgment this is the controlling provision in this case. +Unless the law of nations is a dead letter, the late war between two +acknowledged belligerents severed their original compacts, and broke all +the ties that bound them together. The future condition of the conquered +power depends on the will of the conqueror. They must come in as new +States or remain as conquered provinces. Congress--the Senate and House +of Representatives, with the concurrence of the President--is the +only power that can act in the matter. But suppose, as some dreaming +theorists imagine, that these States have never been out of the Union, +but have only destroyed their State governments so as to be incapable of +political action; then the fourth section of the fourth article applies, +which says: + +"The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a +republican form of government." + +Who is the United States? Not the judiciary; not the President; but the +sovereign power of the people, exercised through their representatives +in Congress, with the concurrence of the Executive. It means the +political Government--the concurrent action of both branches of Congress +and the Executive. The separate action of each amounts to nothing, +either in admitting new States or guaranteeing republican governments +to lapsed or outlawed States. Whence springs the preposterous idea that +either the President, or the Senate, or the House of Representatives, +acting separately, can determine the right of States to send members or +Senators to the Congress of the Union? + +To prove that they are and for four years have been out of the Union for +all legal purposes, and, being now conquered, subject to the absolute +disposal of Congress, I will suggest a few ideas and adduce a few +authorities. If the so-called "confederate States of America" were an +independent belligerent, and were so acknowledged by the United States +and by Europe, or had assumed and maintained an attitude which entitled +them to be considered and treated as a belligerent, then, during such +time, they were precisely in the condition of a foreign nation with whom +we were at war; nor need their independence as a nation be acknowledged +by us to produce that effect. + +After such clear and repeated decisions it is something worse than +ridiculous to hear men of respectable standing attempting to nullify the +law of nations, and declare the Supreme Court of the United States in +error, because, as the Constitution forbids it, the States could not go +out of the Union in fact. A respectable gentleman was lately reciting +this argument, when he suddenly stopped and said, "Did you hear of that +atrocious murder committed in our town? A rebel deliberately murdered +a Government official." The person addressed said, "I think you are +mistaken." "How so? I saw it myself." "You are wrong, no murder was or +could be committed, for the law forbids it." + +The theory that the rebel States, for four years a separate power and +without representation in Congress, were all the time here in the Union, +is a good deal less ingenious and respectable than the metaphysics of +Berkeley, which proved that neither the world nor any human being was in +existence. If this theory were simply ridiculous it could be forgiven; +but its effect is deeply injurious to the stability of the nation. I +cannot doubt that the late confederate States are out of the Union +to all intents and purposes for which the conqueror may choose so to +consider them. + + * * * * * + +But suppose these powerful but now subdued belligerents, instead of +being out of the Union, are merely destroyed, and are now lying about, +a dead corpse, or with animation so suspended as to be incapable of +action, and wholly unable to heal themselves by any unaided movements of +their own. Then they may fall under the provision of the Constitution, +which says "The United States shall guarantee to every State in the +Union a republican form of government." Under that power, can the +judiciary, or the President, or the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, or +the Senate or House of Representatives, acting separately, restore them +to life and readmit them into the Union? I insist that if each acted +separately, though the action of each was identical with all the others, +it would amount to nothing. Nothing but the joint action of the two +Houses of Congress and the concurrence of the President could do it. +If the Senate admitted their Senators, and the House their members, +it would have no effect on the future action of Congress. The Fortieth +Congress might reject both. Such is the ragged record of Congress for +the last four years. + + * * * * * + +Congress alone can do it. But Congress does not mean the Senate, or the +House of Representatives, and President, all acting severally. Their +joint action constitutes Congress. Hence a law of Congress must be +passed before any new State can be admitted, or any dead ones revived. +Until then no member can be lawfully admitted into either House. Hence +it appears with how little knowledge of constitutional law each branch +is urged to admit members separately from these destroyed States. The +provision that "each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, +and qualifications of its own members," has not the most distant bearing +on this question. Congress must create States and declare when they +are entitled to be represented. Then each House must judge whether +the members presenting themselves from a recognized State possess the +requisite qualifications of age, residence, and citizenship; and whether +the elections and returns are according to law. The Houses, separately, +can judge of nothing else. It seems amazing that any man of legal +education could give it any larger meaning. + +It is obvious from all this that the first duty of Congress is to pass +a law declaring the condition of these outside or defunct States, and +providing proper civil governments for them. Since the conquest +they have been governed by martial law. Military rule is necessarily +despotic, and ought not to exist longer than is absolutely necessary. +As there are no symptoms that the people of these provinces will be +prepared to participate in constitutional government for some years, I +know of no arrangement so proper for them as territorial governments. +There they can learn the principles of freedom and eat the fruit of +foul rebellion. Under such governments, while electing members to the +territorial Legislatures, they will necessarily mingle with those +to whom Congress shall extend the right of suffrage. In Territories, +Congress fixes the qualifications of electors; and I know of no better +place nor better occasion for the conquered rebels and the conqueror to +practise justice to all men, and accustom themselves to make and to obey +equal laws. + +And these fallen rebels cannot at their option reenter the heaven which +they have disturbed, the garden of Eden which they have deserted; +as flaming swords are set at the gates to secure their exclusion, it +becomes important to the welfare of the nation to inquire when the doors +shall be reopened for their admission. + +According to my judgment they ought never to be recognized as capable +of acting in the Union, or of being counted as valid States, until the +Constitution shall have been so amended as to make it what its framers +intended, and so as to secure perpetual ascendency to the party of the +Union; and so as to render our republican Government firm and stable +forever. The first of those amendments is to change the basis of +representation among the States from Federal members to actual voters. + +Now all the colored freemen in the slave States, and three fifths of the +slaves, are represented, though none of them have votes. The States have +nineteen representatives of colored slaves. If the slaves are now free +then they can add, for the other two fifths, thirteen more, making the +slaves represented thirty-two. I suppose the free blacks in those States +will give at least five more, making the representation of non-voting +people of color about thirty-seven. The whole number of representatives +now from the slave States is seventy. Add the other two fifths and it +will be eighty-three. + +If the amendment prevails, and those States withhold the right of +suffrage from persons of color, it will deduct about thirty-seven, +leaving them but forty-six. With the basis unchanged, the eighty-three +Southern members, with the Democrats that will in the best times be +elected from the North, will always give them a majority in Congress +and in the Electoral College. They will at the very first election take +possession of the White House and the halls of Congress. I need not +depict the ruin that would follow. Assumption of the rebel debt or +repudiation of the Federal debt would be sure to follow. The oppression +of the freedmen, there--amendment of their State constitutions, and the +reestablishment of slavery would be the inevitable result. That they +would scorn and disregard their present constitutions, forced upon them +in the midst of martial law, would be both natural and just. No one who +has any regard for freedom of elections can look upon those governments, +forced upon them in duress, with any favor. If they should grant the +right of suffrage to persons of color, I think there would always be +Union white men enough in the South, aided by the blacks, to divide the +representation, and thus continue the Republican ascendency. If they +should refuse to thus alter their election laws it would reduce the +representatives of the late slave States to about forty-five and render +them powerless for evil. + +It is plain that this amendment must be consummated before the defunct +States are admitted to be capable of State action, or it never can be. + +The proposed amendment to allow Congress to lay a duty on exports +is precisely in the same situation. Its importance cannot well be +overstated. It is very obvious that for many years the South will not +pay much under our internal revenue laws. The only article on which we +can raise any considerable amount is cotton. It will be grown largely at +once. With ten cents a pound export duty it would be furnished cheaper +to foreign markets than they could obtain it from any other part of the +world. The late war has shown that. Two million bales exported, at five +hundred pounds to the bale, would yield $100,000,000. This seems to me +the chief revenue we shall ever derive from the South. Besides, it +would be a protection to that amount to our domestic manufactures. +Other proposed amendments--to make all laws uniform; to prohibit the +assumption of the rebel debt--are of vital importance, and the +only thing that can prevent the combined forces of copperheads and +secessionists from legislating against the interests of the Union +whenever they may obtain an accidental majority. + +But this is not all that we ought to do before these inveterate rebels +are invited to participate in our legislation. We have turned, or are +about to turn, loose four million of slaves without a hut to shelter +them, or a cent in their pockets. The infernal laws of slavery have +prevented them from acquiring an education, understanding the commonest +laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business of life. This +Congress is bound to provide for them until they can take care of +themselves. If we do not furnish them with homesteads, and hedge them +around with protective laws; if we leave them to the legislation of +their late masters, we had better have left them in bondage. Their +condition would be worse than that of our prisoners at Andersonville. If +we fail in this great duty now, when we have the power, we shall deserve +and receive the execration of history and of all future ages. + +Two things are of vital importance. + +1. So to establish a principle that none of the rebel States shall be +counted in any of the amendments of the Constitution until they are +duly admitted into the family of States by the law-making power of their +conqueror. For more than six months the amendment of the Constitution +abolishing slavery has been ratified by the Legislatures of three +fourths of the States that acted on its passage by Congress, and which +had Legislatures, or which were States capable of acting, or required to +act, on the question. + +I take no account of the aggregation of whitewashed rebels, who without +any legal authority have assembled in the capitals of the late rebel +States and simulated legislative bodies. Nor do I regard with any +respect the cunning by-play into which they deluded the Secretary of +State by frequent telegraphic announcements that "South Carolina had +adopted the amendment," "Alabama has adopted the amendment, being the +twenty-seventh State," etc. This was intended to delude the people, and +accustom Congress to hear repeated the names of these extinct States as +if they were alive; when, in truth, they have no more existence than the +revolted cities of Latium, two thirds of whose people were colonized and +their property confiscated, and their right of citizenship withdrawn by +conquering and avenging Rome. + +2. It is equally important to the stability of this Republic that it +should now be solemnly decided what power can revive, recreate, and +reinstate these provinces into the family of States, and invest them +with the rights of American citizens. It is time that Congress should +assert its sovereignty, and assume something of the dignity of a Roman +senate. It is fortunate that the President invites Congress to take this +manly attitude. After stating with great frankness in his able message +his theory, which, however, is found to be impracticable, and which I +believe very few now consider tenable, he refers the whole matter to +the judgment of Congress. If Congress should fail firmly and wisely to +discharge that high duty it is not the fault of the President. + +This Congress owes it to its own character to set the seal of +reprobation upon a doctrine which is becoming too fashionable, and +unless rebuked will be the recognized principle of our Government. +Governor Perry and other provisional governors and orators proclaim +that "this is the white man's Government." The whole copperhead party, +pandering to the lowest prejudices of the ignorant, repeat the cuckoo +cry, "This is the white man's Government." Demagogues of all parties, +even some high in authority, gravely shout, "This is the white man's +Government." What is implied by this? That one race of men are to have +the exclusive right forever to rule this nation, and to exercise all +acts of sovereignty, while all other races and nations and colors are to +be their subjects, and have no voice in making the laws and choosing the +rulers by whom they are to be governed. Wherein does this differ from +slavery except in degree? Does not this contradict all the distinctive +principles of the Declaration of Independence? When the great and good +men promulgated that instrument, and pledged their lives and sacred +honors to defend it, it was supposed to form an epoch in civil +government. Before that time it was held that the right to rule was +vested in families, dynasties, or races, not because of superior +intelligence of virtue, but because of a divine right to enjoy exclusive +privileges. + +Our fathers repudiated the whole doctrine of the legal superiority of +families or races, and proclaimed the equality of men before the law. +Upon that they created a revolution and built the Republic. They were +prevented by slavery from perfecting the superstructure whose foundation +they had thus broadly laid. For the sake of the Union they consented to +wait, but never relinquished the idea of its final completion. The time +to which they looked forward with anxiety has come. It is our duty to +complete their work. If this Republic is not now made to stand on their +great principles, it has no honest foundation, and the Father of all men +will still shake it to its centre. If we have not yet been sufficiently +scourged for our national sin to teach us to do justice to all God's +creatures, without distinction of race or color, we must expect the +still more heavy vengeance of an offended Father, still increasing his +inflictions as he increased the severity of the plagues of Egypt until +the tyrant consented to do justice. And when that tyrant repented of +his reluctant consent, and attempted to re-enslave the people, as our +southern tyrants are attempting to do now, he filled the Red Sea with +broken chariots and drowned horses, and strewed the shores with dead +carcasses. + +Mr. Chairman, I trust the Republican party will not be alarmed at what I +am saying. I do not profess to speak their sentiments, nor must they +be held responsible for them. I speak for myself, and take the +responsibility, and will settle with my intelligent constituents. + +This is not a "white man's Government," in the exclusive sense in +which it is used. To say so is political blasphemy, for it violates +the fundamental principles of our gospel of liberty. This is man's +Government; the Government of all men alike; not that all men will have +equal power and sway within it. Accidental circumstances, natural and +acquired endowment and ability, will vary their fortunes. But equal +rights to all the privileges of the Government is innate in every +immortal being, no matter what the shape or color of the tabernacle +which it inhabits. + +If equal privileges were granted to all, I should not expect any but +white men to be elected to office for long ages to come. The prejudice +engendered by slavery would not soon permit merit to be preferred +to color. But it would still be beneficial to the weaker races. In a +country where political divisions will always exist, their power, +joined with just white men, would greatly modify, if it did not entirely +prevent, the injustice of majorities. Without the right of suffrage in +the late slave States (I do not speak of the free States), I believe the +slaves had far better been left in bondage. I see it stated that very +distinguished advocates of the right of suffrage lately declared in this +city that they do not expect to obtain it by congressional legislation, +but only by administrative action, because, as one gallant gentleman +said, the States had not been out of the Union. Then they will never get +it. The President is far sounder than they. He sees that administrative +action has nothing to do with it. If it ever is to come, it must be by +constitutional amendments or congressional action in the Territories, +and in enabling acts. + +How shameful that men of influence should mislead and miseducate the +public mind! They proclaim, "This is the white man's Government," and +the whole coil of copperheads echo the same sentiment, and upstart, +jealous Republicans join the cry. Is it any wonder ignorant foreigners +and illiterate natives should learn this doctrine, and be led to despise +and maltreat a whole race of their fellow-men? + +Sir, this doctrine of a white man's Government is as atrocious as the +infamous sentiment that damned the late Chief-Justice to everlasting +fame; and, I fear, to everlasting fire. + + + + +HENRY J. RAYMOND, + +OF NEW YORK. (BORN 1820, DIED 1869.) + +ON RECONSTRUCTION; CONSERVATIVE, OR ADMINISTRATION, REPUBLICAN OPINION; + +IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 21, 1865. + +I need not say that I have been gratified to hear many things which have +fallen from the lips of the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Finck), who has +just taken his seat. I have no party feeling, nor any other feeling, +which would prevent me from rejoicing in the indications apparent on +that side of the House of a purpose to concur with the loyal people of +the country, and with the loyal administration of the Government, and +with the loyal majorities in both Houses of Congress, in restoring peace +and order to our common country. I cannot, perhaps, help wishing, +sir, that these indications of an interest in the preservation of our +Government had come somewhat sooner. I cannot help feeling that such +expressions cannot now be of as much service to the country as they +might once have been. If we could have had from that side of the House +such indications of an interest in the preservation of the Union, +such heartfelt sympathy with the efforts of the Government for the +preservation of that Union, such hearty denunciation of those who were +seeking its destruction, while the war was raging, I am sure we might +have been spared some years of war, some millions of money, and rivers +of blood and tears. + +But, sir, I am not disposed to fight over again battles now happily +ended. I feel, and I am rejoiced to find that members on the other side +of the House feel, that the great problem now before us is to restore +the Union to its old integrity, purified from everything that interfered +with the full development of the spirit of liberty which it was made +to enshrine. I trust that we shall have a general concurrence of the +members of this House and of this Congress in such measures as may be +deemed most fit and proper for the accomplishment of that result. I am +glad to assume and to believe that there is not a member of this House, +nor a man in this country, who does not wish, from the bottom of his +heart, to see the day speedily come when we shall have this nation--the +great American Republic--again united, more harmonious in its action +than it ever has been, and forever one and indivisible. We in this +Congress are to devise the means to restore its union and its harmony, +to perfect its institutions, and to make it in all its parts and in all +its action, through all time to come, too strong, too wise, and too +free ever to invite or ever to permit the hand of rebellion again to be +raised against it. + +Now, sir, in devising those ways and means to accomplish that great +result, the first thing we have to do is to know the point from which +we start, to understand the nature of the material with which we have +to work--the condition of the territory and the States with which we are +concerned. I had supposed at the outset of this session that it was the +purpose of this House to proceed to that work without discussion, and +to commit it almost exclusively, if not entirely, to the joint committee +raised by the two Houses for the consideration of that subject. But, +sir, I must say that I was glad when I perceived the distinguished +gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), himself the chairman on the +part of this House of that great committee on reconstruction, lead off +in a discussion of this general subject, and thus invite all the rest of +us who choose to follow him in the debate. In the remarks which he made +in this body a few days since, he laid down, with the clearness and +the force which characterize everything he says and does, his point of +departure in commencing this great work. I had hoped that the ground he +would lay down would be such that we could all of us stand upon it and +co-operate with him in our common object. I feel constrained to say, +sir--and do it without the slightest disposition to create or to +exaggerate differences--that there were features in his exposition of +the condition of the country with which I cannot concur. I cannot for +myself start from precisely the point which he assumes. + +In his remarks on that occasion he assumed that the States lately in +rebellion were and are out of the Union. Throughout his speech--I will +not trouble you with reading passages from it--I find him speaking of +those States as "outside of the Union," as "dead States," as having +forfeited all their rights and terminated their State existence. I find +expressions still more definite and distinct; I find him stating that +they "are and for four years have been out of the Union for all legal +purposes"; as having been for four years a "separate power," and "a +separate nation." + +His position therefore is that these States, having been in rebellion, +are now out of the Union, and are simply within the jurisdiction of the +Constitution of the United States as so much territory to be dealt with +precisely as the will of the conqueror, to use his own language, may +dictate. Now, sir, if that position is correct, it prescribes for us one +line of policy to be pursued very different from the one that will be +proper if it is not correct. His belief is that what we have to do is to +create new States out of this territory at the proper time--many +years distant--retaining them meantime in a territorial condition, and +subjecting them to precisely such a state of discipline and tutelage +as Congress or the Government of the United States may see fit to +prescribe. If I believed in the premises which he assumes, possibly, +though I do not think probably, I might agree with the conclusion he has +reached. + +But, sir, I cannot believe that this is our condition. I cannot believe +that these States have ever been out of the Union, or that they are now +out of the Union. I cannot believe that they ever have been, or are now, +in any sense a separate Power. If they were, sir, how and when did they +become so? They were once States of this Union--that every one concedes; +bound to the Union and made members of the Union by the Constitution +of the United States. If they ever went out of the Union it was at some +specific time and by some specific act. I regret that the gentleman from +Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) is not now in his seat. I should have been +glad to ask him by what specific act, and at what precise time, any one +of those States took itself out of the American Union. Was it by the +ordinance of secession? I think we all agree that an ordinance of +secession passed by any State of this Union is simply a nullity, because +it encounters in its practical operation the Constitution of the United +States, which is the supreme law of the land. It could have no legal, +actual force or validity. It could not operate to effect any actual +change in the relations of the State adopting it to the national +Government, still less to accomplish the removal of that State from the +sovereign jurisdiction of the Constitution of the United States. + +Well, sir, did the resolutions of the States, the declarations of +their officials, the speeches of members of their Legislatures, or the +utterances of their press accomplish the result? Certainly not. They +could not possibly work any change whatever in the relations of these +States to the General Government. All their ordinances and all their +resolutions were simply declarations of a purpose to secede. Their +secession, if it ever took place, certainly could not date from the time +when their intention to secede was first announced. After declaring +that intention, they proceeded to carry it into effect. How? By war. +By sustaining their purpose by arms against the force which the United +States brought to bear against it. Did they sustain it? Were their arms +victorious? If they were, then their secession was an accomplished +fact. If not, it was nothing more than an abortive attempt--a purpose +unfulfilled. This, then, is simply a question of fact, and we all know +what the fact is. They did not succeed. They failed to maintain their +ground by force of arms--in other words, they failed to secede. + +But the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) insists that they did +secede, and that this fact is not in the least affected by the other +fact that the Constitution forbids secession. He says that the law +forbids murder, but that murders are nevertheless committed. But there +is no analogy between the two cases. If secession had been accomplished, +if these States had gone out, and overcome the armies that tried to +prevent their going out, then the prohibition of the Constitution could +not have altered the fact. In the case of murder the man is killed, and +murder is thus committed in spite of the law. The fact of killing is +essential to the committal of the crime; and the fact of going out is +essential to secession. But in this case there was no such fact. I think +I need not argue any further the position that the rebel States +have never for one moment, by any ordinances of secession, or by any +successful war, carried themselves beyond the rightful jurisdiction of +the Constitution of the United States. They have interrupted for a +time the practical enforcement and exercise of that jurisdiction; +they rendered it impossible for a time for this Government to enforce +obedience to its laws; but there has never been an hour when this +Government, or this Congress, or this House, or the gentleman from +Pennsylvania himself, ever conceded that those States were beyond the +jurisdiction of the Constitution and laws of the United States. + +During all these four years of war Congress has been making laws for the +government of those very States, and the gentleman from Pennsylvania has +voted for them, and voted to raise armies to enforce them. Why was this +done if they were a separate nation? Why, if they were not part of the +United States? Those laws were made for them as States. Members have +voted for laws imposing upon them direct taxes, which are apportioned, +according to the Constitution, only "among the several States" according +to their population. In a variety of ways--to some of which the +gentleman' who preceded me has referred--this Congress has, by its +action, assumed and asserted that they were still States in the Union, +though in rebellion, and that it was with the rebellion that we were +making war, and not with the States themselves as States, and still less +as a separate, as a foreign Power. + + * * * * * + +Why, sir, if there be no constitution of any sort in a State, no +law, nothing but chaos, then that State would no longer exist as an +organization. But that has not been the case, it never is the case +in great communities, for they always have constitutions and forms of +government. It may not be a constitution or form of government adapted +to its relation to the Government of the United States; and that would +be an evil to be remedied by the Government of the United States. That +is what we have been trying to do for the last four years. The practical +relations of the governments of those States with the Government of +the United States were all wrong--were hostile to that Government. They +denied our jurisdiction, and they denied that they were States of the +Union, but their denial did not change the fact; and there was never any +time when their organizations as States were destroyed. A dead State is +a solecism, a contradiction in terms, an impossibility. + +These are, I confess, rather metaphysical distinctions, but I did not +raise them. Those who assert that a State is destroyed whenever its +constitution is changed, or whenever its practical relations with +this Government are changed, must be held responsible for whatever +metaphysical niceties may be necessarily involved in the discussion. + +I do not know, sir, that I have made my views on this point clear to the +gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelley), who has questioned me upon it, +and I am still more doubtful whether, even if they are intelligible, he +will concur with me as to their justice. But I regard these States as +just as truly within the jurisdiction of the Constitution, and therefore +just as really and truly States of the American Union now as they were +before the war. Their practical relations to the Constitution of the +United States have been disturbed, and we have been endeavoring, through +four years of war, to restore them and make them what they were before +the war. The victory in the field has given us the means of doing this; +we can now re-establish the practical relations of those States to +the Government. Our actual jurisdiction over them, which they vainly +attempted to throw off, is already restored. The conquest we have +achieved is a conquest over the rebellion, not a conquest over the +States whose authority the rebellion had for a time subverted. + +For these reasons I think the views submitted by the gentleman from +Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) upon this point are unsound. Let me next +cite some of the consequences which, it seems to me, must follow the +acceptance of his position. If, as he asserts, we have been waging war +with an independent Power, with a separate nation, I cannot see how we +can talk of treason in connection with our recent conflict, or demand +the execution of Davis or anybody else as a traitor. Certainly if we +were at war with any other foreign Power we should not talk of the +treason of those who were opposed to us in the field. If we were engaged +in a war with France and should take as prisoner the Emperor Napoleon, +certainly we would not talk of him as a traitor or as liable to +execution. I think that by adopting any such assumption as that of the +honorable gentleman, we surrender the whole idea of treason and the +punishment of traitors. I think, moreover, that we accept, virtually and +practically, the doctrine of State sovereignty, the right of a State to +withdraw from the Union, and to break up the Union at its own will +and pleasure. I do not see how upon those premises we can escape that +conclusion. If the States that engaged in the late rebellion constituted +themselves, by their ordinances of secession or by any of the acts with +which they followed those ordinances, a separate and independent Power, +I do not see how we can deny the principles on which they professed +to act, or refuse assent to their practical results. I have heard no +clearer, no stronger statement of the doctrine of State sovereignty as +paramount to the sovereignty of the nation than would be involved in +such a concession. Whether he intended it or not, the gentleman from +Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens) actually assents to the extreme doctrines of +the advocates of secession. + + + + +THADDEUS STEVENS, + +OF PENNSYLVANIA. (BORN 1792, DIED 1868.) + +ON THE FIRST RECONSTRUCTION BILL; + +HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 3, 1867 + + +MR. SPEAKER: + +What are the great questions which now divide the nation? In the midst +of the political Babel which has been produced by the intermingling +of secessionists, rebels, pardoned traitors, hissing Copperheads, and +apostate Republicans, such a confusion of tongues is heard that it +is difficult to understand either the questions that are asked or the +answers that are given. Ask what is the "President's policy," and it is +difficult to define it. Ask what is the "policy of Congress," and the +answer is not always at hand. A few moments may be profitably spent in +seeking the meaning of each of these terms. + +In this country the whole sovereignty rests with the people, and is +exercised through their Representatives in Congress assembled. The +legislative power is the sole guardian of that sovereignty. No other +branch of the government, no other department, no other officer of the +government, possesses one single particle of the sovereignty of the +nation. No government official, from the President and Chief-Justice +down, can do any one act which is not prescribed and directed by the +legislative power. Suppose the government were now to be organized +for the first time under the Constitution, and the President had +been elected, and the judiciary appointed; what could either do until +Congress passed laws to regulate their proceedings? What power would +the President have over any one subject of government until Congress had +legislated on that subject? * * * The President could not even create +bureaus or departments to facilitate his executive operations. He must +ask leave of Congress. Since, then, the President cannot enact, alter, +or modify a single law; cannot even create a petty office within his +own sphere of operations; if, in short, he is the mere servant of the +people, who issue their commands to him through Congress, whence does +he derive the constitutional power to create new States, to remodel old +ones, to dictate organic laws, to fix the qualifications of voters, to +declare that States are republican and entitled to command Congress, to +admit their Representatives? To my mind it is either the most ignorant +and shallow mistake of his duties, or the most brazen and impudent +usurpation of power. It is claimed for him by some as commander-in-chief +of the army and navy. How absurd that a mere executive officer should +claim creative powers. Though commander-in-chief by the Constitution, +he would have nothing to command, either by land or water until Congress +raised both army and navy. Congress also prescribes the rules +and regulations to govern the army; even that is not left to the +Commander-in-chief. + +Though the President is commander-in-chief, Congress is his commander; +and, God willing, he shall obey. He and his minions shall learn that +this is not a government of kings and satraps, but a government of +the people, and that Congress is the people. * * * To reconstruct the +nation, to admit new States, to guarantee republican governments to +old States, are all legislative acts. The President claims the right to +exercise them. Congress denies it, and asserts the right to belong to +the legislative branch. They have determined to defend these rights +against all usurpers. They have determined that, while in their keeping, +the Constitution shall not be violated with impunity. This I take to +be the great question between the President and Congress. He claims the +right to reconstruct by his own power. Congress denies him all power in +the matter except that of advice, and has determined to maintain such +denial. "My policy" asserts full power in the Executive. The policy of +Congress forbids him to exercise any power therein. + +Beyond this I do not agree that the "policy" of the parties is defined. +To be sure, many subordinate items of the policy of each may be easily +sketched. The President * * * desires that the traitors (having sternly +executed that most important leader Rickety Wirz, as a high example) +should be exempt from further fine, imprisonment, forfeiture, exile, or +capital punishment, and be declared entitled to all the rights of +loyal citizens. He desires that the States created by him shall be +acknowledged as valid States, while at the same time he inconsistently +declares that the old rebel States are in full existence, and always +have been, and have equal rights with the loyal States. He opposes the +amendment to the Constitution which changes the basis of representation, +and desires the old slave States to have the benefit of their increase +of freemen without increasing the number of votes; in short, he desires +to make the vote of one rebel in South Carolina equal to the votes of +three freemen in Pennsylvania or New York. He is determined to force +a solid rebel delegation into Congress from the South, which, together +with Northern Copperheads, could at once control Congress and elect all +future Presidents. + +Congress refuses to treat the States created by him as of any validity, +and denies that the old rebel States have any existence which gives +them any rights under the Constitution. Congress insists on changing the +basis of representation so as to put white voters on an equality in both +sections, and that such change shall precede the admission of any +State. * * * Congress denies that any State lately in rebellion has +any government or constitution known to the Constitution of the United +States, or which can be recognized as a part of the Union. How, then, +can such a State adopt the (XIIIth) amendment? To allow it would be +yielding the whole question, and admitting the unimpaired rights of the +seceded States. I know of no Republican who does not ridicule what +Mr. Seward thought a cunning movement, in counting Virginia and other +outlawed States among those which had adopted the constitutional +amendment abolishing slavery. + +It is to be regretted that inconsiderate and incautious Republicans +should ever have supposed that the slight amendments already proposed +to the Constitution, even when incorporated into that instrument, would +satisfy the reforms necessary for the security of the government. Unless +the rebel States, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, +and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and +treasure will have been spent in vain. * * * + +The law of last session with regard to Territories settled the +principles of such acts. Impartial suffrage, both in electing the +delegates and in ratifying their proceedings, is now the fixed rule. +There is more reason why colored voters should be admitted in the rebel +States than in the Territories. In the States they form the great mass +of the loyal men. Possibly, with their aid, loyal governments may be +established in most of those States. Without it all are sure to be ruled +by traitors; and loyal men, black or white, will be oppressed, exiled, +or murdered. + +There are several good reasons for the passage of this bill. In the +first place, it is just. I am now confining my argument to negro +suffrage in the rebel States. Have not loyal blacks quite as good a +right to choose rulers and make laws as rebel whites? In the second +place, it is a necessity in order to protect the loyal white men in +the seceded States. With them the blacks would act in a body; and it is +believed then, in each of said States, except one, the two united would +form a majority, control the States, and protect themselves. Now they +are the victims of daily murder. They must suffer constant persecution +or be exiled. + +Another good reason is that it would insure the ascendency of the Union +party. "Do you avow the party purpose?" exclaims some horror-stricken +demagogue. I do. For I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued +ascendency of that party depends the safety of this great nation. If +impartial suffrage is excluded in the rebel States, then every one of +them is sure to send a solid rebel representation to Congress, and cast +a solid rebel electoral vote. They, with their kindred Copperheads of +the North, would always elect the President and control Congress. While +slavery sat upon her defiant throne, and insulted and intimidated the +trembling North, the South frequently divided on questions of policy +between Whigs and Democrats, and gave victory alternately to the +sections. Now, you must divide them between loyalists, without regard +to color, and disloyalists, or you will be the perpetual vassals of the +free-trade, irritated, revengeful South. For these, among other reasons, +I am for negro suffrage in every rebel State. If it be just, it should +not be denied; if it be necessary, it should be adopted; if it be a +punishment to traitors, they deserve it. + + + + + +VIII.--FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION. + + +THE periods into which this series has been divided will furnish, +perhaps, some key to the brief summary of tariff discussion in the +United States which follows. For it is not at all true that tariff +discussion or decision has been isolated; on the contrary, it has +influenced, and been influenced by, every other phase of the national +development of the country. + +Bancroft has laid none too great stress on the influence of the English +mercantile system in forcing the American Revolution, and on the +attitude of the Revolution as an organized revolt against the English +system. One of the first steps by which the Continental Congress +asserted its claim to independent national action was the throwing +open of American ports to the commerce of all nations--that is, to free +trade. It should, however, be added that the extreme breadth of this +liberality was due to the inability of Congress to impose any duties on +imports; it had a choice only between absolute prohibition and absolute +free trade, and it chose the latter. The States were not so limited. +Both under the revolutionary Congress and under the Confederation they +retained the entire duty power, and they showed no fondness for free +trade. Commerce in general was light, and tariff receipts, even in the +commercial States, were of no great importance; but, wherever it +was possible, commercial regulations were framed in disregard of the +free-trade principle. In order to retain the trade in firewood and +vegetables within her own borders, New York, in 1787, even laid +prohibitory duties on Connecticut and New Jersey boats; and retaliatory +measures were begun by the two States attacked. + +The Constitution gave to Congress, and forbade to the States, the power +to regulate commerce. As soon as the Constitution came to be put into +operation, the manner and objects of the regulation of commerce by +Congress became a public question. Many other considerations were +complicated with it. It was necessary for the United States to obtain +a revenue, and this could most easily be done by a tariff of duties on +imports. It was necessary for the Federalist majority to consider the +party interests both in the agricultural States, which would object +to protective duties, and in the States which demanded them. But the +highest consideration in the mind of Hamilton and the most influential +leaders of the party seems to have been the maintenance of the +Union. The repulsive force of the States toward one another was still +sufficiently strong to be an element of constant and recognized danger +to the Union. One method of overcoming it, as a part of the whole +Hamiltonian policy, was to foster the growth of manufactures as an +interest entirely independent of State lines and dependent on the +national government, which would throw its whole influence for the +maintenance of the Union. This feeling runs through the speeches even of +Madison, who prefaced his remarks by a declaration in favor of "a trade +as free as the policy of nations would allow." Protection, therefore, +began in the United States as an instrument of national unity, without +regard to national profit; and the argument in its favor would have been +quite as strong as ever to the mind of a legislator who accepted every +deduction as to the economic disadvantages of protection. Arguments for +its economic advantages are not wanting; but they have no such form and +consistency as those of subsequent periods. The result of the discussion +was the tariff act of July 4, 1789, whose preamble stated one of its +objects to be "the encouragement and protection of manufactures." Its +average duty, however, was but about 8.5 per cent. It was followed by +other acts, each increasing the rate of general duties, until, at the +outbreak of the War of 1812, the general rate was about 21 per cent. The +war added about 6 per cent, to this rate. + +Growth toward democracy very commonly brings a curious bias toward +protection, contrasted with the fundamental free-trade argument that a +protective system and a system of slave labor have identical bases. The +bias toward a pronounced protective system in the United States makes +its appearance with the rise of democracy; and, after the War of 1812, +is complicated with party interests. New England was still the citadel +of Federalism. The war and its blockade had fostered manufactures in New +England; and the manufacturing interest, looking to the Democratic +party for protection, was a possible force to sap the foundations of the +citadel. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury, prepared, +and Calhoun carried through Congress, the tariff of 1816. It introduced +several protective features, the "minimum" feature, by which the +imported article was assumed to have cost at least a certain amount in +calculating duties, and positive protection for cottons and woollens. +The duties paid under this tariff were about 30 per cent. on all +imports, or 33 per cent. on dutiable goods. In 1824 and 1828, under the +lead of Clay, tariffs were adopted which made the tariff of duties still +higher and more systematically protective; they touched high-water +mark in 1830, being 40 per cent. on all imports, or 48.8 per cent. on +dutiable goods. The influence of nullification in forcing through the +compromise tariff of 1833, with its regular decrease of duties for ten +years, has been stated in the first volume. + +Under the workings of the compromise tariff there was a steady decrease +in the rate on all imports, but not in the rate on dutiable goods, the +comparison being 22 per cent. on total to 32 per cent. on dutiable for +1833, and 16 per cent. on total to 32 per cent. on dutiable for 1841. +The conjunction of the increase in non-dutiable imports and the approach +of free trade, with general financial distress, gave the Whigs +success in the elections of 1840; and in 1841 they set about reviving +protection. Unluckily for them, their chosen President, Harrison, was +dead, and his successor, Tyler, a Democrat by nature, taken up for +political reasons by the Whigs, was deaf to Whig eloquence on the +subject of the tariff. After an unsuccessful effort to secure a +high tariff and a distribution of the surplus among the States, the +semi-protective tariff of 1842 became law. Its result for the next four +years was that the rate on dutiable goods was altered very little, while +the rate on total imports rose from 16 per cent. to 26 per cent. The +return of the Democrats to power was marked by the passage of the +revenue tariff of 1846, which lasted, with a slight further reduction +of duties in 1857, until 1861. Under its operation the rates steadily +decreased until, in 1861, they were 18.14 per cent, on dutiable goods, +and 11.79 per cent. on total imports. + +The platform of the Republican party in the election of 1856 made no +declaration for or against free trade or protection. The results of the +election showed that the electoral votes of Pennsylvania and Illinois +would have been sufficient to give the party a victory in 1856. Both +party policy and a natural regard to its strong Whig membership dictated +a return to the protective feature of the Whig policy. In March, +1860, Mr. Morrill introduced a protective tariff bill in the House of +Representatives, and it passed that body; and, in June, the Republican +National Convention adopted, as one of its resolutions, a declaration +in favor of a protective system. The Democratic Senate postponed the +Morrill bill until the following session. When it came up again +for consideration, in February, 1861, conditions had changed very +considerably. Seven States had seceded, taking off fourteen Senators +opposed to the bill; and it was passed. It was signed by President +Buchanan, March 2, 1861, and went into operation April 1, raising the +rates to about 20 per cent. In August and in December, two other acts +were passed, raising the rates still higher. These were followed by +other increases, which ran the maximum up, in 1868, to 48 per cent. on +dutiable goods, the highest rate from 1860 to date. It may be noted, +however, that the rate of 1830--48.8 per cent. on dutiable goods--still +retains its rank as the highest in our history. + +The controlling necessity for ready money, to prevent the over-issue of +bonds and green-backs, undoubtedly gained votes in Congress sufficient +to sustain the policy of protection, as a means of putting the capital +of the country into positions where it could be easily reached by +internal-revenue taxation. This conjunction of internal revenue and +protection proved a mutual support until the payment of the war debt +had gone so far as to provoke the reaction. The Democratic National +Convention of 1876 attacked the tariff system as a masterpiece of +iniquity, but no distinct issue was made between the parties on this +question. In 1880 and 1884, the Republican party was the one to force +the issue of protection or free trade upon its opponent, but its +opponent evaded it. + +In 1884, both parties admit the necessity of a reduction in the rates +of duties, if for no other reason, in order to reduce the surplus of +Government receipts over expenditures, which is a constant stimulus +to congressional extravagance. The Republican policy is in general +to retain the principle of protection in the reduction; while the +Democratic policy, so far as it is defined, is to deal as tenderly as +possible with interests which have become vested under a protective +system. What influence will be exerted by the present over-production +and depression in business cannot, of course, be foretold; but the +report of Mr. McCulloch, Secretary of the Treasury, in December, 1884, +indicates an attempt to induce manufacturers to submit to an abandonment +of protection, as a means of securing a decrease in cost of production, +and a consequent foreign market for surplus product. + +In taking Clay's speech in 1832 as the representative statement of the +argument for protection, the editor has consulted Professor Thompson, +of the University of Pennsylvania, and has been guided by his advice. On +the other side, the statement of Representative Hurd, in 1881, has been +taken as, on the whole, the best summary of the free-trade argument. In +both cases, the difficulty has been in the necessary exclusion of merely +written arguments. + + + + +HENRY CLAY, + +OF KENTUCKY. (BORN 1777, DIED 1852.) + +ON THE AMERICAN SYSTEM; + +IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, FEBRUARY 2-6, 1832. + + +THE question which we are now called upon to determine, is not, whether +we shall establish a new and doubtful system of policy, just proposed, +and for the first time presented to our consideration, but whether we +shall break down and destroy a long-established system, carefully and +patiently built up and sanctioned, during a series of years, again and +again, by the nation and its highest and most revered authorities. And +are we not bound deliberately to consider whether we can proceed to this +work of destruction without a violation of the public faith? The people +of the United States have justly supposed that the policy of protecting +their industry against foreign legislation and foreign industry was +fully settled, not by a single act, but by repeated and deliberate acts +of government, performed at distant and frequent intervals. In full +confidence that the policy was firmly and unchangeably fixed, thousands +upon thousands have invested their capital, purchased a vast amount of +real and other estate, made permanent establishments, and accommodated +their industry. Can we expose to utter and irretrievable ruin this +countless multitude, without justly incurring the reproach of violating +the national faith? * * * + +When gentlemen have succeeded in their design of an immediate or gradual +destruction of the American system, what is their substitute? Free +trade! The call for free trade is as unavailing, as the cry of a spoiled +child in its nurse's arms, for the moon, or the stars that glitter in +the firmament of heaven. It never has existed, it never will exist. +Trade implies at least two parties. To be free, it should be fair, +equal, and reciprocal. But if we throw our ports wide open to the +admission of foreign productions, free of all duty, what ports of any +other foreign nation shall we find open to the free admission of our +surplus produce? We may break down all barriers to free trade on our +part, but the work will not be complete until foreign powers shall have +removed theirs. There would be freedom on one side, and restrictions, +prohibitions, and exclusions on the other. The bolts and the bars and +the chains of all other nations will remain undisturbed. It is, indeed, +possible, that our industry and commerce would accommodate themselves to +this unequal and unjust state of things; for, such is the flexibility +of our nature, that it bends itself to all circumstances. The wretched +prisoner incarcerated in a jail, after a long time, becomes reconciled +to his solitude, and regularly notches down the passing days of his +confinement. + +Gentlemen deceive themselves. It is not free trade that they are +recommending to our acceptance. It is, in effect, the British colonial +system that we are invited to adopt; and, if their policy prevails, it +will lead substantially to the recolonization of these States, under the +commercial dominion of Great Britain. * * * + +I dislike this resort to authority, and especially foreign and +interested authority, for the support of principles of public policy. I +would greatly prefer to meet gentlemen upon the broad ground of fact, of +experience, and of reason; but, since they will appeal to British names +and authority, I feel myself compelled to imitate their bad example. +Allow me to quote from the speech of a member of the British Parliament, +bearing the same family name with my Lord Goderich, but whether or not +a relation of his, I do not know. The member alluded to was arguing +against the violation of the treaty of Methuen--that treaty not less +fatal to the interests of Portugal than would be the system of gentlemen +to the best interests of America,--and he went on to say: + +"It was idle for us to endeavor to persuade other nations to join with +us in adopting the principles of what was called 'free trade.' Other +nations knew, as well as the noble lord opposite, and those who acted +with him, what we meant by 'free trade' was nothing more nor less than, +by means of the great advantages we enjoyed, to get a monopoly of all +their markets for our manufactures, and to prevent them, one and all, +from ever becoming manufacturing nations. When the system of reciprocity +and free trade had been proposed to a French ambassador, his remark was, +that the plan was excellent in theory, but, to make it fair in practice, +it would be necessary to defer the attempt to put it in execution for +half a century, until France should be on the same footing with Great +Britain, in marine, in manufactures, in capital, and the many other +peculiar advantages which it now enjoyed. The policy that France acted +on was that of encouraging its native manufactures, and it was a wise +policy; because, if it were freely to admit our manufactures, it would +speedily be reduced to the rank of an agricultural nation, and therefore +a poor nation, as all must be that depend exclusively upon agriculture. +America acted, too, upon the same principle with France. America +legislated for futurity--legislated for an increasing population. +America, too, was prospering under this system. In twenty years, America +would be independent of England for manufactures altogether. * * * But +since the peace, France, Germany, America, and all the other countries +of the world, had proceeded upon the principle of encouraging and +protecting native manufacturers." * * * + +I regret, Mr. President, that one topic has, I think, unnecessarily been +introduced into this, debate. I allude to the charge brought against the +manufacturing system, as favoring the growth of aristocracy. If it were +true, would gentlemen prefer supporting foreign accumulations of wealth +by that description of industry, rather than in their own country? But +is it correct? The joint-stock companies of the North, as I understand +them, are nothing more than associations, sometimes of hundreds, by +means of which the small earnings of many are brought into a common +stock, and the associates, obtaining corporate privileges, are enabled +to prosecute, under one superintending head, their business to better +advantage. Nothing can be more essentially democratic or better devised +to counterpoise the influence of individual wealth. In Kentucky, almost +every manufactory known to me is in the hands of enterprising and +self-made men, who have acquired whatever wealth they possess by patient +and diligent labor. Comparisons are odious, and but in defence would +not be made by me. But is there more tendency to aristocracy in a +manufactory, supporting hundreds of freemen, or in a cotton plantation, +with its not less numerous slaves, sustaining perhaps only two white +families--that of the master and the overseer? + +I pass, with pleasure, from this disagreeable topic, to two general +propositions which cover the entire ground of debate. The first is, +that, under the operation of the American system, the objects which it +protects and fosters are brought to the consumer at cheaper prices than +they commanded prior to its introduction, or, than they would command if +it did not exist. If that be true, ought not the country to be contented +and satisfied with the system, unless the second proposition, which I +mean presently also to consider, is unfounded? And that is, that the +tendency of the system is to sustain, and that it has upheld, the prices +of all our agricultural and other produce, including cotton. + +And is the fact not indisputable that all essential objects of +consumption affected by the tariff are cheaper and better since the act +of 1824 than they were for several years prior to that law? I appeal for +its truth to common observation, and to all practical men. I appeal to +the farmer of the country whether he does not purchase on better +terms his iron, salt, brown sugar, cotton goods, and woollens, for his +laboring people? And I ask the cotton-planter if he has not been better +and more cheaply supplied with his cotton-bagging? In regard to this +latter article, the gentleman from South Carolina was mistaken in +supposing that I complained that, under the existing duty, the Kentucky +manufacturer could not compete with the Scotch. The Kentuckian furnishes +a more substantial and a cheaper article, and at a more uniform and +regular price. But it was the frauds, the violations of law, of which I +did complain; not smuggling, in the common sense of that practice, which +has something bold, daring, and enterprising in it, but mean, barefaced +cheating, by fraudulent invoices and false denominations. + +I plant myself upon this fact, of cheapness and superiority, as upon +impregnable ground. Gentlemen may tax their ingenuity, and produce a +thousand speculative solutions of the fact, but the fact itself will +remain undisturbed. Let us look into some particulars. The total +consumption of bar-iron in the United States is supposed to be about +146,000 tons, of which 112,866 tons are made within the country, and +the residue imported. The number of men employed in the manufacture is +estimated at 29,254, and the total number of persons subsisted by it at +146,273. The measure of protection extended to this necessary article +was never fully adequate until the passage of the act of 1828; and what +has been the consequence? The annual increase of quantity since that +period has been in a ratio of near twenty-five per centum, and the +wholesale price of bar-iron in the Northern cities was, in 1828, +$105 per ton; in 1829, $100; in 1830, $90; and in 1831, from $85 to +$75--constantly diminishing. We import very little English iron, and +that which we do is very inferior, and only adapted to a few purposes. +In instituting a comparison between that inferior article and our +superior iron, subjects entirely different are compared. They are made +by different processes. The English cannot make iron of equal quality to +ours at a less price than we do. They have three classes, best-best, +and best, and ordinary. It is the latter which is imported. Of the whole +amount imported there is only about 4,000 tons of foreign iron that +pays the high duty, the residue paying only a duty of about thirty per +centum, estimated on the prices of the importation of 1829. Our iron +ore is superior to that of Great Britain, yielding often from sixty to +eighty per centum, while theirs produces only about twenty-five. This +fact is so well known that I have heard of recent exportations of iron +ore to England. + +It has been alleged that bar-iron, being a raw material, ought to be +admitted free, or with low duties, for the sake of the manufacturers +themselves. But I take this to be the true principle: that if our +country is producing a raw material of prime necessity, and with +reasonable protection can produce it in sufficient quantity to supply +our wants, that raw material ought to be protected, although it may be +proper to protect the article also out of which it is manufactured. +The tailor will ask protection for himself, but wishes it denied to the +grower of wool and the manufacturer of broadcloth. The cotton-planter +enjoys protection for the raw material, but does not desire it to +be extended to the cotton manufacturer. The ship-builder will ask +protection for navigation, but does not wish it extended to the +essential articles which enter into the construction of his ship. Each +in his proper vocation solicits protection, but would have it denied to +all other interests which are supposed to come into collision with his. + +Now, the duty of the statesman is to elevate himself above these petty +conflicts; calmly to survey all the various interests, and deliberately +to proportion the measures of protection to each according to its nature +and the general wants of society. It is quite possible that, in the +degree of protection which has been afforded to the various workers in +iron, there may be some error committed, although I have lately read an +argument of much ability, proving that no injustice has really been done +to them. If there be, it ought to be remedied. + +The next article to which I would call the attention of the Senate, is +that of cotton fabrics. The success of our manufacture of coarse cottons +is generally admitted. It is demonstrated by the fact that they meet +the cotton fabrics of other countries in foreign markets, and maintain +a successful competition with them. There has been a gradual increase +of the exports of this article, which is sent to Mexico and the South +American republics, to the Mediterranean, and even to Asia. * * * + +I hold in my hand a statement, derived from the most authentic source, +showing that the identical description of cotton cloth, which sold +in 1817 at twenty-nine cents per yard, was sold in 1819 at twenty-one +cents, in 1821 at nine-teen and a half cents, in 1823 at seventeen +cents, in 1825 at fourteen and a half cents, in 1827 at thirteen cents, +in 1829 at nine cents, in 1830 at nine and a half cents, and in 1831 +at from ten and a half to eleven. Such is the wonderful effect of +protection, competition, and improvement in skill, combined. The year +1829 was one of some suffering to this branch of industry, probably +owing to the principle of competition being pushed too far. Hence +we observe a small rise of the article of the next two years. The +introduction of calico-printing into the United States, constitutes an +important era in our manufacturing industry. It commenced about the +year 1825, and has since made such astonishing advances, that the whole +quantity now annually printed is but little short of forty millions of +yards--about two thirds of our whole consumption. * * * + +In respect to woollens, every gentleman's own observation and experience +will enable him to judge of the great reduction of price which has taken +place in most of these articles since the tariff of 1824. It would have +been still greater, but for the high duty on raw material, imposed for +the particular benefit of the farming interest. But, without going into +particular details, I shall limit myself to inviting the attention +of the Senate to a single article of general and necessary use. The +protection given to flannels in 1828 was fully adequate. It has enabled +the American manufacturer to obtain complete possession of the American +market; and now, let us look at the effect. I have before me a statement +from a highly respectable mercantile house, showing the price of four +descriptions of flannels during six years. The average price of them, in +1826, was thirty-eight and three quarter cents; in 1827, thirty-eight; +in 1828 (the year of the tariff), forty-six; in 1829, thirty-six; in +1830, (notwithstanding the advance in the price of wool), thirty-two; +and in 1831, thirty-two and one quarter. These facts require no +comments. I have before me another statement of a practical and +respectable man, well versed in the flannel manufacture in America and +England, demonstrating that the cost of manufacture is precisely the +same in both countries: and that, although a yard of flannel which would +sell in England at fifteen cents would command here twenty-two, the +difference of seven cents is the exact difference between the cost +in the two countries of the six ounces of wool contained in a yard of +flannel. + +Brown sugar, during ten years, from 1792 to 1802, with a duty of one +and a half cents per pound, averaged fourteen cents per pound. The +same article, during ten years, from 1820 to 1830, with a duty of three +cents, has averaged only eight cents per pound. Nails, with a duty of +five cents per pound, are selling at six cents. Window-glass, eight by +ten, prior to the tariff of 1824, sold at twelve or thirteen dollars per +hundred feet; it now sells for three dollars and seventy-five cents. * * * + +This brings me to consider what I apprehend to have been the most +efficient of all the causes in the reduction of the prices of +manufactured articles, and that is COMPETITION. By competition the +total amount of the supply is increased, and by increase of the supply a +competition in the sale ensues, and this enables the consumer to buy at +lower rates. Of all human powers operating on the affairs of mankind, +none is greater than that of competition. It is action and reaction. It +operates between individuals of the same nation, and between different +nations. It resembles the meeting of the mountain torrent, grooving, by +its precipitous motion, its own channel, and ocean's tide. Unopposed, +it sweeps every thing before it; but, counterpoised, the waters become +calm, safe, and regular. It is like the segments of a circle or an arch: +taken separately, each is nothing; but in their combination they produce +efficiency, symmetry, and perfection. By the American system this vast +power has been excited in America, and brought into being to act in +cooperation or collision with European industry. Europe acts within +itself, and with America; and America acts within itself, and with +Europe. The consequence is the reduction of prices in both hemispheres. +Nor is it fair to argue from the reduction of prices in Europe to her +own presumed skill and labor exclusively. We affect her prices, and she +affects ours. This must always be the case, at least in reference to any +articles as to which there is not a total non-intercourse; and if our +industry, by diminishing the demand for her supplies, should produce a +diminution in the price of those supplies, it would be very unfair to +ascribe that reduction to her ingenuity, instead of placing it to the +credit of our own skill and excited industry. + +Practical men understand very well this state of the case, whether +they do or do not comprehend the causes which produce it. I have in my +possession a letter from a respectable merchant, well known to me, in +which he says, after complaining of the operation of the tariff of 1828, +on the articles to which it applies, some of which he had imported, and +that his purchases having been made in England before the passage of +that tariff was known, it produced such an effect upon the English +market that the articles could not be resold without loss, and he adds: +"For it really appears that, when additional duties are laid upon +an article, it then becomes lower instead of higher!" This would not +probably happen where the supply of the foreign article did not exceed +the home demand, unless upon the supposition of the increased duty +having excited or stimulated the measure of the home production. + +The great law of price is determined by supply and demand. What affects +either affects the price. If the supply is increased, the demand +remaining the same, the price declines; if the demand is increased, the +supply remaining the same, the price advances; if both supply and demand +are undiminished, the price is stationary, and the price is influenced +exactly in proportion to the degree of disturbance to the demand or +supply. It is, therefore, a great error to suppose that an existing or +new duty necessarily becomes a component element to its exact amount of +price. If the proportions of demand and supply are varied by the duty, +either in augmenting the supply or diminishing the demand, or vice +versa, the price is affected to the extent of that variation. But +the duty never becomes an integral part of the price, except in the +instances where the demand and the supply remain after the duty is +imposed precisely what they were before, or the demand is increased, and +the supply remains stationary. + +Competition, therefore, wherever existing, whether at home or abroad, +is the parent cause of cheapness. If a high duty excites production at +home, and the quantity of the domestic article exceeds the amount which +had been previously imported, the price will fall. * * * + +But it is argued that if, by the skill, experience, and perfection which +we have acquired in certain branches of manufacture, they can be made as +cheap as similar articles abroad, and enter fairly into competition with +them, why not repeal the duties as to those articles? And why should we? +Assuming the truth of the supposition, the foreign article would not be +introduced in the regular course of trade, but would remain excluded +by the possession of the home market, which the domestic article had +obtained. The repeal, therefore, would have no legitimate effect. But +might not the foreign article be imported in vast quantities, to glut +our markets, break down our establishments, and ultimately to enable the +foreigner to monopolize the supply of our consumption? America is the +greatest foreign market for European manufactures. It is that to which +European attention is constantly directed. If a great house becomes +bankrupt there, its storehouses are emptied, and the goods are shipped +to America, where, in consequence of our auctions, and our custom-house +credits, the greatest facilities are afforded in the sale of them. +Combinations among manufacturers might take place, or even the +operations of foreign governments might be directed to the destruction +of our establishments. A repeal, therefore, of one protecting duty, +from some one or all of these causes, would be followed by flooding the +country with the foreign fabric, surcharging the market, reducing the +price, and a complete prostration of our manufactories; after which +the foreigner would leisurely look about to indemnify himself in the +increased prices which he would be enabled to command by his monopoly +of the supply of our consumption. What American citizen, after the +government had displayed this vacillating policy, would be again tempted +to place the smallest confidence in the public faith, and adventure once +more into this branch of industry? + +Gentlemen have allowed to the manufacturing portions of the community +no peace; they have been constantly threatened with the overthrow of +the American system. From the year 1820, if not from 1816, down to +this time, they have been held in a condition of constant alarm and +insecurity. Nothing is more prejudicial to the great interests of a +nation than an unsettled and varying policy. Although every appeal to +the National Legislature has been responded to in conformity with the +wishes and sentiments of the great majority of the people, measures of +protection have only been carried by such small majorities as to excite +hopes on the one hand, and fears on the other. Let the country breathe, +let its vast resources be developed, let its energies be fully put +forth, let it have tranquillity, and, my word for it, the degree of +perfection in the arts which it will exhibit will be greater than that +which has been presented, astonishing as our progress has been. Although +some branches of our manufactures might, and in foreign markets now do, +fearlessly contend with similar foreign fabrics, there are many others +yet in their infancy, struggling with the difficulties which encompass +them. We should look at the whole system, and recollect that time, when +we contemplate the great movements of a nation, is very different from +the short period which is allotted for the duration of individual life. +The honorable gentleman from South Carolina well and eloquently said, +in 1824: "No great interest of any country ever grew up in a day; no new +branch of industry can become firmly and profitably established but in a +long course of years; every thing, indeed, great or good, is matured by +slow degrees; that which attains a speedy maturity is of small value, +and is destined to brief existence. It is the order of Providence, +that powers gradually developed, shall alone attain permanency and +perfection. Thus must it be with our national institutions, and national +character itself." + +I feel most sensibly, Mr. President, how much I have trespassed upon the +Senate. My apology is a deep and deliberate conviction, that the great +cause under debate involves the prosperity and the destiny of the Union. +But the best requital I can make, for the friendly indulgence which has +been extended to me by the Senate, and for which I shall ever retain +sentiments of lasting gratitude, is to proceed with as little delay as +practicable, to the conclusion of a discourse which has not been more +tedious to the Senate than exhausting to me. I have now to consider the +remaining of the two propositions which I have already announced. That +is + +Second, that under the operation of the American system, the products of +our agriculture command a higher price than they would do without it, +by the creation of a home market, and by the augmentation of wealth +produced by manufacturing industry, which enlarges our powers of +consumption both of domestic and foreign articles. The importance of +the home market is among the established maxims which are universally +recognized by all writers and all men. However some may differ as to the +relative advantages of the foreign and the home market, none deny to the +latter great value and high consideration. It is nearer to us; +beyond the control of foreign legislation; and undisturbed by those +vicissitudes to which all inter-national intercourse is more or less +exposed. The most stupid are sensible of the benefit of a residence +in the vicinity of a large manufactory, or of a market-town, of a good +road, or of a navigable stream, which connects their farms with some +great capital. If the pursuits of all men were perfectly the same, +although they would be in possession of the greatest abundance of the +particular products of their industry, they might, at the same time, be +in extreme want of other necessary articles of human subsistence. The +uniformity of the general occupation would preclude all exchange, all +commerce. It is only in the diversity of the vocations of the members +of a community that the means can be found for those salutary exchanges +which conduce to the general prosperity. And the greater that diversity, +the more extensive and the more animating is the circle of exchange. +Even if foreign markets were freely and widely open to the reception of +our agricultural produce, from its bulky nature, and the distance of the +interior, and the dangers of the ocean, large portions of it could +never profitably reach the foreign market. But let us quit this field +of theory, clear as it is, and look at the practical operation of the +system of protection, beginning with the most valuable staple of our +agriculture. + +In considering this staple, the first circumstance that excites our +surprise is the rapidity with which the amount of it has annually +increased. Does not this fact, however, demonstrate that the cultivation +of it could not have been so very unprofitable? If the business were +ruinous, would more and more have annually engaged in it? The quantity +in 1816 was eighty-one millions of pounds; in 1826, two hundred and +four millions; and in 1830, near three hundred millions! The ground of +greatest surprise is that it has been able to sustain even its present +price with such an enormous augmentation of quantity. It could not have +been done but for the combined operation of three causes, by which the +consumption of cotton fabrics has been greatly extended in consequence +of their reduced prices: first, competition; second, the improvement of +labor-saving machinery; and thirdly, the low price of the raw material. +The crop of 1819, amounting to eighty-eight millions of pounds, produced +twenty-one millions of dollars; the crop of 1823, when the amount was +swelled to one hundred and seventy-four millions (almost double of that +of 1819), produced a less sum by more than half a million of dollars; +and the crop of 1824, amounting to thirty millions of pounds less than +that of the preceding year, produced a million and a half of dollars +more. + +If there be any foundation for the established law of price, supply, +and demand, ought not the fact of this great increase of the supply to +account satisfactorily for the alleged low price of cotton? * * * + +Let us suppose that the home demand for cotton, which has been created +by the American system, should cease, and that the two hundred thousand +bales which the home market now absorbs were now thrown into the glutted +markets of foreign countries; would not the effect inevitably be to +produce a further and great reduction in the price of the article? +If there be any truth in the facts and principles which I have before +stated and endeavored to illustrate, it cannot be doubted that the +existence of American manufactures has tended to increase the demand +and extend the consumption of the raw material; and that, but for this +increased demand, the price of the article would have fallen possibly +one half lower than it now is. The error of the opposite argument is +in assuming one thing, which being denied, the whole fails--that is, it +assumes that the whole labor of the United States would be profitably +employed without manufactures. Now, the truth is that the system excites +and creates labor, and this labor creates wealth, and this new wealth +communicates additional ability to consume, which acts on all the +objects contributing to human comfort and enjoyment. The amount of +cotton imported into the two ports of Boston and Providence alone during +the last year (and it was imported exclusively for the home manufacture) +was 109,517 bales. + +On passing from that article to others of our agricultural productions, +we shall find not less gratifying facts. The total quantity of flour +imported into Boston, during the same year, was 284,504 barrels, and +3,955 half barrels; of which, there were from Virginia, Georgetown, and +Alexandria, 114,222 barrels; of Indian corn, 681,131 bushels; of oats, +239,809 bushels; of rye, about 50,000 bushels; and of shorts, 63,489 +bushels; into the port of Providence, 71,369 barrels of flour; 216,662 +bushels of Indian corn, and 7,772 bushels of rye. And there were +discharged at the port of Philadelphia, 420,353 bushels of Indian corn, +201,878 bushels of wheat, and 110,557 bushels of rye and barley. +There were slaughtered in Boston during the same year, 1831, (the only +Northern city from which I have obtained returns,) 33,922 beef cattle; +15,400 calves; 84,453 sheep, and 26,871 swine. It is confidently +believed that there is not a less quantity of Southern flour consumed +at the North than eight hundred thousand barrels, a greater amount, +probably, than is shipped to all the foreign markets of the world +together. + +What would be the condition of the farming country of the United +States--of all that portion which lies north, east, and west of James +River, including a large part of North Carolina--if a home market did +not exist for this immense amount of agricultural produce. Without that +market, where could it be sold? In foreign markets? If their restrictive +laws did not exist, their capacity would not enable them to purchase +and consume this vast addition to their present supplies, which must +be thrown in, or thrown away, but for the home market. But their laws +exclude us from their markets. I shall content myself by calling the +attention of the Senate to Great Britain only. The duties in the ports +of the united kingdom on bread-stuffs are prohibitory, except in times +of dearth. On rice, the duty is fifteen shillings sterling per hundred +weight, being more than one hundred per centum. On manufactured tobacco +it is nine shillings sterling per pound, or about two thousand per +centum. On leaf tobacco three shillings per pound, or one thousand two +hundred per centum. On lumber, and some other articles, they are from +four hundred to fifteen hundred per centum more than on similar articles +imported from British colonies. In the British West Indies the duty on +beef, pork, hams, and bacon, is twelve shillings sterling per hundred, +more than one hundred per centum on the first cost of beef and pork in +the Western States. And yet Great Britain is the power in whose behalf +we are called upon to legislate, so that we may enable her to purchase +our cotton. Great Britain, that thinks only of herself in her own +legislation! When have we experienced justice, much less favor, at +her hands? When did she shape her legislation with reference to the +interests of any foreign power? She is a great, opulent, and powerful +nation; but haughty, arrogant, and supercilious; not more separated +from the rest of the world by the sea that girts her island, than she +is separated in feeling, sympathy, or friendly consideration of their +welfare. Gentlemen, in supposing it impracticable that we should +successfully compete with her in manufactures, do injustice to the +skill and enterprise of their own country. Gallant as Great Britain +undoubtedly is, we have gloriously contended with her, man to man, gun +to gun, ship to ship, fleet to fleet, and army to army. And I have no +doubt we are destined to achieve equal success in the more useful, if +not nobler, contest for superiority in the arts of civil life. + +I could extend and dwell on the long list of articles--the hemp, iron, +lead, coal, and other items--for which a demand is created in the home +market by the operation of the American system; but I should exhaust +the patience of the Senate. Where, where should we find a market for all +these articles, if it did not exist at home? What would be the condition +of the largest portion of our people, and of the territory, if this +home market were annihilated? How could they be supplied with objects of +prime necessity? What would not be the certain and inevitable decline in +the price of all these articles, but for the home market? And allow me, +Mr. President, to say, that of all the agricultural parts of the United +States which are benefited by the operation of this system, none are +equally so with those which border the Chesapeake Bay, the lower parts +of North Carolina, Virginia, and the two shores of Mary-land. Their +facilities of transportation, and proximity to the North, give them +decided advantages. + +But if all this reasoning were totally fallacious; if the price of +manufactured articles were really higher, under the American system, +than without it, I should still argue that high or low prices were +themselves relative--relative to the ability to pay them. It is in vain +to tempt, to tantalize us with the lower prices of European fabrics than +our own, if we have nothing wherewith to purchase them. If, by the home +exchanges, we can be supplied with necessary, even if they are dearer +and worse, articles of American production than the foreign, it is +better than not to be supplied at all. And how would the large portion +of our country, which I have described, be supplied, but for the +home exchanges? A poor people, destitute of wealth or of exchangeable +commodities, have nothing to purchase foreign fabrics with. To them +they are equally beyond their reach, whether their cost be a dollar or a +guinea. It is in this view of the matter that Great Britain, by her vast +wealth, her excited and protected industry, is enabled to bear a burden +of taxation, which, when compared to that of other nations, appears +enormous; but which, when her immense riches are compared to theirs, is +light and trivial. The gentleman from South Carolina has drawn a lively +and flattering picture of our coasts, bays, rivers, and harbors; and he +argues that these proclaimed the design of Providence that we should be +a commercial people. I agree with him. We differ only as to the means. +He would cherish the foreign, and neglect the internal, trade. I would +foster both. What is navigation without ships, or ships without cargoes? +By penetrating the bosoms of our mountains, and extracting from them +their precious treasures; by cultivating the earth, and securing a home +market for its rich and abundant products; by employing the water power +with which we are blessed; by stimulating and protecting our native +industry, in all its forms; we shall but nourish and promote the +prosperity of commerce, foreign and domestic. + +I have hitherto considered the question in reference only to a state of +peace; but who can tell when the storm of war shall again break forth? +Have we forgotten so soon the privations to which not merely our brave +soldiers and our gallant tars were subjected, but the whole community, +during the last war, for the want of absolute necessaries? To what an +enormous price they rose! And how inadequate the supply was, at any +price! The states-man who justly elevates his views will look behind +as well as forward, and at the existing state of things; and he will +graduate the policy which he recommends to all the probable exigencies +which may arise in the republic. Taking this comprehensive range, it +would be easy to show that the higher prices of peace, if prices were +higher in peace, were more than compensated by the lower prices of war, +during which supplies of all essential articles are indispensable to its +vigorous, effectual, and glorious prosecution. I conclude this part +of the argument with the hope that my humble exertions have not been +altogether unsuccessful in showing: + +First, that the policy which we have been considering ought to continue +to be regarded as the genuine American system. + +Secondly, that the free-trade system, which is proposed as its +substitute, ought really to be considered as the British colonial +system. + +Thirdly, that the American system is beneficial to all parts of the +Union, and absolutely necessary to much the larger portion. + +Fourthly, that the price of the great staple of cotton, and of all our +chief productions of agriculture, has been sustained and upheld, and a +decline averted, by the protective system. + +Fifthly, that if the foreign demand for cotton has been at all +diminished, the diminution has been more than compensated in the +additional demand created at home. + +Sixthly, that the constant tendency of the system, by creating +competition among ourselves, and between American and European industry, +reciprocally acting upon each other, is to reduce prices of manufactured +objects. + +Seventhly, that, in point of fact, objects within the scope of the +policy of protection have greatly fallen in price. + +Eighthly, that if, in a season of peace, these benefits are experienced, +in a season of war, when the foreign supply might be cut off, they would +be much more extensively felt. + +Ninthly, and finally, that the substitution of the British colonial +system for the American system, without benefiting any section of the +Union, by subjecting us to a foreign legislation, regulated by foreign +interests, would lead to the prostration of our manufactories, general +impoverishment, and ultimate ruin. * * * The danger of our Union does +not lie on the side of persistence in the American system, but on that +of its abandonment. If, as I have supposed and believe, the inhabitants +of all north and east of James River, and all west of the mountains, +including Louisiana, are deeply interested in the preservation of that +system, would they be reconciled to its overthrow? Can it be expected +that two thirds, if not three fourths, of the people of the United +States would consent to the destruction of a policy, believed to be +indispensably necessary to their prosperity? When, too, the sacrifice +is made at the instance of a single interest, which they verily believe +will not be promoted by it? In estimating the degree of peril which may +be incident to two opposite courses of human policy, the statesman would +be short-sighted who should content himself with viewing only the evils, +real or imaginary, which belong to that course which is in practical +operation. He should lift himself up to the contemplation of those +greater and more certain dangers which might inevitably attend the +adoption of the alternative course. What would be the condition of +this Union, if Pennsylvania and New York, those mammoth members of our +Confederacy, were firmly persuaded that their industry was paralyzed, +and their prosperity blighted, by the enforcement of the British +colonial system, under the delusive name of free trade? They are now +tranquil and happy and contented, conscious of their welfare, and +feeling a salutary and rapid circulation of the products of home +manufactures and home industry, throughout all their great arteries. +But let that be checked, let them feel that a foreign system is to +predominate, and the sources of their subsistence and comfort dried up; +let New England and the West, and the Middle States, all feel that they +too are the victims of a mistaken policy, and let these vast portions +of our country despair of any favorable change, and then indeed might we +tremble for the continuance and safety of this Union! + +And need I remind you, sir, that this dereliction of the duty of +protecting our domestic industry, and abandonment of it to the fate +of foreign legislation, would be directly at war with leading +considerations which prompted the adoption of the present Constitution? +The States respectively surrendered to the general government the whole +power of laying imposts on foreign goods. They stripped themselves of +all power to protect their own manufactures by the most efficacious +means of encouragement--the imposition of duties on rival foreign +fabrics. Did they create that great trust, did they voluntarily subject +themselves to this self-restriction, that the power should remain in the +Federal government inactive, unexecuted, and lifeless? Mr. Madison, at +the commencement of the government, told you otherwise. In discussing +at that early period this very subject, he declared that a failure to +exercise this power would be a "fraud" upon the Northern States, to +which may now be added the Middle and Western States. + +[Governor Miller asked to what expression of Mr. Madison's opinion Mr. +Clay referred; and Mr. Clay replied, his opinion, expressed in the +House of Representatives in 1789, as reported in Lloyd's Congressional +Debates.] + +Gentlemen are greatly deceived as to the hold which this system has in +the affections of the people of the United States. They represent that +it is the policy of New England, and that she is most benefited by it. +If there be any part of this Union which has been most steady, most +unanimous, and most determined in its support, it is Pennsylvania. Why +is not that powerful State attacked? Why pass her over, and aim the blow +at New England? New England came reluctantly into the policy. In 1824, a +majority of her delegation was opposed to it. From the largest State +of New England there was but a solitary vote in favor of the bill. That +interesting people can readily accommodate their industry to any policy, +provided it be settled. They supposed this was fixed, and they submitted +to the decrees of government. And the progress of public opinion has +kept pace with the developments of the benefits of the system. Now, all +New England, at least in this House (with the exception of one small +still voice), is in favor of the system. In 1824, all Maryland was +against it; now the majority is for it. Then, Louisiana, with one +exception, was opposed to it; now, without any exception, she is in +favor of it. The march of public sentiment is to the South. Virginia +will be the next convert; and in less than seven years, if there be no +obstacles from political causes, or prejudices industriously instilled, +the majority of Eastern Virginia will be, as the majority of Western +Virginia now is, in favor of the American system. North Carolina will +follow later, but not less certainly. Eastern Tennessee is now in favor +of the system. And, finally, its doctrines will pervade the whole Union, +and the wonder will be, that they ever should have been opposed. + + + + +FRANK H. HURD, + +OF OHIO. (BORN 1841, DIED 1896.) + +A TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLY; + +HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 18, 1881. + + +MR. CHAIRMAN: + +At the very threshold it is proper to define the terms I shall use and +state the exact propositions I purpose to maintain. A tariff is a tax +upon imported goods. Like other taxes which are levied, it should +be imposed only to raise revenue for the government. It is true that +incidental protection to some industries will occur when the duty is +placed upon articles which may enter into competition with those +of domestic manufacture. I do not propose to discuss now how this +incidental protection shall be distributed. This will be a subsequent +consideration when the preliminary question has been settled as to what +shall be the nature of the tariff itself. The present tariff imposes +duties upon nearly four thousand articles, and was levied and is +defended upon the ground that American industries should be protected. +Thus protection has been made the object; revenue the incident. Indeed, +in many cases the duty is so high that no revenue whatever is raised +for the government, and in nearly all so high that much less revenue is +collected than might be realized. So true is this that, if the present +tariff were changed so as to make it thereby a revenue tariff, one fifth +at least could be added to the receipts of the Treasury from imports. +Whenever I use the phrase free trade or free trader, I mean either a +tariff for revenue only or one who advocates it. + +So far as a tariff for revenue is concerned, I do not oppose it, even +though it may contain some objectionable incidental protection. The +necessities of the government require large revenues, and it is not +proposed to interfere with a tariff so long as it is levied to produce +them; but, to a tariff levied for protection in itself and for its own +sake, I do object. I therefore oppose the present tariff, and the whole +doctrine by which it is attempted to be justified. I make war against +all its protective features, and insist that the laws which contain them +shall be amended, so that out of the importations upon which the duty is +levied the greatest possible revenue for the government may be obtained. + +What, then, is the theory of protection? It is based upon the idea that +foreign produce imported into this country will enter into competition +with domestic products and undersell them in the home market, thus +crippling if not destroying domestic production. To prevent this, the +price of the foreign goods in the home market is increased so as to keep +them out of the country altogether, or to place the foreigner, in the +cost of production, upon the same footing as the American producer. This +is proposed to be done by levying a duty upon the foreign importation. +If it be so high that the importer cannot pay it and sell the goods at +a profit, the facilities of production between this and other countries +are said to be equalized, and the American producer is said to be +protected. It will be seen, therefore, that protection means the +increase of price. Without it the fabric has no foundation on which to +rest. If the foreign goods are still imported, the importer adds the +duty paid to the selling price. If he cannot import with profit, the +American producer raises his price to a point always below that at which +the foreign goods could be profitably brought into the country, and +controls the market. In either event, there is an increase of price of +the products sought to be protected. The bald proposition therefore is +that American industries can and ought to be protected by increasing the +prices of the products of such industries. + +There are three popular opinions, industriously cultivated and +strengthened by adroit advocates, upon which the whole system rests, +and to which appeals are ever confidently made. These opinions are +erroneous, and lead to false conclusions, and should be first considered +in every discussion of this question. + +The first is, that the balance of trade is in our favor when our +exportations exceed our importations. Upon this theory it is argued that +it cannot be unwise to put restrictions upon importations, for they say +that at one and the same time you give protection to our industries and +keep the balance of trade in our favor. But the slightest investigation +will show that this proposition cannot be maintained. A single +illustration, often repeated, but never old in this discussion, will +demonstrate it. Let a ship set sail from Portland, Maine, with a cargo +of staves registered at the port of departure as worth $5,000. They +are carried to the West India Islands, where staves are in demand, and +exchanged for sugar or molasses. The ship returns, and after duty paid +the owner sells his sugar and molasses at a profit of $5,000. Here more +has been imported than exported. Upon this transaction the protectionist +would say that the balance of trade was against us $5,000; the free +trader says that the sum represents the profit to the shipper upon his +traffic, and the true balance in our favor. + +Suppose that after it has set sail the vessel with its cargo had been +lost. In such case five thousand dollars' worth of goods would have been +exported, with no importation against it. The exportation has exceeded +the importation that sum. Is not the balance of trade, according to +the protection theory, to that amount in our favor? Then let the +protectionist turn pirate and scuttle and sink all the vessels laden +with our exports, and soon the balance of trade in our favor will be +large enough to satisfy even most advocates of the American protective +system. The true theory is that in commerce the overplus of the +importation above the exportation represents the profit accruing to the +country. This overplus, deducting the expenses, is real wealth added to +the land. Push the two theories to their last position and the true one +will be clearly seen. Export every thing, import nothing, though the +balance of trade may be said to be overwhelmingly in our favor, there +is poverty, scarcity, death. Import every thing, export nothing, we +then will have in addition to our own all the wealth of the world in our +possession. + +Secondly, it is said that a nation should be independent of foreign +nations, lest in time of war it might find itself helpless or +defenceless. Free trade, it is charged, makes a people dependent upon +foreigners. But traffic is exchange. Foreign products do not come into a +country unless domestic products go out. This dependence, therefore, is +mutual. By trade with foreign nations they are as dependent upon us as +we upon them, and in the event of a disturbance of peace the nation with +which we would be at war would lose just as much as we would lose, and +both as to the war would in that regard stand upon terms of equality. It +must not be forgotten that the obstruction of trade between nations +is one of the greatest occasions of war. It frequently gives rise to +misunderstandings which result in serious conflicts. By removing these +obstacles and making trade as free as possible, nations are brought +closer together, the interests of their people become intermingled, +business associations are formed between them, which go far to keep down +national dispute, and prevent the wars in which the dependent nation is +said to be so helpless. Japan and China have for centuries practised the +protective theory of independence of foreigners, and yet, in a war with +other nations, they would be the most helpless people in the world. +That nation is the most independent which knows most of, and trades most +with, the world, and by such knowledge and trade is able to avail itself +of the products of the skill, intellect, and genius of all the nations +of the earth. + +A third erroneous impression sought to be made upon the public mind is +that whatever increases the amount of labor in a country is a benefit +to it. Protection, it is argued, will increase the amount of labor, +and therefore will increase a country's prosperity. The error in this +proposition lies in mistaking the true nature of labor. It regards it +as the end, not as the means to an end. Men do not labor merely for the +sake of labor, but that out of its products they may derive support +and comfort for themselves and those dependent upon them. The result, +therefore, does not depend upon the amount of labor done, but upon the +value of the product. That country, therefore, is the most prosperous +which enables the laborer to obtain the greatest possible value for the +product of his toil, not that which imposes the greatest labor upon him. +If this were not the case men were better off before the appliances of +steam as motive power were discovered, or railroads were built, or the +telegraph was invented. The man who invents a labor-saving machine is a +public enemy; and he would be a public benefactor who would restore +the good old times when the farmer never had a leisure day, and the +sun never set on the toil of the mechanic. No, Mr. Chairman, it is the +desire of every laborer to get the maximum of result from the minimum +of effort. That system, therefore, can be of no advantage to him which, +while it gives him employment, robs him of its fruits. This, it will be +seen, protection does, while free trade, giving him unrestricted control +of the product of his labor, enables him to get the fullest value for it +in markets of his own selection. + +The protectionist, relying upon the propositions I have thus hurriedly +discussed, urges many specious reasons for his system, to a few of which +only do I intend to call attention to-day. + +In the first place, it is urged that protection will develop the +resources of a country, which without it would remain undeveloped. +Of course this, to be of advantage to a country, must be a general +aggregate increase of development, for if it be an increase of some +resources as a result of diminution in others, the people as a whole can +be no better off after protection than before. But the general resources +cannot be increased by a tariff. There can only be such an increase by +an addition to the disposable capital of the country to be applied to +the development of resources. But legislation cannot make this. If it +could it would only be necessary to enact laws indefinitely to increase +capital indefinitely. But, if any legislation could accomplish this, +it would not be protective legislation. As already shown, the theory +of protection is to make prices higher, in order to make business +profitable. This necessarily increases the expense of production, which +keeps foreign capital away, because it can be employed in the protected +industries more profit-ably elsewhere. The domestic capital, therefore, +must be relied upon for the proposed development. As legislation cannot +increase that capital, if it be tempted by the higher prices to the +business protected, it must be taken from some other business or +investment. If there are more workers in factories there will be +fewer artisans. If there are more workers in shops there will be fewer +farmers. If there are more in the towns there will be fewer in the +country. The only effect of protection, therefore, in this point +of view, can be to take capital from some employment to put it into +another, that the aggregate disposable capital cannot be increased, nor +the aggregate development of the resources of a country be greater with +a tariff than without. + +But, secondly, it is said that protection increases the number of +industries, thereby diversifying labor and making a variety in the +occupations of a people who otherwise might be confined to a single +branch of employment. This argument proceeds upon the assumption that +there would be no diversification of labor without protection. In other +words, it is assumed that but for protection our people would devote +themselves to agriculture. This, however, is not true. Even if a +community were purely agricultural, the necessities of the situation +would make diversification of industry. There must be blacksmiths, +and shoemakers, and millers, and merchants, and carpenters, and other +artisans. To each one of these employments, as population increases, +more and more will devote themselves, and with each year new demands +will spring up, which will create new industries to supply them. I was +born in the midst of a splendid farming country. The business of nine +tenths of the people of my native county was farming. My intelligent +boyhood was spent there from 1850 to 1860, when there was no tariff for +protection. There were thriving towns for the general trading. There +were woollen mills and operatives. There were flouring mills and +millers. There were iron founders and their employes. There were +artisans of every description. There were grocers and merchants, with +every variety of goods and wares for sale; there were banks and +bankers; there was all the diversification of industry that a thriving, +industrious, and intelligent community required; not established by +protection nor by government aid, but growing naturally out of the +wants and necessities of the people. Such a diversification is always +healthful, because it is natural, and will continue so long as the +people are industrious and thrifty. The diversification which protection +makes is forced and artificial. Suppose protection had come to my native +county to further diversify industries. It would have begun by giving +higher prices to some industry already established, or profits greater +than the average rate to some new industry which it would have started. +This would have disturbed the natural order. It would necessarily have +embarrassed some interests to help the protected ones. The loss in the +most favorable view would have been equal to the gain, and besides trade +would inevitably have been annoyed by the obstruction of its natural +channels. + +The worst feature of this kind of diversified industry is that the +protected ones never willingly give up the government aid. They scare at +competition as a child at a ghost. As soon as the markets seem against +them, they rush to Congress for further help. They are never content +with the protection they have; they are always eager for more. In this +dependence upon the government bounty the persons protected learn to +distrust themselves; and protection therefore inevitably destroys that +manly, sturdy spirit of individuality and independence which should +characterize the successful American business man. + +Thirdly, it is said that protection gives increased employment to labor +and enhances the wages of workingmen. For a long time no position was +more strenuously insisted upon by the advocates of the protective system +than that the wages of labor would be increased under it. At this point +in the discussion I shall only undertake to show that it is impossible +that protection should produce this result. What determines the amount +of wages paid? Some maintain that it is the amount of the wage fund +existing at the time that the labor is done. Under this theory it is +claimed that, at any given time, there is a certain amount of capital to +be applied to the payment of wages, as certain and fixed as though its +amount had been determined in advance. Others maintain that the amount +of wages is fixed by what the laborer makes, or, in other words, by the +product of his work, and that, therefore, his wage is determined by the +efficiency of his labor alone. Both these views are partly true. The +wages of the laborer are undoubtedly determined by the efficiency of his +work, but the aggregate amount paid for labor cannot exceed the +amount properly chargeable to the wage fund without in a little time +diminishing the profits of production and ultimately the quantity of +labor employed.' + +But, whichever theory be true, it is clear that protection can add +nothing to the amount of wages. It cannot increase the amount of capital +applicable to the payment of wages, unless it can be shown that the +aggregate capital of a country can be increased by legislation; nor +can it add to the efficiency of labor, for that depends upon individual +effort exclusively. A man who makes little in a day now may in a year +make much more in the same time; his labor has become more efficient. +Whether this shalt be done depends on the taste, temperament, +application, aptitude, and skill of the individual. No one will pretend +that protection can increase the aggregate of these qualities in +the labor of the country. The result is that it is impossible for +protection, either by adding to the wage fund or by increasing the +efficiency of labor, to enhance the wages of laboring men, a theory +which I shall shortly show is incontrovertibly established by the facts. + +I will now, Mr. Chairman, briefly present a few of the principal +objections to a tariff for protection. As has been shown, the basis of +protection is an increase in the price of the protected products. Who +pays this increased price? I shall not stop now to consider the argument +often urged that it is paid by the foreign producer, because it can be +easily shown to the contrary by every one's experience. I shall for +this argument assume it as demonstrated that the increase of price which +protection makes is paid by the consumer. This suggests the first great +objection to protection, that it compels the consumer to pay more for +goods than they are really worth, ostensibly to help the business of a +producer. Now consumers constitute the vast majority of the people. The +producers of protected articles are few in comparison with them. It is +true that most men are both producers and consumers. But, for the great +majority, there is little or no protection for what they produce, but +large protection for what they consume. The tariff is principally levied +upon woollen goods, lumber, furniture, stoves and other manufactured +articles of iron, and upon sugar and salt. The necessities of life are +weighted with the burden. It is out of the necessities of the people, +therefore, that the money is realized to support the protective system. +I say, Mr. Chairman, that it is beyond the sphere of true governmental +power to tax one man to help the business of another. It is, by power, +taking money from one to give it to another. This is robbery, nothing +more nor less. When a man earns a dollar it is his own; and no power of +reasoning can justify the legislative power in taking it from him except +for the uses of the government. + +Yet, Mr. Chairman, the present tariff takes hundreds of millions of +dollars every year from the farmer, the laborer, and other consumers, +under the claim of enriching the manufacturer. It may not be much for +each one to contribute, yet in the aggregate it is an enormous sum. For +many, too, it is very much. The statistics will show that every head of +a family who receives four hundred dollars a year in wages pays at least +one hundred dollars on account of protection. Put such a tax on all +incomes and the country would be in a ferment of excitement until it was +removed. But it is upon the poor and lowly that the tax is placed, +and their voices are not often heard in shaping the policies of tariff +legislation. I repeat, the product of one's labor is his own. It is his +highest right, subject only to the necessities of the government, to do +with it as he pleases. Protection invades, destroys that right. It ought +to be destroyed, until every American freeman can spend his money where +it will be of the most service to him. + +To illustrate the cost of protection to the consumer, consider its +operation in increasing the price of two or three of the leading +articles protected. Take paper for example. The duty on that commodity +is twenty per cent. ad valorem. Most of the articles which enter +into its manufacture or are required in the process of making it are +increased in price by protection. The result is that the price of paper +to the consumer is increased nearly fifteen per cent.; that is, if the +tariff were taken off paper and the articles used in its manufacture, +paper would be fifteen per cent. cheaper to the buyer. The paper-mills +for five years have produced nearly one hundred millions of dollars' +worth of paper a year. The consumers have been compelled to pay fifteen +millions a year to the manufacturer more than the paper could have +been bought for without the tariff. In five years this has amounted to +$75,000,000, an immense sum paid to protection. It is a tax upon books +and newspapers; it is a tax upon intelligence; it is a premium upon +ignorance. So heavy had the burden of this tax become that every +newspaper man in the district I have the honor to represent has appealed +to Congress to take the duty off. The government has derived little +revenue from the paper duty. It has gone almost entirely to the +manufacturer, who himself has not been benefited as anticipated, as will +presently be seen. These burdens have been imposed to protect the paper +manufacturer against the foreigner, in face of the confident prediction +made by one of the most experienced paper men in the country, that +if all protection were taken off paper and the material used in its +manufacture, the manufacturer would be able to successfully compete with +the foreigner in nearly every desirable market in the world. + +Take blankets also for example. The tariff on coarse blankets is nearly +one hundred per cent. ad valorem. They can be bought in most of the +markets of the world for two dollars a pair. Yet our poor, who use the +most of that grade of blankets, are compelled to pay about four +dollars a pair. The government derives little revenue from it, as the +importation of these blankets for years has been trifling. This tax +has been a heavy burden upon the poor during this severe winter, a tax +running into the millions to support protection. Heaven save a country +from a system which begrudges to the shivering poor the blankets to make +them comfortable in the winter and the cold! + +Secondly, protection has diminished the income of the laborer from his +wages. The first factor in the ascertainment of the value of wages is +their purchasing power, or how much can be bought with them. If in one +country the wages are five dollars a day and in another only one dollar, +if the laborer can in the one country with the one dollar, purchase more +of the necessary articles required in daily consumption, he, in fact, +is better paid than the former in the other who gets five dollars a day. +Admit for a moment that protection raises the wages of the laborer, it +also raises the price of nearly all the necessaries of life, and what he +makes in wages he more than loses in the increase of prices of what he +is obliged to buy. As already stated, a head of a family who earns $400 +per year is compelled to pay $100 more for what he needs, on account of +protection. What difference is it to him whether the $100 are taken out +of his wages before they are paid, or taken from him afterward in the +increased price of articles he cannot get along without? In both cases +he really receives only $300 for his year's labor. The statistics show +that the average increased cost of twelve articles most required in +daily consumption in 1874 over 1860 was ninety-two per cent., while the +average increase of wages of eight artisans, cabinet-makers, coopers, +carpenters, painters, shoemakers, tail-ors, tanners, and tinsmiths, was +only sixty per cent., demonstrating that the purchasing power of labor +had under protection in thirteen years depreciated 19.5 per cent. +But protection has not even raised the nominal wages in most of the +unprotected industries. I find that the wages of the farm hand, the day +laborer, and the ordinary artisan are in most places now no higher than +they were in 1860. + +But it is confidently asserted that the wages of laborers in the +protected industries are higher because of protection. Admit it. I have +not the figures for 1880, but in 1870 there were not 500,000 of them; +but of the laborers in other industries there were 12,000,000, exclusive +of those in agriculture, who were 6,000,000 more. Why should the wages +of the half million be increased beyond their natural rate, while +those of the others remain unchanged? More--why should the wages of +the 18,000,000 be diminished that those of the half million may be +increased? For an increase cannot be made in the wage rate of one class +without a proportionate decrease in that of others. But the wages +of labor in protected industries are not permanently increased by +protection. Another very important factor in ascertaining the value +of wages is the continuance or the steadiness of the employment. Two +dollars a day for half the year is no more than a dollar a day for the +whole year. Employment in most protected industries is spasmodic. In the +leading industries for the past ten years employment has not averaged +more than three fourths of the time, and not at very high wages. Within +the last year manufacturers of silk, carpets, nails and many other +articles of iron, of various kinds of glassware and furniture, and coal +producers have shut down their works for a part of the time, or reduced +the hours of labor. Production has been too great. To stop this and +prevent the reduction of profits through increasing competition, the +first thing done is to diminish the production, thus turning employes +out of employment. Wages are diminished or stopped until times are flush +again. With the time estimated in which the laborers are not at work, +the average rate of wages for the ten years preceding 1880 did not equal +the wages in similar industries for the ten years preceding 1860 under a +revenue tariff. Indeed, in many branches the wages have not been so high +as those received by the pauper labor, so-called, in Europe. But it is +manifest that the wages in these industries cannot for any long period +be higher than the average rate in the community, for, if the wages be +higher, labor will crowd into the employments thus favored until the +rate is brought down to the general level. So true is this, that it +is admitted by many protectionists that wages are not higher in the +protected industries than in others. + +Thirdly, the effect of protection is disastrous to most of the protected +industries themselves. We have seen that many of them have in recent +years been compelled to diminish production. The cause of this is +manifest. Production confines them to the American market. The high +prices they are compelled to pay for protected materials which enter +into the manufacture of their products disable them from going into the +foreign market. The profits which they make under the first impulse of +protection invite others into the same business. As a result, therefore, +more goods are made than the American market can consume. Prices go down +to some extent through the competition, but rarely under the cost +of production, increased, as we have seen, by the enhanced price of +material required. The losses threatened by such competition are sought +to be averted by the diminution of production. Combinations of those +interested are formed to stop work or reduce it until the stock on hand +has been consumed. Production then begins again and continues until +the same necessity calls again for the same remedy. But this remedy is +arbitrary, capricious, and unsatisfactory. Some will not enter into the +combination at all. Others will secretly violate the agreement from the +beginning. Others still, when their surplus stock has been sold, and +before the general price has risen, will begin to manufacture again. +There is no power to enforce any bargain they have made, and they find +the plan only imperfectly curing the difficulty. They remain uncertain +what to do, embarrassed and doubtful as to the future. They have through +protection violated the natural laws of supply and demand, and human +regulations are powerless to relieve them from the penalty. + +Take, as an illustration of the operation of the system, the article of +paper. One of the first effects of the general tariff was to increase +the price of nearly every thing the manufacturer required to make the +paper. Fifteen mil-lions of dollars a year through the protection are +taken from the consumer. The manufacturer himself is able to retain +but a small part of it, as he is obliged to pay to some other protected +industry for its products, they in turn to some others who furnished +them with protected articles for their use, and so on to the end. The +result is that nominal prices are raised all around; the consumers pay +the fifteen millions, while nobody receives any substantial benefit, +because what one makes in the increased price of his product he loses +in the increased price he is obliged to pay for the required products +of others. The consumer is the loser, and though competition may +occasionally reduce prices for him to a reasonable rate, it never to any +appreciable extent compensates him for the losses he sustains through +the enhanced price which the protective system inevitably causes. + +It is not to be disputed that many of the protected manufacturers have +grown rich. In very many cases I think it can be demonstrated that their +wealth has resulted from some patent which has given them a monopoly in +particular branches of manufacturing, or from some other advantage which +they have employed exclusively in their business. In such cases they +would have prospered without protection as with it. I think there are +few, except in the very inception of a manufacturing enterprise, or in +abnormal cases growing out of war or destruction of property, or the +combinations of large amounts of capital, where protection alone has +enriched men. The result is the robbery of the consumer with no ultimate +good to most of the protective industries. + +At a meeting of the textile manufacturers in Philadelphia the other +day, one of the leading men in that interest said: "The fact is that the +textile manufacturers of Philadelphia, the centre of the American trade, +are fast approaching a crisis, and realize that something must be done, +and that soon. Cotton and woollen mills are fast springing up over the +South and West, and the prospects are that we will soon lose much of +our trade in the coarse fabrics by reason of cheap competition. The +only thing we can do, therefore, is to turn our attention to the higher +plane, and endeavor to make goods equal to those imported. We cannot do +this now, because we have not a sufficient supply either of the culture +which begets designs, or of the skill which manipulates the fibres." + +What a commentary this upon protection, which has brought to such +a crisis one of the chief industries protected, and which is here +confessed to have failed, after twenty years, to enable it to compete +even in our own markets with foreign goods of the finer quality! What +is true of textile manufacturing is also true of many other industries. +What remedy, then, will afford the American manufacturer relief? Not +the one here suggested of increasing the manufacture of goods of finer +quality, for, aside from the impracticability of the plan, this will +only aggravate the difficulty by adding to the aggregate stock in the +home market. * * * The American demand cannot consume what they produce. +They must therefore enlarge their market or stop production. To adopt +the latter course is to invite ruin. The market cannot be increased in +this country. It must be found in other countries. Foreign markets must +be sought. But these cannot be opened as long as we close our markets +to their products, with which alone, in most instances, they can buy; in +other words, as long as we continue the protective system. + +I say, therefore, to the American manufacturer, sooner or later you +must choose between the alternatives of ruin or the abandonment of +protection. Why hesitate in the decision? Are not Canada and South +America and Mexico your natural markets? England now supplies them with +almost all the foreign goods they buy. Why should not you? Your coal +and iron lie together in the mountain side, and can almost be dropped +without carriage into your furnaces; while in England the miners must +go thousands of feet under the earth for those products. * * * The +situation is yours. Break down your protective barrier. All the world +will soon do the same. Their walls will disappear when ours fall. Open +every market of the world to your products; give steady employment to +your laborers. In a little while you will have the reward which nature +always gives to those who obey her laws, and will escape the ruin +which many of your most intelligent opera-tors see impending over your +industries. + +I have not time to-day to more than refer to the ruinous effect of +protection upon our carrying trade. In 1856, seventy-five per cent. +of the total value of our imports and exports was carried in American +vessels; while in 1879 but seventeen per cent. was carried in such +vessels, and in 1880 the proportion was still less. In 1855, 381 ships +and barks were built in the United States, while in 1879 there were +only 37. It is a question of very few years at this rate until American +vessels and the American flag will disappear from the high seas. +Protection has more than all else to do with the prostration of this +trade. It accomplishes this result (1) by enhancing the price of the +materials which enter into the construction of vessels, so that our +ship-builders cannot compete with foreigners engaged in the same +business; (2) by increasing the cost of domestic production so that +American manufactured goods cannot profitably be exported; and (3) by +disabling our merchants from bringing back on their return trips foreign +cargoes in exchange for our products. + +Nor will I say any thing as to the increase of the crime of smuggling +under protection, a crime which has done incalculable harm to honest +dealers, particularly on the border, and a crime out of which some of +the largest fortunes in the country have been made. + +There are many who will admit the abstract justice of much that I have +said who profess to believe that it will not do to disturb the +tariff now. But for the protectionist that time never comes. When the +depression in business was universal, they said you must not disturb +the tariff now, because the times are so hard and there is so much +suffering. Now, when business has improved, they say you must not +interfere with the tariff, because times are good and you may bring +suffering again. When the present tariff was first levied it was +defended as a temporary expedient only, required as a necessity by war. +Now that a quarter of a century nearly has passed by and peace has +been restored for fifteen years, the advocates for protection are as +determined to hold on to the government bounty as ever. If they are to +be consulted upon the subject as to when the people shall have relief, +the system will be perpetual. + +It is said we must not disturb the tariff because we must raise so much +revenue. I do not propose to disturb it to diminish revenue, but to +increase it. The plan I propose will add one fifth at least to the +revenue of the country. It is protection I propose to get rid of, not +revenue. It has been well said that revenue ceases where protection +begins. + +It is claimed that by taking away protection you will embarrass many +industries by compelling them to close up and discharge their employees. +I do not believe that the changing of the present tariff to a +revenue tariff will produce this result. I believe that at once every +manufacturer will make more in the diminished cost of production than +he will lose in the taking away of protection. But if there should +be danger to any industry I would provide against it in the law which +changes the tariff so that if there should be any displacement of labor +there will be no loss in consequence. + +No more perfect illustration of the effect of free trade has been shown +than in the history of the United States. Very much of our prosperity is +due to the fact that the productions of each State can be sold in every +other State without restriction. During the war the most potent argument +for the cause of the Union was found in the apprehension that disunion +meant restriction of commerce, and particularly the placing of the mouth +of the Mississippi River under foreign control. The war was fought, +therefore, to maintain free trade, and the victory was the triumph of +free trade. The Union every day exhibits the advantages of the system. + +Are these due to the accident of a State being a member of that Union +or to the beneficent principle of the system itself? What would prevent +similar results following if, subject only to the necessities of +government, it were extended to Mexico, to Canada, to South America, to +the world? In such extension the United States have everything to gain, +nothing to lose. This country would soon become the supply house of the +world. We will soon have cattle and harvests enough for all nations. +Our cotton is everywhere in demand. It is again king. Its crown has +been restored, and in all the markets of the world it waves its royal +sceptre. Out of our coal and minerals can be manufactured every thing +which human ingenuity can devise. Our gold and silver mines will supply +the greater part of the precious metals for the use of the arts and +trade. + +With the opportunity of unrestricted exchange of these products, how +limitless the horizon of our possibilities! Let American adventurousness +and genius be free upon the high seas, to go wherever they please and +bring back whatever they please, and the oceans will swarm with American +sails, and the land will laugh with the plenty within its borders. The +trade of Tyre and Sidon, the far extending commerce of the Venetian +republic, the wealth-producing traffic of the Netherlands, will be as +dreams in contrast with the stupendous reality which American enterprise +will develop in our own generation. Through the humanizing influence of +the trade thus encouraged, I see nations become the friends of nations, +and the causes of war disappear. I see the influence of the great +republic in the amelioration of the condition of the poor and the +oppressed in every land, and in the moderation of the arbitrariness of +power. Upon the wings of free trade will be carried the seeds of free +government, to be scattered everywhere to grow and ripen into harvests +of free peoples in every nation under the sun. + + + + + +IX.--FINANCE AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. + + +With the election of 1876 and the inauguration of President Hayes, March +4, 1877, the Period of Reconstruction may be said to have closed. The +last formal act of that period was the withdrawal of the national troops +from the South by President Hayes soon after his inauguration. During +the last two decades the "Southern Question," while it has been +occasionally prominent in political discussions,--especially in +connection with the Lodge Federal Elections Bill, 1889-91, has, +nevertheless, occupied a subordinate place in public interest and +attention. As an issue in serious political discussions and party +divisions the question has disappeared. + +In addition to the subject of the Tariff, considered in the previous +section, public attention has been directed chiefly, during the last +quarter of a century, to the two great subjects, Finance and Civil +Service Reform. + +The Financial question has been like that of the Tariff,--it has +been almost a constant factor in political controversies since the +organization of the Government. + +The financial measures of Hamilton were the chief subject of political +controversy under our first administration, and they formed the basis +of division for the first political parties under the Constitution. The +funding of the Revolutionary debt, its payment dollar for dollar +without discrimination between the holders of the public securities, +the assumption of the State debts by the National Government, and +the establishment of the First United States Bank, these measures of +Hamilton were all stoutly combated by his opponents, but they were +all carried to a successful conclusion. It was the discussion on the +establishment of the First United States Bank that brought from Hamilton +and Jefferson their differing constructions of the Constitution. In +his argument to Washington in favor of the Bank, Hamilton presented +his famous theory of implied powers, while Jefferson contended that +the Constitution should be strictly construed, and that the "sweeping +clause"--"words subsidiary to limited powers"--should not be so +construed as to give unlimited powers. Madison and Giles in the House +presented notable arguments in support of the Jeffersonian view. For +twenty years after 1791 our financial questions were chiefly questions +of administration, not of legislation. In 1811 the attempt to recharter +the First United States Bank was defeated in the Senate by the casting +vote of Vice-President Clinton. The financial embarrassments of the +war of 1812, however, led to the establishment, in 1812, of the second +United States Bank,--by a law very similar in its provisions to the act +creating the First Bank in 1791. The bill chartering the Second United +States Bank was signed by Madison, who had strenuously opposed the +charter of the First Bank. The financial difficulties in which the +war had involved his administration had convinced Madison that such an +institution as the Bank was a "necessary and proper" means of carrying +on the fiscal affairs of the Government. The Second Bank was, however, +opposed on constitutional grounds, as the First had been; but in 1819 in +the famous case of McCulloch vs. Maryland, the Supreme Court sustained +its constitutionality, Chief-Justice Marshall rendering the decision. +The Court held, in this notable decision, that the Federal Government +was a government of limited powers, and these powers are not to be +transcended; but wherein a power is specifically conferred Congress +might exercise a sovereign and unlimited discretion as to the means +necessary in carrying that power into operation. + +The next important chapter in our financial history is the war upon the +Second United States Bank begun and conducted to a finish by President +Jackson. A bill rechartering the Bank was passed by Congress in 1832, +four years before its charter expired. Jackson vetoed this bill, chiefly +on constitutional grounds, in the face of Marshall's decision of 1819. +The political literature of Jackson's two administrations is full of +the Bank controversy, and this literature contains contributions from +Webster, Clay, Calhoun, Benton, and other of the ablest public men of +the day. No subject of public discussion in that day more completely +absorbed the attention of the people. + +On these important subjects, which engaged public attention during the +first half-century of our national history, there may be found many +valuable speeches. These, however, are largely of a Constitutional +character. It has been since the opening of our civil war that +our financial discussions have assumed their greatest interest and +importance. We can attempt here only a meagre outline of the financial +history of the last thirty years,--a history which suggests an almost +continuous financial struggle and debate. + +Leaving on one side the questions of taxation and banking, the financial +discussion has presented itself under two aspects,--the issue and +redemption of Government paper currency, and the Government policy +toward silver coinage. The issue, the funding, and the payment of +Government bonds have been incidentally connected with these questions. + +The first "legal-tender" Act was approved February 25, 1862. Mr. Blaine +says of this Act that it was "the most momentous financial step ever +taken by Congress," and it was a step concerning which there has ever +since been the most pronounced difference of opinion. The Act provided +for the issue of $150,000,000 non-interest-bearing notes, payable +to bearer, in denominations of not less than $5, and legal tender in +payment of all debts, public and private, except duties on imports and +interest on the public debt. These notes were made exchangeable for 6 +per cent. bonds and receivable for loans that might thereafter be made +by the Government. Supplementary acts of July 11, 1862, and January +17, 1863, authorized additional issues of $150,000,000 each, in +denominations of not less than one dollar, and the time in which to +exchange the notes for bonds was limited to July 1, 1863. It was under +these Acts that the legal-tender notes known as "greenbacks," now +outstanding, were issued. + +The retirement of the greenbacks was begun soon after the war. On April +12, 1866, an Act authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to retire and +cancel not more than $10,000,000 of these notes within six months of the +passage of the Act, and $4,000,000 per month thereafter. This policy of +contraction was carried out by Secretary McCulloch, who urged still more +rapid contraction; but the policy was resisted by a large influence in +the country, and on February 4, 1868, an Act of Congress suspending the +authority of the Secretary of the Treasury to retire and cancel United +States notes, became a law without the signature of the President. + +On March 18, 1869, an "Act to strengthen the public credit" was passed, +which declared that the "greenbacks" were redeemable in coin. This Act +concluded as follows: "And the United States also solemnly pledges +its faith to make provision at the earliest practicable period for the +redemption of the United States notes in coin." + +On January 14, 1875, the "Resumption Act" was passed. It declared that +"on and after January 1, 1879, the Secretary of the Treasury shall +redeem in coin the United States legal-tender notes then outstanding, +on their presentation for redemption at the office of the Assistant +Treasurer of the United States in the city of New York, in sums of +not less than fifty dollars." The same Act provided that while the +legal-tender notes outstanding remained in excess of $300,000,000, the +Secretary of the Treasury should redeem such notes to the amount of 80 +per cent. of the increase in National Bank notes issued. + +On May 31, 1878, an Act was passed forbidding the further retirement of +United States legal-tender notes, and providing that "when any of said +notes may be redeemed or be received into the Treasury under any law +from any source whatever and shall belong to the United States, they +shall not be retired, cancelled, or destroyed, but they shall be +re-issued and paid out again and kept in circulation." When this Act was +passed there were $346,681,016 of United States notes outstanding, and +there has been no change in the amount since. + +As to the silver policy of the Government since the war it is expected +that the purport of certain important acts of legislation should be +understood by all who would have an intelligent conception of our +financial controversies. + +The Act of February 12, 1873, suspended the coinage of the standard +silver dollar of 412 and 1/2 grains. This Act authorized the coinage of +the trade dollar of 420 grains, making it a legal tender for $5. This +is the Act which has been called the "crime of 1873," on which tomes of +controversy have been called forth. It is discussed at some length in +the speech of Mr. Morrill, found in our text. + +On February 28, 1878, the Bland-Allison Act was passed over the veto of +President Hayes. A bill providing for the free and unlimited coinage +of silver, of 412 and 1/2 grains to the dollar, had passed the House +in November, 1877, under a suspension of the rules. At this time the +bullion in the silver dollar was worth about 92 cents. When the Bland +free-coinage Act came to the Senate, it was amended there on report +of Senator Allison, of Iowa, Chairman of the Finance Committee of +the Senate, by a provision that the Government should purchase from +$2,000,000 to $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion for coinage into +dollars. Holders of the coin were authorized to deposit the same with +the United States Treasurer and to receive therefor certificates of +deposit, known as silver certificates. These certificates are not legal +tender, although receivable for customs, taxes, and all public dues, and +are redeemable only in silver. This Act called forth an exhaustive +and able debate. Senator Morrill, of Vermont, opened the debate in +opposition to silver coinage. Senator Beck, of Kentucky, was one of +the ablest advocates of silver coinage, while Mr. Blaine made a notable +contribution to the debate, in which he favored the unlimited coinage of +a silver dollar of 425 grains. Preceding the Congressional action there +had been much public discussion on the subject throughout the country. +A Monetary Commission had been organized, by joint resolution of August +15, 1875, for the purpose of making an examination into the silver +question. This Commission made an exhaustive report to Congress on March +2, 1877, the majority of the Commission recommending the resumption of +silver coinage. Also, previous to the discussion of the Bland-Allison +Act in the Senate, the celebrated Matthews Resolution was passed by that +body. This asserted that "all bonds of the United States are payable in +silver dollars of 412 and 1/2 grains, and that to restore such dollars +as a full legal tender for that purpose, is not in violation of public +faith or the rights of the creditors." The de-bate on this resolution +was a notable one. It was chiefly under these aspects that the financial +question was discussed in the years 1877-1878. + +The Bland-Allison Act was in operation from 1878 to 1890, during which +time $2,000,000 in silver were coined per month, the minimum amount +authorized by law. On July 14, 1890, the so-called Sherman Act stopped +the coinage of silver dollars and provided for the purchase of silver +bullion to the amount of 4,500,000 ounces per month. Against this +bullion Treasury notes were to be issued, redeemable in gold or silver +coin at the option of the Secretary of the Treasury. These notes were +made a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, and +receivable for all customs, taxes, and all public dues. It was also +declared in this Act to be the established policy of the United States +to maintain the two metals on a parity with each other upon the present +legal ratio, or such ratio as may be provided by law. On account of this +language in the law the Secretary of the Treasury under Mr. Cleveland +has not deemed it advisable to exercise the discretion which the law +gives him to redeem these notes in silver, and these new Treasury notes +have been treated as gold obligations. By November 1, 1893, when the +silver purchase clause of the Act of July 14, 1890, was repealed, +Treasury notes to the amount of $155,000,000 had been issued, though +some of these have since been exchanged for silver dollars at the option +of the holders. It has been by these Treasury notes and the outstanding +greenbacks that gold has been withdrawn from the Treasury, thus +depleting the gold reserve and making bond issues necessary. It has +been deemed advisable by successive administrations of the Treasury +Department to maintain a gold reserve of $100,000,000 against the +$346,681,000 outstanding greenbacks, though no law requires that such +a reserve should be maintained further than that the Act of March 18, +1869, pledges the faith of the United States that its outstanding notes +should be redeemed in coin. + +The repeal of the silver purchase clause of the Sherman Act was +accomplished in a special session of Congress, November 1, 1893. Since +this repeal, the silver policy of the Government has been as it +was before the Bland-Allison Act of 1878, which involves a complete +suspension of silver coinage. The Acts of 1878 and of 1890 were +compromise measures, agreed to by the opponents of silver coinage in +order to prevent the passage of a bill providing for full unlimited +coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. Speaking in his +_Recollections_ of the situation in 1890, Senator Sherman says: "The +situation at that time was critical. A large majority of the Senate +favored free silver, and it was feared that the small majority against +it in the other House might yield and agree to it. The silence of the +President on the matter gave rise to an apprehension that if a free +coinage bill should pass both Houses he would not feel at liberty to +veto it. Some action had to be taken to prevent a return to free silver +coinage, and the measure evolved was the best obtainable. I voted for +it, but the day it became a law I was ready to repeal it, if repeal +could be had without substituting in its place absolute free coinage." + +Since 1893 the contention has been carried on by the silver men in a +public agitation in favor of free silver coinage, without compromise or +international agreement, and this year (1896), by our form of political +referendum, the question has been referred to the people for decision. + +We have attempted to include four representative orations on this +complex subject, from four of our most prominent public men. The +literature of the subject is unlimited. Mr. Morrill is a representative +advocate of the gold standard. In the same discussion Mr. Blaine offers +a compromise position. Senator Sherman is an international bimetallist +and a pronounced opponent of independent silver coinage. He has given +much attention--probably no one has given more--to financial questions +during a long public life. Senator Jones is recognized as one of the +ablest advocates and one of the deepest students of monetary problems +on the free silver side of the controversy. The extracts from these +speeches will indicate the merits of the long debate on silver +coinage,--the greatest question in our financial history in a quarter of +a century. + + +The reform of the Civil Service has been a subject of public attention +especially since 1867. The public service of the United States is +divided into three branches, the civil, military, and naval. By the +civil service we mean that which is neither military nor naval, and it +comprises all the offices by which the civil administration is carried +on. The struggle for Civil Service Reform has been an effort to +substitute what is known as the "Merit System" for what is known as the +"Spoils System"; to require that appointment to public office should +depend, not upon the applicant's having rendered a party service, but +upon his fitness to render a public service. It would seem that the +establishment in public practice of so obvious a principle should +require no contest or agitation; and that the civil service should ever +have been perverted and that a long struggle should be necessary to +reform it, are to be explained only in connection with a modern party +organization and a party machinery and usage which were entirely +unforeseen by the framers of the Constitution. The practice of the +early administrations was reasonable and natural. Washington required of +applicants for places in the civil service proofs of ability, integrity, +and fitness. "Beyond this," he said, "nothing with me is necessary +or will be of any avail." Washington did not dream that party service +should be considered as a reason for a public appointment. John Adams +followed the example of Washington. Jefferson came into power at the +head of a victorious party which had displaced its opponent after a +bitter struggle. The pressure for places was strong, but Jefferson +resisted it, and he declared in a famous utterance that "the only +questions concerning a candidate shall be, Is he honest? is he capable? +is he faithful to the Constitution?" Madison, Monroe, and John +Quincy Adams followed in the same practice so faithfully that a joint +Congressional Committee was led to say in 1868 that, having consulted +all accessible means of information, they had not learned of a single +removal of a subordinate officer except for cause, from the beginning of +Washington's administration to the close of that of John Quincy Adams. + +The change came in 1829 with the accession of Jackson. The Spoils System +was formally proclaimed in 1832. In that year Martin Van Buren was +nominated Minister to England, and, in advocating his confirmation, +Senator Marcy, of New York, first used the famous phrase in reference to +the public officers, "To the victors belong the spoils of the enemy." + +Since then every administration has succumbed, in whole or in part, +to the Spoils System. The movement for the reform of the civil service +began in 1867-68, in the 39th and 40th Congresses in investigations and +reports of a Joint Committee on Retrenchment. The reports were made and +the movement led by Hon. Thomas A. Jenckes, a member of the House from +Rhode Island. These reports contained a mass of valuable information +upon the evils of the spoils service. In 1871 an Act, a section of an +appropriation bill, was passed authorizing the President to prescribe +rules for admission to the civil service, to appoint suitable persons +to make inquiries and to establish regulations for the conduct of +appointees. Mr. George William Curtis was at the head of the Civil +Service Commission appointed by General Grant under this Act, and on +December 18, 1871, the Commission made a notable report, written by Mr. +Curtis, on the evils of the present system and the need of reform. In +April, 1872, a set of rules was promulgated by the Commission regulating +appointments. These rules were suspended in March, 1875, by President +Grant although personally friendly to the reform, because Congress had +refused appropriations for the expenses of the Commission. Appeal +was made to the people through the usual agencies of education and +agitation. President Hayes revised the Civil Service Rules, and Mr. +Schurz, Secretary of the Interior, made notable application of the +principle of the reform in his department. President Garfield recognized +the need of reform, though he asserted that it could be brought about +only through Congressional action. Garfield's assassination by a +disappointed placeman added to the public demand for reform, and on +January, 18, 1883, the Pendleton Civil Service Law was passed. This +Act, which had been pending in the Senate since 1880, provided for +open competitive examinations for admission to the public service in +Washington and in all custom-houses and post-offices where the official +force numbered as many as fifty; for the appointment of a Civil Service +Commission of three members, not more than two of whom shall be of +the same political party; and for the apportionment of appointments +according to the population of the States. Provision was made for a +period of probation before permanent appointment should be made, and no +recommendations from a Senator or member of Congress, except as to +the character or residence of the applicant, should be received or +considered by any person making an appointment or examination. The Act +prohibited political assessments in a provision that "no person shall, +in any room occupied in the discharge of official duties by an officer +or employee of the United States, solicit in any manner whatever any +contribution of money or anything of value, for any political purpose +whatever." + +The Pendleton Act was a landmark in the history of the reform and +indicated its certain triumph. The Act was faithfully executed by +President Arthur in the appointment of a Commission friendly to the +cause, and under the Act the Civil Service Rules have since been +extended by Presidents Harrison and Cleveland until the operations of +the reform embrace the greater part of the service, including fully +85,000 appointments. It is not probable that the nation will ever again +return to the feudalism of the Spoils System. + +No two men have done more for the cause of Civil Service Reform than +George William Curtis and Carl Schurz. When Mr. Curtis died, in 1892, +the presidency of the Civil Service Reform League, so long held by +him, worthily devolved upon Mr. Schurz. It may be said that in the last +twenty-five years of Mr. Curtis' life is written the history of +this reform. His orations on the subject have enriched our political +literature and they hold up before the young men of America the noblest +ideals of American citizenship. He gave unselfishly of his time and of +his exalted talents to this cause, and his services deserve from his +countrymen the reward due to high and devoted patriotism. Refusing high +and honorable appointments which were held out to him, he preferred to +serve his country by doing what he could to put her public service upon +a worthy plane. The oration from Mr. Curtis included in our text is one +among many of his worthy productions. + +J. A. W. + + + + +JUSTIN S. MORRILL, + +OF VERMONT. (BORN 1810.) + +ON THE REMONETIZATION OF SILVER + +--UNITED STATES SENATE, JANUARY 28, 1878. + + +MR. PRESIDENT, the bill now before the Senate provides for the +resuscitation of the obsolete dollar of 412 and 1/2 grains of silver, +which Congress entombed in 1834 by an Act which diminished the weight of +gold coins to the extent of 6.6 per cent., and thus bade a long farewell +to silver. It is to be a dollar made of metal worth now fifty-three and +five-eighths pence per ounce, or ten cents less in value than a +gold dollar, and on January 23d, awkwardly enough, worth eight and +three-fourths cents less than a dollar in greenbacks, gold being only +If per cent. premium, but, nevertheless, to be a legal tender for all +debts, public and private, except where otherwise provided by contract. +The words seem to be aptly chosen to override and annul whatever now +may be otherwise provided by law. Beyond this, as the bill came from the +House, the holders of silver bullion--not the Government or the whole +people--were to have all the profits of coinage and the Government all +of the expense. This, but for the amendment proposed by the Committee on +Finance, would have furnished the power to the enterprising operators in +silver, either at home or abroad, to inflate the currency without limit; +and, even as amended, inflation will be secured to the full extent +of all the silver which may be issued, for there is no provision for +redeeming or retiring a single dollar of paper currency. Labor is +threatened with a continuation of the unequal struggle against a +depreciated and fluctuating standard of money. + +The bill, if it becomes a law, must at the very threshold arrest the +resumption of specie payments, for, were the holders of United States +notes suddenly willing to exchange them for much less than their present +value, payment even in silver is to be postponed indefinitely. For years +United States notes have been slowly climbing upward, but now they are +to have a sudden plunge downward, and in every incompleted +contract, great and small, the robbery of Peter to pay Paul is to be +fore-ordained. The whole measure looks to me like a fearful assault upon +the public credit. The losses it will inflict upon the holders of paper +money and many others will be large, and if the bill, without further +radical amendments, obtains the approval of the Senate, it will give +the death-blow to the cardinal policy of the country, which now seeks +a large reduction of the rate of interest upon our national debt. +Even that portion now held abroad will come back in a stampede to be +exchanged for gold at any sacrifice. The ultimate result would be, +when the supply for customs shall have been coined and the first +effervescence has passed away, the emission of silver far below the +standard of gold; and when the people become tired of it, disgusted or +ruined by its instability, as they soon would be, a fresh clamor may +be expected for the remonetization of gold, and another clipping or +debasing of gold coins may follow to bring them again into circulation +on the basis of silver equivalency. In this slippery descent there can +be no stopping place. The consoling philosophy of the silver commission +may then be repealed, that a fall in the value of either or both of the +metals is a "benefaction to mankind." If that were true, then copper, +being more abundant and of lower value, should be used in preference +to either gold or silver. The gravity of these questions will not be +disputed. + +The silver question in its various aspects, as involved in the bill +before us, is one of admitted importance, possibly of difficult +solution; and it is further embarrassed by not only the conflicting +views of those entitled to some respect, but by the multifarious +prescriptions intruded by a host of self-constituted experts and by all +of the quack financiers of the land. Every crocheteer and pamphleteer, +cocksure "there's no two ways about it," generously contributes his +advice free of charge; but sound, trust-worthy advice does not roam like +tramps and seldom comes uninvited. Many of the facts which surround +the subject are perhaps of too recent occurrence to justify hasty and +irrevocable conclusions. The service of our own people, however, must +be our paramount concern. Their intercourse with themselves and with +the world should be placed upon the most solid foundation. If any have +silver to sell it is comparatively a small matter, and yet we earnestly +desire that they may obtain for it the highest as well as the most +stable price; but not at the expense of corn, cotton, and wheat; and it +is to be hoped, if any have debts to meet now or hereafter, that they +may meet them with the least inconvenience consistent with plain, +downright, integrity; but, from being led astray by the loud +declamations of those who earn nothing themselves and know no trade but +spoliation of the earnings of others, let them heartily say, "Good Lord, +deliver us." + + * * * * * + +A stupid charge, heretofore, in the front of debate, has been made, +and wickedly repeated in many places, that the Coinage Act of 1873 was +secretly and clandestinely engineered through Congress without proper +consideration or knowledge of its contents; but it is to be noted that +this charge had its birth and growth years after the passage of the Act, +and not until after the fall of silver. Long ago it was declared by one +of the old Greek dramatists that, "No lie ever grows old." This one is +as fresh and boneless now as at its birth, and is therefore swallowed +with avidity by those to whom such food is nutritious or by those who +have no appetite for searching the documents and records for facts. +Whether the Act itself was right or wrong does not depend upon the +degradation of Congress implied in the original charge. Interested +outsiders may glory in libelling Congress, but why should its own +members? The Act may be good and Congress bad, and yet it is to be hoped +that the latter has not fallen to the level of its traducers. But there +has been no fall of Congress; only a fall of silver. To present the +abundant evidence showing that few laws were ever more openly proposed, +year after year, and squarely understood than the Coinage Act of 1873, +will require but a moment. It had been for years elaborately considered +and reported upon by the Deputy Comptroller of the Currency. The special +attention of Congress was called to the bill and the report by the +Secretary of the Treasury in his annual re-ports for 1870, 1871, and +1872, where the "new features" of the bill, "discontinuing the +coinage of the silver dollar," were fully set forth. The extensive +correspondence of the Department had been printed in relation to the +proposed bill, and widely circulated. The bill was separately printed +eleven times, and twice in reports of the Deputy Comptroller of the +Currency,--thirteen times in all,--and so printed by order of Congress. +A copy of the printed bill was many times on the table of every +Senator, and I now have all of them here before me in large type. It was +considered at much length by the appropriate committees of both Houses +of Congress; and the debates at different times upon the bill in +the Senate filled sixty-six columns of the _Globe_, and in the House +seventy-eight columns of the _Globe_. No argus-eyed debater objected by +any amendment to the discontinuance of the silver dollar. In substance +the bill twice passed each House, and was finally agreed upon and +reported by a very able and trustworthy committee of conference, where +Mr. Sherman, Mr. Scott, and Mr. Bayard appeared on the part of the +Senate. No one who knows anything of those eminent Senators will charge +them with doing anything secretly or clandestinely. And yet more capital +has been made by the silver propagandists out of this groundless charge +than by all of their legitimate arguments.' + + * * * * * + +The gold standard, it may confidently be asserted, is practically +far cheaper than that of silver. I do not insist upon having the gold +standard, but if we are to have but one, I think that the best. The +expense of maintaining a metallic currency is of course greater than +that of paper; but it must be borne in mind that a paper currency is +only tolerable when convertible at the will of the holder into coin--and +no one asks for more than that. A metallic currency is also subject +to considerable loss by abrasion or the annual wear; and it is quite +important to know which metal--gold or silver--can be most cheaply +supported. A careful examination of the subject conclusively shows that +the loss is nearly in proportion to the length of time coins have been +in circulation, and to the amount of surface exposed, although small +coins, being handled with less care, suffer most. The well-ascertained +result is that it costs from fifteen to twenty-five times more to keep +silver afloat than it does to maintain the same amount in gold. To +sustain the silver standard would annually cost about one per cent. for +abrasion; but that of gold would not exceed one-twentieth of one per +cent. This is a trouble-some charge, forever to bristle up in the +path-way of a silver standard. It must also be borne in mind that the +mint cost of coining silver is many times greater than that of the same +amount in gold. More than sixteen tons of silver are required as the +equivalent of one ton of gold. As a cold matter of fact, silver is +neither the best nor the cheapest standard. It is far dearer to plant +and forever dearer to maintain. + +A double standard put forth by us on the terms now proposed by the +commission or by the House bill would be so only in name. The perfect +dual ideal of theorists, based upon an exact equilibrium of values, +cannot be realized while the intrinsic value of either of the component +parts is overrated or remains a debatable question and everywhere more +or less open to suspicion. A standard of value linked to the changing +fortunes of two metals instead of one, when combined with an existing +disjointed and all-pervading confusion in the ratio of value, must +necessarily be linked to the hazard of double perturbations and become +an alternating standard in perpetual motion. + +The bimetallic scheme, with silver predominant--largely everywhere else +suspended, if not repudiated--is pressed upon us now with a ratio that +will leave nothing in circulation but silver, as a profitable mode of +providing a new and cheaper way of pinching and paying the national +debt; but a mode which would leave even a possible cloud upon our +national credit should find neither favor nor tolerance among a proud +and independent people. + +The proposition is openly and squarely made to pay the public debt at +our option in whichever metal, gold or silver, happens to be cheapest, +and chiefly for the reason that silver already happens to be at 10 per +cent. the cheapest. In 1873, to have paid the debt in silver would have +cost 3 per cent. more than to have paid it in gold, and then there was +no unwillingness on the part of the present non-contents to pay in gold. +Silver was worth more then to sell than to pay on debts. No one then +pulled out the hair of his head to cure grief for the disappearance of +the nominal silver option. Since that time it has been and would be now +cheaper nominally to pay in silver if we had it; and therefore we are +urged to repudiate our former action and to claim the power to resume an +option already once supposed to have been profitably exercised, of which +the world was called upon to take notice, and to pay in silver to-day +or to let it alone to-morrow. I know that the detestable doctrine of +Machiavelli was that "a prudent prince ought not to keep his word except +when he can do it without injury to himself;" but the Bible teaches a +different doctrine, and honoreth him "who sweareth to his own hurt and +changeth not." If we would not multiply examples of individual +financial turpitude, already painfully numerous, we must not trample out +conscience and sound morality from the monetary affairs of the nation. +The "option" about which we should be most solicitous was definitely +expressed by Washington when he said: "There is an option left to +the United States whether they will be respectable and prosperous or +contemptible and miserable as a nation." Our national self-respect would +not be increased when Turkey, as a debt-paying nation, shall be held +as our equal and Mexico as our superior. The credit of a great nation +cannot even be discussed without some loss; it cannot even be tempted +by the devious advantages of legal technicalities without bringing some +sense of shame; but to live, it must go, like chastity, unchallenged and +unsuspected. It cannot take refuge behind the fig-leaves of the law, and +especially not behind a law yet to be made to meet the case. + + * * * * * + +The argument relied upon in favor of a bimetallic standard as against +a monometallic seems to be that a single-metal standard leaves out +one-half of the world's resources; but the same thing must occur with a +bimetallic standard unless the metals can be placed and kept in a state +of exact equilibrium, or so that nothing can be gained by the exchange +of one for the other. Hitherto this has been an unattainable perfection. +A law fixing the ratio of 16 of silver to 1 of gold, as proposed by +different members of the Commission, would now be a gross over-valuation +of silver and wholly exclude gold from circulation. It will hardly be +disputed that the two metals cannot circulate together unless they are +mutually convertible without profit or loss at the ratio fixed at the +mint. But it is here proposed to start silver with a large legal-tender +advantage above its market value, and with the probability, through +further depreciation, of increasing that advantage by which the +monometallic standard of silver will be ordained and confirmed. The +argument in behalf of a double standard is double-tongued, when in +fact nothing is intended, or can be the outcome, but a single silver +standard. The argument would wed silver and gold, but the conditions +which follow amount to a decree of perpetual divorcement. Enforce the +measure by legislation, and gold would at once flee out of the country. +Like liberty, gold never stays where it is undervalued. + +No approach to a bimetallic currency of uniform and fixed value can be +possible, as it appears to me, without the co-operation of the leading +commercial nations. Even with that co-operation its accomplishment and +permanence may not be absolutely certain, unless the late transcendent +fickleness of the supply and demand subsides, or unless the ratio of +value can be adjusted with more consummate accuracy than has hitherto +been found by any single nation to be practicable. One-tenth of one per +cent. difference will always exclude from use one or the other metal; +but here a difference nearly one hundred times greater has been +proposed. The double-standard nations and the differing single gold- or +silver-standard nations doubtless contributed something to the relative +equalization of values so long as they furnished an available market for +any surplus of either metal, but this they are doing no longer. Silver, +though not yet universally demonetized, is thrown upon the market in +such masses and from so many prolific sources as to be governed by the +inexorable laws of demand and supply. Its magic as coin, if it has not +hopelessly departed, has been, like the retreating soldier, fearfully +"demoralized," and is passing to the rear. + + * * * * * + +It cannot be for the interest or the honor of the United States, while +possessed of any healthy national pride, to resort to any expedient of +bankrupt governments to lower the money standard of the country. That +standard should keep us "four square" to the world and give us equal +rank in the advanced civilization and industrial enterprise of all the +great commercial nations. + +I have failed of my purpose if I have not shown that there has been +so large an increase of the stock of silver as of itself to effect a +positive reduction of its value; and that this result has been confirmed +and made irreversible by the new and extensive European disuse of silver +coinage. I have indicated the advisability of obtaining the co-operation +of other leading nations, in fixing upon a common ratio of value between +gold and silver, before embarking upon a course of independent action +from which there could be no retreat. I have also attempted to show +that, even in the lowest pecuniary sense of profit, the Government of +the United States could not be the gainer by proposing to pay either the +public debt or the United States notes in silver; that such a payment +would violate public pledges as to the whole, and violates existing +statutes as to all that part of the debt contracted since 1870, and for +which gold has been received; that the remonetization of silver means +the banishment of gold and our degradation among nations to the second +or third rank; that it would be a sweeping 10 per cent. reduction of +all duties upon imports, requiring the imposition of new taxes to that +extent; that it would prevent the further funding of the public debt at +a lower rate of interest and give to the present holders of our 6 per +cent. bonds a great advantage; that, instead of aiding resumption, it +would only inflate a currency already too long depreciated, and consign +it to a still lower deep; that, instead of being a tonic to spur idle +capital once more into activity, it would be its bane, destructive of +all vitality; and that as a permanent silver standard it would not +only be void of all stability, and the dearest and clumsiest in its +introduction and maintenance, but that it would reduce the wages of +labor to the full extent of the difference there might be between its +purchasing power and that of gold. + + + + +JAMES G. BLAINE, + +OF MAINE. (BORN 1830, DIED 1893.) + +ON THE REMONETIZATION OF SILVER, + +UNITED STATES SENATE, FEBRUARY 7, 1878. + + +The discussion on the question of remonetizing silver, Mr. President, +has been prolonged, able, and exhaustive. I may not expect to add much +to its value, but I promise not to add much to its length. I shall +endeavor to consider facts rather than theories, to state conclusions +rather than arguments: + +First. I believe gold and silver coin to be the money of the +Constitution--indeed, the money of the American people anterior to +the Constitution, which that great organic law recognized as quite +independent of its own existence. No power was conferred on Congress to +declare that either metal should not be money. Congress has therefore, +in my judgment, no power to demonetize silver any more than to +demonetize gold; no power to demonetize either any more than to +demonetize both. In this statement I am but repeating the weighty dictum +of the first of constitutional lawyers. "I am certainly of opinion," +said Mr. Webster, "that gold and silver, at rates fixed by Congress, +constitute the legal standard of value in this country, and that neither +Congress nor any State has authority to establish any other standard or +to displace this standard." Few persons can be found, I apprehend, who +will maintain that Congress possesses the power to demonetize both +gold and silver, or that Congress could be justified in prohibiting the +coinage of both; and yet in logic and legal construction it would be +difficult to show where and why the power of Congress over silver is +greater than over gold--greater over either than over the two. If, +therefore, silver has been demonetized, I am in favor of remonetizing +it. If its coinage has been prohibited, I am in favor of ordering It +to be resumed. If it has been restricted, I am in favor of having it +enlarged. + +Second. What power, then, has Congress over gold and silver? It has +the exclusive power to coin them; the exclusive power to regulate their +value; very great, very wise, very necessary powers, for the discreet +exercise of which a critical occasion has now arisen. However men may +differ about causes and processes, all will admit that within a few +years a great disturbance has taken place in the relative values of gold +and silver, and that silver is worth less or gold is worth more in +the money markets of the world in 1878 than in 1873, when the further +coinage of silver dollars was prohibited in this country. To remonetize +it now as though the facts and circumstances of that day were +surrounding us, is to wilfully and blindly deceive ourselves. If our +demonetization were the only cause for the decline in the value of +silver, then remonetization would be its proper and effectual cure. But +other causes, quite beyond our control, have been far more potentially +operative than the simple fact of Congress prohibiting its further +coinage; and as legislators we are bound to take cognizance of these +causes. The demonetization of silver in the great German Empire and the +consequent partial, or well-nigh complete, suspension of coinage in the +governments of the Latin Union, have been the leading dominant causes +for the rapid decline in the value of silver. I do not think the +over-supply of silver has had, in comparison with these other causes, +an appreciable influence in the decline of its value, because its +over-supply with respect to gold in these later years, has not been +nearly so great as was the over-supply of gold with respect to silver +for many years after the mines of California and Australia were opened; +and the over-supply of gold from those rich sources did not effect the +relative positions and uses of the two metals in any European country. + +I believe then if Germany were to remonetize silver and the kingdoms and +states of the Latin Union were to reopen their mints, silver would at +once resume its former relation with gold. The European countries when +driven to full re-monetization, as I believe they will be, must of +necessity adopt their old ratio of fifteen and a half of silver to one +of gold, and we shall then be compelled to adopt the same ratio instead +of our former sixteen to one. For if we fail to do this we shall, as +before, lose our silver, which like all things else seeks the highest +market; and if fifteen and a half pounds of silver will buy as much gold +in Europe as sixteen pounds will buy in America, the silver, of course, +will go to Europe. But our line of policy in a joint movement with other +nations to remonetize is very simple and very direct. The difficult +problem is what we shall do when we aim to re-establish silver without +the co-operation of European powers, and really as an advance movement +to coerce them there into the same policy. Evidently the first dictate +of prudence is to coin such a dollar, as will not only do justice +among our citizens at home, but will prove a protection--an absolute +barricade--against the gold monometallists of Europe, who, whenever the +opportunity offers, will quickly draw from us the one hundred and sixty +millions of gold coin still in our midst. And if we coin a silver dollar +of full legal tender, obviously below the current value of the gold +dollar, we are opening wide our doors and inviting Europe to take our +gold. And with our gold flowing out from us we are forced to the single +silver standard and our relations with the leading commercial countries +of the world are at once embarrassed and crippled. + +Third. The question before Congress then--sharply defined in the pending +House bill--is, whether it is now safe and expedient to offer free +coinage to the silver dollar of 412 1/2 grains, with the mints of the +Latin Union closed and Germany not permitting silver to be coined +as money. At current rates of silver, the free coinage of a dollar +containing 412 1/2 grains, worth in gold about ninety-two cents, gives +an illegitimate profit to the owner of the bullion, enabling him to take +ninety-two cents' worth of it to the mint and get it stamped as coin and +force his neighbor to take it for a full dollar. This is an undue and +unfair advantage which the Government has no right to give to the owner +of silver bullion, and which defrauds the man who is forced to take the +dollar. And it assuredly follows that if we give free coinage to this +dollar of inferior value and put it in circulation, we do so at the +expense of our better coinage in gold; and unless we expect the uniform +and invariable experience of other nations to be in some mysterious way +suspended for our peculiar benefit, we inevitably lose our gold coin. +It will flow out from us with the certainty and resistless force of the +tides. Gold has indeed remained with us in considerable amount during +the circulation of the inferior currency of the legal tender; but that +was because there were two great uses reserved by law for gold: the +collection of customs and the payment of interest on the public debt. +But if the inferior silver coin is also to be used for these two +reserved purposes, then gold has no tie to bind it to us. What gain, +therefore, would we make for the circulating medium, if on opening the +gate for silver to flow in, we open a still wider gate for gold to flow +out? If I were to venture upon a dictum on the silver question, I would +declare that until Europe remonetizes we cannot afford to coin a dollar +as low as 412 1/2 grains. After Europe remonetizes on the old standard, +we cannot afford to coin a dollar above 400 grains. If we coin too low a +dollar before general re-monetization our gold will flow out from us. If +we coin too high a dollar after general remonetization our silver will +leave us. It is only an equated value both before and after general +remonetization that will preserve both gold and silver to us. + + * * * * * + +Fifth. The responsibility of re-establishing silver in its ancient and +honorable place as money in Europe and America, devolves really on the +Congress of the United States. If we act here with prudence, wisdom, and +firmness, we shall not only successfully remonetize silver and bring it +into general use as money in our own country, but the influence of our +example will be potential among all European nations, with the possible +exception of England. Indeed, our annual indebtment to Europe is so +great that if we have the right to pay it in silver we necessarily +coerce those nations by the strongest of all forces, self-interest, to +aid us in up-holding the value of silver as money. But if we attempt the +remonetization on a basis which is obviously and notoriously below +the fair standard of value as it now exists, we incur all the evil +consequences of failure at home and the positive certainty of successful +opposition abroad. We are and shall be the greatest producers of silver +in the world, and we have a larger stake in its complete monetization +than any other country. The difference to the United States between the +general acceptance of silver as money in the commercial world and its +destruction as money, will possibly equal within the next half-century +the entire bonded debt of the nation. But to gain this advantage we must +make it actual money--the accepted equal of gold in the markets of the +world. Re-monetization here followed by general remonetization in Europe +will secure to the United States the most stable basis for its currency +that we have ever enjoyed, and will effectually aid in solving all the +problems by which our financial situation is surrounded. + +Sixth. On the much-vexed and long-mooted question of a bi-metallic or +mono-metallic standard my own views are sufficiently indicated in the +remarks I have made. I believe the struggle now going on in this country +and in other countries for a single gold standard would, if successful, +produce wide-spread disaster in the end throughout the commercial world. +The destruction of silver as money and establishing gold as the sole +unit of value must have a ruinous effect on all forms of property except +those investments which yield a fixed return in money. These would be +enormously enhanced in value, and would gain a disproportionate and +unfair advantage over every other species of property. If, as the most +reliable statistics affirm, there are nearly seven thousand millions of +coin or bullion in the world, not very unequally divided between gold +and silver, it is impossible to strike silver out of existence as money +without results which will prove distressing to millions and utterly +disastrous to tens of thousands. Alexander Hamilton, in his able and +invaluable report in 1791 on the establishment of a mint, declared that +"to annul the use of either gold or silver as money is to abridge the +quantity of circulating medium, and is liable to all the objections +which arise from a comparison of the benefits of a full circulation with +the evils of a scanty circulation." I take no risk in saying that the +benefits of a full circulation and the evils of a scanty circulation +are both immeasurably greater to-day than they were when Mr. Hamilton +uttered these weighty words, always provided that the circulation is one +of actual money, and not of depreciated promises to pay. + +In the report from which I have already quoted, Mr. Hamilton argues at +length in favor of a double standard, and all the subsequent experience +of well-nigh ninety years has brought out no clearer statement of the +whole case nor developed a more complete comprehension of this subtle +and difficult subject. "On the whole," says Mr. Hamilton, "it seems most +advisable not to attach the unit exclusively to either of the metals, +because this cannot be done effectually without destroying the office +and character of one of them as money and reducing it to the situation +of mere merchandise." And then Mr. Hamilton wisely concludes that this +reduction of either of the metals to mere merchandise (I again quote +his exact words) "would probably be a greater evil than occasional +variations in the unit from the fluctuations in the relative value +of the metals, especially if care be taken to regulate the proportion +between them with an eye to their average commercial value." I do not +think that this country, holding so vast a proportion of the world's +supply of silver in its mountains and its mines, can afford to reduce +the metal to the "situation of mere merchandise." If silver ceases to +be used as money in Europe and America, the great mines of the Pacific +slope will be closed and dead. Mining enterprises of the gigantic scale +existing in this country cannot be carried on to provide backs for +looking-glasses and to manufacture cream-pitchers and sugar-bowls. A +vast source of wealth to this entire country is destroyed the moment +silver is permanently disused as money. It is for us to check that +tendency and bring the continent of Europe back to the full recognition +of the value of the metal as a medium of exchange. + +Seventh. The question of beginning anew the coinage of silver dollars +has aroused much discussion as to its effect on the public credit; and +the Senator from Ohio (Mr. Matthews) placed this phase of the subject +in the very forefront of the debate--insisting, prematurely and +illogically, I think, on a sort of judicial construction in advance, by +concurrent resolution, of a certain law in case that law should happen +to be passed by Congress. My own view on this question can be stated +very briefly. I believe the public creditor can afford to be paid in any +silver dollar that the United States can afford to coin and circulate. +We have forty thousand millions of property in this country, and a wise +self-interest will not permit us to overturn its relations by seeking +for an inferior dollar wherewith to settle the dues and demands of +any creditor. The question might be different from a merely selfish +stand-point if, on paying the dollar to the public creditor, it would +disappear after performing that function. But the trouble is that the +inferior dollar you pay the public creditor remains in circulation, to +the exclusion of the better dollar. That which you pay at home will stay +there; that which you send abroad will come back. The interest of the +public creditor is indissolubly bound up with the interest of the whole +people. Whatever affects him affects us all; and the evil that we might +inflict upon him by paying an inferior dollar would recoil upon us +with a vengeance as manifold as the aggregate wealth of the Republic +transcends the comparatively small limits of our bonded debt. And +remember that our aggregate wealth is always increasing, and our +bonded debt steadily growing less! If paid in a good silver dollar, the +bondholder has nothing to complain of. If paid in an inferior silver +dollar, he has the same grievance that will be uttered still more +plaintively by the holder of the legal-tender note and of the +national-bank bill, by the pensioner, by the day-laborer, and by the +countless host of the poor, whom we have with us always, and on whom +the most distressing effect of inferior money will be ultimately +precipitated. + +But I must say, Mr. President, that the specific demand for the payment +of our bonds in gold coin and in nothing else, comes with an ill grace +from certain quarters. European criticism is levelled against us and +hard names are hurled at us across the ocean, for simply daring to state +that the letter of our law declares the bonds to be payable in standard +coin of July 14, 1870; expressly and explicitly declared so, and +declared so in the interest of the public creditor, and the declaration +inserted in the very body of the eight hundred million of bonds that +have been issued since that date. Beyond all doubt the silver dollar was +included in the standard coins of that public act. Payment at that time +would have been as acceptable and as undisputed in silver as in gold +dollars, for both were equally valuable in the European as well as in +the American market. Seven-eighths of all our bonds, owned out of the +country, are held in Germany and in Holland, and Germany has demonetized +silver and Holland has been forced thereby to suspend its coinage, since +the subjects of both powers purchased our securities. The German Empire, +the very year after we made our specific declaration for paying our +bonds in coin, passed a law destroying so far as lay in their power the +value of silver as money. I do not say that it was specially aimed at +this country, but it was passed regardless of its effect upon us, and +was followed, according to public and undenied statement, by a large +investment on the part of the German Government in our bonds, with a +view, it was understood, of holding them as a coin reserve for drawing +gold from us to aid in establishing their gold standard at home. Thus, +by one move the German Government destroyed, so far as lay in its power, +the then existing value of silver as money, enhanced consequently the +value of gold, and then got into position to draw gold from us at the +moment of their need, which would also be the moment of our own sorest +distress. I do not say that the German Government in these successive +steps did a single thing which it had not a perfect right to do, but I +do say that the subjects of that Empire have no right to complain of our +Government for the initial step which has impaired the value of one of +our standard coins. And the German Government by joining with us in +the remonetization of silver, can place that standard coin in its +old position and make it as easy for this Government to pay and as +profitable for their subjects to receive the one metal as the other. + + * * * * * + +The effect of paying the labor of this country in silver coin of full +value, as compared with the irredeemable paper or as compared even with +silver of inferior value, will make itself felt in a single generation +to the extent of tens of millions, perhaps hundreds of millions, in +the aggregate savings which represent consolidated capital. It is the +instinct of man from the savage to the scholar--developed in childhood +and remaining with age--to value the metals which in all tongues are +called precious. Excessive paper money leads to extravagance, to waste, +and to want, as we painfully witness on all sides to-day. And in the +midst of the proof of its demoralizing and destructive effect, we hear +it proclaimed in the Halls of Congress that "the people demand +cheap money." I deny it. I declare such a phrase to be a total +misapprehension, a total misinterpretation of the popular wish. The +people do not demand cheap money. They demand an abundance of good +money, which is an entirely different thing. They do not want a single +gold standard that will exclude silver and benefit those already rich. +They do not want an inferior silver standard that will drive out gold +and not help those already poor. They want both metals, in full value, +in equal honor, in what-ever abundance the bountiful earth will yield +them to the searching eye of science and to the hard hand of labor. + +The two metals have existed side by side in harmonious, honorable +companionship as money, ever since intelligent trade was known among +men. It is well-nigh forty centuries since "Abraham weighed to Ephron +the silver which he had named in the audience of the sons of Heth--four +hundred shekels of silver--current money with the merchant." Since that +time nations have risen and fallen, races have disappeared, dialects +and languages have been forgotten, arts have been lost, treasures have +perished, continents have been discovered, islands have been sunk in the +sea, and through all these ages and through all these changes, silver +and gold have reigned supreme, as the representatives of value, as the +media of exchange. The dethronement of each has been attempted in turn, +and sometimes the dethronement of both; but always in vain. And we are +here to-day, deliberating anew over the problem which comes down to us +from Abraham's time: the weight of the silver that shall be "current +money with the merchant." + + + + +JOHN SHERMAN, + +OF OHIO. (BORN 1823.) + +ON SILVER COINAGE AND TREASURY NOTES; + +UNITED STATES SENATE, JUNE 5, 1890. + + +I approach the discussion of this bill and the kindred bills and +amendments pending in the two Houses with unaffected diffidence. No +problem is submitted to us of equal importance and difficulty. Our +action will affect the value of all the property of the people of the +United States, and the wages of labor of every kind, and our trade and +commerce with all the world. In the consideration of such a question +we should not be controlled by previous opinions or bound by local +interests, but with the lights of experience and full knowledge of all +the complicated facts involved, give to the subject the best judgment +which imperfect human nature allows. With the wide diversity of opinion +that prevails, each of us must make concessions in order to secure such +a measure as will accomplish the objects sought for without impairing +the public credit or the general interests of our people. This is no +time for visionary theories of political economy. We must deal with +facts as we find them and not as we wish them. We must aim at results +based upon practical experience, for what has been probably will be. The +best prophet of the future is the past. + +To know what measures ought to be adopted we should have a clear +conception of what we wish to accomplish. I believe a majority of +the Senate desire, first, to provide an increase of money to meet the +increasing wants of our rapidly growing country and population, and +to supply the reduction in our circulation caused by the retiring of +national-bank notes; second, to increase the market value of silver not +only in the United States but in the world, in the belief that this is +essential to the success of any measure proposed, and in the hope that +our efforts will advance silver to its legal ratio with gold, and induce +the great commercial nations to join with us in maintaining the legal +parity of the two metals, or in agreeing with us in a new ratio of their +relative value; and third, to secure a genuine bimetallic standard, one +that will not demonetize gold or cause it to be hoarded or exported, but +that will establish both gold and silver as standards of value not only +in the United States, but among all the civilized nations of the world. + +Believing that these are the chief objects aimed at by us all, and that +we differ only as to the best means to obtain them, I will discuss +the pending propositions to test how far they tend, in my opinion, to +promote or defeat these obtects. + +And, first, as to the amount of currency necessary to meet the wants of +the people. + + * * * * * + +It is a fact that there has been a constant increase of currency. It is +a fact which must be constantly borne in mind. If any evils now exist +such as have been so often stated, such as falling prices, increased +mortgages, contentions between capital and labor, decreasing value of +silver, increased relative value of gold, they must be attributed to +some other cause than our insufficient supply of circulation, for not +only has the circulation increased in these twelve years 80 per cent., +while our population has only increased 36 per cent., but it has all +been maintained at the gold standard, which, it is plain, has been +greatly advanced in purchasing power. If the value of money is tested by +its amount, by numerals, according to the favorite theory of the Senator +from Nevada (Mr. Jones), then surely we ought to be on the high road +of prosperity, for these numerals have increased in twelve years from +$805,000,-000 to $1,405,000,000 in October last, and to $1,420,000,000 +on the 1st of this month. This single fact disposes of the claim that +insufficient currency is the cause of the woes, real and imaginary, that +have been depicted, and compel us to look to other causes for the evils +complained of. + +I admit that prices for agricultural productions have been abnormally +low, and that the farmers of the United States have suffered greatly +from this cause. But this depression of prices is easily accounted +for by the greatly increased amount of agricultural production, the +wonderful development of agricultural implements, the opening of vast +regions of new and fertile fields in the West, the reduced cost +of transportation, the doubling of the miles of railroads, and the +quadrupling capacity of railroads and steamboats for transportation, and +the new-fangled forms of trusts and combinations which monopolize nearly +all the productions of the farms and workshops of our country, reducing +the price to the producer and in some cases increasing the cost to the +consumer. All these causes cooperate to reduce prices of farm products. +No one of them can be traced to an insufficient currency, now larger in +amount in proportion to population than ever before in our history. + +But to these causes of a domestic character must be added others, over +which we have no control. The same wonderful development of industry +has been going on in other parts of the globe. In Russia, especially in +Southern Russia, vast regions have been opened to the commerce of the +world. Railroads have been built, mines have been opened, exhaustless +supplies of petroleum have been found, and all these are competitors +with us in supplying the wants of Europe for food, metals, heat, and +light. India, with its teeming millions of poorly paid laborers, is +competing with our farmers, and their products are transported to market +over thousands of miles of railroads constructed by English capital, +or by swift steamers through the Red Sea and the Suez Canal, reaching +directly the people of Europe whom we formerly supplied with food. No +wonder, then, that our agriculture is depressed by low prices, caused by +competition with new rivals and agencies. + +Any one who can overlook these causes and attribute low prices to a want +of domestic currency, that has increased and is increasing continually, +must be blind to the great forces that in recent times throughout the +world are tending by improved methods and modern inventions to lessen +the prices of all commodities. + +These fluctuations depend upon the law of supply and demand, involving +facts too numerous to state, but rarely depending on the volume of money +in circulation. An increase of currency can have no effect to advance +prices unless we cheapen and degrade it by making it less valuable; and +if that is the intention now, the direct and honest way is to put +fewer grains of gold or silver in our dollar. This was the old way, by +clipping the coin, adding base metal. + +If we want a cheaper dollar we have the clear constitutional right to put +in it 15 grains of gold instead of 23, or 300 grains of silver instead +of 412 1/2, but you have no power to say how many bushels of wheat the +new dollar shall buy. You can, if you choose, cheapen the dollar under +your power to coin money, and thus enable a debtor to pay his debts with +fewer grains of silver or gold, under the pretext that gold or silver +has risen in value, but in this way you would destroy all forms of +credit and make it impossible for nations or individuals to borrow money +for a period of time. It is a species of repudiation. + +The best standard of value is one that measures for the longest period +its equivalent in other products. Its relative value may vary from time +to time. If it falls, the creditor loses; if it increases, the debtor +loses; and these changes are the chances of all trade and commerce and +all loaning and borrowing. The duty of the Government is performed when +it coins money and provides convenient credit representatives of +coin. The purchasing power of money for other commodities depends upon +changing conditions over which the Government has no control. Even its +power to issue paper money has been denied until recently, but this may +be considered as settled by the recent decisions of the Supreme Court +in the legal-tender cases. All that Congress ought to do is to provide +a sufficient amount of money, either of coin or its equivalent of paper +money, to meet the current wants of business. This it has done in the +twelve years last passed at a ratio of increase far in excess of any in +our previous history. + + * * * * * + +Under the law of February, 1878, the purchase of $2,000,000 worth of +silver bullion a month has by coinage produced annually an average of +nearly $3,000,000 a month for a period of twelve years, but this amount, +in view of the retirement of the bank notes, will not increase our +currency in proportion to our increase in population. If our present +currency is estimated at $1,400,000,000, and our population is +increasing at the ratio of 3 per cent. per annum, it would require +$42,000,000 increased circulation each year to keep pace with the +increase of population; but as the increase of population is accompanied +by a still greater ratio of increase of wealth and business, it was +thought that an immediate increase of circulation might be obtained by +larger pur chases of silver bullion to an amount sufficient to make +good the retirement of bank notes, and keep pace with the growth of +population. Assuming that $54,000,000 a year of additional circulation +is needed upon this basis, that amount is provided for in this bill by +the issue of Treasury notes in exchange for bullion at the market price. +I see no objection to this proposition, but believe that Treasury +notes based upon silver bullion purchased in this way will be as safe a +foundation for paper money as can be conceived. + +Experience shows that silver coin will not circulate to any considerable +amount. Only about one silver dollar to each inhabitant is maintained +in circulation with all the efforts made by the Treasury Department, +but silver certificates, the representatives of this coin, pass current +without question, and are maintained at par in gold by being received +by the Government for all purposes and redeemed if called for. I do not +fear to give to these notes every sanction and value that the United +States can confer. I do not object to their being made a legal tender +for all debts, public or private. I believe that if they are to be +issued they ought to be issued as money, with all the sanction and +authority that the Government can possibly confer. While I believe the +amount to be issued is greater than is necessary, yet in view of the +retirement of bank notes I yielded my objections to the increase beyond +$4,000,000. As an expedient to provide increased circulation it is far +preferable to free coinage of silver or any proposition that has been +made to provide some other security than United States bonds for bank +circulation. I believe it will accomplish the first object proposed, a +gradual and steady increase of the current money of the country. + + * * * * * + +What then can we do to arrest the fall of silver and to advance its +market value? I know of but two expedients. One is to purchase bullion +in large quantities as the basis and security of Treasury notes, as +proposed by this bill. The other is to adopt the single standard of +silver, and take the chances for its rise or fall in the markets of the +world. I have already stated the probable results of the hoarding of +bullion. By purchasing in the open market our domestic production of +silver and hoarding it in the Treasury we withdraw so much from the +supply of the world, and thus maintain or increase the price of the +remaining silver production of the world. It is not idle in our vaults, +but is represented by certificates in active circulation. Sixteen ounces +of silver bullion may not be worth one ounce of gold, still one dollar's +worth of silver bullion is worth one dollar of gold. + +What will be the effect of the free coinage of silver? It is said that +it will at once advance silver to par with gold at the ratio of 16 to +1. I deny it. The attempt will bring us to the single standard of the +cheaper metal. When we advertise that we will buy all the silver of the +world at that ratio and pay in Treasury notes, our notes will have the +precise value of 371 1/2 grains of pure silver, but the silver will have +no higher value in the markets of the world. If, now, that amount of +silver can be purchased at 80 cents, then gold will be worth $1.25 in +the new standard. All labor, property, and commodities will advance in +nominal value, but their purchasing power in other commodities will not +increase. If you make the yard 30 inches long instead of 36 you must +purchase more yards for a coat or a dress, but do not lessen the cost +of the coat or the dress. You may by free coinage, by a species of +confiscation, reduce the burden of a debt, but you cannot change the +relative value of gold or silver, or any object of human desire. The +only result is to demonetize gold and to cause it to be hoarded or +exported. The cheaper metal fills the channels of circulation and the +dearer metal commands a premium. + +If experience is needed to prove so plain an axiom we have it in our own +history. At the beginning of our National Government we fixed the value +of gold and silver as 1 to 15. Gold was undervalued and fled the country +to where an ounce of gold was worth 151 ounces of silver. Congress, in +1834, endeavored to rectify this by making the ratio 1 to 16, but by +this silver was undervalued. Sixteen ounces of silver were worth more +than 1 ounce of gold, and silver disappeared. Congress, in 1853, adopted +another expedient to secure the value of both metals as money. By +this expedient gold is the standard and silver the subsidiary coin, +containing confessedly silver of less value in the market than the gold +coin, but maintained at the parity of gold coin by the Government. + + * * * * * + +But it is said that those of us who demand the gold standard, or +paper money always equal to gold, are the representatives of capital, +money-changers, bondholders, Shylocks, who want to grind and oppress the +people. This kind of argument I hoped would never find its way into the +Senate Chamber. It is the cry of the demagogue, without the slightest +foundation. All these classes can take care of themselves. They are the +men who make their profits out of the depreciation of money. They can +mark up the price of their property to meet changing standards. They can +protect themselves by gold contracts. In proportion to their wealth +they have less money on hand than any other class. They have already +protected themselves to a great extent by converting the great body of +the securities in which they deal into gold bonds, and they hold the +gold of the country, which you cannot change in value. They are not, as +a rule, the creditors of the country. + +The great creditors are savings-banks, insurance companies, widows and +orphans, and provident farmers, and business men on a small scale. The +great operators are the great borrowers and owe more than is due them. +Their credit is their capital and they need not have even money enough +to pay their rent. + +But how will this change affect the great mass of our fellow-citizens +who depend upon their daily labor? A dollar to them means so much food, +clothing, and rent. If you cheapen the dollar it will buy less of +these. You may say they will get more dollars for their labor, but all +experience shows that labor and land are the last to feel the change in +monetary standards, and the same resistance will be made to an advance +of wages on the silver standard as on the gold standard, and when the +advance is won it will be found that the purchasing power of the new +dollar is less than the old. No principle of political economy is better +established than that the producing classes are the first to suffer and +the last to gain by monetary changes. + +I might apply this argument to the farmer, the merchant, the +professional man, and to all classes except the speculator or the +debtor who wishes to lessen the burden of his obligations; but it is not +necessary. + +It is sometimes said that all this is a false alarm, that our demand +for silver will absorb all that will be offered and bring it to par with +gold at the old ratio. I have no faith in such a miracle. If they really +thought so, many would lose their interest in the question. What they +want is a cheaper dollar that would pay debts easier. Others do not +want either silver or gold, but want numbers, numerals, the fruit of +the printing-press, to be fixed every year by Congress as we do an +appropriation bill. + +Now, sir, I am willing to do all I can with safety even to taking great +risks to increase the value of silver to gold at the old ratio, and +to supply paper substitutes for both for circulation, but there is +one immutable, unchangeable, ever-existing condition, that the paper +substitute must always have the same purchasing power as gold and +silver coin, maintained at their legal ratio with each other. I feel a +conviction, as strong as the human mind can have, that the free coinage +of silver now by the United States will be a grave mistake and a +misfortune to all classes and conditions of our fellow-citizens. I +also have a hope and belief, but far from a certainty, that the measure +proposed for the purchase of silver bullion to a limited amount, and the +issue of Treasury notes for it, will bring silver and gold to the old +ratio, and will lead to an agreement with other commercial nations to +maintain the free coinage of both metals. + +And now, sir, I want to state in conclusion, without any purpose to +bind myself to detail, that I will vote for any measure that will, in +my judgment, secure a genuine bimetallic standard--one that will +not demonetize gold or cause it to be hoarded or exported, but will +establish both silver and gold as common standards and maintain them at +a fixed ratio, not only in the United States but among all the nations +of the world. The principles adopted by the Acts of 1853 and 1875 have +been sustained by experience and should be adhered to. In pursuance of +them I would receive into the Treasury of the United States all the +gold and silver produced in our country at their market value, not at +a speculative or forced value, but at their value in the markets of the +world. And for the convenience of our people I would represent them by +Treasury notes to an amount not exceeding their cost. I would confer +upon these notes all the use, qualities, and attributes that we can +confer within our constitutional power, and support and maintain them +as money by coining the silver and gold as needed upon the present legal +ratios, and by a pledge of all the revenues of the Government and all +the wealth and credit of the United States. + +And I would proclaim to all our readiness, by international negotiations +or treaties, to bring about an agreement among nations for common units +of value and of weights and measures for all the productions of the +world. + +This hope of philosophers and statesmen is now nearer realization than +ever before. If we could contribute to this result it would tend to +promote commerce and intercourse, trade and travel, peace and harmony +among nations. It would be in line with the civilization of our age. +It is by such measures statesmen may keep pace with the marvellous +inventions, improvements, and discoveries which have quadrupled the +capacity of man for production, made lightning subservient to his will, +revealed to him new agencies of power hidden in the earth, and opened +up to his enterprise all the dark places of the world. The people of +the United States boast that they have done their full share in all this +development; that they have grown in population, wealth, and strength; +that they are the richest of nations, with untarnished credit, a model +and example of self-government without kings or princes or lords. Surely +this is no time for a radical change of public policy which seems to +have no motive except to reduce the burden of obligations freely taken, +a change likely to impair our public credit and produce disorder and +confusion in all monetary transactions. Others may see reasons for this +change, but I prefer to stand by the standards of value that come to us +with the approval and sanction of every party that has administered the +Government since its beginning. + + + + +JOHN P. JONES, + +OF NEVADA. (BORN 1830.) + +ON TREASURY NOTES AND SILVER, + +IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY 12, 1890. + + +MR. PRESIDENT, the question now about to be discussed by this body is +in my judgment the most important that has attracted the attention of +Congress or the country since the formation of the Constitution. It +affects every interest, great and small, from the slightest concern of +the individual to the largest and most comprehensive interest of the +nation. + +The measure under consideration was reported by me from the Committee on +Finance. It is hardly necessary for me to say, however, that it does not +fully reflect my individual views regarding the relation which silver +should bear to the monetary circulation of the country or of the world. +I am, at all times and in all places, a firm and unwavering advocate of +the free and unlimited coinage of silver, not merely for the reason that +silver is as ancient and honorable a money metal as gold, and equally +well adapted for the money use, but for the further reason that, looking +at the annual yield from the mines, the entire supply that can come to +the mints will at no time be more than is needed to maintain at a +steady level the prices of commodities among a constantly increasing +population. + + * * * * * + +History gives evidence of no more prolific source of human misery than a +persistent and long continued fall in the general range of prices. +But, although exercising so pernicious an influence, it is not itself a +cause, but an effect. + +When a fall of prices is found operating, not on one article or class of +articles alone, but on the products of all industries; when found to +be not confined to any one climate, country, or race of people, but to +diffuse itself over the civilized world; when it is found not to be a +characteristic of any one year, but to go on progressively for a series +of years, it becomes manifest that it does not and can not arise from +local, temporary, or subordinate causes, but must have its genesis and +development in some principle of universal application. + +What, then, is it that produces a general decline of prices in any +country? It is produced by a shrinkage in the volume of money relatively +to population and business, which has never yet failed to cause an +increase in the value of the money unit, and a consequent decrease in +the price of the commodities for which such unit is exchanged. If the +volume of money in circulation be made to bear a direct and steady ratio +to population and business, prices will be maintained at a steady level, +and, what is of supreme importance, money will be kept of unchanging +value. With an advancing civilization, in which a large volume of +business is conducted on a basis of credit extending over long periods, +it is of the uttermost importance that money, which is the measure of +all equities, should be kept unchanging in value through time. + +A reduction in the volume of money relatively to population and +business, or, (to state the proposition in another form) a volume which +remains stationary while population and business are increasing, has the +effect of increasing the value of each unit of money, by increasing its +purchasing power. + + * * * * * + +We have 22,000,000 workmen in this country. In order that they may be +kept uninterruptedly employed it is absolutely necessary that business +contracts and obligations be made long in advance. Accordingly, we read +almost daily of the inception of industrial undertakings requiring years +to fulfil. It is not too much to say that the suspension for one season +of the making of time-contracts would close the factories, furnaces, and +machine-shops of all civilized countries. + +The natural concomitant of such a system of industry is the elaborate +system of debt and credit which has grown up with it, and is +indispensable to it. Any serious enhancement in the value of the unit of +money between the time of making a contract or incurring a debt and the +date of fulfilment or maturity always works hardship and frequently ruin +to the contractor or debtor. + +Three fourths of the business enterprises of this country are conducted +on borrowed capital. Three fourths of the homes and farms that stand in +the name of the actual occupants have been bought on time, and a very +large proportion of them are mortgaged for the payment of some part of +the purchase money. + +Under the operation of a shrinkage in the volume of money this enormous +mass of borrowers, at the maturity of their respective debts, though +nominally paying no more than the amount borrowed, with interest, are, +in reality, in the amount of the principal alone, returning a percentage +of value greater than they received--more than in equity they contracted +to pay, and oftentimes more, in substance, than they profited by the +loan. To the man of business this percentage in many cases constitutes +the difference between success and failure. Thus a shrinkage in the +volume of money is the prolific source of bankruptcy and ruin. It is the +canker that, unperceived and unsuspected, is eating out the prosperity +of our people. By reason of the almost universal inattention to the +nature and functions of money this evil is permitted, unobserved, to +work widespread ruin and disaster. So subtle is it in its operations +that it eludes the vigilance of the most acute. It baffles all foresight +and calculation; it sets at naught all industry, all energy, all +enterprise. + + * * * * * + +The advocates of the single gold standard deem even silver money much +better money than greenbacks. Does it then follow that when greenbacks +were our only money--good enough money to carry our nation through the +greatest war in all history--we were "along-side" or underneath the +barbarous nations of the world? It is not the form or material of a +nation's money that fixes its status relatively to other nations. That +is accomplished by the vitality, the energy, the intellectuality and +effective force of its people. The United States can never be placed +"alongside" any barbarous nation, except by compelling our people to +compete with barbarous peoples--compelling them to sell the products of +American labor at prices regulated by the cost of labor and manner of +living in barbarous countries. As well might it be said that we are +alongside the barbarous people of India because we continue to produce +wheat and cotton. + +The distinguishing feature of all barbarous nations is the squalor of +their working classes. The reward of their hard toil is barely enough +to maintain animal existence. A civilized people are placed alongside +a barbarous one when, in their means of livelihood, the foundation of +their civilization, they are made to compete with the barbarians. That +was the result accomplished for the farmers and planters of the United +States when silver was demonetized. + + * * * * * + +It is a remarkable circumstance, Mr. President, that throughout the +entire range of economic discussion in gold-standard circles, it seems +to be taken for granted that a change in the value of the money unit is +a matter of no significance, and imports no mischief to society, so long +as the change is in one direction. Who has ever heard from an Eastern +journal any complaint against a contraction of our money volume; any +admonition that in a shrinking volume of money lurk evils of the utmost +magnitude? On the other hand, we have been treated to lengthy homilies +on the evils of "inflation," whenever the slightest prospect presented +itself to a decrease in the value of money--not with the view of giving +the debtor an advantage over the lender of money, but of preventing the +unconscionable injustice of a further increasing value in the dollars +which the debtor contracted to pay. Loud and re-sounding protests have +been entered against the "dishonesty" of making payments in "depreciated +dollars." The debtors are characterized as dishonest for desiring to +keep money at a steady and unwavering value. If that object could be +secured, it would undoubtedly be to the interest of the debtor, and +could not possibly work any injustice to the creditor. It would simply +assure to both debtor and creditor the exact measure for which they +bargained. It would enable the debtor to pay his debt with exactly the +amount of sacrifice to which, on the making of the debt, he undertook to +submit, in order to pay it. + +In all discussions of the subject the creditors attempt to brush aside +the equities involved by sneering at the debtors. But, Mr. President, +debt is the distinguishing characteristic of modern society. It is +through debt that the marvellous developments of the nineteenth-century +civilization have been effected. Who are the debtors in this country? +Who are the borrowers of money? The men of enterprise, of energy, of +skill, the men of industry, of fore-sight, of calculation, of daring. +In the ranks of the debtors will be found a large preponderance of the +constructive energy of every country. The debtors are the upbuilders of +the national wealth and prosperity; they are the men of initiative, the +men who conceive plans and set on foot enterprises. They are those who +by borrowing money enrich the community. They are the dynamic force +among the people. They are the busy, restless, moving throng whom you +find in all walks of life in this country--the active, the vigorous, the +strong, the undaunted. + +These men are sustained in their efforts by the hope and belief that +their labors will be crowned with success. Destroy that hope and you +take away from society the most powerful of all the incentives to +material development; you place in the pathway of progress an obstacle +which it is impossible to surmount. + +The men of whom I have spoken are undoubtedly the first who are likely +to be affected by a shrinkage in the volume of money. + +The highest prosperity of a nation is attained only when all its people +are employed in avocations suited to their individual aptitudes, and +when a just money system insures an equitable distribution of the +products of their industry. With our present complex civilization, in +order that men may have constant employment, it is indispensable that +work be planned and undertakings projected years in advance. Without +an intelligent forecast of enterprises large numbers of workmen must +periodically be relegated to idleness. Enterprises that take years to +complete must be contracted for in advance, and payments provided for. + +A constant but unperceived rise in the value of the dollar with which +those payments must be made, baffles all plans, thwarts all calculation, +and destroys all equities between debtor and creditor. If we cannot +intelligently regulate our money volume so as to maintain unchanging +the value of the money unit, if we cannot preserve our people from the +blighting effects which an increase in the measuring power of the +money unit entails upon all industry, to what purpose is our boasted +civilization? + +By the increase of that measuring power all hopes are disappointed, all +purposes baffled, all efforts thwarted, all calculations defied. This +subtle enlargement in the measuring power of the unit of money (the +dollar) affects every class of the working community. Like a poisonous +drug in the human body, it permeates every vein, every artery, every +fibre and filament of the industrial structure. The debtor is fighting +for his life against an enemy he does not see, against an influence +he does not understand. For, while his calculations were well and +intelligently made, and the amount of his debts and the terms of his +contracts remain the same, the weight of all his obligations has been +increased by an insidious increase in the value of the money unit. + + * * * * * + +In an ancient village there once stood a gold clock, which, ever since +the invention of clocks, had been the measure of time for the people +of that village. They were proud of its beauty, its workmanship, its +musical stroke, and the unfailing regularity with which it heralded the +passing hours. This clock had been endeared to all the inhabitants of +the village by the hallowed associations with which it was identified. +Generation after generation it had called the children from far and wide +to attend the village school; its fresh morning peal had set the honest +villagers to labor; its noonday notes had called them to refreshment; +its welcome evening chime had summoned them to rest. + +From time immemorial, on all festive occasions, it had rung out its +merry tones to assemble the young people on the green; and on the +Sabbath it had advertised to all the countryside the hour of worship in +the village church. So perfect was its mechanism that it never needed +repair. So proud were the people of this wonderful clock that it became +the standard for all the country round about, and the time which it kept +came to be known as the gold standard of time, which was universally +admitted to be correct and unchanging. + +In the course of time there wandered that way a queer character, +a clock-maker, who being fully instructed in the inner workings of +time-tellers, and not having inherited the traditions of that village, +did not regard this clock with the veneration accorded to it by the +natives. To their astonishment he denied that there was really any +such thing as a gold standard of time; and in order to prove that the +material, gold, did not monopolize all the qualities characteristic of +clocks, he placed alongside the gold clock, another clock, of silver, +and set both clocks at 12 noon. For a long time the clocks ran along +in almost perfect accord, their only disagreement being that of an +occasional second or two, and even that disagreement only at rare +intervals, such as might naturally occur with the best of clocks. But +the Council of the village, in their admiration for the gold clock, +passed an ordinance requiring that all the weights (the motive power) of +the silver clock, except one, be removed from it, and attached to those +of the gold clock. Instantly the clocks began to fall apart, and one +day, as the sun was passing the meridian, the hands of the gold clock +were observed to indicate the hour of 1, while those of the silver clock +indicated 12.15. At this everybody in the village ridiculed the +silver clock, derided the silver standard, and hurled epithets at the +individual who had had the temerity to doubt the infallibility of the +gold standard. + +Finally, the divergence between the clocks went so far that it was noon +by the gold standard when it was only 6 A.M. by the silver standard, so +that those who were guided by the gold standard, notwithstanding that it +was yet the gray of the morning, insisted on eating their mid-day meal, +because the gold standard indicated that it must be noon. And when +the sun was high in the heavens, and its light was shining warm and +refulgent on the dusty streets of the village, those who observed the +gold standard had already eaten supper and were preparing for bed. + +But this state of things could not last. It was clear that the +difference between the standards must be reconciled, or all industry +would be disarranged and the village ruined. + +Discussion was rife among the villagers as to the cause of the +difference. Some said the silver clock had lost time; others that both +clocks had lost time, but the silver clock more than the gold; while +others again asserted that both clocks had gained time, but that the +gold clock had gained more than the silver clock. + +While this discussion was at its height a philosopher came along and +observing the excitement on the subject remarked: "By measuring two +things, one against the other, you can never arrive at any determination +as to which has changed. Instead of disputing as to whether one clock +has lost or another gained would it not be well to consult the sun and +the stars and ascertain exactly what has happened?" + +Some demurred to this because, as they asserted, the gold standard was +unchanging and was always right no matter how much it might seem to be +wrong; others agreed that the philosopher's advice should be taken. +Upon consulting the sun and the stars it was discovered that what had +happened was that both clocks had gained in time but that the gain of +the silver clock had been very slight, while that of the gold clock had +been so great as to disturb all industry and destroy all correct sense +of time. + +Nothwithstanding this demonstration, there were many who adhered to the +belief that the gold standard was correct and unchanging, and insisted +that what appeared to be its aberrations were not in reality due to any +fault of the gold clock, but to some convulsion of nature by which +the solar system had been disarranged and the planets made to move +irregularly in their orbits. + +Some of the people also remembered having heard at the village inn, from +travellers returning from the East, that silver clocks were the standard +of time in India and other barbarous countries, while in countries of a +more advanced civilization gold clocks were the standard. They therefore +feared that the use of the silver clock might have the effect of +degrading the civilization of the village by placing it alongside India +and other barbarous countries. And although the great mass of the people +really believed, from the demonstration made, that the silver standard +of time was the better one, yet this objection was so momentous that +they were puzzled what course to pursue, and at last advices were +consulting the manufacturers of gold clocks as to what was best to be +done. + +Now our gold standard men are in the position of those who first refuse +to look at anything beyond the two things, gold and silver, to see what +has happened, and who, when it is finally demonstrated that all other +things retain their former relations to silver, still persist that the +law which makes gold an unchanging standard of measure is more immutable +than that which holds the stars in their courses. If they will compare +gold and silver with commodities in general, to see how the metals have +maintained their relations, not to one another but to all other things, +they will find that instead of a fall having taken place in the value of +silver, the change that has really taken place is a rise in the value of +both gold and silver, the rise in silver being relatively slight, while +that of gold has been ruinously great. And those who do not shut their +eyes to the truth must see that the change of relation between the +metals has been effected by depriving silver of its legal-tender +function, as the want of accord between the clocks was brought about +by depriving the silver clock of a portion of its motive power--the +weights. The only thing that has prevented a greater divergency between +the metals is the limited coinage by the United States--the single +weight that, withheld from the gold clock, prevented its more ruinous +gain. + + * * * * * + +Everybody admits that the value of all other things is regulated by the +play against each other of the forces of supply and demand. No reason +has been or can be given why the value of the unit of money is not +subject to this law. + +The demand for money is equivalent to the sum of the demands for all +other things whatsoever, for it is through a demand first made on +money that all the wants of man are satisfied. The demand for money is +instant, constant, and unceasing, and is always at a maximum. If any man +wants a pair of shoes, or a suit of clothes, he does not make his demand +first on the shoemaker, or clothier. No man, except a beggar, makes a +demand directly for food, clothes, or any other article. Whether it be +to obtain clothing, food, or shelter--whether the simplest necessity +or the greatest luxury of life--it is on money that the demand is first +made. As this rule operates throughout the entire range of commodities +it is manifest that the demand for money equals at least the united +demands for all other things. + +While population remains stationary, the demand for money will remain +the same. As the demand for one article becomes less, the demand for +some other which shall take its place becomes greater. The demand for +money, therefore, must ever be as pressing and urgent as the needs of +man are varied, incessant, and importunate. + +Such being the demand for money, what is the supply? It is the total +number of units of money in circulation (actual or potential) in any +country. + +The force of the demand for money operating against the supply is +represented by the earnest, incessant struggle to obtain it. All men, in +all trades and occupations, are offering either property or services +for money. Each shoemaker in each locality is in competition with every +other shoemaker in the same locality, each hatter is in competition +with every other hatter, each clothier with every other clothier, all +offering their wares for units of money. In this universal and perpetual +competition for money, that number of shoemakers that can supply the +demand for shoes at the smallest average price (excellence of quality +being taken into account) will fix the market value of shoes in money; +and conversely, will fix the value of money in shoes. So with the +hatters as to hats, so with the tailors as to clothes, and so with those +engaged in all other occupations as to the products respectively of +their labor. + +The transcendent importance of money, and the constant pressure of the +demand for it, may be realized by comparing its utility with that of any +other force that contributes to human welfare. + +In all the broad range of articles that in a state of civilization are +needed by man, the only absolutely indispensable thing is money. For +everything else there is some substitute--some alternative; for money +there is none. Among articles of food, if beef rises in price, the +demand for it will diminish, as a certain proportion of the people will +resort to other forms of food. If, by reason of its continued scarcity, +beef continues to rise, the demand will further diminish, until finally +it may altogether cease and centre on something else. So in the matter +of clothing. If any one fabric becomes scarce, and consequently dear, +the demand will diminish, and, if the price continue rising, it is only +a question of time for the demand to cease and be transferred to some +alternative. + +But this cannot be the case with money. It can never be driven out of +use. There is not, and there never can be, any substitute for it. It +may become so scarce that one dollar at the end of a decade may buy ten +times as much as at the beginning; that is to say, it may cost in labor +or commodities ten times as much to get it, but at whatever cost, the +people must have it. Without money the demands of civilization could not +be supplied. + + + + + +GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS, + +OF NEW YORK (BORN 1824, DIED 1892.) + +ON THE SPOILS SYSTEM AND THE PROGRESS OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. + +An Address delivered before the American Social Science Association at +its Meeting in Saratoga, New York, September 8, 1881. + + +Twelve years ago I read a paper before this association upon reform +in the Civil Service. The subject was of very little interest. A few +newspapers which were thought to be visionary occasionally discussed +it, but the press of both parties smiled with profound indifference. +Mr. Jenckes had pressed it upon an utterly listless Congress, and his +proposition was regarded as the harmless hobby of an amiable man, from +which a little knowledge of practical politics would soon dismount him. +The English reform, which was by far the most significant political +event in that country since the parliamentary reform bill of 1832, +was virtually unknown to us. To the general public it was necessary +to explain what the Civil Service was, how it was recruited, what the +abuses were, and how and why they were to be remedied. Old professional +politicians, who look upon reform as Dr. Johnson defined patriotism, as +the last refuge of a scoundrel, either laughed at what they called the +politics of idiocy and the moon, or sneered bitterly that reformers were +cheap hypocrites who wanted other people's places and lamented other +people's sins. + +This general public indifference was not surprising. The great reaction +of feeling which followed the war, the relaxation of the long-strained +anxiety of the nation for its own existence, the exhaustion of the vast +expenditure of life and money, and the satisfaction with the general +success, had left little disposition to do anything but secure in the +national polity the legitimate results of the great contest. To the +country, reform was a proposition to reform evils of administration +of which it knew little, and which, at most, seemed to it petty +and impertinent in the midst of great affairs. To Congress, it was +apparently a proposal to deprive members of the patronage which to many +of them was the real gratification of their position, the only way in +which they felt their distinction and power. To such members reform was +a plot to deprive the bear of his honey, the dog of his bone, and they +stared and growled incredulously. + +This was a dozen years ago. To-day the demand for reform is imperative. +The drop has become a deluge. Leading journals of both parties eagerly +proclaim its urgent necessity. From New England to California public +opinion is organizing itself in reform associations. In the great +custom-house and the great post-office of the country--those in the city +of New York--reform has been actually begun upon definite principles +and with remarkable success, and the good example has been followed +elsewhere with the same results. A bill carefully prepared and providing +for gradual and thorough reform has been introduced with an admirable +report in the Senate of the United States. Mr. Pendleton, the Democratic +Senator from Ohio, declares that the Spoils System which has debauched +the Civil Service of fifty millions of people must be destroyed. Mr. +Dawes, the Republican Senator from Massachusetts, summons all good +citizens to unite to suppress this gigantic evil which threatens +the republic. Conspicuous reformers sit in the Cabinet; and in this +sorrowful moment, at least, the national heart and mind and conscience, +stricken and bowed by a calamity whose pathos penetrates every +house-hold in Christendom, cries to these warning words, "Amen! Amen!" +Like the slight sound amid the frozen silence of the Alps that loosens +and brings down the avalanche, the solitary pistol-shot of the 2d of +July has suddenly startled this vast accumulation of public opinion +into conviction, and on every side thunders the rush and roar of its +overwhelming descent, which will sweep away the host of evils bred of +this monstrous abuse. + +This is an extraordinary change for twelve years, but it shows the +vigorous political health, the alert common-sense, and the essential +patriotism of the country, which are the earnest of the success of +any wise reform. The war which naturally produced the lassitude and +indifference to the subject which were evident twelve years ago had +made reform, indeed, a vital necessity, but the necessity was not then +perceived. The dangers that attend a vast system of administration based +to its least detail upon personal patronage were not first exposed by +Mr. Jenckes in 1867, but before that time they had been mainly discussed +as possibilities and inferences. Yet the history of the old New York +council of appointment had illustrated in that State the party fury and +corruption which patronage necessarily breeds, and Governor McKean in +Pennsylvania, at the close of the last century, had made "a clean sweep" +of the places within his power. The spoils spirit struggled desperately +to obtain possession of the national administration from the day of +Jefferson's inauguration to that of Jackson's, when it succeeded. +Its first great but undesigned triumph was the decision of the First +Congress in 1789, vesting the sole power of removal in the President, +a decision which placed almost every position in the Civil Service +unconditionally at his pleasure. This decision was determined by +the weight of Madison's authority. But Webster, nearly fifty years +afterwards, opposing his authority to that of Madison, while admitting +the decision to have been final, declared it to have been wrong. The +year 1820, which saw the great victory of slavery in the Missouri +Compromise, was also the year in which the second great triumph of the +spoils system was gained, by the passage of the law which, under the +plea of securing greater responsibility in certain financial offices, +limited such offices to a term of four years. The decision of 1789, +which gave the sole power of removal to the President, required positive +executive action to effect removal; but this law of 1820 vacated all the +chief financial offices, with all the places dependent upon them, during +the term of every President, who, without an order of removal, could +fill them all at his pleasure. + +A little later a change in the method of nominating the President from +a congressional caucus to a national convention still further developed +the power of patronage as a party resource, and in the session of +1825-26, when John Quincy Adams was President, Mr. Benton introduced his +report upon Mr. Macon's resolution declaring the necessity of reducing +and regulating executive patronage; although Mr. Adams, the last of the +Revolutionary line of Presidents, so scorned to misuse patronage that he +leaned backward in standing erect. The pressure for the overthrow of the +constitutional system had grown steadily more angry and peremptory +with the progress of the country, the development of party spirit, +the increase of patronage, the unanticipated consequences of the sole +executive power of removal, and the immense opportunity offered by the +four-years' law. It was a pressure against which Jefferson held the +gates by main force, which was relaxed by the war under Madison and the +fusion of parties under Monroe, but which swelled again into a furious +torrent as the later parties took form. John Quincy Adams adhered, with +the tough tenacity of his father's son, to the best principles of all +his predecessors. He followed Washington, and observed the spirit of +the Constitution in refusing to remove for any reason but official +misconduct or incapacity. But he knew well what was coming, and +with characteristically stinging sarcasm he called General Jackson's +inaugural address "a threat of re-form." With Jackson's administration +in 1830 the deluge of the spoils system burst over our national +politics. Sixteen years later, Mr. Buchanan said in a public speech +that General Taylor would be faithless to the Whig party if he did not +proscribe Democrats. So high the deluge had risen which has ravaged and +wasted our politics ever since, and the danger will be stayed only +when every President, leaning upon the law, shall stand fast where John +Quincy Adams stood. + +But the debate continued during the whole Jackson administration. In +the Senate and on the stump, in elaborate reports and popular speeches, +Webster, Calhoun, and Clay, the great political chiefs of their time, +sought to alarm the country with the dangers of patronage. Sargent S. +Prentiss, in the House of Representatives, caught up and echoed the cry +under the administration of Van Buren. But the country refused to be +alarmed. As the Yankee said of the Americans at the battle of +White Plains, where they were beaten, "The fact is, as far as I can +understand, our folks did n't seem to take no sort of interest in that +battle." The reason that the country took no sort of interest in the +discussion of the evils of patronage was evident. It believed the +denunciation to be a mere party cry, a scream of disappointment and +impotence from those who held no places and controlled no patronage. +It heard the leaders of the opposition fiercely arraigning the +administration for proscription and universal wrong-doing, but it was +accustomed by its English tradition and descent always to hear the +Tories cry that the Constitution was in danger when the Whigs were in +power, and the Whigs under a Tory administration to shout that all was +lost. It heard the uproar like the old lady upon her first railroad +journey, who sat serene amid the wreck of a collision, and when asked +if she was much hurt, looked over her spectacles and answered, +blandly, "Hurt? Why, I supposed they always stopped so in this kind of +travelling." The feeling that the denunciation was only a part of the +game of politics, and no more to be accepted as a true statement than +Snug the joiner as a true lion, was confirmed by the fact that when the +Whig opposition came into power with President Harrison, it adopted the +very policy which under Democratic administration it had strenuously +denounced as fatal. The pressure for place was even greater than it had +been ten years before, and although Mr. Webster as Secretary of State +maintained his consistency by putting his name to an executive order +asserting sound principles, the order was swept away like a lamb by a +locomotive. + +Nothing but a miracle, said General Harrison's attorney-general, can +feed the swarm of hungry office-seekers. + +Adopted by both parties, Mr. Marcy's doctrine that the places in the +public service are the proper spoils of a victorious party, was accepted +as a necessary condition of popular government. One of the highest +officers of the government expounded this doctrine to me long +afterwards. "I believe," said he, "that when the people vote to change +a party administration they vote to change every person of the opposite +party who holds a place, from the President of the United States to +the messenger at my door." It is this extraordinary but sincere +misconception of the function of party in a free government that leads +to the serious defence of the spoils system. Now, a party is merely a +voluntary association of citizens to secure the enforcement of a +certain policy of administration upon which they are agreed. In a free +government this is done by the election of legislators and of certain +executive officers who are friendly to that policy. But the duty of the +great body of persons employed in the minor administrative places is in +no sense political. It is wholly ministerial, and the political opinions +of such persons affect the discharge of their duties no more than their +religious views or their literary preferences. All that can be justly +required of such persons, in the interest of the public business, is +honesty, intelligence, capacity, industry, and due subordination; and to +say that, when the policy of the Government is changed by the result +of an election from protection to free-trade, every book-keeper and +letter-carrier and messenger and porter in the public offices ought to +be a free-trader, is as wise as to say that if a merchant is a Baptist +every clerk in his office ought to be a believer in total immersion. But +the officer of whom I spoke undoubtedly expressed the general feeling. +The necessarily evil consequences of the practice which he justified +seemed to be still speculative and inferential, and to the national +indifference which followed the war the demand of Mr. Jenckes for reform +appeared to be a mere whimsical vagary most inopportunely introduced. + +It was, however, soon evident that the war had made the necessity of +reform imperative, and chiefly for two reasons: first, the enormous +increase of patronage, and second, the fact that circumstances had +largely identified a party name with patriotism. The great and radical +evil of the spoils system was carefully fostered by the apparent +absolute necessity to the public welfare of making political opinion and +sympathy a condition of appointment to the smallest place. It is since +the war, therefore, that the evil has run riot and that its consequences +have been fully revealed. Those consequences are now familiar, and +I shall not describe them. It is enough that the most patriotic and +intelligent Americans and the most competent foreign observers agree +that the direct and logical results of that system are the dangerous +confusion of the executive and legislative powers of the Government; +the conversion of politics into mere place-hunting; the extension of the +mischief to State and county and city administration, and the consequent +degradation of the national character; the practical disfranchisement of +the people wherever the system is most powerful; and the perversion of a +republic of equal citizens into a despotism of venal politicians. These +are the greatest dangers that can threaten a republic, and they are due +to the practice of treating the vast system of minor public places which +are wholly ministerial, and whose duties are the same under every party +administration, not as public trusts, but as party perquisites. The +English-speaking race has a grim sense of humor, and the absurdity of +transacting the public business of a great nation in a way which would +ruin both the trade and the character of a small huckster, of proceeding +upon the theory--for such is the theory of the spoils system--that a man +should be put in charge of a locomotive because he holds certain views +of original sin, or because he polishes boots nimbly with his tongue--it +is a folly so stupendous and grotesque that when it is fully perceived +by the shrewd mother-wit of the Yankee it will be laughed indignantly +and contemptuously away. But the laugh must have the method, and the +indignation the form, of law; and now that the public mind is aroused +to the true nature and tendency of the spoils system is the time to +consider the practicable legal remedy for them. + +The whole system of appointments in the Civil Service proceeds from the +President, and in regard to his action the intention of the Constitution +is indisputable. It is that the President shall appoint solely upon +public considerations, and that the officer appointed shall serve +as long as he discharges his duty faithfully. This is shown in Mr. +Jefferson's familiar phrase in his reply to the remonstrance of the +merchants of New Haven against the removal of the collector of that +port. Mr. Jefferson asserted that Mr. Adams had purposely appointed in +the last moments of his administration officers whose designation he +should have left to his successor. Alluding to these appointments, he +says: "I shall correct the procedure, and that done, return with joy to +that state of things when the only question concerning a candidate shall +be, Is he honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the Constitution?" +Mr. Jefferson here recognizes that these had been the considerations +which had usually determined appointments; and Mr. Madison, in the +debate upon the President's sole power of removal, declared that if a +President should remove an officer for any reason not connected with +efficient service he would be impeached. Reform, therefore, is merely +a return to the principle and purpose of the Constitution and to the +practice of the early administrations. + +What more is necessary, then, for reform than that the President should +return to that practice? As all places in the Civil Service are filled +either by his direct nomination or by officers whom he appoints, why has +not any President ample constitutional authority to effect at any moment +a complete and thorough reform? The answer is simple. He has the power. +He has always had it. A President has only to do as Washington did, +and all his successors have only to do likewise, and reform would be +complete. Every President has but to refuse to remove non-political +officers for political or personal reasons; to appoint only those whom +he knows to be competent; to renominate, as Monroe and John Quincy Adams +did, every faithful officer whose commission expires, and to require the +heads of departments and all inferior appointing officers to conform to +this practice, and the work would be done. This is apparently a short +and easy and constitutional method of reform, requiring no further +legislation or scheme of procedure. But why has no President adopted it? +For the same reason that the best of Popes does not reform the abuses +of his Church. For the same reason that a leaf goes over Niagara. It is +because the opposing forces are overpowering. The same high officer of +the government to whom I have alluded said to me as we drove upon the +Heights of Washington, "Do you mean that I ought not to appoint my +subordinates for whom I am responsible?" I answered: "I mean that you do +not appoint them now; I mean that if, when we return to the capital, +you hear that your chief subordinate is dead, you will not appoint +his successor. You will have to choose among the men urged upon you by +certain powerful politicians. Undoubtedly you ought to appoint the man +whom you believe to be the most fit. But you do not and can not. If +you could or did appoint such men only, and that were the rule of your +department and of the service, there would be no need of reform." And he +could not deny it. There was no law to prevent his selection of the +best man. Indeed, the law assumed that he would do it. The Constitution +intended that he should do it. But when I reminded him that there were +forces beyond the law that paralyzed the intention of the Constitution, +and which would inevitably compel him to accept the choice of others, he +said no more. + +It is easy to assert that the reform of the Civil Service is an +executive reform. So it is. But the Executive alone cannot accomplish +it. + +The abuses are now completely and aggressively organized, and the +sturdiest President would quail before them. The President who +should undertake, single-handed, to deal with the complication of +administrative evils known as the Spoils System would find his party +leaders in Congress and their retainers throughout the country arrayed +against him; the proposal to disregard traditions and practices which +are regarded as essential to the very existence and effectiveness of +party organization would be stigmatized as treachery, and the President +himself would be covered with odium as a traitor. The air would hum with +denunciation. The measures he should favor, the appointments he might +make, the recommendations of his secretaries, would be opposed and +imperilled, and the success of his administration would be endangered. A +President who should alone undertake thoroughly to reform the evil must +feel it to be the vital and paramount issue, and must be willing to +hazard everything for its success. He must have the absolute faith and +the indomitable will of Luther. "Here stand I; I can no other." How can +we expect a President whom this system elects to devote himself to its +destruction? General Grant, elected by a spontaneous patriotic impulse, +fresh from the regulated order of military life and new to politics and +politicians, saw the reason and the necessity of reform. The hero of a +victorious war, at the height of his popularity, his party in undisputed +and seemingly indisputable supremacy, made the attempt. Congress, +good-naturedly tolerating what it considered his whim of inexperience, +granted money to try an experiment. The adverse pressure was tremendous. +"I am used to pressure," said the soldier. So he was, but not to this +pressure. He was driven by unknown and incalculable currents. He was +enveloped in whirlwinds of sophistry, scorn, and incredulity. He who +upon his own line had fought it out all summer to victory, upon a line +absolutely new and unknown was naturally bewildered and dismayed. So +Wellington had drawn the lines of victory on the Spanish Peninsula and +had saved Europe at Waterloo. But even Wellington at Waterloo could +not be also Sir Robert Peel at Westminster. Even Wellington, who had +overthrown Napoleon in the field, could not also be the parliamentary +hero who for the welfare of his country would dare to risk the overthrow +of his party. + +When at last President Grant said, "If Congress adjourns without +positive legislation on Civil Service reform, I shall regard such action +as a disapproval of the system and shall abandon it," it was, indeed, +a surrender, but it was the surrender of a champion who had honestly +mistaken both the nature and the strength of the adversary and his own +power of endurance. + +It is not, then, reasonable, under the conditions of our Government and +in the actual situation, to expect a President to go much faster or +much further than public opinion. But executive action can aid most +effectively the development and movement of that opinion, and the most +decisive reform measures that the present administration might take +would be undoubtedly supported by a powerful public sentiment. The +educative results of resolute executive action, however limited and +incomplete in scope, have been shown in the two great public offices +of which I have spoken, the New York custom-house and the New York +post-office. For nearly three years the entire practicability of reform +has been demonstrated in those offices, and solely by the direction of +the President. The value of such demonstrations, due to the Executive +will alone, carried into effect by thoroughly trained and interested +subordinates, cannot be overestimated. But when they depend upon the +will of a transient officer and not upon a strong public conviction, +they are seeds that have no depth of soil. A vital and enduring +reform in administrative methods, although it be but a return to the +constitutional intention, can be accomplished only by the commanding +impulse of public opinion. Permanence is secured by law, not by +individual pleasure. But in this country law is only formulated public +opinion. Reform of the Civil Service does not contemplate an invasion of +the constitutional prerogative of the President and the Senate, nor does +it propose to change the Constitution by statute. The whole system +of the Civil Service proceeds, as I said, from the President, and the +object of the reform movement is to enable him to fulfil the intention +of the Constitution by revealing to him the desire of the country +through the action of its authorized representatives. When the +ground-swell of public opinion lifts Congress from the rocks, the +President will gladly float with it into the deep water of wise and +patriotic action. The President, indeed, has never been the chief +sinner in the Spoils System, although he has been the chief agent. +Even President Jackson yielded to party pressure as much as to his own +convictions. President Harrison sincerely wished to stay the flood, but +it swept him away. President Grant doubtfully and with good intentions +tested the pressure before yielding. President Hayes, with sturdy +independence, adhered inflexibly to a few points, but his party chiefs +cursed and derided him. President Garfield,--God bless and restore +him!--frankly declares permanent and effective reform to be impossible +without the consent of Congress. When, therefore, Congress obeys a +commanding public opinion, and reflects it in legislation, it will +restore to the President the untrammelled exercise of his ample +constitutional powers according to the constitutional intention; and the +practical question of reform is, How shall this be brought about? + +Now, it is easy to kill weeds if we can destroy their roots, and it +is not difficult to determine what the principle of reform legislation +should be if we can agree upon the source of the abuses to be reformed. +May they not have a common origin? In fact, are they not all bound +together as parts of one system? The Representative in Congress, for +instance, does not ask whether the interests of the public service +require this removal or that appointment, but whether, directly or +indirectly, either will best serve his own interests. The Senator acts +from the same motives. The President, in turn, balances between the +personal interests of leading politicians--President, Senators, +and Representatives all wishing to pay for personal service and to +conciliate personal influence. So also the party labor required of the +place-holder, the task of carrying caucuses, of defeating one man and +electing another, as may be ordered, the payment of the assessment +levied upon his salary--all these are the price of the place. They are +the taxes paid by him as conditions of receiving a personal favor. Thus +the abuses have a common source, whatever may be the plea for the system +from which they spring. Whether it be urged that the system is essential +to party organization, or that the desire for place is a laudable +political ambition, or that the Spoils System is a logical development +of our political philosophy, or that new brooms sweep clean, or that +any other system is un-American--whatever the form of the plea for the +abuse, the conclusion is always the same, that the minor places in the +Civil Service are not public trusts, but rewards and prizes for personal +and political favorites. + +The root of the complex evil, then, is personal favoritism. This +produces congressional dictation, senatorial usurpation, arbitrary +removals, interference in elections, political assessments, and all +the consequent corruption, degradation, and danger that experience has +disclosed. The method of reform, therefore, must be a plan of selection +for appointment which makes favoritism impossible. The general feeling +undoubtedly is that this can be accomplished by a fixed limited term. +But the terms of most of the offices to which the President and the +Senate appoint, and upon which the myriad minor places in the service +depend, have been fixed and limited for sixty years, yet it is during +that very period that the chief evils of personal patronage have +appeared. The law of 1820, which limited the term of important revenue +offices to four years, and which was afterwards extended to other +offices, was intended, as John Quincy Adams tells us, to promote the +election to the presidency of Mr. Crawford, who was then Secretary of +the Treasury. The law was drawn by Mr. Crawford himself, and it was +introduced into the Senate by one of his devoted partisans. It placed +the whole body of executive financial officers at the mercy of the +Secretary of the Treasury and of a majority of the Senate, and its +design, as Mr. Adams says, "was to secure for Mr. Crawford the influence +of all the incumbents in office, at the peril of displacement, and of +five or ten times an equal number of ravenous office-seekers, eager +to supplant them." This is the very substance of the Spoils System, +intentionally introduced by a fixed limitation of term in place of the +constitutional tenure of efficient service; and it was so far successful +that it made the custom-house officers, district attorneys, marshals, +registers of the land-office, receivers of public money, and even +paymasters in the army, notoriously active partisans of Mr. Crawford. +Mr. Benton says that the four-years' law merely made the dismissal +of faithful officers easier, because the expiration of the term +was regarded as "the creation of a vacancy to be filled by new +appointments." A fixed limited term for the chief offices has not +destroyed or modified personal influence, but, on the contrary, it +has fostered universal servility and loss of self-respect, because +reappointment depends, not upon official fidelity and efficiency, but +upon personal influence and favor. To fix by law the terms of places +dependent upon such offices would be like an attempt to cure hydrophobia +by the bite of a mad dog. The incumbent would be always busy keeping his +influence in repair to secure reappointment, and the applicant would be +equally busy in seeking such influence to procure the place, and as the +fixed terms would be constantly expiring, the eager and angry intrigue +and contest of influence would be as endless as it is now. This +certainly would not be reform. + +But would not reform be secured by adding to a fixed limited term the +safeguard of removal for cause only? Removal for cause alone means, of +course, removal for legitimate cause, such as dishonesty, negligence, +or incapacity. But who shall decide that such cause exists? This must be +determined either by the responsible superior officer or by some other +authority. But if left to some other authority the right of counsel +and the forms of a court would be invoked; the whole legal machinery of +mandamuses, injunctions, _certioraris_, and the rules of evidence would +be put in play to keep an incompetent clerk at his desk or a sleepy +watchman on his beat. Cause for the removal of a letter-carrier in the +post-office or of an accountant in the custom-house would be presented +with all the pomp of impeachment and established like a high crime +and misdemeanor. Thus every clerk in every office would have a kind of +vested interest in his place because, however careless, slovenly, or +troublesome he might be, he could be displaced only by an elaborate +and doubtful legal process. Moreover, if the head of a bureau or +a collector, or a postmaster were obliged to prove negligence, or +insolence, or incompetency against a clerk as he would prove theft, +there would be no removals from the public service except for crimes +of which the penal law takes cognizance. Consequently, removal would be +always and justly regarded as a stigma upon character, and a man removed +from a position in a public office would be virtually branded as a +convicted criminal. Removal for cause, therefore, if the cause were +to be decided by any authority but that of the responsible superior +officer, instead of improving, would swiftly and enormously enhance +the cost, and ruin the efficiency, of the public service, by destroying +subordination, and making every lazy and worthless member of it twice as +careless and incompetent as he is now. + +If, then, the legitimate cause for removal ought to be determined in +public as in private business by the responsible appointing power, it is +of the highest public necessity that the exercise of that power should +be made as absolutely honest and independent as possible. But how can +it be made honest and independent if it is not protected so far as +practicable from the constant bribery of selfish interest and the +illicit solicitation of personal influence? The experience of our large +patronage offices proves conclusively that the cause of the larger +number of removals is not dishonesty or incompetency; it is the desire +to make vacancies to fill. This is the actual cause, whatever cause may +be assigned. The removals would not be made except for the pressure of +politicians. But those politicians would not press for removals if they +could not secure the appointment of their favorites. Make it impossible +for them to secure appointment, and the pressure would instantly +disappear and arbitrary removal cease. + +So long, therefore, as we permit minor appointments to be made by mere +personal influence and favor, a fixed limited term and removal during +that term for cause only would not remedy the evil, because the +incumbents would still be seeking influence to secure re-appointment, +and the aspirants doing the same to replace them. Removal under plea +of good cause would be as wanton and arbitrary as it is now, unless the +power to remove were intrusted to some other discretion than that of the +superior officer, and in that case the struggle for reappointment and +the knowledge that removal for the term was practically impossible would +totally demoralize the service. To make sure, then, that removals shall +be made for legitimate cause only, we must provide that appointment +shall be made only for legitimate cause. + +All roads lead to Rome. Personal influence in appointments can be +annulled only by free and open competition. By that bridge we can return +to the practice of Washington and to the intention of the Constitution. +That is the shoe of swiftness and the magic sword by which the President +can pierce and outrun the protean enemy of sophistry and tradition which +prevents him from asserting his power. If you say that success in +a competitive literary examination does not prove fitness to adjust +customs duties, or to distribute letters, or to appraise linen, or to +measure molasses, I answer that the reform does not propose that fitness +shall be proved by a competitive literary examination. It proposes to +annul personal influence and political favoritism by making appointment +depend upon proved capacity. To determine this it proposes first to test +the comparative general intelligence of all applicants and their special +knowledge of the particular official duties required, and then to prove +the practical faculty of the most intelligent applicants by actual trial +in the performance of the duties before they are appointed. If it be +still said that success in such a competition may not prove fitness, it +is enough to reply that success in obtaining the favor of some kind of +boss, which is the present system, presumptively proves unfitness. + +Nor is it any objection to the reformed system that many efficient +officers in the service could not have entered it had it been necessary +to pass an examination; it is no objection, because their efficiency is +a mere chance. They were not appointed because of efficiency, but either +because they were diligent politicians or because they were recommended +by diligent politicians. The chance of getting efficient men in any +business is certainly not diminished by inquiry and investigation. I +have heard an officer in the army say that he could select men from +the ranks for special duty much more satisfactorily than they could be +selected by an examination. Undoubtedly he could, because he knows +his men, and he selects solely by his knowledge of their comparative +fitness. If this were true of the Civil Service, if every appointing +officer chose the fittest person from those that he knew, there would +be no need of reform. It is because he cannot do this that the reform is +necessary. + +It is the same kind of objection which alleges that competition is a +droll plan by which to restore the conduct of the public business to +business principles and methods, since no private business selects +its agents by competition. But the managers of private business are +virtually free from personal influence in selecting their subordinates, +and they employ and promote and dismiss them solely for the interests +of the business. Their choice, however, is determined by an actual, +although not a formal, competition. Like the military officer, they +select those whom they know by experience to be the most competent. But +if great business-houses and corporations were exposed to persistent, +insolent, and overpowering interference and solicitation for place +such as obstructs great public departments and officers, they too would +resort to the form of competition, as they now have its substance, and +they would resort to it to secure the very freedom which they now enjoy +of selecting for fitness alone. + +Mr. President, in the old Arabian story, from the little box upon the +sea-shore, carelessly opened by the fisherman, arose the towering and +haughty demon, ever more monstrous and more threatening, who would not +crouch again. So from the small patronage of the earlier day, from a +Civil Service dealing with a national revenue of only $2,000,000, and +regulated upon sound business principles, has sprung the un-American, +un-Democratic, un-Republican system which destroys political +independence, honor, and morality, and corrodes the national character +itself. In the solemn anxiety of this hour the warning words of the +austere Calhoun, uttered nearly half a century ago, echo in startled +recollection like words of doom: "If you do not put this thing down it +will put you down." Happily it is the historic faith of the race from +which we are chiefly sprung, that eternal vigilance is the price of +liberty. It is that faith which has made our mother England the great +parent of free States. The same faith has made America the political +hope of the world. Fortunately removed by our position from the +entanglements of European politics, and more united and peaceful at home +than at any time within the memory of living men, the moment is most +auspicious for remedying that abuse in our political system whose +nature, proportions, and perils the whole country begins clearly to +discern. The will and the power to apply the remedy will be a test of +the sagacity and the energy of the people. The reform of which I have +spoken is essentially the people's reform. With the instinct of robbers +who run with the crowd and lustily cry "Stop thief!" those who would +make the public service the monopoly of a few favorites denounce the +determination to open that service to the whole people as a plan to +establish an aristocracy. The huge ogre of patronage, gnawing at the +character, the honor, and the life of the country, grimly sneers that +the people cannot help themselves and that nothing can be done. But much +greater things have been done. Slavery was the Giant Despair of many +good men of the last generation, but slavery was overthrown. If +the Spoils System, a monster only less threatening than slavery, be +unconquerable, it is because the country has lost its convictions, +its courage, and its common-sense. "I expect," said the Yankee as he +surveyed a stout antagonist, "I expect that you 're pretty ugly, but I +cal'late I 'm a darned sight uglier." I know that patronage is strong, +but I believe that the American people are very much stronger. + + + + +CARL SCHURZ, + +OF NEW YORK. (BORN 1829.) + +THE NECESSITY AND PROGRESS OF CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. + +An Address delivered at the Annual Meeting of the National Civil Service +Reform League at Chicago, Ill., December 12, 1894. + + +What Civil Service reform demands, is simply that the business part of +the Government shall be carried on in a sound, business-like manner. +This seems so obviously reasonable that among people of common-sense +there should be no two opinions about it. And the condition of things +to be reformed is so obviously unreasonable, so flagrantly absurd +and vicious, that we should not believe it could possibly exist among +sensible people, had we not become accustomed to its existence among +ourselves. In truth, we can hardly bring the whole exorbitance of that +viciousness and absurdity home to our own minds unless we contemplate it +as reflected in the mirror of a simile. + +Imagine, then, a bank, the stockholders of which, many in number, are +divided into two factions--let us call them the Jones party and the +Smith party--who quarrel about some question of business policy, as, for +instance, whether the bank is to issue currency or not. The Jones +party is in control, but the Smith men persuade over to their side a +sufficient number of Jones men to give them--the Smith men--a majority +at the next stockholders' meeting. Thus they succeed in getting the +upper hand. They oust the old board of directors, and elect a new board +consisting of Smith men. The new Smith board at once remove all the +officers, president, cashier, tellers, book-keepers, and clerks, down to +the messenger boys--the good and the bad alike--simply because they are +Jones men, and fill their places forth-with with new persons who are +selected, not on the ground that they have in any way proved their +fitness for the positions so filled, but simply because they are Smith +men; and those of the Smith men who have shown the greatest zeal and +skill in getting a majority of votes for the Smith party are held to +have the strongest claims for salaried places in the bank. The new men +struggle painfully with the duties novel to them until they acquire some +experience, but even then, it needs in many instances two men or more to +do the work of one. + +In the course of events dissatisfaction spreads among the stockholders +with the Smith management, partly shared by ambitious Smith men who +thought themselves entitled to reward in the shape of places and +salaries, but were "left out in the cold." Now the time for a new +stockholders' meeting arrives. After a hot fight the Jones party carries +the day. Its ticket of directors being elected, off go the heads of +the Smith president, the Smith cashier, the Smith tellers, the Smith +bookkeepers, and clerks, to be replaced by true-blue Jones men, who have +done the work of the campaign and are expected to do more of it when +the next election comes. And so the career of the bank goes on with its +periodical changes of party in power at longer or shorter intervals, and +its corresponding clean sweeps of the bank service, with mismanagement +and occasional fraud and peculation as inevitable incidents. + +You might watch the proceedings of such a banking concern with intense +curiosity and amusement. But I ask you, what prudent man among you would +deposit his money in it, or invest in its stock? And why would you not? +Because you would think that this is not sensible men's business, but +foolish boys' play; that such management would necessarily result in +reckless waste and dishonesty, and tend to land many of the bank's +officers in Canada, and not a few of its depositors or investors in the +poor-house. Such would be your judgment, and in pronouncing it you +would at the same time pronounce judgment upon the manner in which the +business part of our national Government, as well as of many if not most +of our State and municipal governments, has been conducted for several +generations. This is the spoils system. And I have by no means presented +an exaggerated or even a complete picture of it; nay, rather a mild +sketch, indicating only with faint touches the demoralizing influences +exercised by that system with such baneful effect upon the whole +political life of the nation. + +Looking at the financial side of the matter alone--it is certainly bad +enough; it is indeed almost incomprehensible how the spoils system could +be permitted through scores of years to vitiate our business methods +in the conduct of the national revenue service, the postal service, the +Indian service, the public-land service, involving us in indescribable +administrative blunders, bringing about Indian wars, causing immense +losses in the revenue, breeding extravagant and plundering practices +in all Departments, costing our people in the course of time untold +hundreds of millions of money, and making our Government one of the +most wasteful in the world. All this, I say, is bad enough. It might be +called discreditable enough to move any self-respecting people to shame. +But the spoils system has inflicted upon the American people injuries +far greater than these. + +The spoils system, that practice which turns public offices, high +and low, from public trusts into objects of prey and booty for the +victorious party, may without extravagance of language be called one of +the greatest criminals in our history, if not the greatest. In the whole +catalogue of our ills there is none more dangerous to the vitality of +our free institutions. + +It tends to divert our whole political life from its true aims. It +teaches men to seek something else in politics than the public good. + +It puts mercenary selfishness as the motive power for political action +in the place of public spirit, and organizes that selfishness into a +dominant political force. + +It attracts to active party politics the worst elements of our +population, and with them crowds out the best. It transforms political +parties from associations of patriotic citizens, formed to serve a +public cause, into bands of mercenaries using a cause to serve them. It +perverts party contests from contentions of opinion into scrambles for +plunder. By stimulating the mercenary spirit it promotes the corrupt use +of money in party contests and in elections. + +It takes the leadership of political organizations out of the hands of +men fit to be leaders of opinion and workers for high aims, and turns it +over to the organizers and leaders of bands of political marauders. It +creates the boss and the machine, putting the boss into the place of the +statesman, and the despotism of the machine in the place of an organized +public opinion. + +It converts the public office-holder, who should be the servant of the +people, into the servant of a party or of an influential politician, +extorting from him time and work which should belong to the public, and +money which he receives from the public for public service. It corrupts +his sense of duty by making him understand that his obligation to his +party or his political patron is equal if not superior to his obligation +to the public interest, and that his continuance in office does not +depend on his fidelity to duty. It debauches his honesty by seducing +him to use the opportunities of his office to indemnify himself for +the burdens forced upon him as a party slave. It undermines in all +directions the discipline of the public service. + +It falsifies our constitutional system. It leads to the usurpation, in +a large measure, of the executive power of appointment by members of the +legislative branch, substituting their irresponsible views of personal +or party interest for the judgment as to the public good and the sense +of responsibility of the Executive. It subjects those who exercise the +appointing power, from the President of the United States down, to the +intrusion of hordes of office-hunters and their patrons, who rob them of +the time and strength they should devote to the public interest. It has +already killed two of our Presidents, one, the first Harrison, by worry, +and the other, Garfield, by murder; and more recently it has killed a +mayor in Chicago and a judge in Tennessee. + +It degrades our Senators and Representatives in Congress to the +contemptible position of office-brokers, and even of mere agents of +office-brokers, making the business of dickering about spoils as weighty +to them as their duties as legislators. It introduces the patronage +as an agency of corrupt influence between the Executive and the +Legislature. It serves to obscure the criminal character of bribery +by treating bribery with offices as a legitimate practice. It thus +reconciles the popular mind to practices essentially corrupt, and +thereby debauches the popular sense of right and wrong in politics. + +It keeps in high political places, to the exclusion of better men, +persons whose only ability consists in holding a personal following +by adroit manipulation of the patronage. It has thus sadly lowered the +standard of statesmanship in public position, compared with the high +order of ability displayed in all other walks of life. + +It does more than anything else to turn our large municipalities into +sinks of corruption, to render Tammany Halls possible, and to make of +the police force here and there a protector of crime and a terror to +those whose safety it is to guard. It exposes us, by the scandalous +spectacle of its periodical spoils carnivals, to the ridicule and +contempt of civilized mankind, promoting among our own people the growth +of serious doubts as to the practicability of democratic institutions on +a great scale; and in an endless variety of ways it introduces into +our political life more elements of demoralization, debasement, and +decadence than any other agency of evil I know of, aye, perhaps more +than all other agencies of evil combined. + +These are some of the injuries the spoils system has been, and still +is, inflicting upon this Republic--some, I say; not all, for it is +impossible to follow its subtle virus into all the channels through +which it exercises its poisonous influence. But I have said enough to +illustrate its pernicious effects; and what I have said is only the +teaching of sober observation and long experience. + +And now, if such are the evils of the spoils system, what are, by way of +compensation, the virtues it possesses, and the benefits it confers? +Let its defenders speak. They do not pretend that it gives us a very +efficient public service; but they tell us that it is essentially +American; that it is necessary in order to keep alive among our people +an active interest in public affairs; that frequent rotation in office +serves to give the people an intelligent insight in the nature and +workings of their Government; that without it parties cannot be held +together, and party government is impossible; and that all the officers +and employees of the Government should be in political harmony with the +party in power. Let us pass the points of this defence in review one by +one. + +First, then, in what sense can the spoils system be called essentially +American? Certainly not as to its origin. At the beginning of our +national Government nothing like it was known here, or dreamed of. Had +anything like it been proposed, the fathers of the Republic would have +repelled it with alarm and indignation. It did, indeed, prevail in +England when the monarchy was much stronger than it is now, and when +the aristocracy could still be called a ruling class. But as the British +Government grew more democratic, the patronage system, as a relic of +feudalism, had to yield to the forces of liberalism and enlightenment +until it completely disappeared. When it invaded our national +Government, forty years after its constitutional beginning, we merely +took what England was casting off as an abuse inconsistent with popular +government, and unworthy of a free and civilized nation. If not in +origin, is the spoils system essentially American in any other sense? +Only in the sense in which murder is American, or small-pox, or highway +robbery, or Tammany Hall. + +As to the spoils system being necessary to the end of keeping alive +among our people an active interest in public affairs--where is the +American who does not blush to utter such an infamous calumny? Is there +no patriotism in America without plunder in sight? Was there no public +spirit before spoils systems and clean sweeps cursed us, none between +the battle of Lexington and Jackson's inauguration as President? Such +an argument deserves as an answer only a kick from every honest American +boot. + +I admit, however, that there are among us some persons whose interest +in public affairs does need the stimulus of office to remain alive. I +am far from denying that the ambition to serve one's country as a public +officer is in itself a perfectly legitimate and honorable ambition. It +certainly is. But when a man's interest in public affairs depends upon +his drawing an official salary, or having such a salary in prospect, the +ambition does not appear so honorable. There is too pungent a mercenary +flavor about it. No doubt, even among the mercenaries may be found +individuals that are capable, faithful, and useful; but taking them as +a class, the men whose active public spirit is conditional upon the +possession or prospect of official spoil are those whose interest in +public affairs the commonweal can most conveniently spare. Indeed, our +political life would be in a much healthier condition if they did not +take any part in politics at all. There would be plenty of patriotic +Americans to devote themselves to the public good without such a +condition. In fact, there would be more of that class in regular +political activity than there are now, for they would not be jostled out +by the pushing hordes of spoils-hunters, whose real interest in public +affairs is that of serving themselves. The spoils system is therefore +not only not a stimulus of true public spirit, but in spreading +the mercenary tendency among the people it has served to baffle and +discourage true public spirit by the offensive infusion in political +life of the mercenary element. + +The view that the spoils system with its frequent rotations in office is +needed to promote among the people a useful understanding of the nature +and workings of the Government, finds, amazing as it may seem, still +serious adherents among well-meaning citizens. It is based upon the +assumption that the public service which is instituted to do certain +business for the people, should at the same time serve as a school in +which ignorant persons are to learn something about the functions of +the Government. These two objects will hardly go together. If the public +service is to do its business with efficiency and economy, it must of +course be manned with persons fit for the work. If on the other hand it +is to be used as a school to instruct ignorant people in the functions +of the Government--that is, in the duties of a postmaster, or a revenue +collector, or an Indian agent, or a Department clerk--then we should +select for such places persons who know least about them, for they have +the most to learn; and inasmuch as such persons, before having acquired +the necessary knowledge, skill, and experience, will inevitably do +the public business in a bungling manner, and therefore at much +inconvenience and loss to the people, they should, in justice to +the taxpayers, instead of drawing salaries, pay something for the +instruction they receive. For as soon as they have learned enough really +to earn a salary, they will have to be turned out to make room for +others, who are as ignorant and in as great need of instruction as the +outgoing set had been before. Evidently this kindergarten theory of +the public service is hardly worth discussion. The school of the spoils +system, as it has been in operation since 1829, has educated thousands +of political loafers, but not one political sage. + +That the Government will not work satisfactorily unless all its officers +and employees are in political harmony with the ruling party, is also +one of those superstitions which some estimable people have not yet been +able to shake off. While they sternly resist the argument that there is +no Democratic and no Republican way of sorting letters, or of collecting +taxes, or of treating Indians, as theoretical moonshine, their belief +must, after all, have received a rude shock by the conduct of the last +three national Administrations, including the present one. + +When in 1885, after twenty-four years of Republican ascendency, the +Democrats came into power, President Cleveland determined that, as a +general rule, officers holding places covered by the four-years-term law +should, if they had conducted themselves irreproachably, be permitted to +serve out their four-years terms. How strictly this rule was adhered to +I will not now inquire. At any rate it was adhered to in a great many +cases. Many Republican office-holders, under that four-years rule, +remained in place one, or two, or three years under the Democratic +Administration. President Harrison, succeeding Mr. Cleveland, followed +a similar rule, although to a less extent. And now President Cleveland +again does the same. Not only did we have during his first term the +startling spectacle of the great post-office of New York City remaining +in the hands of a postmaster who was not a Democrat, but recently of +the Collectorship of the port of New York, once considered the most +important political office in the country, being left for a year or more +in possession of a Republican. + +It is clear, the Presidents who acted thus did not believe that the +public interest required all the officers of the Government to be in +harmony with the party in power. On the contrary, they thought that +the public interest was served by keeping efficient officers in their +places, for a considerable time at least, although they were not in such +harmony. And no doubt all sensible people admit that the common weal did +not suffer therefrom. The theory of the necessity of political accord +between the administrative officers of the Government and the party +in power has thus been thoroughly exploded by actual practice and +experience. Being obliged to admit this, candid men, it is to be hoped, +will go a step further in their reasoning. If those two Presidents +were right in thinking that the public welfare was served by keeping +meritorious officers not belonging to the ruling party in place until +they had served four years, is it not wrong to deprive the country of +the services of such men, made especially valuable by their accumulated +experience and the training of their skill, by turning them out after +the lapse of the four years? If it was for the public interest to keep +them so long, is it not against the public interest not to keep them +longer? + + * * * * * + +But all these evidences of progress I regard as of less importance than +the strength our cause has gained in public sentiment. Of this we had +a vivid illustration when a year ago, upon the motion of Mr. Richard +Watson Gilder, the Anti-Spoils League was set on foot for the purpose +of opening communication and facilitating correspondence and, in case +of need, concert of action with the friends of Civil Service reform +throughout the country, and when, in a short space of time, about 10,000 +citizens sent in their adhesion, representing nearly every State +and Territory of the Union, and in them, the most enlightened and +influential classes of society. + +More encouraging still is the circumstance that now for the first time +we welcome at our annual meeting not only the familiar faces of +old friends, but also representatives of other organizations--Good +Government clubs, working for the purification of politics; municipal +leagues, whose aim is the reform of municipal governments; and +commercial bodies, urging the reform of our consular service. We welcome +them with especial warmth, for their presence proves that at last +the true significance of Civil Service reform is being appreciated in +constantly widening circles. The Good Government Club understands that +if the moral tone of our politics, national or local, is to be lifted +up, the demoralizing element of party spoil must be done away with. The +Municipal League understands that if our large municipalities are to be +no longer cesspools of corruption, if our municipal governments are to +be made honest and business-like, if our police forces are to be kept +clear of thugs and thieves, the appointments to places in the municipal +service must be withdrawn from the influence of party bosses and +ward ruffians, and must be strictly governed by the merit system. The +merchants understand that if our consular service is to be an effective +help to American commerce, and a credit to the American name, it must +not be subject to periodical partisan lootings, and our consuls must not +be appointed by way of favor to some influential politician, but upon +a methodical ascertainment of their qualifications for the consular +business; then to be promoted according to merit, and also to be +salaried as befits respectable agents and representatives of a great +nation. With this understanding, every Good Government Club, every +Municipal League, every Chamber of Commerce or Board of Trade must be +an active Civil Service Reform Association. But more than this. Every +intelligent and unprejudiced citizen, when he candidly inquires into the +developments which have brought about the present state of things, will +understand that of the evils which have so alarmingly demoralized our +political life, and so sadly lowered this Republic in the respect of the +world, many, if not most, had their origin, and find their sustenance, +in that practice which treats the public offices as the plunder of +victorious parties; that as, with the increase of our population, the +growth of our wealth, and the multiplication of our public interests, +the functions of government expand and become more complicated, those +evils will grow and eventually destroy the very vitality of our free +institutions, unless their prolific source be stopped; that this force +can be effectually stopped not by mere occasional spasms of indignant +virtue, but only by a systematic, thorough, and permanent reform. Every +patriotic citizen understanding this must be a Civil Service reformer. + +You may ask how far this understanding has penetrated our population. +President Cleveland answers this question in his recent message. Listen +to what he says: "The advantages to the public service of an adherence +to the principles of Civil Service Reform are constantly more apparent, +and nothing is so encouraging to those in official life who honestly +desire good government, as the increasing appreciation by our people of +these advantages. A vast majority of the voters of the land are ready to +insist that the time and attention of those they select to perform for +them important public duties should not be distracted by doling out +minor offices, and they are growing to be unanimous in regarding party +organization as something that should be used in establishing party +principles instead of dictating the distribution of public places as +rewards for partisan activity." + +With gladness I welcome this cheering assurance, coming from so high an +authority. If such is the sense of "a vast majority of the voters of the +land, growing to be unanimous," it may justly be called the will of +the people. If it is the will of the people, what reason--nay, what +excuse--can there be for further hesitation? Let the will of the people +be done! Let it be done without needless delay, and let the people's +President lead in doing it! Then no more spoils and plunder! No more +removals not required by public interest! No more appointments for +partisan reasons! Continuance in office, regardless of any four-years +rule, of meritorious public servants! Superior merit the only title to +preferment! No longer can this be airily waved aside as a demand of a +mere sect of political philosophers, for now it is recognized as the +people's demand. No longer can Civil Service reform be cried down by +the so-called practical politicians as the nebulous dream of unpractical +visionaries, for it has been grasped by the popular understanding as a +practical necessity--not to enervate our political life, but to lift +it to a higher moral plane; not to destroy political parties, but to +restore them to their legitimate functions; not to make party government +impossible, but to guard it against debasement, and to inspire it with +higher ambitions; not pretending to be in itself the consummation of all +reforms, but being the Reform without which other reformatory efforts in +government cannot be permanently successful. + +Never, gentlemen, have we met under auspices more propitious. Let no +exertion be spared to make the voice of the people heard. For when it is +heard in its strength it will surely be obeyed. + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's American Eloquence, Volume IV. 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