diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 3 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 15254-8.txt | 14323 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 15254-8.zip | bin | 0 -> 271122 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 15254.txt | 14323 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 15254.zip | bin | 0 -> 270988 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 |
7 files changed, 28662 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/15254-8.txt b/15254-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0c17f6a --- /dev/null +++ b/15254-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14323 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Maxims And Opinions Of Field-Marshal His +Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century, by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Maxims And Opinions Of Field-Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century + +Author: Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington + +Release Date: March 4, 2005 [EBook #15254] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMS OF WELLINGTON *** + + + + +Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and the PG Online +Distributed Proofreading Team. Page images were generously made +available by BNF/Gallica (http://gallica.bnf.fr). + + + + + + +[Illustration: FIELD MARSHAL HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, K.G. +COMMANDER IN CHIEF &c. &c. &c.] + +MAXIMS AND OPINIONS OF FIELD-MARSHAL HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, +SELECTED FROM HIS WRITINGS AND SPEECHES DURING A PUBLIC LIFE OF MORE +THAN HALF A CENTURY. + +With a Biographical Memoir, + +BY + +GEORGE HENRY FRANCIS, ESQ. + +"Cujus gloriae neque profuit quisquam laudando, nec vituperando quisquam +nocuit." + + +LONDON: + +HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER. + +GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET + +1845. + +ADVERTISEMENT + + * * * * * + +So many works have already appeared of which the Duke of Wellington has +been the subject, that an explanation is due to the public on the +occasion of adding one more to the number. + +That explanation consists in the fact, that those works have been almost +exclusively occupied with the military exploits of the Duke, which +rendered him so illustrious during the first twenty years of his public +life; while his political career, which may be said to have constituted +a second life, distinct and different from the other, has been +comparatively neglected. + +To meet the want thus left unsatisfied, the Editor of the following +pages has endeavoured to supply materials, by which a just estimate may +be formed of the Duke of Wellington's claims as a minister and as a +statesman. + +The volume will be found to contain the Duke's deliberate opinions as a +member of the House of Peers, and, during many years, as a minister, +upon the great questions which have agitated the public mind since the +commencement of the present century. + +If there are those who hold the Duke of Wellington in light estimation +as a politician, they will not continue to entertain that opinion, the +Editor believes, after having dispassionately read the extracts of which +this work is composed. + +Interspersed with the Duke's more elaborate OPINIONS, will be found his +MAXIMS on public policy, which, though few and unpretending, may be said +to have sunk into the national mind. + +The Editor has added a few remarkable sentences and passages from the +dispatches of the Duke; with a cursory memoir of his life, which becomes +more elaborate from the commencement of his political career; and has +also attempted to portray some of his characteristics, as a soldier and +as a civilian. + +LONDON, _February_, 1845. + +MEMOIR + +OF + +HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. + + +Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington, is the fourth son of Garret, +second Earl of Mornington, by Anne, the eldest daughter of Arthur Hill, +Viscount Dungannon. He was borne at Dangan Castle, in the county of +Meath, Ireland, on the 1st of May, 1769. + +As in the case of many of the chief nobility and landholders in Ireland, +the ancestors of the Duke were scions of an English house--the Colleys +(afterwards Cowley), two of whom, named Walter and Robert Colley, +proceeded to Ireland in the reign of Henry VIII., and located themselves +in the County of Kilkenny. The two brothers were lawyers by profession, +and in the year 1531, were invested with the office of Clerk of the +Crown in Chancery, which they were to hold jointly during their lives. +Six years afterwards, we find the elder brother Master of the Rolls in +Ireland, and the other Solicitor-General. In 1549, Walter was made +Surveyor-General of Ireland. It was from this Walter that the immediate +ancestors of the Duke of Wellington were, by the mother's side, +descended. + +His eldest son, Henry, acquired some distinction as a soldier in the +reign of Elizabeth. He was also a member of the Irish Parliament for the +borough of Thomastown. He was, moreover, a Privy Councillor, and was +knighted. + +Sir Henry Sydney, who was, perhaps, the wisest and most able of all the +Lords Deputy whom Elizabeth sent over to Ireland, appears to have +entertained a very high opinion of Sir Henry Colley's abilities; for, in +recommending him to his successor in the Government, he describes him as +"valiant, fortunate, and a good servant;" and speaks of him as his +"sound and fast friend." But he more especially praises the "order," in +which he kept his county. + +Thus early did a member of this family earn praise for good service to +the State; and if we compare the measure of that praise with what we +know of the temper of the times, we might almost suppose that some +portion of the spirit of the "sound and fast friend," the "valiant, +fortunate, and good servant," had been inherited by his illustrious +descendant. + +The immediate descendants of Sir Henry Colley were more or less +distinguished. His great-great grand-daughter, Elizabeth, married into +the family of the Westleys (afterwards Wellesleys) of Dangan, in the +county of Meath. This family also was of English extraction, having +originally come from Sussex. Richard Colley, the nephew of the Elizabeth +abovementioned, was adopted by Garret Wellesley, whose name and estates +he took in the year 1728, by patent from the Herald's office. He was +auditor and registrar of the Royal Hospital of Kilmainham, and a +Chamberlain of the Court of Exchequer. He sat in parliament several +years for Carysford, and was, in 1747 raised to the peerage by George +II., being created Baron Mornington. His son, Garret, was, in 1760, +created Viscount Wellesley and Earl of Mornington. He married, on the +6th February, 1759, Anne, eldest daughter of the Right Honourable Arthur +Hill, Viscount Dungannon, by whom he had issue, Richard the late Marquis +Wellesley, Arthur Gerald, who died in infancy, William Wellesley Pole, +Baron Maryborough, Arthur Duke of Wellington, Gerald Valerian, D.D., Sir +Henry, G.C.B., Francis Seymour, Anne, and Mary Elizabeth. + +The Earl of Mornington, who was chiefly remarkable for his strong +passion for music, in which science he acquired no slight celebrity as a +composer, died in 1781, leaving his property very much encumbered. Its +management was entrusted to Lady Mornington, who appears, by universal +assent, to have been one of those remarkable women to whose care the +world is indebted, so much more than it conceives or will admit, for its +great men. Although it may have been upon severer models, and by the +lessons of more pretending teachers, that the Marquis Wellesley was +formed into the vigorous ruler, and the wise, far-seeing statesman; or +if his scarcely more illustrious brother must, from other sources, have +imbibed that stern unswerving spirit which, in his after career, +insured truth to his views and certainty to his enterprises, yet one can +scarcely allow a doubt that it is to the direction given by their +admirable mother to the minds of these two great men, while still in the +pliant season of youth, that we owe that high appreciation of truth and +honour, and that sense of the identity of virtue and duty, which, while +their wisdom and prowess were spreading our military fame, and extending +the sphere of our civilising influence, enabled them also, by the +exaltation of our national character, to secure for their country the +respect of all the world. + +One of the first fruits of early lessons or of later reflection upon the +mind of the young Earl of Mornington was, that he took upon himself the +payment of his father's debts, an act entirely voluntary on his part. + +Of Lord Mornington, afterwards the celebrated Marquis Wellesley, it is +unnecessary to say more in this place than that he was in the year 1797 +appointed to the Governor-Generalship of India, in which high office he +was enabled to develop, without the suspicion of undue preference, the +peculiar talents of his younger brother--talents which his +discriminating mind would probably have discovered even without the +assistance of such close proximity. + +To return to the immediate subject of these Memoirs:--His education +commenced at Eton, from whence he went to the military academy at +Angers, in the department of the Maine and Loire, there being at that +period no institution of the kind in this country. + +On his return from the Continent, young Wellesley received (on the 7th +of March, 1787), an ensigncy in the 41st regiment, he being then in his +eighteenth year. He became lieutenant on the 25th of December in the +same year; captain, on the 30th of June, 1791; major, on the 30th of +April, 1798; and lieut.-colonel on the 30th of September following. +These promotions were chiefly by purchase, and the lieut.-colonelcy (of +the 33rd) was bought for him by his brother. He was returned to the +Irish parliament at the general election of 1790, for Trim, a borough +belonging to his brother. + +Brilliant as was the reputation which, within a very few years, he +acquired as a soldier and a politician in the East, it will not excite +surprise to hear that his parliamentary displays did not in his early +life excite much attention. A friend of the writer of this memoir, a +gentleman who was in the habit of being present, almost daily, in the +Irish House of Commons, and who took critical notice of the remarkable +men of his time, states that the Duke never made any striking impression +as a speaker; indeed; there was nothing whatever to distinguish him from +the herd of young parliamentary nominees, except a certain simple, +straightforward, firm, though unassuming statement of his opinions; and +even this took place but seldom. The recollection of this gentleman +confirms the account of Sir Jonah Barrington, that--"His address was +unpolished; he spoke occasionally, and never with success; and evinced +no promise of that unparalleled celebrity which he reached afterwards." + +The following anecdote is not inconsistent with that reputation for +inflexible honour which, in successive eras of his life, procured for +the Duke of Wellington the confidence of the Indian government, of the +British army, and ultimately of the whole English nation. It is taken +from the excellent detailed account of the Duke's military career, +recently published by Mr. Maxwell:-- + +"The appointment of Captain Wellesley to the staff of the Earl of +Westmorland, had placed him in the household of the viceroy, and as +aid-de-camp required his constant attendance at the castle. The Irish +court at that period was celebrated alike for its hospitality, its +magnificence, and its dissipation. The princely display of the lords +lieutenant of those days entailed a heavy expenditure upon the numerous +attachés of the court, and too frequently plunged young men of high +family and limited fortunes into very distressing embarrassments. +Captain Wellesley's patrimony was small, his staff appointment more +fashionable than lucrative, and it is not surprising that soon after he +had come of age he found himself involved in pecuniary difficulties. At +the time he lodged in the house of an opulent bootmaker, who resided on +Lower Ormand Quay. The worthy tradesman discovered, accidently, that his +young inmate was suffering annoyance from his inability to discharge a +pressing demand. He waited on Lieutenant Wellesley, told him that he was +apprised of his embarrassments, mentioned that he had money unemployed, +and offered a loan, which was accepted. The obligation was soon +afterwards duly repaid; and the young aid-de-camp was enabled in a few +years to present his humble friend to an honourable and lucrative +situation. Nor did death cancel the obligation; the Duke's patronage, +after his parent's death, was extended to the son of his early friend, +for whom he obtained a valuable appointment." + +To enter into any detailed account of the military career of the Duke of +Wellington, would be wholly beyond the scope of a work devoted more +especially to his Grace's character and services as a civilian; but were +it not so, it would be unnecessary, after the many able biographies +which have appeared since the publication of the dispatches by +Lieut.-Colonel Gurwood. The following is, therefore only a short summary +of the Duke's proceedings from 1794, when he first entered on active +service, to 1815, when his functions as a military commander in the +field finally ceased. + +It was in June, 1794, that Lieut.-Colonel Wellesley embarked at Cork, in +command of the 33rd regiment, to join the Duke of York's army in the +Netherlands. In the subsequent retreat from Holland he commanded, as +senior officer, three battalions, and conducted himself in a manner that +already drew on him the attention of military men. + +In October, 1795, he again embarked, in the command of the 33rd, for the +West Indies, on board the fleet commanded by Admiral Christian. This +fleet was, however, repeatedly driven back by the strong equinoctial +gales, and in the January following it returned to port. Before it could +again sail, the 33rd regiment was ordered to India, and Colonel +Wellesley arrived at Bengal in February, 1797. When we consider the +fate of a large portion of his fellow soldiers who went to the West +Indies, and at the same time look forward to the peculiar facilities +which the service in India afforded for developing the great qualities +of mind which lay hid under the rigid exterior of the young soldier, it +may truly be said, that the moment at which the destination of the 33rd +regiment was countermanded, was the point at which the fate of the Duke +of Wellington turned. Nay more, if it be admitted that you rarely find +in one man a combination of those peculiar qualities, which enabled the +Duke to withstand, and ultimately to destroy, the military and political +system established by the contrary tendencies which ruled the mind of +Napoleon; if, too, it be conceded that the British government, even +while the Duke was winning battles in Spain, were accustomed to resort +to his counsel with regard to their more extended operations against the +common enemy; if, in fact, it is owing to the sagacity, steadfastness, +and perseverance of the Duke of Wellington, that we owe the peace of +Europe; then must it be admitted, that upon the accident of tempests +which obstructed Admiral Christian's fleet, and upon the accident of +military disposition, which altered the destination of the regiment, +depended not merely the fortunes of the Duke of Wellington, but also the +fate of nations, and the peace of the world. + +By this time, the Earl of Mornington had been appointed Governor-general +of India, and the inveterate hatred of Tippoo Sultaun against the +English name was arming the natives to resistance. The first +achievement of Colonel Wellesley, that drew attention to his name, was +the storming of Seringapatam, in which he commanded the reserve in the +trenches. On the capture of Seringapatam Colonel Wellesley was appointed +governor, and at the same time named as one of the commission appointed +to dispose of the territory conquered. But an office more honourable to +his character, was his selection to superintend the removal of the +family of Tippoo Sultaun. Lord Mornington in his instructions +says:--"The details of this painful but indispensable measure cannot be +entrusted to any person more likely to combine every office of humanity +with the prudential precautions required by the occasion than Colonel +Wellesley; and I therefore commit to his discretion, activity, and +humanity, the whole arrangement." + +In July, 1799, Colonel Wellesley was appointed to the sole command of +Seringapatam and Mysore; and here his capacity for civil government, as +well as in military affairs, was fully developed. He had by this time +begun to feel his own strength, and to make it felt by others. The +reader of his dispatches will perceive that, from the moment when he was +placed in a position of independent command, his mind appears to have +taken a higher stand: he recognised higher responsibilities: and one may +almost detect, in the confirmed self-reliance of his judgment even in +this comparatively limited sphere, a prescience of future greatness. + +The year 1803 was signalised by Major-General Wellesley's conquests in +the Mahratta territory, and the battle of Assaye. Passing over the +details of these campaigns, in which the rising commander displayed +military genius of the highest order, we come to the more pleasing task +of enumerating the honours he received. A monument was erected in +Calcutta to commemorate the last-named battle: the inhabitants of that +city presented him with a sword of the value of £1000: the officers of +his division presented him with a golden vase, afterwards changed for a +service of plate, on which the word "Assaye" was engraved: the British +parliament voted him public thanks, he was made a Knight Companion of +the Bath: and addresses of the warmest praise were voted to him by the +inhabitants of Seringapatam, and other places, which had benefitted by +his skill and prowess in the field, and his wisdom on the seat of +government. + +In February, 1805, having resolved on returning to England, he resigned +the political and military powers that had been entrusted to him in the +Deccan. On the 5th of March, a grand entertainment was given him at the +Pantheon at Madras, by the officers of the Presidency, civil and +military. On the 10th of September following, he arrived in the Downs; +and, in the following month, he was appointed to the Staff, for the Kent +District. + +In the November following, Sir Arthur Wellesley, as he had now become, +commanded the brigade in the expedition to Hanover under Lord Cathcart, +which was withdrawn immediately after the battle of Austerlitz. In +January, 1800, on the death of the Marquis Cornwallis, he was appointed +colonel of the 33rd regiment; and on the 12th of April, in the same +year, he was returned to the House of Commons as member for Newport, +Isle of Wight. + +In this year, Sir Arthur Wellesley married the Honourable Catherine +Pakenham, third daughter of the second Earl of Longford. + +On the 8th of April, 1807, he was made a privy councillor; and on the +19th of the same month, appointed chief secretary for Ireland, under the +lord lieutenancy of the Duke of Richmond. On the 22nd, he was presented +by the corporation of the city of Dublin with the freedom of that city. +The address in which it was conveyed was most complimentary, and shows +the high estimation in which he was already held on account of his +brilliant military and civil services in India. In June of the same +year, he accompanied Lord Cathcart in the expedition against Copenhagen; +and in the only important action which took place at the affair at +Kioge--he commanded, and obtained distinction. The result of the action +was a capitulation, which Sir Arthur Wellesley was appointed to arrange. +On his return home, he received the thanks of parliament for his +services. Alluding to Sir Arthur Wellesley, the speaker said:--"But I +should indeed be wanting in the full expression of those sentiments +which animate this house and the whole country, if I forebore to notice, +that we are on this day crowning with our thanks one gallant officer, +long since known to the gratitude of this house, who has long trodden +the paths of glory,--whose genius and valour have already extended our +fame and empire,--whose sword has been the terror of our distant +enemies, and will not now be drawn in vain to defend the seat of empire +itself, and the throne of his sovereign." + +A new and wider field of operations was now preparing for the rising +hero. Napoleon, the unquestioned despot of the rest of continental +Europe, had also grasped at the Peninsula. Both Spain and Portugal were +in his possession, as far as military occupation and nominal sovereignty +could ensure them to him. The hostile efforts of England were suspended +as far as regarded Europe; but an expedition had been fitted out at Cork +against part of Spanish America, and Sir Arthur Wellesley was appointed +to the command. Again a marvellous interposition of accidents prevented +this his second projected service in America. Before the troops could +set sail, the insurrection at Madrid on the 2nd of May, 1808, against +the French under Murat, drew the attention of England to the Peninsula, +where some hope of successful resistance to Napoleon began to dawn. Once +more the destination of the future conqueror was averted from the West, +and he was ordered in command to the South. + +Sir Arthur Wellesley landed at the mouth of the river Mondego in +Portugal on the 3rd of August. Here he received intimation that +re-inforcements under Sir John Moore were about to be sent. Moore was +his superior officer, and there was also Sir Hew Dalrymple and Sir Harry +Burrard on their way, the former of whom would take the chief, and the +latter, the second command of the army. There was but little time for +Sir Arthur to strike the decisive blow, and although he was not the man +to force a battle for the sake of fame, he could not but feel anxious +for distinction in this new sphere before all opportunity should be cut +off, by the arrival of his superiors in command. Fortune in this was on +his side; and he had not been many days in Portugal before he was +enabled to defeat the French at the pass of Roliça, and, on the 21st of +August, to gain the battle of Vimeiro. + +While this battle was at its height, Sir Harry Burrard arrived, but +would not interfere with Sir Arthur's dispositions. The French were soon +after beaten on the left, and Sir Arthur then urged on Sir Harry the +advance of our right wing upon Torres Vedras, while our left would +pursue the enemy: his object being to cut off Junot's retreat on Lisbon. +No man now doubts that this was counsel wise as well as bold; but Sir +Harry Burrard declined to take it, and the golden opportunity was lost. +Sir Arthur, who carried military obedience almost to the extent of a +chivalrous sentiment, submitted to the orders, though he did not +acquiesce in the judgment of his superior officer; but he could not help +saying to one of his officers who stood by, "well, then, we have nothing +to do but to go and shoot red-legged partridges!" the common game of +that part of Portugal. + +Sir Arthur Wellesley's subsequent conduct to Sir Harry Burrard was +highly honourable. He declared voluntarily before the Court of Inquiry +that, though he still differed in opinion with Sir Harry as to the not +advancing after the battle of Vimeiro, his opinion was, that Sir H. +Burrard "had decided upon fair military grounds, in the manner which +appeared to him to be the most conducive to the interests of the +country;" and his belief, "that Sir Harry had no motive for his decision +which could be supposed personal to him, or which as an officer he could +not avow." + +The untoward convention of Cintra, which followed the victory of +Vimeiro, was received in England with one universal cry of indignation. +Sir Arthur Wellesley was no farther implicated in it than that he signed +it as one of the generals, although disapproving of it from the first. +Pending the inquiry, instituted in England on the convention, he +returned thither, and his evidence was satisfactory alike to the court +and to the public. + +On the 27th January, 1809, Sir Arthur received the thanks of parliament +for the battle of Vimeiro. The speaker, in delivering the thanks of the +House of Commons, said:-- + + "Amidst the contending opinions which have prevailed + upon other questions, the public voice has been + loud and general in admiration of your splendid + achievements. It is your praise to have inspired + your troops with unshaken confidence and unbounded + ardour--to have commanded, not the obedience alone, + but the hearts and affections of your companions in + arms; and having planned your operations with the skill + and promptitude which have so eminently characterised all + your former exertions, you have again led the armies of + your country to battle, with the same deliberate valour, + and triumphant success which have long since rendered your + name illustrious in the remotest parts of this empire. + Military glory has ever been dear to this nation; and great + military exploits, in the field or upon the ocean, have + their sure reward in royal favour, and the gratitude of parliament." + +Sir Arthur, in his reply, observed:-- + + "No man can value more highly than I do the + honourable distinction which has been conferred upon + me--a distinction which it is in the power of the + representatives of a free people alone to bestow, and + which it is the peculiar advantage of the officers and + soldiers in the service of his majesty to have held out + to them as the object of their ambition, and to receive + as the reward of their services." + +The opening allusion of the speaker to "contending opinions on other +matters," was intended to mark the sense of the house that Sir Arthur +Wellesley, at least, was free from blame as regarded recent transactions +in the Peninsula. That the government thought so also, and had at last +learned to appreciate the value of an officer whom they had so recently +trammelled, was evidenced by the appointment of Sir Arthur, on the 2nd +of April, to the command of the army in Portugal. + +Towards the close of the previous year, complaint had been made, in the +House of Commons, of Sir Arthur holding the office of secretary for +Ireland while in the Peninsula. On the 14th of April, he resigned that +office, and on the 22nd, he arrived at Lisbon and assumed the command of +an army, disproportioned, indeed, to the service expected of it, and +still more to that which they afterwards achieved, but strong in its +confidence in a general who had never made a false step, or suffered a +defeat. + +On the 12th of May, he carried Oporto by a _coup de main_. So complete +was the surprise, that Sir Arthur and his staff sat down to the dinner +which had been prepared for the French commander. + +On the 28th July following, the battle of Talavera was fought, after +which (on the 26th August), Sir Arthur was raised to the peerage by the +titles of Baron Douro of Wellesley and Viscount Wellington of Talavera. +In the February following, he received the thanks of parliament for +Talavera, and a pension of £2000 per annum was voted to him and his two +next heirs male. + +So inferior was the numerical force of his army to that of the enemy +that Lord Wellington found his operations must for some time be confined +to the defence of Portugal; and he, therefore, gave orders for the +fortification of the lines of Torres Vedras, by which the capital of the +country was covered. They extended from the sea to the Tagus, at a +point where the width of that river is such as to afford an adequate +protection. + +It was characteristic of the mind of the man of whom we are writing, +that these works were planned and executed with a secrecy that baffled +the penetration of the enemy, and equally the suicidal curiosity of the +English newspapers. + +Massena was now the general of the French army. Wellington, before +retiring within the lines, fought the action of Busaco (ten months after +the battle of Talavera), in which the French lost 5000 men, killed or +wounded, and as many more disabled. After this victory, the English +withdrew within the lines, to cover Lisbon. Massena took up a position +at Santaren, from whence he gradually retreated towards the frontiers, +several affairs occurring between his troops and the English, by whom he +was closely followed. At length, he crossed the frontier, and +Wellington's object was, thus far, attained. On the 26th of the same +month, he received the thanks of both houses of parliament for the +liberation of Portugal. + +In the meanwhile, the army of Massena had been re-organized and +reinforced, and on the 3rd of May he again attacked the allied British +and Portuguese forces, for the purpose of relieving the fortress of +Almeida, which was under blockade. The action was fought at Fuentes +D'Onoro, and resulted in the defeat of the French. Massena was then +superseded, and Marmont appointed in his place. + +The next object of the British commander was to take Badajoz and Ciudad +Rodrigo. The latter was stormed on the 19th January, and the former on +the 9th of April. For both, the thanks of parliament were voted; and +Lord Wellington, after having been created Conde de Vimeiro in Portugal, +and Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo in Spain, was raised to an earldom (of +Wellington) at home, with another vote of 2000 l. per annum to maintain +the title. + +On the 22nd of July, Marmont's army, which had been strongly reinforced, +attacked the allies near Salamanca. The two armies had been watching +each other for a considerable time, waiting for the favourable moment to +attack. At length Marmont began, and having superior numbers, extended +his left for the purpose of turning the British right. Wellington, when +informed of this by one of his staff, was seated on the ground eating +some cold beef; suddenly starting up, he exclaimed, "Marmont's good +genius has forsaken him." He immediately attacked the French where they +had weakened their line, and overthrew them from left to right. The loss +of the enemy was severe, and Marmont himself lost an arm in the battle. + +On the 12th of August following, Lord Wellington entered Madrid, and was +appointed generalissimo of the Spanish armies--a troublesome honour +which there was some difficulty in inducing him to accept. He was +created a marquis at home, thanks were voted to him for the battle of +Salamanca, and he received a grant of 100,000 l. to purchase land. He +was also in December of the same year made Duque da Vittoria in +Portugal. + +In the meantime, the enormous force which had been brought together by +the French, the refusal of the Spanish generals to co-operate, the +failure of an attempt to capture the fortress of Burgos, and other +causes, compelled the allies to retreat to Ciudad Rodrigo, with the +determination of returning to Spain at a more fitting time. This retreat +was conducted in the most admirable manner, and closed the campaign of +1812. + +The foregoing is necessarily a most meagre outline of events, on which +volumes have been written. Those who may be anxious to read the Duke of +Wellington's own account of the military operations, will find in the +public despatches his annual summaries: for 1809, in despatch No. 343; +for 1810, No. 504; and for 1811, No. 615. For 1812 there is no such +summary. + +It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the difficulties with +which the Duke of Wellington had to contend during these the three first +years of his service in Spain, were confined to the making of military +dispositions and the winning of battles. Other causes there were, +operating as a drawback at every forward step, and obstacles sufficient +to have wearied a less stout heart or a less determined spirit. To +oppose to a skillful and veteran enemy he had but an inadequate force, +most scantily supplied with provisions, and even with money. The French +generals, restrained by no principle of honour or even of policy, were +accustomed to plunder mercilessly for the subsistence of their troops: +the English commander would take nothing from the people but what was +paid for on the spot in money or in bills on the English government. +Yet, such was the apathy (or worse) of the Portuguese authorities, that +even on these terms provisions were not forthcoming; and important +operations were constantly delayed or frustrated by the want of the +necessary subsistence for the troops. + +The reader of the Duke's despatches will glean much of his character +from the letters written from time to time to these persons; and, +scattered through the extracts which form a part of this volume, will be +found characters of both Spaniards and Portuguese, (that is to say in +the civil service) that are not very flattering to the national vanity. +Well may he say, in a letter to Mr. Villiers on the 25th of May 1811, +"No man can appreciate better than yourself the difficulties with which +I have had to contend; but I believe you are not aware of all of them. I +persevered in the system which I thought best, notwithstanding that it +was the opinion of every British officer in the country that I ought to +embark the army; while, on the other hand, the Portuguese civil +authorities contended that the war ought to be maintained on the +frontier, for which they wanted not only physical force, but the means +of providing for the force which they could produce in the field. I +believe that nothing but _something worse than firmness could have +carried me through_ the nine months' discussion with these contending +opinions. To this add that people in England were changing their +opinions almost with the wind, and you will see that I had not much to +look to, excepting myself." + +Nothing could be more ignoble than the conduct of the people of Lisbon +as to the billeting of the very soldiers who had saved them from the +enemy. On one occasion the Duke writes to order his wine, &c. to be +removed from the house of a Signor Bandeira, and to have a house taken +for him, "in order," he says, "to mortify the people of Lisbon a little +as to their conduct about billets. I am slaving like a negro for them: I +have saved the people, in Lisbon particularly, from the enemy, and I +take nothing from them, while they continually torment me with their +frivolous complaints on subjects on which they ought to have no feeling. +* * I shall not be sorry if the government and principal people of +Lisbon know the reason why I take this house; viz., that I will not lay +myself under obligation to any of them." Strong language this, from a +man of the Duke's impassible temperament. But unfortunately there was +too much reason for this, and indeed, for much more animadversion on +more serious subjects, as regards many of the chief men of the +Peninsula. + +Nor were these the only annoyances he had to submit to. In the early +part of his service in the Peninsula, before he had by his brilliant +deeds utterly silenced for the present and the future the cavillings of +the envious, he was subjected to repeated attacks in Parliament, to +predictions of failure--to everything in short that was calculated to +dispirit him and his army. The government, too, seemed hardly to have +"backed him up" as they might have done, either with respect to the +force at his command, or their approval of his plans. + +Nor were these attacks confined to parliament. On the 2nd January, 1810, +writing to Mr. Villiers, he says: "You see the dash the Common Council +have made at me![1] I act with a sword hanging over me, which will fall +upon me, whatever may be the result of affairs here; but they may do +what they please,--I shall not give up the game here as long as it can +be played." Again, two months after, he refers to what has passed in +parliament about him, and observes, "that it does not give him one +moment's concern." + +[Footnote 1: They had voted an address for an inquiry into his conduct.] + +Throughout the dispatches and letters will be found very interesting +passages referring to all these difficulties in his path. + +In May, 1819, the British again advanced into Spain, and on the 21st of +June completely defeated the French at Vittoria, for which the thanks of +parliament were voted on the 8th of July. What was felt in another +quarter will be seen by the following letter written by the Prince +Regent. + +_To Field Marshal the Marquis of Wellington, K.G._ + +Carlton House, 3rd July, 1818 + +My dear Lord.--Your glorious conduct is beyond all human praise, and far +above my reward. I know no language the world affords worthy to express +it. + +I feel I have nothing left to say, but most devoutly to offer up my +prayer of gratitude to Providence, that it has, in its Omnipotent +bounty, blessed my country and myself with such a general. You have sent +me, amongst the trophies of your unrivalled fame, the staff of a French +marshal, and I send you in return that of England. + +The British army will hail it with rapturous enthusiasm, while the whole +universe will acknowledge those valorous exploits which have so +imperiously rallied for it. + +That uninterrupted health and still increasing laurels may continue to +crown you through a glorious and long career of life, are the never +ceasing and most ardent wishes of, my dear lord, your very sincere and +faithful friend. + +G.P.R. + +On the 22nd, the Regency of Spain gave the Marquis of Wellington the +estate of the Soto de Roma, in Granada, "in the name of the Spanish +nation, in testimony of its sincere gratitude." + +On the 28th of July, the French, under Marshal Soult, having re-entered +Spain, the battle of Sovauren was fought; and on the 8th of September, +St. Sebastian fell. On the 7th of October, the passage of the Bidassoa +was effected; and on the 10th of November, the whole of the army +descended into France. Other battles ensued; and on the 10th of April, +1814, was fought the final battle of Toulouse, which ended the war. + +On the 3rd of May, the illustrious commander was advanced in the +peerage by the titles of Marquis of Douro and Duke of Wellington; and, +soon after, a grant of £400,000 was voted him by parliament. He arrived +in England on the 23rd of June, and on the next day proceeded to +Portsmouth to the Prince Regent, who was there with the allied monarchs. + +A few days afterwards, a scene took place in the House of Lords--when +for the first time the Duke took his seat there--enough to make a +nation's heart beat with gratitude, pride, and exultation. It is thus +described: + +"On the 28th of June, shortly after 3 o'clock, the Lord Chancellor +having taken his seat, the Duke of Wellington was introduced, supported +by the Dukes of Richmond and Beaufort, in military uniform, and in their +ducal robes. Being arrived in the body of the House, the Duke made the +usual obeisance to the Lord Chancellor, and shewed his patent and right +of summons: these noblemen then approached the table, where his Grace's +various patents, as baron and viscount, earl, marquis, and lastly as +duke, were each read by the clerks. The oaths were then administered, +and the Test Rolls were signed by him. He then, accompanied by his noble +supporters, took his seat on the dukes' bench, and saluted the house in +the usual manner, by rising, taking off his hat, and bowing +respectfully. The Lord Chancellor then rose, and, pursuant to their +lordships' orders, addressed his Grace:-- + +"My Lord Duke of Wellington,--I have received the commands of this +house, which I am persuaded has witnessed with infinite satisfaction +your Grace's personal introduction to this august assembly, to return +your grace the thanks and acknowledgments of this house, for your great +and eminent services to your king and country." + +"In the execution of these commands, I cannot forbear to call the +especial attention of all who hear me to a fact in your Grace's life, +singular, I believe, in the history of the country, and infinitely +honourable to your Grace, that you have manifested, upon your first +entrance into this house, your right, under various grants, to all the +dignities in the peerage of this realm which the crown can confer. These +dignities have been conferred at various periods, but in the short +compass of little more than four years, for great public services, +occurring in rapid succession, claiming the favour of the crown, +influenced by its sense of justice to your grace and the country; and on +no one occasion in which the crown has thus rewarded your merits have +the Houses of Parliament been inattentive to your demands upon the +gratitude of the country. Upon all such occasions, they have offered to +your Grace their acknowledgments and thanks, the highest honours they +could bestow." + +"I decline all attempts to state your Grace's eminent merits in your +military character; to represent those brilliant actions, those +illustrious achievements, which have attached immortality to the name of +Wellington, and which have given to this country a degree of glory +unexampled in the annals of this kingdom. In thus acting, I believe I +best consult the feelings which evince your Grace's title to the +character of a truly great and illustrious man." + +"My duty to this house cannot but make me most anxious not to fall +short of the expectation which the house may have formed as to the +execution of what may have been committed to me on this great occasion; +but the most anxious consideration which I have given to the nature of +that duty has convinced me that I cannot more effectually do justice to +the judgment of the house, than by referring your Grace to the terms and +language in which the house has so repeatedly expressed its own sense of +the distinguished and consummate wisdom and judgment, the skill and +ability, the prompt energy, the indefatigable exertion, perseverance, +the fortitude and the valour, by which the victories of Vimeiro, +Talavera, Salamanca and Vittoria were achieved; by which the sieges of +Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz were gloriously terminated; by which the +deliverance of Portugal was effectuated; by which the ever memorable +establishment of the allied armies on the frontiers of France was +accomplished; armies pushing forward, in the glory of victory at Orthes, +to the occupation of Bordeaux. These achievements, in their immediate +consequence infinitely beneficial to the common cause, have, in their +final results, secured the peace, prosperity, and glory of this country; +whilst your Grace's example has animated to great exertions the other +nations of Europe, exertions rescuing them from tyranny, and restoring +them to independence, by which there has been ultimately established +among the nations of Europe that balance of power which, giving +sufficient strength to every nation, provides that no nation shall be +too strong. I presume not to trespass upon the house by representing the +personal satisfaction which I have derived from being the honoured +instrument of conveying to your Grace the acknowledgments and thanks of +this house upon every occasion upon which they have been offered to your +Grace, or by endeavouring to represent the infinite gratification which +I enjoy in thus offering, on behalf of the house, on this day, to your +Grace in person, those acknowledgments and those thanks. Your Grace is +now called to aid hereafter, by your wisdom and judgment, the great +council of that nation, to the peace, prosperity, and glory of which +your Grace has already so essentially contributed; and to tender your +Grace, now taking your seat in this house, in obedience to its commands, +the thanks of the house in the words of its resolution--That the thanks +of this house be given to Field-marshal the Duke of Wellington, on his +return from his command abroad, for his eminent and unremitting services +to his majesty and the public." + +The Duke answered the address to the following effect:-- + +"My lords, I have to perform a duty to which I feel myself very +inadequate, to return your lordships my thanks for the fresh mark of +your approbation of my conduct and of your favour." + +"I assure your lordships that I am entirely overcome by the honours +which have been conferred upon me; and by the favour with which I have +been received in this country by the Prince Regent, by your lordships, +and by the public." + +"In truth, my lords, when I reflect upon the advantages which I enjoyed +in the confidence reposed in me, and the support afforded by the +government, and by his royal highness the commander-in-chief, in the +cordial assistance which I invariably received upon all occasions from +my gallant friends, the general officers of the army, who are an honour +to their country, the gallantry and discipline of the troops, and in the +manner in which I was encouraged and excited to exertion by the +protection and gracious favour of the prince, I cannot but consider +that, however great the difficulties with which I had to contend, the +means to contend with them were equal to overcome them; and I am +apprehensive that I shall not be found so deserving of your favour as I +wish." + +"If, however, my merit is not great, my gratitude is unbounded; and I +can only assure your lordships, that you will always find me ready to +serve his majesty to the utmost of my ability in any capacity in which +my services can be at all useful to this great country." + +His Grace then retired to unrobe; he wore a field-marshal's uniform, +with his insignia of the garter. On his return into the House he sat for +a few minutes on the extremity of one of the benches, and then retired +for the evening. + +In addition to the pecuniary remuneration voted by Parliament to the +Duke of Wellington for his distinguished services, the House of Commons +resolved to pay him the highest tribute of respect and applause that it +was possible to bestow on a subject, that of its thanks, accompanied +with a deputation of its members to congratulate him on his return to +this country Lord Castlereagh rose in the house, on the 27th June, to +make a motion for this purpose, which was unanimously agreed to; and a +committee was appointed to wait on his Grace, to know what time he would +name for receiving the congratulations of the house. Lord Castlereagh +having reported from the committee that it was the Duke's desire to +express to the house his answer in person, the following day, July 1, +was appointed for the solemnity. + +At about a quarter before five, the speaker being dressed in his +official robes, and the house being crowded with members, some of them +in military and naval uniforms, and many of them in the court dresses in +which they had been attending the speaker with an address to the Prince +Regent on the peace, the house was acquainted that the Duke of +Wellington was in waiting. His admission being resolved on, and a chair +being set for him on the left hand of the bar towards the middle of the +house, his Grace entered, making his obeisances, while all the members +rose from their seats. The speaker then informing him that a chair was +placed for his repose, he sat down in it for some time, covered, the +serjeant standing on his right hand with the mace grounded, and the +members resumed their seats. He then rose, and spoke, uncovered, to the +following effect:-- + +"Mr. Speaker,--I was anxious to be permitted to attend this house, in +order to return my thanks in person for the honour they have done me in +deputing a committee of their members to congratulate me on my return to +this country; and this, after the house had animated my exertions by +their applause upon every occasion which appeared to merit their +approbation, and after they had filled up the measure of their favours +by conferring upon me, upon the recommendation of the Prince Regent, the +noblest gift that any subject had ever received." + +"I hope it will not be deemed presumptuous in me to take this +opportunity of expressing my admiration of the great efforts made by +this house and the country at a moment of unexampled pressure and +difficulty, in order to support the great scale of operations by which +the contest was brought to so fortunate a termination. By the wise +policy of parliament, the government was enabled to give the necessary +support to the operations which were carried on under my direction; and +I was encouraged by the confidence reposed in me by his majesty's +ministers, and by the commander-in-chief, by the gracious favour of his +royal highness the Prince Regent, and by the reliance which I had on the +support of my gallant friends the general officers of the army, and on +the bravery of the officers and troops, to carry on the operations in +such a manner as to acquire for me those marks of the approbation of +this house, for which I have now the honor to make my humble +acknowledgments." + +"Sir, it is impossible for me to express the gratitude which I feel; I +can only assure the house that I shall always be ready to serve his +majesty in any capacity in which my services can be deemed useful, with +the same zeal for my country which has already acquired for me the +approbation of this house." + +This speech was received with loud cheers, at the end of which the +speaker, who had sat covered during its delivery, rose, and thus +addressed his Grace:-- + +"My Lord,--Since last I had the honour of addressing you from this +place, a series of eventful years has elapsed; but none without some +mark and note of your rising glory." + +"The military triumphs which your valour has achieved upon the banks of +the Douro and the Tagus, of the Ebro and the Garonne, have called forth +the spontaneous shouts of admiring nations. Those triumphs it is +needless on this day to recount. Their names have been written by your +conquering sword in the annals of Europe, and we hand them down with +exultation to our children's children." + +"It is not, however, the grandeur of military success which has alone +fixed our admiration, or commanded our applause; it has been that +generous and lofty spirit which inspired your troops with unbounded +confidence, and taught them to know that the day of battle was always a +day of victory; that moral courage and enduring fortitude, which, in +perilous times, when gloom and doubt had beset ordinary minds, stood +nevertheless unshaken; and that ascendancy of character, which, uniting +the energies of jealous and rival nations, enabled you to wield at will +the fate of mighty empires." + +"For the repeated thanks and grants bestowed upon you by this house, +in gratitude for your many and eminent services, you have thought fit +this day to offer us your acknowledgments: but this nation well knows +that it is still largely your debtor. It owes to you the proud +satisfaction, that, amidst the constellation of great and illustrious +warriors who have recently visited our country, we could present to them +a leader of our own, to whom all, by common acclamation, conceded the +pre-eminence; and when the will of heaven, and the common destinies of +our nature, shall have swept away the present generation, you will have +left your great name and example as an imperishable monument, exciting +others to like deeds of glory, and serving at once to adorn, defend, and +perpetuate the existence of this country amongst the ruling nations of +the earth." + +"It now remains only that we congratulate your Grace upon the high and +important mission on which you are about to proceed, and we doubt not +that the same splendid talents, so conspicuous in war, will maintain, +with equal authority, firmness, and temper, our national honour and +interests in peace." + +His Grace then withdrew, making the same obeisance as when he entered; +and all the members rising again, he was reconducted by the serjeant to +the door of the house. + +On the 7th July, when the Prince Regent went in state to St. Paul's, to +return public thanksgiving for the restoration of peace, the Duke of +Wellington was seated on the right hand of his royal highness, with the +sword of state before him. + +On the 9th, the Duke was entertained by the corporation of London in +the Guildhall, and previously to the banquet he was presented with a +sword of exquisite workmanship, which had been voted him by the common +council. Four years and a half before, as will be remembered, the Duke +was publicly attacked by this same common council, and he then says, "I +act with a sword hanging over me." During the interval, the common +council had learned to apply their sword to a better purpose. In fact, +all ranks, from the highest to the lowest, now combined to do honour to +the Duke of Wellington. + +When Buonaparte landed from Elba, the Duke was at Vienna, the +representative of this country at the congress of the allied sovereigns. +From that point he wrote to Lord Castlereagh, stating the interview he +had had with the sovereigns on the subject of Buonaparte's movements, +and adding that he had no doubt whatever of their support, and their +determination not to lay down their arms until Buonaparte was put down. +A numerous force was assembled, and of the whole, whether British or +foreign, in Belgium (already seen to be the point on which the fate of +Napoleon would be decided), the Duke of Wellington assumed the command. +The campaign was closed by the decisive victory of Waterloo, on the 18th +June, followed by the abdication of Napoleon, and the convention of +Paris. + +During the subsequent proceedings, the Duke of Wellington was +instrumental in stopping the savage revenge of Blucher and the +Prussians, who were on the point of destroying the beautiful bridge on +the Seine, called the bridge of Jena, because it had been named in +honour of Napoleon's victory over the Prussians at that place. + +The Duke, however, did not interpose to prevent another act, which was +one of real justice, the restoration to the several nations of the +various works of art of which they had been plundered by the French. It +was in answer to complaints of his conduct in this respect that the Duke +wrote his letter to Castlereagh, in which he said--"It is to be wished, +as well for the happiness of France as of the world, that if the French +people are not already convinced that Europe is too strong for them, +they may be made to feel that, however extensive for a time their +temporary and partial advantages over one or more of the powers of +Europe may be, the day of retribution must at length come. According to +my feelings, then, it would not only be unjust in the sovereigns to +gratify the French people, but the sacrifice they would make would be +impolitic, as it would deprive them of the opportunity of giving the +French nation a _great moral lesson_." + +The thanks of both houses were voted to the Duke for the battle of +Waterloo, and an additional grant of 200,000 l. + +From the year 1815 until 1823 the Duke of Wellington's name rarely +appears in connexion with any public transactions, with the exception +that in December, 1818, he was appointed Master-General of the Ordnance, +an office which he continued to fill for some years. + +In 1819 he made one speech in parliament in which his declared his +belief that Roman Catholic Emancipation was impossible, unless there +could be a proper security for the Protestant religion, which he +doubted. + +In the year 1823, on the appointment of Mr. Canning to be Secretary for +Foreign Affairs, Duke of Wellington was named as the Plenipotentiary of +the King of Great Britain at the Congress of Verona. It was supposed +that the subject matter of the discussions of the sovereigns at that +congress would be the relations of Russia and Turkey. On the Duke's +arrival at Paris, however, he found that Spain would form the main +subject. He wrote back for fresh instructions, and Mr. Canning's answer +distinctly stated that should France attempt to interfere in Spain +either by force or by menace, he was to instruct the Duke "frankly and +peremptorily to declare, that to any such interference, come what may, +his majesty will not be a party." + +The words "frankly and peremptorily" could not have been better chosen, +or more agreeable to the character of the Duke. He stuck simply and +stedfastly to his text throughout the negotiations, and when at last, in +consequence of the state of affairs in Spain, the three great powers +agreed to withdraw their ministers from Madrid, the Duke told them he +should not withdraw ours but leave him there in the hope of allaying the +irritation which the measures of the others were calculated to produce. + +The Duke returned to Parts in December, and found the French not +indisposed to some arrangement. When it subsequently became necessary to +send a special communication to the Spanish government, a mark of +respect was paid by Mr. Canning to the Duke of Wellington, more +gratifying perhaps to him than his titles or honours. The desire of the +British Government was to attach a special character of friendliness to +this communication, and for that purpose the Duke of Wellington was +requested to make it. This course was taken because it was believed that +the private opinions of a man who had conferred such distinguished +benefits on Spain, and who had been on terms of personal intercourse and +friendship with many of the leading men, would be listened to with more +deference than even an official communication. It is unnecessary to +pursue this subject farther, as the Duke of Wellington's connexion with +it ceased; except that he gave, in the House of Lords, on the 24th of +April, a full explanation of his share in the proceedings. + +In 1826, the Duke having been appointed ambassador to St. Petersburgh, +on the anniversary of the entrance of the allied army into Paris under +his command, the Emperor Nicholas addressed a letter to him, in which he +told him that in order to testify to him his particular esteem for his +great qualities and for the distinguished services he had rendered to +the whole of Europe, he had given orders that the Smolensko regiment of +infantry, formed by Peter the Great, and one of the most distinguished +of his army, which was formerly under the Duke's command in France, +should thenceforward be called the Duke of Wellington's regiment. + +In 1827, on the death of the Duke of York, the public mind pointed to +the Duke of Wellington as the fit successor of his royal highness in the +important post of Commander-in-Chief, and he was immediately appointed. +The Duke held this office until the appointment of Mr. Canning to be +Prime Minister, when he resigned it, and also the Master-Generalship of +the Ordnance. + +The circumstances attending this resignation must of course hold a +prominent place in any memoir of the Duke. But there were personal +matters mixed up in the affair, which make it necessary to enter into it +at some length, for the better understanding of his Grace's character. + +On the death of the Earl of Liverpool, in the beginning of the year +1827, the king called on Mr. Canning to form an administration. As Mr. +Canning had all along advocated Roman Catholic Emancipation, and as the +cabinet of Lord Liverpool had firmly opposed that measure, it became a +question how far the premiership of Mr. Canning would compromise the +position of those who had hitherto acted with him in the cabinet of Lord +Liverpool. The question very soon received a practical solution, by the +simultaneous (though not concerted) resignation of six of the most +influential members of the government, including the Duke of Wellington. + +The political friends of Mr. Canning, and those of his opponents with +whom he was agreed on the Roman Catholic question, concurred in +representing this act of the seceding ministers as a cabal against Mr. +Canning; and the Duke of Wellington, more especially, was made the +subject of most unsparing abuse. The ground of this was that he had not +contented himself with resigning the office he held directly under the +government, but had also resigned the command of the army, an office +unconnected with politics. This was supposed to indicate some special +determination to crush Mr. Canning. + +Now with regard to the motives of the Duke on this occasion all men will +form their own opinion, not so much with reference to facts, as to their +political feelings. It may however be fairly laid down as a principle +that where admitted facts sufficiently supply an explanation of a man's +conduct, all reference to motives are unnecessary; and the more so +because in all cases, however strong suspicion or presumptive evidence +may be, the truth with regard to a man's motives must ever remain locked +in his own breast. The open, manly and fearless character of the Duke +would however, except in the heated imagination of partisans, almost +preclude suspicion in the first instance. + +But let us turn to the facts, as stated in the house of lords on the 2nd +of May, when the peers met after the Easter recess. On the 10th of April +Mr. Canning wrote to the Duke of Wellington the following letter:-- + + _To his Grace the Duke of Wellington._ + + Foreign Office, April 10, 6 P.M., 1827. + + My dear Duke of Wellington,--The king has, at + an audience from which I have just returned, been + graciously pleased to signify to me his majesty's commands, + to lay before his majesty, with as little loss as + time as possible, a plan of arrangements for the re-construction of + the administration. In executing these commands it will be as much my + own wish, as it is my duty to his majesty, to adhere to the principles + upon which Lord Liverpool's government has so long acted together. I + need not add how essentially the accomplishment must depend upon your + Grace's continuing a member of the cabinet. + + Ever, my dear Duke of Wellington, your Grace's sincere and faithful + servant, + + GEORGE CANNING. + +To this the Duke of Wellington replied in a characteristic way:-- + + _To the Right Hon. George Canning._ + + London, April 10, 1827. + + My dear Mr. Canning,--I have received your letter of + this evening, informing me that the king had desired + you to lay before his majesty a plan for the re-construction + of the administration; and that, in executing + these commands, it was your wish to adhere to the + principles on which Lord Liverpool's government had + so long acted together. I anxiously desire to be able + to serve his majesty, as I have done hitherto in his + cabinet, with the same colleagues. But before I can + give an answer to your obliging proposition, I should + wish to know who the person is you intend to propose + to his majesty as the head of the government? + + Ever, my dear Mr. Canning, yours most sincerely, + + WELLINGTON. + +On the next day came the following from Mr. Canning:-- + + _To his Grace the Duke of Wellington._ + + Foreign Office, April 11, 1897. + + My dear Duke of Wellington,--I believed it to be + so generally understood, that the king usually intrusts + the formation of an administration to the individual + whom it is his majesty's gracious intention to place at + the head of it; that it did not occur to me, when I + communicated to your Grace yesterday the commands + which I had just received from his majesty, to add, that, + in the present instance, his majesty does not intend to + depart from the usual course of proceeding on such + occasions. I am sorry to have delayed some hours this + answer to your Grace's letter; but from the nature of + the subject, I did not like to forward it without having + previously submitted it (together with your Grace's + letter) to his Majesty. + + Ever, my dear Duke of Wellington, your Grace's + sincere and faithful servant, + + GEORGE CANNING. + +And finally, on the evening of the same day, the Duke wrote thus to Mr. +Canning.-- + + London, April 11, 1837. + + My dear Mr. Canning,--I have received your letter + of this day, and I did not understand the one of yesterday + evening as you explained it to me. I understood + from yourself that you had in contemplation another + arrangement, and I do not believe that the practice to + which you refer has been so invariable as to enable me to affix a + meaning to your letter which its words did not, in my opinion, convey. I + trust that you will have experienced no inconvenience from the delay of + this answer, which I assure you has been occasioned by my desire to + discover a mode by which I could continue united with my recent + colleagues.--I sincerely wish that I could bring my mind to the + conclusion that, with the best intentions on your part, your government + could be conducted practically on the principles of that of Lord + Liverpool; that it would be generally so considered; or that it would be + adequate to meet our difficulties, in a manner satisfactory to the king, + or conducive to the interests of the country. As, however, I am + convinced that these principles must be abandoned eventually, that all + our measures would be viewed with suspicion by the usual supporters of + the government; that I could do no good in the cabinet; and that at last + I should be obliged to separate myself from it, at the moment at which + such separation would be more inconvenient to the king's service than it + can be at present, I must beg you to request his majesty to excuse me + from belonging to his councils. Ever, my dear Mr. Canning, yours most + sincerely, + + WELLINGTON. + +This closed the correspondence; and it is needless to add that the Duke +continued to hold aloof from the new administration. + +The Duke's explanation in the House of Lords related to two branches of +charge. The first was a charge of want of personal courtesy to Mr. +Canning, as exhibited in the foregoing correspondence; the second was a +general charge of hostility to the new premier, founded on personal +jealousy, and on every other ground, probable or improbable, which the +malice of party could suggest. The Duke began by observing, that the +House of Lords was scarcely the proper place to enter on such subjects, +but that his only excuse was the necessity of vindicating his character +against what had been said in another place, to say nothing of the +manner in which he had been treated by a corrupt press, which if not in +the pay, was under the control of the government. He then proceeded to +meet the first charge, that of personal discourtesy. It was said, that +his asking in reply to Mr. Canning's first letter, "who was to be at the +head of the new government?" was intended as an insult to Mr. Canning. +This he denied. The letter of Mr. Canning, he said gave no information +who were to form the new cabinet, or what members of the old one had +resigned, or were expected to resign. Nor was he invited, as he found +the other ministers had been, to receive personal explanations on the +subject. Under those circumstances the inquiry was made. But that was +not the first communication that had passed between them on the subject. +Early in the month of April, continued the Duke, he had had a +conversation with Mr. Canning, in which, anticipating the possibility of +his being called upon to reconstruct the government, one of his plans +was to recommend that Mr. Robinson (now the Earl of Ripon) should be +raised to the peerage and be made premier. Of this plan the Duke at the +time approved, and it was with this in his mind that he wrote the first +answer, which gave Mr. Canning so much offence. Precedent, also, he +contended, was against Mr. Canning; for it appeared that in 1812, when +Lord Liverpool, by command of the Prince Regent, waited on Mr. Canning, +to know whether he would form part of the proposed administration, the +first question Mr. Canning asked of the noble earl (then in the same +position Mr. Canning was in now) was, "who was to be at the head of the +new administration?" The Duke's letter was written on the 10th, and Mr. +Canning only kissed hands as minister on the 12th; so that, even in that +point of view, the Duke's question was, he contended, necessary. + +It may be said that there is enough on the face of this communication to +show that the Duke of Wellington took a narrow, and, so to speak, +technical, view of the relative positions of himself and Mr. Canning; +that the latter expected a more conventional and generous construction +of his position and proposal from one with whom he was on terms of +intimate friendship. + +In answer to this, it may be as well to remind the reader that, where +the slightest movements of public men may be construed into a compromise +of public principles, a rigid attention to etiquette becomes a matter of +duty. Many acts of the Duke of Wellington, not merely as a civilian, but +even as a military commander, have been misjudged, because this obvious +principle has been overlooked. + +In answer to the second charge--that of hostility to the new +administration on personal grounds--the Duke referred to the known +opinions of Mr. Canning on the Catholic question. How could he be in +office under a minister whom he must oppose on, at least, one vital +question of domestic policy? How could he give the right honourable +gentleman that fair support which one member of a cabinet had a right to +expect from another? The principles of the new government could not be +those of that of the Earl of Liverpool. The principle of the latter was +to maintain the existing laws; of the former, to change them in a +fundamental particular. The absurd calumny that he had threatened the +king to resign, unless he were prepared to make him prime minister, +hardly deserved an answer; and then came his celebrated _nolo +episcopari_ speech, which created against him in a year after, so much +ridicule and rancour. He said--"Was it likely that he would resign the +office of commander-in-chief," a situation so consonant to his feelings +and his habits, "for the mere empty ambition of being placed at the head +of the government. I know," continued the Duke, "I am disqualified for +any such office; and I, therefore, say, that, feeling as I do with +respect to the situation which I recently filled at the head of the +army; liking it as I did from the opportunity it gave me to improve the +condition of my old comrades in arms; knowing my own capacity for +filling that office, and my incapacity for filling the post of first +minister, I should have been mad, and worse than mad, if I had ever +entertained the insane project which certain individuals, for their own +base purposes, have imputed to me." + +His reason for retiring from the command of the army was founded on the +peculiar circumstances of his dispute with Mr. Canning. "No political +opinions would have prevented him," he said, "under ordinary +circumstances, from continuing either at the Horse Guards or at the head +of the army in the field; but, from the tone and tenor of the +communication he had received from his majesty; from the nature of the +invitation to join the administration, contained in Mr. Canning's post +letter, and from the contents of the last letter he received from Mr. +Canning, by his majesty's commands, he saw it would be impossible to +continue his relations with that gentlemen, either with service to the +country or credit to himself. His resolution had been adopted after the +most mature deliberation." + +The foregoing is the substance of the Duke of Wellington's explanation +of his own share in the general resignation of the chief members of Lord +Liverpool's cabinet. + +Another circumstance occurred a few days afterwards, which still further +increased the public belief that there was a serious quarrel between the +Duke and the new premier. The former moved an amendment in committee on +the corn bill, which had the effect of defeating the new government on +that measure. This was regarded as an act of hostility on the part of +the Duke, and, shortly after, a correspondence was made public between +him and Mr. Huskisson, then President of the Board of Trade, in which +it appeared clear that the Duke had moved the amendment in the belief +that the government had agreed to it through Mr. Huskisson, and equally +clear that the Duke had been mistaken. There were not wanting those who +asserted roundly that the Duke had taken advantage of an ambiguity in +Mr. Huskisson's letters, in order to have a pretext for inflicting this +injury on the government. And, unhappily, Mr. Canning himself, carried +out of parliamentary decorum by an irritability of temper, springing +from the difficulties of his position and from his advancing illness, +went so far as publicly to declare that the Duke of Wellington, great +man as he was, had been but in instrument in the hands of others. +History, he said, afforded parallel the actions of other great men. + +The Duke maintained a dignified silence with respect to this attack; +but, in the following year, long after Mr. Canning's death, and when he +had himself become prime minister, he took an opportunity of +disclaiming, in strong language, the existance of any personal hostility +on his part to the deceased statesman. + +On the formation of the new administration, under Lord Goderich, the +Duke of Wellington resumed the command of the army. This was on August +the 27th. + +Early in January, 1828, this administration fell to pieces, and the Duke +of Wellington was called on by the king to form another. He was at first +reluctant to do so, but ultimately gave way. He rallied round him Mr. +Peel, and most of those who had seceded on the accession of Mr. Canning; +so that his administration was nearly identical with that of the Earl of +Liverpool, except that Mr. Huskisson and some two or three of the +coalitionary whigs, were retained. + +In the following May, these were got rid of. Mr. Huskisson gave a vote +on the East Retford Bill, adverse to those of his colleagues; and on +leaving the house, sat down (at two in the morning), and wrote a letter +to the Duke, which was construed into a positive resignation of office. +An amusing correspondence took place between the two statesmen, Mr. +Huskisson declaring he never meant to resign, and the Duke as positively +adhering to his original construction of the first letter. Mr. +Huskisson's place was filled up, and he resented that proceeding by +declaring in the House of Commons his belief that he had been sacrificed +as a peace-offering to gain the support of some of the old tories. + +The whole of the Duke's share in this correspondence is highly +characteristic; and it was in the course of negotiations for the return +of Mr. Huskisson that the Duke uttered the sentence so often quoted of +him: "It is no mistake; it can be no mistake; and it shall be no +mistake!" Strange to say, although the Duke's mode of proceeding to Mr. +Huskisson was somewhat arbitrary, it gained him a sort of popularity, on +account of the firmness with which he stuck to his point. The laugh was +fairly on his side; and many of the vessels in the Thames hoisted flags, +and exhibited other signs of rejoicing at Mr. Huskisson's dismissal. + +On his appointment to be Prime Minister, the Duke again resigned the +command of the army (Feb. 14th). + +The first important measure, during the Duke's administration, was the +repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. In giving his support to that +bill, the Duke met an argument, that it was a step towards Roman +Catholic emancipation, by a declaration that, though he voted for the +measure, no man could be a more determined opponent of those claims than +he; and he added, "Until I see a great change in that question, I shall +certainly oppose it." In the June following, however, the commons having +in the meanwhile passed a resolution indicating favour to emancipation, +the Duke declared that he looked on the question as one of expediency; +and concluded his speech by recommending that the public mind should be +allowed to rest. In the end, it might be possible to do something; for +he was most desirous of seeing the subject brought to an amicable +conclusion. + +Causes altogether independent of parliamentary majorities or discussions +had in the mean time been at work, and had proposed this change in the +tone of ministers. Mr. O'Connell, although a Catholic, had been returned +to parliament as member for the county of Clare; and during the summer +and autumn, the whole of the Catholic population had become so +organized, under the Catholic Association, as seriously to threaten the +continuance of the existing system in Ireland. These events produced +their effects upon English statesmen on either side of the question; and +the more moderate of the Conservative party began to think that some +concession to the Catholics would be inevitable. + +Still, however, the government gave no sign of yielding. On the +contrary, a circumstance occurred, in the month of December, which led +to an opposite inference. Dr. Curtis, a Roman Catholic prelate, who had +been on terms of personal acquaintance with the Duke of Wellington at +Salamanca, wrote a letter to him on the position of the Catholic +question, to which the Duke wrote an answer, which seemed to deny all +hope of a speedy settlement. It was immediately made public by Dr. +Curtis through the Catholic Association. The effect of the letter was to +make that body redouble their efforts. + +In a few days after, the Marquis of Anglesea, the lord lieutenant, who +had always been the avowed supporter of the Catholics, also addressed a +letter in reply to one he received from Dr. Curtis, in which he gave the +Catholics advice as to the best mode of proceeding in order to attain +emancipation. This conduct on the part of the viceroy, together with the +open countenance he gave to the leading catholics in Dublin, gave the +strongest offence to the king, and amounted to such a breach of duty +that the Duke of Wellington was compelled to recall the marquis from +Ireland. + +The public mind was now in the greatest perplexity. On the one hand, the +state of Ireland seemed to render some measure of concession inevitable, +while on the other there was the letter to Dr. Curtis, and the dismissal +of the lord lieutenant--facts which seemed to discountenance all hope. + +The year 1829 was the most eventful in the civil career of the Duke of +Wellington. He had been throughout his life the opponent of Roman +Catholic emancipation: he was now to come before the public in the new +character of a prime minister prepared to grant, as a measure of free +grace, that which he had hitherto denounced as inconsistent with the +safety of the Protestant constitution. + +Up to within a few days of the opening of parliament, however, the +design of the government was wholly concealed, but in the speech from +the throne parliament was recommended to entertain the question. In the +debate on the address the Duke of Wellington announced it as the +intention of the government to introduce a measure for the emancipation +of the Catholics. And now arose a political storm almost unparalleled in +the history of party, from the effects of which we are scarcely yet +recovered. + +The Duke and Mr. Peel were immediately made the objects of the most +unrelenting hostility by the opponents of emancipation. Seeing the +favour in which the two statesmen are now held by their party, it would +be almost impossible to believe that such abusive language as was then +poured forth could have been used towards them, were it not on record. + +The Duke especially was charged with a treble treachery; to Mr. Canning, +on account of the transactions previously referred to; towards the +Protestant party, of whom he had been the chosen leader, and whom he was +about to betray; and lastly a personal treachery in the concealment of +his design until the moment of execution, by which he prevented others +from coming forward and taking the station he had abandoned, as leader +of the opponents of emancipation. + +The Duke's replies to all these charges will be found at length in the +following pages. But the charge of personal treachery was afterwards put +in a shape which compelled the Duke of Wellington to take a very +different notice of it. The Earl of Winchelsea wrote a letter to the +secretary of King's College, in which, after adverting to the support +which the Duke had given on Protestant principles to that institution, +he stated that he now believed that the Duke's conduct had been only a +blind to the high church party, and that he was about, under the cloak +of the Protestant religion, to carry into effect his insidious designs +for the infringement of our liberties, and the introduction of Popery +into every department of the state. This letter the Duke found himself +bound to notice; but the earl refused to retract. A correspondence took +place, which ended in a duel. Neither party was hurt, and the earl +subsequently made a public apology for the original expressions. + +In the meanwhile the Emancipation Bill was steadily progressing. On the +19th of February, in introducing the bill for the suppression of +dangerous associations, the Duke of Wellington declared that there had +been no previous bargain or compact with the Roman Catholic party while +the Emancipation Bill was in the House of Commons. Short discussions +took place almost every night in the House of Lords upon its merits, in +which whenever the Duke joined he did so with the greatest reluctance. +At length, on the 2nd of April, he moved the second reading of the bill +in the House of Lords, in a speech which reflected credit upon him for +moral courage, if not for consistency. + +In fact, great moral courage is one of the most striking features in the +character of the Duke of Wellington. Some of his supporters will doubt +this assertion; and will point to the Emancipation Act as a proof that +the Duke wanted the firmness to act up to his avowed principles. This +involves a wrong assumption. It is one thing obstinately to adhere to an +opinion in defiance of its impracticability: another to retract that +opinion so soon as its impracticability is demonstrated. Whether the +Duke was right or wrong in his opinions, no one will deny that it +required great moral courage for him to stand up in the face of the +country, braving the anger of his old associates, and declare that he +could no longer resist the force of public opinion. + +It was in the course of the speech introducing the Emancipation Bill +that the Duke made his well-known declaration "that he would sacrifice +his life to prevent one month of civil war." + +One fruit of the angry passions excited during the progress of the +Emancipation Bill was a series of prosecutions against the _Morning +Journal_ for libels on the Duke of Wellington, the Lord Chancellor, and +the government collectively. These prosecutions were conducted with +unusual acrimony by Sir James Scarlet, the Attorney-General; and the +Duke of Wellington came in for a very considerable share of public +censure for having authorised such prosecutions. Probably the Duke +intended to inflict another "great moral lesson," as he has always set +his face against the unrestrained license of the press; but, looking +back with calmer feelings to the events of that excited period, and +admitting that the language used by the editor was certainly too strong, +though faithfully representing the feelings of a large class of the +public, it is certainly difficult to avoid now coming to the conclusion +that Mr. Alexander, when sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment in +Newgate and heavy fines, was treated with a severity scarcely +justifiable. It is probable that the Duke of Wellington, acting on his +rigid notions of the division of responsibility, after ordering the +prosecution, left the affair to Sir James Scarlet, and from that moment +declined to interfere. + +Among the discussions to which the prosecutions gave rise, an amusing +speech of Sir Charles Wetherell, on the 2nd of March, 1830, in the House +of Commons, will repay perusal. + +In a debate which took place in the House of Lords on the first night of +the session, upon the state of the country, the Duke of Wellington +delivered a speech upon the causes of the existing distress, which +proved (allowances being made for differences of opinion) that his +qualifications to deal with the most intricate questions involved in +civil government were very little inferior to his military talents. +Passages from that speech will be found in the following pages. At the +time many of his views were ridiculed by those political economists who +were destined so soon to rise to power under shelter of the reform +question; but it will be seen that the improved experience of the +country after ten years' undisputed sway of those gentlemen, confirms +many of the chief conclusion to which the astute and practical mind of +the Duke of Wellington then led him. That speech, however, raised a +hornet's nest around him in the House of Commons. Among others, Sir +Francis Burdett made a personal attack on the Duke, in which he said +that his administration showed how correct was his estimate of his own +powers when he said he would be mad to think of being prime minister. +That illustrious individual, he said, had been treated with much +tenderness, because he had conferred the greatest benefits on his +country; but if his services had been great his recompense had been +great also. Mr. Brougham, also, made a most personal attack on the Duke +on the day before parliament closed. + +In the mean while, George the Fourth died (on the 26th of June), and +parliament was dissolved. The new parliament, called by William the +Fourth, was opened by the king in person on November the 2nd. It was +decidedly unfavourable to the ministry, against whom were arrayed a most +talented and unscrupulous opposition. They swayed with almost absolute +power the great mass of the people, who hoped everything from +parliamentary reform, and had not as yet had experience of the +extravagance of such hopes. A part of the tactics of the whig leaders +was to excite personal animosity against the Duke of Wellington, who was +libelled as a sort of would-be military dictator, seeking to introduce +in civil affairs the iron discipline of the camp, and to ride rough shod +over a free people. + +With the clamour for reform out of doors and in the commons, it was not +to be supposed that even the impassible Duke of Wellington could avoid +referring to the subject in the debate on the address. This he did, with +more candour than prudence, by his well-known declaration against +reform, and in favour of the existing system. It will be found at length +elsewhere. The excitement it produced was enormous: so great, that in +three days afterwards ministers advised William the Fourth not to +proceed to the City to visit the Lord Mayor, lest there should be +tumults. + +On the 15th, they were defeated in the House of Commons, upon a motion +of Sir Henry Parnell, for a committee to inquire into the civil list; +and on the following day the Duke of Wellington and his colleagues +resigned; being apprehensive that the same majority would vote for the +principle of parliamentary reform in a day or two after, and not wishing +to virtually give up that question by going out after being beaten on it +in the House of Commons. + +During the year 1831, while the discussions on the Reform Bill were +going on, the Duke made frequent speeches against the measure, and led +the opposition in the House of Lords in a manner quite consistent with +his declaration in November. In a speech he made on the 28th March, +explanatory of the causes of his resignation, he distinctly denied that +the reform fever was owing to that declaration, and asserted that it +was to be attributed to the effect on the public mind of the revolutions +in France and Belgium. + +On the 10th of October, after the Reform Bill had been thrown out in the +House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington was insulted by a mob on his way +to the house. In the evening, the windows of his mansion at Hyde +Park-corner were broken. It is to be lamented that any class of +Englishmen were to be found so degraded as to be guilty of this +ingratitude. + +Fortunately, the worst of the evil was averted, by the total +indifference of the Duke to all such demonstrations. The greatest men +have been despisers of mankind, of the swaying multitude, that is to +say, the unthinking, the headstrong, and the violent--not of necessity +merely, from that intrinsic superiority and natural antagonism which +forbid their commingling; but also, and with a more hearty potency, from +the experience which they, alternately the adored or the scorned, have +had of the inconstancy of the giddy people. In this light estimation, +indeed, of the judgment of their less worthy fellows, lies the secret of +their greatness and their strength. They ride towards their goal while +the stream tends that way, and when the course of the current is +diverted, they are not dismayed. Their scorn of the means leads them to +pass on by their own strength, or to rest secure on the foundation-rock +of our moral nature--principle, and the consciousness of duty done. + +In April, 1832, on the motion for the second reading of the new Reform +Bill in the House of Lords, the Duke made a speech, characterised by +unqualified opposition to the measure, at a time when many of the +conservative peers (called "waverers,") were for giving it a qualified +support. But, after a defeat of ministers in committee, on Lord +Lyndhursts motion of the 7th of May, followed by their resignation, and +when the king, rather than agree to create peers, called on the Duke of +Wellington to form an administration, he expressed his readiness to do +so upon the principle of moderate reform. + +This sudden inconsistency the public could not understand; the Duke's +avowed reason was that when called on by his sovereign he could not +leave him alone in his difficulty. However, the Duke's efforts were +brought to a summary conclusion by the refusal of Sir Robert Peel to +join in the attempt. + +It is amusing to see the opposite Views these two statesmen took of +their duties to their king. Sir Robert Peel considered that "his +acceptance of office pledged to carry an efficient Reform Bill, he being +a determined enemy to such a measure, would be a political immorality +which would not allow him to enter on his services with a firm step, a +light heart, and an erect attitude." The Duke said, "if he had refused +to assist his majesty, because he had hitherto given his opposition to +parliamentary reform, he would not have been able to show his face in +the streets for shame of having deserted his sovereign in circumstances +so painful and alarming." The result of Sir Robert's refusal was, that +the Duke gave up the attempt, and Earl Grey was recalled. + +During the sessions of 1833 and 1834, the Duke was the leader of the +opposition in the House of Lords; always at his post, and always ready +to grapple with the different questions brought before the peers. On the +9th of June, 1834, took place his installation as Chancellor of the +University of Oxford;--a brilliant scene, at which some of the most +distinguished men of the day assisted. + +In November, 1834, on the death of Lord Spencer, and the dismissal of +the whig ministry, the king called on the Duke of Wellington to form an +administration. The Duke recommended his majesty to entrust that office +to Sir Robert Peel, who, however, was then at Rome. During the interval +that elapsed before his arrival, the Duke accepted, provisionally, the +office of First Lord of the Treasury, and the seals of the three +secretaryships of state. On Sir Robert Peel's arrival, he gave up the +government, with the exception of the office of Secretary for Foreign +Affairs, which (December 9th) he retained. + +Much clamour was at this time raised against the Duke by the whigs, on +the old score of dictatorship, and also as to a supposed insult offered +to Lord Melbourne. + +On the meeting of parliament in the following February (on the 24th), +the Duke gave an explanation of his conduct (inserted in this volume), +sufficient to clear him in all impartial eyes of all the charges then +urged against him by party spirit. + +On the 8th of April following, in consequence of the repeated defeats +sustained in the House of Commons by Sir Robert Peel, the conservative +ministry resigned, and with them of course the Duke of Wellington. From +that time until the re-accession of Sir Robert Peel to power, in 1841, +the Duke continued to lead, with his accustomed vigour and unpretending +ability, the opposition in the House of Lords. In this position, he +exercised the utmost forbearance towards the government; never using his +power except when circumstances absolutely required its exercise. + +One of these instances occurred at the opening of the session of 1836, +when the principles of a particular measure were recommended in a speech +from the throne. To the address the Duke moved an amendment, +condemnatory of the practice of thus pledging the sovereign in a speech +from the throne to the principles of any measure. The amendment was +agreed to by the whigs. + +During the whole interval between 1833 and 1841, the Duke is to be found +occasionally speaking in the upper house, in his capacity of leader of +opposition. The same sound practical sense which has been already +attributed to him, characterised his whole proceedings. It is needless +to particularise the different important debates in which he took part. + +In August, 1839, a grand banquet was given to the Duke at Dover, as Lord +Warden of the Cinque Ports. A splendid pavilion was erected for the +occasion, in which two thousand persons, including some most +distinguished men, sat down to dinner. The gallery was filled with +ladies. The most interesting point in the day's proceedings, was when +Lord Brougham, the most active and distinguished civilian of his age, +rose to propose the health of the Duke of Wellington, the most +illustrious military commander. Eulogium could scarcely he carried +farther than it was by Lord Brougham in these words:-- + +"Although no man," said the noble and learned lord, "on such an +occasion, is entitled to entertain any personal feelings on his own +behalf, it would be affectation--it would be insolent ingratitude--were +I not to express the sentiments which glow within my bosom, at being +made the instrument of making known those feelings which reign +predominant in yours. Enough, however, of myself--now for my mighty +subject.--But the choice you have made of your instrument--of your +organ, as it were, on this occasion--is not unconnected with that +subject; for it shows that on this day, on this occasion, all personal, +all political feelings are quelled--all strife of party is hushed--that +we are incapable, whatever be our opinions, of refusing to acknowledge +transcendant merit, and of denying that we feel the irresistible impulse +of unbounded gratitude; and I am therefore asked to do this service, as +if to show that no difference of opinion upon subjects, however +important--no long course of opposition, however contracted upon public +principles--not even long inveterate habits of public opposition--are +able so far to stifle the natural feelings of our hearts, so far to +obscure our reason, as to prevent us from feeling as we ought--boundless +gratitude for boundless merit. Neither can it pluck from our minds that +admiration proportioned to the transcendant genius, in peace and in war, +of him who is amongst us to-day; nor can it lighten or alleviate the +painful, the deep sense which the untried mind never can get rid of when +it is overwhelmed by a debt of gratitude, too boundless to be repaid. +Party--the spirit of party--may do much, but it cannot operate so far as +to make us forget those services; it cannot so far bewilder the memory, +and pervert the judgment, and eradicate from our bosoms those feelings +which do us the most honour, and are the most unavoidable, and, as it +were, dry up the kindly juices of the heart; and, notwithstanding all +its vile and malignant influence on other occasions, it cannot dry up +those juices of the heart so as to parch it like very charcoal, and make +it almost as black. But what else have I to do? If I had all the +eloquence of all the tongues ever attuned to speak, what else could I +do? How could a thousand words, or all the names that could be named, +speak so powerfully--ay, even if I spoke with the tongue of an angel, as +if I were to mention one word--Sir Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington, +the hero of a hundred fields, in all of which his banner was waved in +triumph; who never, I invoke both hemispheres to witness--bear witness +Europe, bear witness Asia--who never advanced but to cover his arms with +glory; the captain who never advanced but to be victorious; the mightier +captain who never retreated but to eclipse the glory of his advance, by +the yet harder task of unwearied patience, indomitable to lassitude, the +inexhaustible resources of transcendant skill, showing the wonders, the +marvels of a moral courage never yet subdued. Despising all who thwarted +him with ill-considered advice--neglecting all hostility, so he knew it +to be groundless--laughing to scorn reviling enemies, jealous +competitors, lukewarm friends, ay, hardest of all, to neglect despising +even a fickle public, he cast his eye forwards as a man might--else he +deserves not to command men--cast forward his eye to a time when that +momentary fickleness of the people would pass away, knowing that in the +end the people are always just to merit." + +The Duke's acknowledgement, was simple, according to his character, and +modest as became his position. He said, "The noble lord, who I hope will +allow me to call him my noble friend, has stated to you with great +truth, that there are times and circumstances in which, and under which, +all feelings of party, all party animosity, all descriptions of +political feelings must be laid aside. I must do my noble and learned +friend the justice to say, that for years and years there has been +nothing of that description in social life as between him and me, +notwithstanding which it is certainly true that I have had the +misfortune of differing in opinion with my noble and learned friend upon +many points of internal and possibly of other descriptions of policy. +But I am afraid that, notwithstanding my most anxious wish to co-operate +with all of you in the public service in which we have all been +employed, I may happen (I know it does happen) to differ with some of +you upon subjects of political interest to the country. But my noble and +learned friend judges of you correctly when he says that such feelings +of difference would not prevent you--as they have not prevented +you--from doing me the honour of inviting me to this festival, and of +bringing here to meet me not only the whole of this interesting county, +but persons from all parts of the kingdom and even from abroad. +Therefore my noble and learned friend does you as well as himself +justice when he states that there are occasions--occasions in relation +to individuals as well as in relation to public interests and +services--in which all feelings of party politics and opinions must be +laid aside, in order to carry on the public service to the greatest +point of advantage to the public interest. I have had sufficient +experience in public life to know that this must be the case. I am +convinced that it is that feeling which has induced you to pay this +tribute of respect to the person holding the situation of Lord Warden of +the Cinque Ports, in order that you might encourage others hereafter to +perform their duty honestly and conscientiously in the same honourable +office." + +On the 18th November, the same year, the Duke had an attack of epilepsy, +which for a short time alarmed the public greatly for his safety, on +account of his advanced age. Sir Astley Cooper and Dr. Hume were down at +Walmer with him for a week, at the end of which time he recovered, +greatly to the joy of the whole nation. It turned out that the Duke had +brought on the attack adopting, to cure himself of a slight illness, a +mode of treatment which would not be the most wise in a man of +twenty-five, but was most dangerous to one so advanced in years. The +Duke is very determined on such points--can never be persuaded that he +is not the same man in point of constitution that he was when in the +Peninsula; and still preserves all the hardy habits of a soldier's life. +On this occasion he had sought to cure himself by fasting and cold +bathing: he then, while under this treatment, followed the hounds, the +consequence of which was that he fainted, and was soon afterwards seized +as described. + +On the return of Sir Robert Peel to power, in 1841, the Duke of +Wellington again joined him; but this time he took no office, though +accepting a seat in the cabinet. He still continued to lead in the +lords, where his influence is fully felt, and where he constantly +astonishes the house and silences his detractors by displaying a degree +of knowledge on all legislative subjects scarcely compatible with his +military education, and an activity and attention to business that would +be admirable in any one, but which are still more praiseworthy as the +voluntary service of a man who has conferred such distinguished benefits +on his country. + + * * * * * + +Few men have been so blessed by fortune as to have been enabled to +achieve a first-rate reputation in arms, and afterwards to arrive at as +great distinction in the arts of peace. Rarely, at long intervals in the +lapse of time, such opportunities have been afforded to great men; but +still more rarely have even the greatest men been able to use them. To +the Duke of Wellington, in our own time, has this high honour been +especially vouchsafed; and no man ever yet lived who shewed himself more +worthy the distinction, or more able to fulfill the demands of his +country, whether in peace or in war. His youth and prime were spent in +achieving victories: to preserve to posterity the fruits of those +victories, in steady government, together with free institutions; to +make England such an example for foreign nations as would render all +such victories unnecessary hereafter; this has been the still more +glorious task of his declining years. + +The military reputation of the Duke of Wellington rests on so firm a +basis, that it will never be shaken. So long as military science is +necessary in the world, so long will his system of tactics be followed +by commanders responsible in their own hearts for the lives of their +soldiers, and to their country for the conduct of their enterprises. + +Of the military value of his dispositions and movements, military +critics have recorded, almost universally, their unqualified praise. To +civilians, it is left to admire the constant and watchful care of the +Duke, whether in India or the Peninsula, in securing the due provision +for his troops, while he at the same time maintained the strictest +honour towards the natives who supplied them; and to respect the +clearness of his perception, the sagacity of his decisions, and, above +all, the firmness and determination of purpose which sustained him +amidst every drawback and difficulty, until by his success he compelled +his detractors to yield themselves captive to his judgment. It is only +necessary to read the dispatches and general orders of the Duke of +Wellington, in order to be convinced that he is not a mere soldier +winning battles by superior tactics, but that he is also a man of a +very high order of general talent, with an unusual insight into human +nature, and possessing almost an instinctive knowledge of how mankind +are to be governed. By that wonderful exposition of the comprehensive, +wise, and philanthropic mind of the man, even his enemies were subdued. + +Much controversy has been spent upon the demeanour of the Duke towards +his soldiers, which has been stigmatised as cold, distant, at times +harsh, and even selfish. For the charges of coldness and distance there +appears to be some foundation. Unlike Napoleon, the Duke of Wellington +never appealed to the enthusiasm of his soldiers; but he always relied +upon their sense of duty. He regarded his army, organized by discipline, +as a perfect machine, upon the performance of which he could calculate +with precision, and as he never expected it to do more than it ought, so +he never looked to see it do less. The idea of duty, of absolute +responsibility and subordination from rank to rank, seems to have been +that to which he was always content to appeal. Accordingly, his troops +never failed him. Their rock-like steadfastness and constant unimpulsive +bravery, it was that enabled him to carry out his plans with such +certainty. + +The contrast to Napoleon is no Where more seen than in the dispatches of +the one and the bulletins of the other. In his demeanour to his men, the +Duke was reserved; in his language, curt and laconic. If his troops felt +the moral certainty that he was leading them to victory, and honoured +him accordingly, it was not from personal enthusiasm, such as the wild +love the emperor inspired in those around him, but from a deep respect +for his character and a reliance on his talents. Nor did he condescend +to charlatantism or bombast, as his great rival too often did. There is +not the slightest trace of vanity about him. Compare the speech of the +one to his army, beneath the Pyramids, with the simple, "Up, guards, and +at them!" of the other. In these trifles, we find the key to the real +minds of great men. + +The political character of the Duke, and his services as a civilian, +have never been sufficiently appreciated by the great mass of his +countrymen. His brilliant military reputation cast into the shade his +sterling but unobtrusive services as a senator and as a minister. It was +even the fashion, for a long time, to assert that his taking office at +all was a sign of defective judgment. Indeed, when he declared, in the +House of Lords, that he would be "worse than mad to think of such a +thing," he gave a colour to the supposition. His subsequent assertion, +after he had become prime minister, that he had done so "because nobody +else would," conveyed, in all probability, the simple truth. The Duke +did not know his own capacity for government, until it was tried. + +Another reason why his positive worth, as a politician, has not been so +universally admitted as his military merit, is that, in the imaginations +of a large portion of the public, he has been identified with a party. +This, in a country where party spirit is so strong and so universal, +would alone be sufficient to secure his being misunderstood by all those +who are not of the party to which he is alleged to be devoted. But it +is a mistake to call the Duke of Wellington a party man; that is to say, +in the ordinary sense of the word. It is true that, during the greater +part of his life he has acted with what is called the conservative +party, because in England no man can expect to serve his country +efficiently, unless he enlists under some political banner or other. But +there is a great difference between acting generally with a party, and +the adoption of all its animosities and prejudices: and this difference +the Duke of Wellington appears always to have perceived and acted upon. +Wherever the choice has lain between the opinions of his party and the +general good of his country, the Duke has always preferred his country +to his party; and if that is the character of a party man, may all +politicians be speedily imbued with the same sentiments! + +Notwithstanding this distinction, however, it is certain that the known +opinions of the Duke of Wellington, and his ultimately taking office as +the prime minister of the tory party, did lead to the belief that he was +a party man, and directed towards him all those animosities and all that +depreciating rancour which party spirit engenders, and which party +tactics perpetuate; so that during a period of some four or five years +his distinguished reputation as a soldier was obscured in the minds of +many millions of his country, who,--and this remark applies more +particularly to the years 1829, 1830, and 1831,--laid themselves open to +the charge of being guilty of that meanest and basest of all crimes, +ingratitude. + +Happily, within the last ten years, a total change has come over the +public mind. Those ill-grounded animosities are forgotten: the long and +unparalleled services of the Duke are remembered: and a re-action, +produced by a sense of shame acting upon early affections, has made him +more popular, more beloved, more admired than ever he was before. + +Look at the course of business in the House of Lords during the last few +years, and you will observe that the Duke of Wellington has been the +presiding spirit of that assembly. Nothing was done--nothing could be +done without him; for he carries with him the proxies of so many of the +thinking, experienced, far-seeing, influential of his countrymen. + +It has been argued, that the Duke of Wellington possesses all this +influence by virtue of his leadership of a powerful party. Of course +this means that any other leader of the conservatives could possess as +much, or it means nothing. It is a fallacy. The Duke of Wellington's +claims are almost entirely personal. It is to himself alone that all +this silent homage is paid. Even were he to retire from active life +to-morrow, still would he be followed into his retirement by political +pupils, eager to imbibe those distillations of practical wisdom which +his sagacity extracts from his vast stores of experience. + +The fundamental basis of this power is his high military reputation; +though that alone could not have secured it, unless accompanied by his +firm principles and habits of observation. England differs from France +in this respect,--that while our neighbours are more ready to elevate +talent above property than we are, they are less choice as to the degree +of the talent which they exalt. But if the English once know that they +possess a first-rate man, they place him from that hour securely on an +eminence, whence he may look down as from the heavens, upon wealth, +rank, blood, and every earthly distinction. The Duke of Wellington is a +first-rate man; and his countrymen acknowledge it with pride. But his +mind is _sui generis_. His qualities are eminently useful: he could +never have condescended to be brilliant. His mind is that of iron mould +that defies alike warping, meretricious polish, or demolition. + +It is a conviction of the thorough and unflinching honesty of his views +and principles, and of the clear perception, the fruitful experience, +and sound practical sense which regulate his opinions, that makes the +Duke of Wellington the governing spirit in the House of Peers. There is +no man in that house, be his talents or his services what they may, +whose opinion carries so much weight with it; for there is no other man +so independent of party. All the others, however moderate their natures +or honest their intentions, have been compelled to give in at some time +or other to the spirit of party. But the Duke is above party. He entered +the House of Peers with an overpowering reputation, which enabled him +from the first to take high ground. He does not need to curry favour +with any man; nor does he fear to offend even the most powerful of his +supporters, when his cause is just. + +But the Duke's ascendancy in the House of Peers is not to be referred +to the foregoing causes alone. Had he none of that personal influence +derived from services and character to which we have referred, his +abilities and information alone would enable him to take high rank. His +claims in these respects are much, underrated by those who are opposed +to him in politics. His reasoning is so simple, clear and palpable--so +much in the character of what is called common sense--and his style of +speaking so unpretending and free from ornament, that superficial +observers have set him down as a mere blunt soldier, with a few fixed +ideas, and a disposition dogmatically to insist on their adoption. This +is altogether a mistake. The Duke of Wellington has as much of the true +spirit of the statesman as any man who now affects the destinies of this +country. There is scarcely a subject that has come before parliament +since the commencement of his political career into which he has not +fully entered. The character of his mind is to grasp every question. +Less than mastery of it--so far as the formation of a decided opinion +according to the lights afforded to or by his mind--will not satisfy +him. With the exception of one or two questions of high constitutional +principle, the "_cui bono?_" is the view his mind naturally takes. He is +a practical utilitarian, seeking in every measure the utmost quantity of +good of which it is capable; not always as much as he would perhaps wish +to see, but as much as circumstances allow the hope of securing. + +This mode of dealing with subjects is not well calculated for +oratorical display, or for the parade of extensive information, even if +the unaffected character of the Duke of Wellington would allow him to +avail himself of them. They are cast aside, in pursuit of a less +brilliant, but more useful, mode of treatment. Accordingly, the speeches +of the Duke are brief, clear, pointed, and in one sense dogmatical. +After having canvassed details, and brought to bear upon them his long +and varied experience, he states his conclusions, accompanying them with +the general principles that have guided their formation, in a few brief +authoritative sentences. He is very careless about catching stray +listeners, or drawing in his train the prejudiced or the inexperienced; +but rather addresses himself to those whose age and wisdom entitle them +to anticipate consequences, or to those to whom experience of the value +of his opinions may have taught a pre-disposed deference. + +At other times, however--for instance, when making ministerial +statements on matters connected with finance, or foreign policy, or +important changes in the law--this short, abrupt, devil-may-care style +is changed for one eminently adapted to the object. No one can then +complain of a want of the proper information. All the historical facts, +or figures, or principles, or general details, are then marshalled +forward with a regularity and precision only to be equalled by the +military arrangements of the Duke. There is not a word too much or too +little: you are made thoroughly to comprehend the whole bearings of the +question, without being overburthened with the useless details that so +often figure in the speeches of orators of the red-tape school. The +natural superiority of the Duke's mind is never more exhibited than in +the masterly way in which he separates the wheat from the chaff, and +weaves a clear and connected statement from masses of facts, on subjects +so foreign to the military pursuits of his youth and manhood. + +To many, this praise of the Duke of Wellington, in a character in which +he is so little known to the great mass of the public, will appear +exaggerated; but those who have been accustomed to observe him in the +House of Peers, will not be surprised to hear the estimation in which he +is held by his political contemporaries of all parties. Those who have +not heard and seen him in his character of politician and statesman, +will scarcely continue sceptical (even if they are so), after having +read the extracts contained in the following pages. + +Much, however, as the independent spirit of self-reliance of the Duke, +fortified by his character and experience, has secured him sway in the +House of Lords, we must not blind ourselves to the fact, that this +illustrious man has sometimes, in the assertion of his opinions +(unconsciously, we believe, and unintentionally) fallen into a practice +of dogmatising, of calling on the House of Peers and the public to adopt +his views, not so much on account of reasons urged in their support, as +because they are stated by him. Rarely, however, have such instances +occurred, and in extenuation of what, in a country of free discussion, +would justly be deemed a dangerous innovation, we must bear in mind +that where a man's opinions are the result of vary long experience and +very extensive observation, it is not always possible to make the +general mind aware of the process by which particular principles or +views have been arrived at. The greatest men have often been compelled +to content themselves with the simple assertion of opinions not pleasing +to the multitude, and to appeal to time as the only test of their truth. + +The Duke of Wellington looks to the practical common-sense bearing of +every subject brought under his notice. His first aim is the public +good; his next, how to attain that good with the least departure from +established principles of policy. This practical turn of mind, joined as +it is to a far-seeing and prophetic spirit, has contributed to confirm +in the minds of his countrymen the admiration and influence which his +military genius and success first created. They repose the utmost +confidence in his sagacity; he is a party in himself. Whatever is +essential to the national reputation, the welfare of the whole people, +and, above all, to the stability of property, is sure to be originated, +or, at all events, warmly supported by him. + +For this reason a revolution never could have occurred under the +government of the Duke; he has too intense a horror of the evils of +civil contention, ever to have allowed matters to come to that pass. +This, it will be admitted, is a quality rarely to be found in a soldier, +and a soldier, too, of such an inflexible cast as the Duke. Not less +intense is his regard for national faith and honour. He would maintain +the honour of the state at any expense, even of his own personal +prejudices on home politics; for the Duke, like all strong-minded men, +has his prejudices. He has vanquished, and obtained the mastery of the +spirit of change, by showing that he can curb it, while he does not +affect to play the tyrant over it. He knows when to be firm and when to +yield. Many acts of the Duke of Wellington, in the course of his +political career, that have called forth unlimited censure, have been +based upon calculations which only so well-tutored and so well-stored a +mind could have made. + +It is an intellectual treat of the highest order to see the Duke of +Wellington's demeanour in the House of Lords. It is essentially +different from that of every other man there. He is almost the only +unfettered man in the house. Others are fettered by obstacles which they +create for themselves, in various ways, by the too eager pursuit of +personal or party objects. But the Duke of Wellington's high reputation +and standing place him above all such considerations. He can afford to +speak the truth, and he does speak it on all occasions fearlessly. While +other speakers, on either side of the house, have been wasting their +powers in fruitless eloquence (mere personal display), or in perverting +the truth for the purpose, either of unfair attack or unfair defence, +the Duke of Wellington has appeared to be paying not the slightest +attention to the proceedings. He has sat absorbed in thought, or at +least in seeming indifference. You would almost suppose that, overcome +by fatigue, or indisposition, he was sleeping, so perfectly motionless +and silent is he, reclining, with folded arms, his legs stretched out +to their full length, and his hat over his brow. The question has been +discussed, argued, disputed upon for hours. No result seems to have been +come to, and you are as ignorant of the object and scope of the measure +as when the debate began; nor have you any clear idea what will become +of the bill. + +At length, the Duke of Wellington rises, advances abruptly to the table, +wraps the tails of his coat, like a dressing-gown, over his legs, and +plunges at once _in medias res_. There is an undivided attention while +he speaks, indeed, it is sometimes absolutely necessary, for, when +indisposed, he is often with difficulty heard, even by those near to +him, as, indeed, he himself hears with difficulty, from being deaf on +one side. But in a moment you see that his mind is still as vigorous as +ever. His keen intelligence pierces at once to the very core of the +subject; no fallacy can blind or deceive the Duke of Wellington. He +knows why the measure was introduced, what it is, what it will do, and +what will become of it. He grapples with it in the spirit of a +statesman. He is a guardian of the interests of the nation; he is the +parliamentary trustee of the people; he is bound to look to their +interests as a whole, for by the people he understands, not those who +bawl the loudest about their rights, but those also who trust the +maintenance of their privileges and their interests to parliament, in +silent faith. He never forgets the _salus populi_. + +On the other hand, the chap-trap maxims of liberalism, foreign or +domestic, meet from him with just as much credence and attention as +they deserve; he never allows enthusiasm to intrude among political +considerations. He measures the length, breadth, and thickness of the +bill before him; calculates with his unerring precision and practical +wisdom, the effect which it will have, either on the happiness of the +people, or on the social or political constitution of the country. +According to its value for good or for evil, does the Duke of Wellington +support or oppose it; and from that hour its fate is usually decided. +Why? because the unbending unflinching honesty of the man, and his +political sagacity, have created him a character unprecedented in the +annals of his country. + +The Duke's style of speaking is what might be expected from his +character, plain, simple, straightforward. His sentences are short and +pithy, his language clear and lucid; his delivery abrupt. When he makes +a point, it falls on the mind with the force of a sledge-hammer. His +voice reminds one of that of an officer giving the word of command; he +lays emphasis, short and somewhat harsh, on the leading words of the +sentence, and speaks the rest in an under tone. Although, however, in +consequence of his age and the gradual approach of infirmity, his +utterance is not so clear as it used to be, yet you can always +understand immediately his whole meaning. He uses the plainest language +of every-day colloquy. His style is impressive from its doric +simplicity. You never entertain a doubt of his sincerity; and although +you may not always agree with him in opinion, you have, at least, the +satisfaction of knowing that his propositions are the true result of +his feelings or his thoughts; and are not merely put forward to answer +the purposes of party, or to secure a triumph in debate. + +For the same reason, the Duke never attempts to impose on the house a +fictitious enthusiasm, or a pretended excitement. If he gets excited, +(and he will sometimes get into a terrible passion at any infringement +of constitutional integrity or breach of discipline), there is no +mistaking it for a mere prepared climax to a speech; he is completely +possessed by the demon. The only action he ever uses is on such +occasions, and then it is almost convulsive. His arms and legs seem no +longer to be under control, they quiver, and shake, and tremble: and the +clenched fist, violently and frequently struck upon the table, denotes +that some very potent feeling of indignation is, for the time, mastering +the usual calmness of this self-possessed man. + +Yet though at times he is thus carried away by his feelings, his +ultimate judgment of a measure is not impaired by it. He can cauterise +or cut out the cankered part, and yet preserve all that was not +offensive to his sense of right and wrong. + +Those who have read the speeches of the Duke, will have remarked the +intensely British feeling that pervades them. He is like the old Romans +in his admiration and love for his country and her institutions. The +same feeling breathes in all his speeches. The same magnanimous brevity +that marked the public declarations of that haughty people, dignifies +the addresses of the Duke of Wellington. Some of his sayings, as, for +instance, "that a great nation can never wage a little war," will he +embalmed in history. His denunciations are like the alarum of a war +trumpet. The same character of simplicity which marks the Duke's +speeches pervades his whole conduct, public and private. Though no man +is more capable of enjoying the refinements of modern society, luxury +has not enervated his mind or his manners. His dress, his equipage, his +habits, all partake of the same indifference to effect--all have a cast +of the hardy self-denial of the camp. A mattress bed, constant horse +exercise, rising with the lark, not unfrequently remaining up twenty +hours out of the twenty-four, and the daily use of cold shower baths, +winter and summer,--these contradictions to the usual habits of men, +when their age approaches to fourscore, bespeak no ordinary carelessness +of ease, and a singular determination of purpose. Well, indeed, has he +been named the Iron Duke. + + + + +MAXIMS AND OPINIONS OF HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. + + * * * * * + +INDIA. + +To offer a public reward, by proclamation, for a man's life, and to make +a secret bargain to have it taken away, are very different things; the +one is to be done, the other, in my opinion, cannot by an officer at the +head of the troops. + +_Dispatch, July 8, 1800._ + + * * * * * + +As for the wishes of the people, particularly in this country (India), I +put them out of the question. They are the only philosophers about their +governors that ever I met with, if indifference constitutes that +character. + +_Dispatch, August 20, 1800._ + + * * * * * + +In military operations time is everything. + +_Dispatch, June 30, 1800._ + +Articles of provision are not to be trifled with, or left to chance; +and there is nothing more clear than that the subsistence of the troops +must be certain upon the proposed service, or the service must be +relinquished. + +_Dispatch, Feb. 18, 1801._ + + * * * * * + +_Indignant rejection of a proffered Bribe._ + +You inform me that the Rajah, or Dessaye of Kittoor, has expressed a +wish to be taken under the protection of the British Government; and has +offered to pay a tribute to the company, and to give you a bribe of 4000 +pagodas, and me one of 10,000 pagodas, provided this point is arranged +according to his wishes. + +I cannot conceive what can have induced the Rajah of Kittoor to imagine +that I was capable of receiving that or any other sum of money, as an +inducement to do that which he must think improper, or he would not have +offered it. But I shall advert to that point more particularly +presently. + +The Rajah of Kittoor is a tributary of the Mahratta Government, the head +of which is an ally, by treaty, of the honourable company. It would be, +therefore, to the full as proper, that any officer in command of a post +within the company's territories, should listen to and enter into a plan +for seizing part of the Mahratta territories, as it is for you to listen +and encourage an offer from the Rajah of Kittoor to accept the +protection of, and transfer his allegiance and tribute to the honourable +company's government. In case you should hear anything further upon +this subject from the Rajah of Kittoor, or in future from any of the +chiefs of the Mahrattas on the frontier, I desire that you will tell +them what is the fact, that you have no authority whatever to listen to +such proposals, that you have orders only to keep up with them the usual +intercourse of civility and friendship, and that if they have any +proposals of that kind to make, they must be made in a proper manner to +our superiors. You may, at the same time, inform them that you have my +authority to say that the British government is very little likely to +take advantage of the misfortunes of its ally, to deprive him, either of +his territories or of the allegiance or tribute due to him by his +tributaries. + +In respect to the bribe offered to you and myself, I am surprised that +any man in the character of a British officer should not have given the +Rajah to understand that the offer would be considered as an insult; and +that he should not have forbidden its renewal, than that he should have +encouraged it, and even offered to receive a quarter of the sum proposed +to be given him for prompt payment. I can attribute your conduct on this +occasion, to nothing excepting the most inconsiderate indiscretion, and +to a desire to benefit yourself, which got the better of your prudence. +I desire, however, that you will refrain from the subject with the Rajah +of Kittoor at all, and that if he should renew it, you will inform him, +that I and all British officers consider such offers as insults on the +part of them by whom made. + +_Letter to an officer in India, January 20, 1803._ + +_Principle of Warfare in India._ + +We must get the upper hand, and if once we have that, we shall keep it +with ease, and shall certainly succeed. But if we begin by a long +defensive warfare, and go looking after convoys that are scattered over +the face of the earth, and do not attack briskly, we shall soon be in +distress. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 17, 1803._ + + * * * * * + +_How to avoid Party Spirit in the Army._ + +It occurs to me that there is much party in the army in your quarter; +this must be put an end to. And there is only one mode of effecting +this, and that is for the commanding officer to be of no side excepting +that of the public; to employ indiscriminately those who can best serve +the public, be they who they may, or in whatever service; the +consequence will be that the service will go on, all parties will join +in forwarding it, and in respecting him; there will be an end to their +petty disputes about trifles; and the commanding officer will be at the +head of an army instead of a party. + +_Letter to an officer, Sept. 16, 1803._ + + * * * * * + +_The power of the Sword necessary in India._ + +It is necessary that the political agents at the durbars of the native +princes should be supposed to have a considerable degree of power. In +this part of the world there is no power excepting that of the sword; +and it follows that if these political agents have no authority over the +military, they have no power whatever. + +The natives would soon find out this state of weakness, and the +residents would lose their influence over their councils. It may be +argued if that is the case, the military commanding officer ought to be +the resident, or political agent. In answer to this argument, I say, +that the same reasoning applies to every part of the executive +government; and that, upon this ground, the whole ought to be in the +hands of the military. In short, the only conclusion to be drawn from +all reflection and reasoning upon the subject is, that the British +government in India is a phenomenon; and that it will not answer to +apply to it, in its present state, either the rules which guide other +governments, or the reasoning upon which these rules are founded. + +_Dispatch, Oct. 13, 1803._ + + * * * * * + +_Reason for the ambiguity of Treaties._ + +It is impossible to frame a treaty of peace in such a manner as to find +in it a decision of all questions which can arise between the parties +concerned; particularly when the parties have frequently been at war, +and have preserved a recollection of a variety of contradictory claims +arising out of the events of their wars, which they are ready to bring +forward on all occasions. + +_Dispatch, Jan. 7, 1804._ + +_Foundation of British Power in India in 1803._ + +The British government has been left by the late Mahratta war in a most +glorious situation. They are the sovereigns of a great part of India, +the protectors of the principal powers, and the mediators by treaty of +the disputes of all. The sovereignty they possess is greater, and their +power is settled upon more permanent foundations, than any before known +in India; all it wants is the popularity which, from the nature of the +institutions and the justice of the proceedings of the government, it is +likely to obtain, and which it must obtain, after a short period of +tranquillity shall have given the people time and opportunity to feel +the happiness and security which they enjoy. + +_Dispatch, Jan. 16, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_British "Moderation" in India._ + +I declare that, when I view the treaty of peace,[2] and its +consequences, I am afraid it will be imagined that the moderation of the +British government in India has a strong resemblance to the ambition of +other governments. + +[Footnote 2: After the Mahratta war.] + +_Jan. 29, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Contrast between European and Asiatic Policy._ + +European governments were, till very lately, guided by certain rules and +systems of policy so accurately defined and generally known, that it was +scarcely possible to suppose a political event, in which the interest +and conduct of each state would not be as well known to the corps +diplomatique, in general, as to the statesmen of each particular state. +The Asiatic governments do not acknowledge, and hardly know of, such +rules and systems. Their governments are arbitrary; the objects of their +policy are always shifting; they have no regular established system, the +effect of which is to protect the weak against the strong; on the +contrary, the object of each of them separately, and of all of them +taken collectively, is to destroy the weak; and if by chance, they +should, by a sense of common danger, be induced for a season to combine +their efforts for their mutual defence, the combination lasts only so +long as it is attended with success; the first reverse dissolves it; +and, at all events, it is dissolved long before the danger ceases, the +apprehension of which originally caused it. The company's government in +India, the other contracting party to their alliance, is one bound by +all the rules and systems of European policy. The company's power in +India is supposed to depend much upon its reputation; and although I do +not admit that it depends upon its reputation, as distinguished from its +real force, as appears to be contended by some, I may say that it is +particularly desirable for a government, so constituted as the +company's, never to enter upon any particular object, the probable +result of which should not be greatly in favour of success. + +Besides this, the company's government in India is bound by acts of +parliament not to undertake wars of aggression, not to make any but +defensive alliances, and those only in cases in which the other +contracting party shall bind itself to defend the possessions of the +company actually threatened with hostilities. + +The company's government in India is also connected with his majesty's +government, and, as an Asiatic power, is liable to be involved in wars +with European powers possessing territories in India, whenever his +majesty shall be at war with those powers. + +The picture above drawn of the state of politics among Asiatic powers, +proves that no permanent system can be adopted which will preserve the +weak against the strong, and will keep all for any length of time in +their relative situations, and the whole in peace; excepting there +should be one power, which, either by the superiority of its strength, +its military system, or its resources, shall preponderate, and be able +to protect all. + +_1804._ + + * * * * * + +It is necessary for a man who fills a public situation, and who has +great public interests in charge, to lay aside all private +considerations, whether on his own account or that of other persons. + +_March 2, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +When war is concluded, all animosity should be forgotten. + +_March 12, 1804._ + +_The British character for good faith must be preserved in India._ + +I would sacrifice Gwalior, or every portion of India, ten times over, in +order to preserve our credit for scrupulous good faith, and the +advantages and honour we gained by the late war and the peace: and we +must not fritter them away in arguments, drawn from overstrained +principles of the laws of nations, which are not understood in this +country. What brought me through many difficulties in the war, and the +negociations for peace? The British good faith, and nothing else. + +_Dispatch, March 17, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Civil Government in India must follow immediately on Military +Conquest._ + +I rather think that you and the Governor-General agree in opinion on the +subject of the affairs of Malabar. He says, "examine and report the +state of the province before you commence your military operations; +define the evils, and propose a system of government which shall afford +a remedy, towards the establishment of which system military operations +may be directed." + +It would be useless to commence military operations upon any great +scale, unless the civil officers should be prepared to take possession +of the country, and to re-establish the civil government as the troops +shall conquer it. If the civil government were not re-established in +this manner, the rebels would rise again as soon as the troops would +pass through the districts; and the effect of the operations of a large +body of troops would be much the same as that of a small body. But if +the civil government is to be re-established in this manner, it would be +better to establish that system which is found to be good, and is to be +permanent, than that which is known to be had, and which is intended +should not last. Supposing that the bad system were first introduced, it +must be followed afterwards by the good one; and, supposing that the bad +system did not produce a rebellion of itself (which I acknowledge I do +not think it would, as rebellion in Malabar is to be traced to causes +entirely independent of all systems of civil government, excepting as +they are connected with a strong or weak military force), the change +from the bad to the good system would produce a degree of convulsion, +and, possibly, momentary weakness, which it is always desirable to +avoid. It is particularly desirable to avoid it in this instance, as it +will not be difficult, by an examination of all that has passed in +Malabar, to fix upon the general principles according to which that +province ought to be governed, and to form a system accordingly, in the +time which must elapse before the troops can he employed in settling the +province. + +_March 20, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Principle of Relief to the Poor._ + +The principle, of the mode in which I propose to relieve the distresses +of the inhabitants, is not to give grain or money in charity. + +Those who suffer from famine may properly be divided into two classes: +those who can, and those who cannot, work. In the latter class may be +included old persons, children, and the sick women; who, from their +former situation in life, have been unaccustomed to labour, and are +weakened by the effects of famine. + +The former, viz., those of both sexes who can work, ought to be employed +by the public; and in the course of this letter I shall point out the +work on which I should wish that they might be employed, and in what +manner paid. The latter, viz., those who cannot work, ought to be taken +into an hospital and fed, and receive medical aid and medicine at the +expense of the public. + +According to this mode of proceeding, subsistence will be provided for +all; the public will receive some benefit from the expense which will be +incurred, and, above all, it will be certain, that no able-bodied person +will apply for relief, unless he should be unwilling to work for his +subsistence, that none will apply who are able to work, and who are not +real objects of charity; and that none will come to Ahmednuggur for the +purpose of partaking of the food which must be procured by the labour, +or to obtain which they must submit to the restraint of an hospital. + +_Dispatch, April 11, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Tactics to be pursued against Predatory Troops_. + +I have served a good deal in this part of India against this description +of freebooter; and I think that the best mode of operating, is to press +him with one or two corps capable of moving with tolerable celerity, +and of such strength as to render the result of an action by no means +doubtful, if he should venture to risk one. There is but little hope, it +is true, that he will risk an action, or that any one of these corps +will come up with him. The effect to be produced by this mode of +operation is to oblige him to move constantly, and with great celerity. +When reduced to this necessity, he cannot venture to stop to plunder the +country, and he does comparatively but little mischief; at all events +the subsistence of his army becomes difficult and precarious, the +horsemen become dissatisfied, and they perceive that their situation is +hopeless, and they desert in numbers daily; the freebooter ends by +having with him only a few adherents, and he is reduced to such a state +as to be liable to be taken by any small body of country horse, which +are the fittest troops to be then employed against him. + +In proportion as the body of our troops, to be employed against a +freebooter of this description, have the power of moving with celerity, +will such freebooter be distressed. Whenever the largest and most +formidable bodies of them are hard pressed by our troops, the village +people attack them upon their rear and flanks, cut off stragglers, and +will not allow a man to enter their villages; because their villages +being in some degree fortified, they know well that the freebooters dare +not wait the time which would be necessary to reduce them. When this is +the case, all their means of subsistence vanish, no resource remains +excepting to separate, and even this resource is attended by risk, as +the village people cut them off on their way to their homes. + +_Dispatch, May 27, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of Secresy in Public Affairs_. + +There is nothing more certain than that of one hundred affairs +ninety-nine might be posted up at the market-cross, without injury to +the public interests; but the misfortune is that where the public +business is the subject of general conversation, and is not kept a +secret, as a matter of course, upon every occasion, it is very difficult +to keep it secret upon that occasion on which it is necessary. There is +an awkwardness in a secret which enables discerning men (of which +description there are always plenty in an army) invariably to find it +out; and it may be depended upon that, whenever the public business +ought to be kept secret, it always suffers when it is exposed to public +view. For this reason secresy is always best; and those who have been +long trusted with the conduct of public affairs are in the habit of +never making known public business of any description that it is not +necessary that the public should know. The consequence is that secresy +becomes natural to them, and as much a habit as it is to others to talk +of public matters; and they have it in their power to keep things secret +or not, as they may think proper. + +Remember that what I recommend to you is far removed from mystery; in +fact, I recommend silence upon the public business upon all occasions, +in order to avoid the necessity of mystery upon any. + +_Dispatch, June 28, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +In all retreats, it must be recollected that they are safe and easy, in +proportion to the number of attacks made by the retreating corps. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 12, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Neglect of his Services in India._ + +In regard to staying longer (in the Deccan), the question is exactly +whether the court of directors, or the king's ministers, have any claim +upon me, strong enough to induce me to do anything so disagreeable to my +feelings (leaving health out of the question) as to remain, for a great +length of time, in this country. I have served the company in important +situations for many years, and have never received anything but injury +from the court of directors, although I am a singular instance of an +officer who has served under all governments, and in communication with +all the political residents, and many civil authorities; and there is +not an instance on record, or in any private correspondence, of +disapprobation of any of my acts, or a single complaint, or even a +symptom of ill-temper from any one of the political or civil authorities +in communication with whom I have acted. The king's ministers have as +little claim upon me as the court of directors. I am not very ambitious, +and I acknowledge that I never have been very sanguine in my +expectations that military services in India would be considered in the +scale in which are considered similar services in other parts of the +world. But I might have expected to be placed on the staff in India; and +yet if it had not been for the lamented death of General Fraser, General +Smith's arrival would have made me supernumerary. This is perfectly well +known to the army, and is the subject of a good deal of conversation. + +_Jan. 4, 1805._ + + * * * * * + +I mistrust the judgment of every man in a case in which his own wishes +are concerned. + +_Feb. 3, 1805._ + + * * * * * + +_Advice to a Native Ruler in India._ + +Let the prosperity of the country be your great object; protect the +ryots and traders, and allow no man, whether invested with authority or +not, to oppress them with impunity. Do justice to every man. + +_March 2, 1805._ + + * * * * * + +Without distinction of religion every man ought to be called upon to do +service to the state, wherever he is particularly qualified to do that +service. + +_House of Commons, May 11, 1808._ + +_Control of the Navy and Army._ + +The navy is the characteristic and constitutional force of Britain, and +may therefore be governed by regulations of the legislature; but the +army is a new force, arising out of the extraordinary exigencies of +modern times, and from every consideration of expediency and necessity, +must be left under the control of the crown. + +_House of Commons, June 3, 1808._ + + * * * * * + +_The Law-breaker always Wrong._ + +It frequently happens that the people who do commit outrages and +disturbances have some reason to complain; but he who breaks the law +must be considered in the wrong, whatever may have been, the nature of +the provocation which he has received.[3] + +[Footnote 3: This remark, though it applies generally, was made with +respect to Ireland.] + +_Ibid, July 7, 1808._ + + * * * * * + + +THE PENINSULA. + +_The Battle of Vimeiro._ + +The action of Vimeiro is the only one I have ever been in (1808), in +which everything passed as was directed, and no mistake was made by any +of the officers charged with its conduct. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 22, 1806._ + + * * * * * + +_Distinction between Civil and Military Responsibility._ + +There is a great distinction of duty between military and civil inferior +situations. If, in a civil officer, the inferior differs materially from +the superior, he ought to resign, but in military appointments, it is +the duty of the inferior officer to assist his commander in the mode in +which that commander may deem his services most advantageous. + +_Defence of his conduct with regard to the Convention of Cintra. House +of Commons, Feb. 21, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Rapidity of the French Retreats accounted for._ + +It is obvious, that if an army throws away all its cannon, equipments, +and baggage, and everything which can strengthen it, and can enable it +to act together as a body; and abandons all those who are entitled to +its protection, but add to its weight and impede its progress;[4] it +must be able to march by roads through which it cannot be followed, with +any prospect of being overtaken by an army which has not made the same +sacrifice. + +[Footnote 4: Alluding to the rapidity of the French retreat.] + +_Dispatch, May 18, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +I have long been of opinion that a British army could bear neither +success nor failure.[5] + +[Footnote 5: Referring to their habits of plunder.] + +_Dispatch, May 31, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Inefficiency of Spanish Officers._ + +Nothing can be worse than the officers of the Spanish army, and it is +extraordinary that when a nation has devoted itself to war, as this +nation has by the measures which it has adopted in the last two years, +so little progress has been made in any one branch of the military +profession by any individual, and that the business of an army should be +so little understood. They are really children in the art of war, and I +cannot say they do anything as it ought to be done, with the exception +of running away, and assembling again in a state of nature. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Terrorism and Force, not Enthusiasm, enabled the French Revolutionary +Armies to conquer._ + +People are very apt to believe that enthusiasm carried the French +through their revolution, and was the parent of those exertions which +have nearly conquered the world; but if the subject is nicely examined, +it will be found that enthusiasm was the name only, but that force was +the instrument which brought forward those great resources under the +system of terror which first stopped the allies; and that a perseverance +in the same system of applying every individual and every description of +property to the service of the army, by force, has since conquered +Europe. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 25, 1809._ + +_The Spaniards and Portuguese want the true spirit of Soldiers._ + +We are mistaken if we believe that what these Portuguese and Spanish +armies require is discipline, properly so called. They want the habits +and spirit of soldiers--the habits of command on one side, and of +obedience on the other--mutual confidence between officers and men; and +above all, a determination in superiors to obey the spirit of the orders +they receive, let what will be the consequence, and the spirit to tell +the true cause if they do not. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 8, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of good understanding between Negotiating Parties._ + +Half the business of the world, particularly that of our country, is +done by accommodation, and by the parties understanding each other, but +when rights are claimed they must be resisted, if there are no grounds +for them; when appeal must be made to higher powers there can be no +accommodation, and much valuable time is lost in reference which ought +to be spent in action. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 20, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Popular Assemblies unmanageable._ + +I acknowledge that I have a great dislike to a new popular assembly; +even our own ancient one would be quite unmanageable, and in three days, +would ruin us, if the present generation had not before its eyes the +example of the French revolution; and if there were not certain rules +and orders for its guidance and government, the knowledge and use of +which render safe, and successfully direct, its proceedings. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 22, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Distracted State of Spain._ + +I declare that if I were in Buonaparte's situation, I should leave the +English and the Cortes to settle Spain in the best manner they could; +and I should entertain very little doubt but that in a very short space +of time Spain must fall into the hands of France. At the same time I +must agree with you in thinking that affairs are now in so desperate a +situation that they cannot be worse; that there is a real want of men of +common capacity in Spain, in whose hands any form of government, +intended for vigorous action, could be placed with any hope that their +powers could he used to the public advantage; and that the Cortes, with +all their faults, and the dangers attendant upon such an assembly, will +have at least this advantage, that they will have the confidence of the +country, and the prejudices of their countrymen of the lower class in +our favour, and against France; the remark being perfectly well founded, +that there is no prejudice or jealousy of us any where in Spain +excepting by the government. + +But in order to enjoy common safety under such an assembly as the +Spanish Cortes, the rules and orders for their proceedings and internal +government ought to be well defined, and to be, if possible, a part of +the constitution of the assembly. Great care should also be taken in +their formation to protect them from the effects of popular fury in the +place of their sitting; but still with all these precautions I should +prefer a wise Bourbon, if we could find one, for a regent, to the +Cortes. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 22, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +Whatever may be eventually the fate of Spain, Portugal must be a +military country. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 24, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Military Value of an Armed and Friendly People._ + +In respect to the army and armament of the people in Spain and Portugal, +there is no man more aware than I am of the advantage to be derived from +these measures; and if I had not reflected well upon the subject, my +experience of the war in Portugal and in Spain--(in Portugal, where the +people are in some degree armed and arrayed; and in Spain, where they +are not)--would have shewn me the advantage which an army has against +the enemy when the people are armed and arrayed, and are on its side in +the contest. But reflection, and, above all, experience have shewn me +the exact extent of this advantage in a military point of view; and I +only beg that those who have to contend with the French, will not be +diverted from the business of raising, arming, equipping, and training +regular bodies, by any notion that the people, when armed and arrayed, +will be of, I will not say any, but of much use to them. + +_Dispatch, Oct. 11, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Difficulties in the Peninsular War. The Battle of Talavera._ + +You will have heard of all that has passed in this country, and I will +not therefore trouble you with a repetition of the story. The battle of +Talevera was certainly the hardest fought of modern days, and the most +glorious in its results to our troops. Each side engaged lost a quarter +of their numbers. + +It is lamentable that, owing to the miserable inefficiency of the +Spaniards, to their want of exertion, and the deficiency of numbers, +even, of the allies, much more of discipline and every other military +quality, when compared with the enemy in the Peninsula, the glory of the +action is the only benefit we have derived from it. But that is a solid +and substantial benefit, of which we have derived some good consequences +already; for, strange to say, I have contrived with the little British +army to keep everything in check since the month of August last; and if +the Spaniards had not contrived, by their own folly and against my +entreaties and remonstrances, to lose an army in La Mancha about a +fortnight ago, I think we might have brought them through the contest; +as it is, however, I do not despair. I have in hand a most difficult +task, from which I may not extricate myself; but I must not shrink from +it, I command an unanimous army; I draw well with all the authorities in +Spain and Portugal; and I believe I have the good wishes of the whole +world. In such circumstances, one may fail, but it would be +dishonourable to shrink from the task. + +_Letter to Col. Malcome, Dec. 3, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Buonaparte's System Hollow._ + +The Austrian marriage is a terrible event, and must prevent any great +movement on the continent for the present. Still I do not despair of +seeing, at some time or other, a check to the Buonaparte system. Recent +transactions in Holland shew that it is all hollow within; and that it +is so inconsistent with the wishes, the interests, and even the +existence of civilized society, that he cannot trust even his brothers +to carry it into execution. + +_Dispatch, April 4, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Military Law the will of the General._ + +Military law, as applied to any persons excepting the officers, +soldiers, and followers of the army, for whose government there are +particular provisions of law in all well regulated countries, is neither +more nor less than the will of the general of the army. He punishes +either with or without trial, for crimes either declared to be so, or +not so declared, by any existing law, or by his own orders. This is the +plain and common meaning of the term military law. Besides the mode of +proceeding above described, laws have been made in different countries +at different times to establish and legalize a description of military +constitution. + +The commander-in-chief, or the government, has been authorized to +proceed by military process--that is, by court martial or council of +war--against persons offending against certain laws, or against their +own orders, issued generally for the security of the army; or for the +establishment of a certain government or constitution odious to the +people among whom it is established. + +Of both descriptions of military law, there are numerous instances in +the history of the operations of the French army during the revolution; +and there is an instance of the existence both of the first-mentioned +description and of the last-mentioned in Ireland, during the rebellion +of 1798, when the people were in insurrection against the government, +and were to be restrained by force. + +_Dispatch, April 19, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Letter to a Portuguese of Rank on the Position and Duties of Persons in +his station._ + +I have received your letter containing a complaint against----, of the +quarter-master general's department, that he had ill-treated one of your +servants, into which I shall make inquiry, and let you know the result. + + +It is impossible, however, for me to interfere in any manner with a +billet, given by the magistrates of Coimbra, for an officer and his +family to be quartered in your house. I must at the same time inform +you, that I am not a little surprised that a person of your rank and +station, and quality in the country, should object to give accommodation +in your house, and should make a complaint of this officer, that he had +asked you for additional accommodation, when it appears by the letter +which you enclosed, and which I now return, that when you objected to +give him this additional accommodation for which he asked, he acquiesced +in your objection, and did not any longer require this accommodation. + +The unfortunate situation in which Portugal is placed, and the desire of +the insatiable enemy of mankind to force this once happy and loyal +people to submit to his iron yoke, to plunder them of their properties +to destroy their religion and to deprive them of their monarch, has +rendered it necessary to collect in this country a large army, in order, +if possible, to defeat and frustrate the designs of the enemy. It is the +duty of those whose age, whose sex, or whose profession, do not permit +them to take an active part in the defence of their country, to assist +those employed in its defence with provisions, lodgings for officers and +troops, means of transport, &c., and at all events not to oppose +themselves to the granting of this description of assistance. These +duties are more particularly incumbent upon the rich and high in +station, who would be the first victims of, and greatest sufferers +from, the enemy's success, unless, indeed, they should be of the number +of those traitors who are aiding to introduce the common enemy into the +country, to destroy its happiness and independence. + +Under these circumstances I am not a little astonished to receive these +frivolous and manifestly unfounded complaints from you, and that you +should be the person to set the example of objecting to give quarters to +an officer, because he is married and has children. + +It is not very agreeable to anybody to have strangers quartered in his +house; nor is it very agreeable to us strangers, who have good houses in +our own country, to be obliged to seek for quarters here. We are not +here for our pleasure; the situation of your country renders it +necessary: and you, a man of family and fortune, who have much to lose, +should not be the first to complain of the inconvenience of our presence +in the country. + +I do everything in my power to alleviate the inconvenience which all +must suffer. We pay extravagant prices with unparalleled punctuality for +everything we receive; and I make it a rule to inquire into and redress +every injury that is really done by the troops under my command, as I +shall that to which I have above referred, of which you complain, in the +conduct of----towards your servant. + +_Dispatch, August 23, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Croaking Spirit in the British Army in Portugal_. + +It appears that you have had a good smart contest with the government +respecting our plan of operations. They will end in forcing me to quit +them, and then they will see how they will get on. They will then find +that I alone keep things in their present state. Indeed the temper of +some of the officers of the British army gives me more concern than the +folly of the Portuguese government. I have always been accustomed to +have the confidence and support of the officers of the armies which I +have commanded; but for the first time, whether owing to the opposition +in England, or whether the magnitude of the concern is too much for +their minds and their nerves, or whether I am mistaken and they are +right, I cannot tell; but there is a system of croaking in the army +which is highly injurious to the public service, and which I must devise +some means to put an end to, or it will put an end to us. Officers have +a right to form their own opinions upon events and transactions, but +officers of high rank or situation ought to keep their opinions to +themselves; if they do not approve of the system of operations of their +commander, they ought to withdraw from the army. And this is a point to +which I must bring some, if I should not find that their own good sense +prevents them from going on as they have done lately. Believe me that if +any body else, knowing what I do, had commanded the army, they would now +have been in Lisbon, if not, in their ships. + +_Dispatch, September 11, 1810._ + +_Note_--This passage from a letter to the British minister at Lisbon is +one of many, which explain the difficulties Lord Wellington had to +encounter from the Portuguese Government, from the opposition and the +press in England, and from the want of proper military spirit in his own +officers. + +_Conduct of the Portuguese._ + +If we are to go on as we have hitherto; if Great Britain is to give +large subsidies, and to expend large sums in the support of a cause in +which these most interested sit by and take no part; and those at the +head of the government, with laws and power to force the people to +exertion in the critical circumstances in which the country is placed, +are aware of the evil, but neglect their duty and omit to put the laws +into execution, I must believe their professions to be false; that they +look to a little dirty popularity instead of to save their country; that +they are unfaithful servants to their master, and persons in whom his +allies can place no confidence. + +_Oct. 28, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_The National Disease of Spain._ + +The national disease of Spain, that is, boasting of the strength and +power of the Spanish nation, till they are seriously convinced that they +are in no danger, then sitting down quietly and indulging their national +indolence. + +_Dec. 2, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Apathy of the Portuguese._ + +There exists in the people of Portugal, an unconquerable love of their +ease, which is superior even to their fear and detestation of the enemy. +Neither will they, or their magistrates, or the government, see that the +temporary indulgence of this passion for tranquillity must occasion the +greatest misfortunes to the state and hardships to the individuals +themselves; and no person in the country likes to have his tranquillity +and habits disturbed for any purpose, however important, or to be the +instrument of disturbing those of others. Thus every arrangement is +defeated, and every order disobeyed with impunity. The magistrate will +not force the inhabitants to adopt a measure, however beneficial to the +state and himself, which will disturb his old habits; and the government +will not force the magistrate to do that which will be disagreeable to +him and to the people: thus we shall go on till the end of time. + +_January 3, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Takes no Notice of Newspapers._ + +I hope that the opinions of the people in Great Britain are not +influenced by paragraphs in newspapers, and that those paragraphs do not +convey the public opinion or sentiment upon any subject: therefore I +(who have more reason than any other public man of the present day to +complain of libels of this description) never take the smallest notice +of them; and have never authorized any contradiction to be given, or any +statement to be made in answer to the innumerable falsehoods, and the +heaps of false reasoning, which have been published respecting me and +the operations which I have directed. + +_January 7, 1811._ + +_Indolence of the Natives of the Peninsula._ + +There is something very extraordinary in the nature of the people of the +Peninsula. I really believe them, those of Portugal particularly, to be +the most loyal and best disposed, and the most cordial haters of the +French, that ever existed; but there is an indolence and a want even of +the power of exertion in their disposition and habits, either for their +own security, that of their country, or of their allies, which baffle +all our calculations and efforts. + +_January 16, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Different Constitution of the French and English Armies._ + +It may also be asked why should we spend our money, and why these troops +should not go on as the French troops do, without pay, provisions, +magazines, or any thing? The French army is certainly a wonderful +machine; but if we are to form such a one, we must form such a +government as exists in France, which can with impunity lose one-half of +the troops employed in the field every year, only by the privations and +hardships imposed upon them. Next, we most compose our army of soldiers +drawn from all classes of the population of the country; from the good +and middling, as well as in rank as education, as from the bad; and not +as all other nations do, and we in particular, from the bad only. +Thirdly, we must establish such a system of discipline as the French +have; a system founded on the strength of the tyranny of the government, +which operates upon an army composed of soldiers, the majority of whom +are sober, well disposed, amenable to order, and in some degree +educated. + +When we shall have done all this, and shall have made these armies of +the strength of those employed by the French, we may require of them to +live as the French do, viz., by authorised and regular plunder of the +country and its inhabitants, if any should remain; and we may expose +them to the labour, hardships and privations which the French soldier +suffers every day; and we must expect the same proportion of loss every +campaign, viz., one-half of those who take field. + +_January 26, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Character of the Marques de la Romana._ + +In him the Spanish army have lost their brightest ornament, his country +their most upright patriot, and the world the most strenuous and zealous +defender of the cause in which we are engaged; and I shall always +acknowledge with gratitude the assistance which I received from him, as +well by his operations as by his counsel, since he had been joined with +this army. + +_January 26, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_None but the worst men enter the Army as Privates._ + +In respect to recruiting the army, my own opinion is, that the +government have never taken an enlarged view of the subject. It is +expected that people will become soldiers in the line, and leave their +families to starve, when, if they become soldiers in the militia, their +families are provided for. This is an inconsistency that must strike the +mind of even the least reflecting of mankind. What is the consequence? +That none but the worst description of men enter the regular service. + + * * * * * + +But admitting the truth of the expense, I say that the country has not a +choice between army and no army, between peace or war. They must have a +large and efficient army, one capable of meeting the enemy abroad, or +they must expect to meet him at home; and then farewell to all +considerations of measures of greater or lesser expense, and to the +ease, the luxury, and happiness of England. God forbid that I should see +the day on which hostile armies should contend within the United +Kingdom; but I am very certain that I shall not only see that day, but +shall be a party in the contest, unless we alter our system, and the +public feel in time the real nature of the contest in which we are at +present engaged, and determine to meet its expense. I have gone a little +beyond the question of recruiting; but depend upon it that you will get +men when you provide for the families of soldiers in the line and not in +the militia, and not before. + +_January 28, 1811._ + +_Buonaparte's "disgusting Tyranny."_ + +I am glad to hear such good accounts of affairs in the North. God send +that they may prove true, and that we may overthrow this disgusting +tyranny: however, of this I am certain, that whether true or not at +present, something of the kind must occur before long, and, if we can +only hold out, we shall yet see the world relieved. + +_March 23, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_A French army in England would be the consequence of our withdrawal +from the Peninsula._ + +I shall be sorry if government should think themselves under the +necessity of withdrawing from this country, on account of the expense of +the contest. From what I have seen of the objects of the French +government, and the sacrifices they make to accomplish them, I have no +doubt that if the British army were for any reason to withdraw from the +Peninsula, and the French government were relieved from the pressure of +military operations on the Continent, they would incur all risks to land +an army in his majesty's dominions. Then indeed would commence an +expensive contest; then his majesty's subjects discover what are the +miseries of war, of which, by the blessing of God, they have hitherto +had no knowledge; and the cultivation, the beauty, and prosperity of the +country, and the virtue and happiness of its inhabitants, would be +destroyed: whatever might be the result of the military operations; God +forbid that I should be a witness, much less an actor, in the scene.[6] + +[Footnote 6: At this time the clamours of the opposition regarding the +expense of the war induced a fear that the government might determine to +discontinue it.] + +_March 23, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_The Peninsular Governments must not mind unpopularity._ + +I recommend to them (the Spaniards and Portuguese) to advert seriously +to the nature of the task which they have to perform. Popularity, +however desirable it may be to individuals, will not form, or feed, or +pay an army; will not enable it to march and fight; will not keep it in +a state of efficiency for long and arduous services. The resources which +a wise government must find for these objects must be drawn from the +people, not by measures which will render those unpopular who undertake +to govern a country in critical circumstances, but by measures which +must for a moment have a contrary effect. The enthusiasm of the people +in favour of any individual never saved any country. They must be +obliged by the restraint of law and regulation, to do those things and +to pay those contributions, which are to enable the government to carry +on this necessary contest. + +_April 9, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Coolness in action, not headlong bravery, is required in the Army._ + +The desire to be forward in engaging the enemy is not uncommon in the +British array; but that quality which I wish to see the officers +possess, who are at the head of the troops, is a cool, discriminating +judgment in action, which will enable them to decide with promptitude +how far they can and ought to go, with propriety; and to convey their +orders, and act with such vigour and decision, that the soldiers will +look up to them with confidence in the moment of action, and obey them +with alacrity. + +_May 15, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_The battle of Albuera one of the most glorious in the War._ + +You will have heard of the Marshal's (Beresford) action on the 16th. The +fighting was desperate, and the loss of the British has been very +severe; but, adverting to the nature of the contest, and the manner in +which they held their ground against all the efforts the whole French +army could make against them, notwithstanding all the losses which they +had sustained, I think this action one of the most glorious, and +honourable to the character of the troops, of any that has been fought +during the war. + +_May 20, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Portuguese Troops, better than Spanish._ + +What a pity it is that the Spaniards will not set to work seriously to +discipline their troops! We do what we please now with the Portuguese +troops; we manoeuvre them under fire equally with our own, and have some +dependence on them; but these Spaniards can do nothing but stand still, +and we consider ourselves fortunate if they do not run away. + +_May 25, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Disorganized state of the Peninsular Governments._ + +Those unfortunate governments in the Peninsula have been reduced to such +a state of decrepitude, that I believe there was no authority existing +within Spain or Portugal before the French invaded these countries. The +French invasion did not improve this state of things; and, since what is +called in Spain the revolution, and in Portugal the restoration, no +crime that I know of has been punished in either, excepting that of +being a French partisan. Those malversations in office--those neglects +of duty; the disobedience of orders; the inattention to regulation, +which tend to defeat all plans for military operation, and ruin a state +that is involved in war, more certainly than the plots of all the French +partisans, are passed unnoticed; and, notwithstanding the numerous +complaints which Marshal Beresford and I have made, I do not know that +one individual has yet been punished, or even dismissed from his +office. The cause of this evil is the mistaken principle on which the +government have proceeded. They have imagined that the best foundation +for their power was a low, vulgar popularity; the evidence is the shouts +of the mob of Lisbon, and the regular attendance at their levees, and +the bows and scrapes of people in office, who ought to have other modes +of spending their time; and to obtain this babble the government of +Portugal, as well as the successive governments in Spain, have neglected +to perform those essential duties of all governments, viz., to force +those they are placed over to do their duty, by which, before this time, +these countries would have been out of danger. + +The other evil is connected very materially with the first. The +government will not regulate their finances, because it will interfere +with some man's job. They will not lay on new taxes, because in all +countries those who lay on taxes are not favourites with the mob. They +have a general income-tax, called 10 per cent., and, in some cases, 20 +per cent., which they have regulated in such a manner as that no +individual, I believe, has paid a hundredth part of what he ought to +have paid. Then, for want of money, they can pay nobody, and, of course, +have not the influence which they ought to have over the subordinate +departments. + +In addition to embarrassments of all descriptions surrounding us on all +sides, I have to contend with an ancient enmity between these two +nations, which is more like that of cat and dog than anything else, of +which no sense of common danger, or common interest, or anything, can +get the better, even in individuals. + +_June 12, 1811._ + +To write an anonymous letter is the meanest action of which any man can +be guilty. + +_Dispatch, July 3, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_British Officers, as well at Soldiers, require to be kept in order._ + +I must also observe that British officers require to be kept in order, +as well as the soldiers under their command, particularly in a foreign +service. The experience which I have had of their conduct in the +Portuguese service has shown me that there must be authority, and that a +strong one, to keep them within due bounds, otherwise they would only +disgust the soldiers over whom they should be placed, the officers whom +they should be destined to assist, and the country in whose service they +should be employed. + +_October 1, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Money in aid of Labour better than Charity._ + +That which would be desirable is, if possible, to aid laborious +exertions to procure a subsistence by small advances of money; and I +propose to keep this principle in view in the distribution of the money +entrusted to me, by which not only it will subsist those to whom it will +be given for a longer period, but it may be hoped that the people will +resume their habits of industry, and that they will soon again be able +to provide for their own subsistence. + +_Oct. 11, 1811._ + +_A General Re-action against Buonaparte predicted._ + +I have, however, long considered it probable, that even _we_ should +witness a general resistance throughout Europe to the fraudulent and +disgusting tyranny of Buonaparte, created by the example of what has +occurred in Spain and Portugal; and that _we_ should be actors and +advisers in these scenes; and I have reflected frequently upon the +measures which should be pursued to give a chance of success. + +Those who embark in projects of this description should be made to +understand, or to act as if they understood, that having once drawn the +sword they must not return it, till they shall have completely +accomplished their object. They must be prepared, and must be forced, to +make all sacrifices to the cause. Submission to military discipline and +order is a matter of course; but when a nation determines to resist the +authority, and to shake off the government of Buonaparte, they must be +prepared and forced to sacrifice the luxuries and comforts of life, and +to risk all in a contest, which it should be clearly understood before +it is undertaken, has for its object to save all or nothing. + +The first measure for a country to adopt is to form an army, and to +raise a revenue from the people to defray the expense of the army: +above all, to form a government of such strength, as that army and +people can be forced by it to perform their duty. This is the rock upon +which Spain has split; and all our measures in any other country which +should afford hopes of resistance to Buonaparte should be directed to +avoid it. The enthusiasm of the people is very fine, and looks well in +print; but I have never known it to produce any thing but confusion. In +France, what was called enthusiasm was power and tyranny, acting through +the medium of popular societies, which have ended by overturning Europe, +and in establishing the most powerful and dreadful tyranny that ever +existed. In Spain, the enthusiasm of the people spent itself in _vivas_ +and vain boasting. The notion of its existence prevented even the +attempt to discipline the armies; and its existence has been alleged, +ever since, as the excuse for the rank ignorance of the officers and the +indiscipline and constant misbehaviour of the troops. + +I therefore earnestly recommend you, wherever you go, to trust nothing +to the enthusiasm of the people. Give them a strong and a just, and, if +possible, a good government; but, above all, a strong one, which shall +enforce upon them to do their duty by themselves and their country; and +let measures of finance to support an army go hand in hand with measures +to raise it. + +I am quite certain that the finances of Great Britain are more than a +match for Buonaparte, and that we shall have the means of aiding any +country that may be disposed to resist his tyranny. But those means are +necessarily limited in every country by the difficulty of procuring +specie. This necessary article can be obtained in sufficient quantities +only by the contributions of the people; and although Great Britain can +and ought to assist with money, as well as in other modes, every effort +of this description, the principal financial as well as military effort, +ought to be by the people of the resisting country. + +_Dec. 10, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_The French System of Predatory War._ + +In the early days of the revolutionary war, the French, at the +recommendation, I believe, of Brissot, adopted a measure which they +called a _levée en masse_; and put every man, animal, and article, in +their own country, in requisition for the service of the armies. This +system of plunder was carried into execution by the popular societies +throughout the country. It is not astonishing that a nation, among whom +such a system was established, should have been anxious to carry on the +war beyond their own frontiers. This system both created the desire and +afforded the means of success; and with the war, they carried, wherever +they went, the system of requisition; not, however, before they had, by +these and other revolutionary measures, entirely destroyed all the +sources of national prosperity at home. + +Wherever the French armies have since gone, their subsistence, at least, +the most expensive article in all armies, and means of transport, have +been received from the country for nothing. Sometimes, besides +subsistence, they have received clothing and shoes; in other instances, +besides these articles, they have received pay; and from Austria and +Prussia, and other parts of Germany and Italy, they have drawn, besides +all these articles of supply for their troops, heavy contributions in +money for the supply of the treasury at Paris. To this enumeration ought +to be added the plunder acquired by the generals, officers, and troops; +and it will be seen that the new French system of war is the greatest +evil that ever fell on the civilised world. + +The capital and industry of France having been destroyed by the +revolution, it is obvious that the government cannot raise a revenue +from the people of France adequate to support the large force which must +be maintained in order to uphold the authority of the new government, +particularly in the newly-conquered or ceded states; and to defend the +widely-extended frontier of France from all those whose interest and +inclination must lead them to attack it. The French government, +therefore, under whatever form administered, must seek for support for +their armies in foreign countries. War must be a financial resource; and +that appears to me to be the greatest misfortune which the French +revolution has entailed upon the present generation. + +_Jan. 31, 1812._ + + * * * * * + +I consider the Portuguese troops, next to the British, the best in the +Peninsula. + +_May 3, 1812._ + + * * * * * + +It is very difficult to manage the defence of the kingdom of Portugal, +the whole country being frontier. + +_June 11, 1812._ + +_How to establish National Credit._ + +When a nation is desirous of establishing public credit, or, in other +words, of inducing individuals to confide their property to its +government, they must begin by acquiring a revenue equal to their fixed +expenditure; and they must manifest an inclination to be honest, by +performing their engagements in respect to their debts. + +_June 25. 1812._ + + * * * * * + +_The Spaniards cry "Viva!" but don't act._ + +I do not expect much from the exertions of the Spaniards, +notwithstanding all that we have done for them. They cry _viva!_ and are +very fond of us, and hate the French; but they are, in general, the most +incapable of useful exertion of all the nations that I have ever known; +the most vain, and at the same time the most ignorant, particularly of +military affairs, and above all of military affairs in their own +country. + +_August 18, 1812._ + + * * * * * + +_Imbecility of the Spanish Leaders._ + +It is extraordinary that the revolution in Spain should not have +produced one man with any knowledge of the real situation of the +country. It really appears as if they were all drunk, and thinking, and +talking of any other subject but Spain. + +_November 1, 1812._ + +_Evils of uncontrolled popular Legislatures._ + +The theory of all legislation is founded in justice; and, if we could be +certain that legislative assemblies could on all occasions act according +to the principles of justice, there would be no occasion for those +checks and guards which we have seen established under the best systems. +Unfortunately, however, we have seen that legislative assemblies are +swayed by the fears and passions of individuals; when unchecked, they +are tyrannical and unjust; nay, more, it unfortunately happens too +frequently, that the most tyrannical and unjust measures are the most +popular. Those measures are particularly popular which deprive rich and +powerful individuals of their properties under the pretence of the +public advantage; and I tremble for a country in which, as in Spain, +there is no barrier for the preservation of private property, excepting +the justice of a legislative assembly possessing supreme powers. + +_January 29, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +_Ingratitude of the Portuguese to the British Army._ + +I must say, that the British army, which I have the honour to command, +have met with nothing but ingratitude from the government and +authorities in Portugal for their services; and that everything that +could be done has been done by the civil authorities, lately, to oppress +the officers and soldiers on every occasion in which it has by any +accident been in their power. I hope, however, that we have seen the +last of Portugal. + +_July 20, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +Jealousy of the interference of foreigners in their internal concerns, +is the characteristic of all Spaniards. + +_July 12, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +Sound sense is better than abilities. + +_August 8, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +_Basis of military operations against the United States from the side of +Canada._ + +Any offensive operation founded upon Canada must be preceded by a naval +superiority on the lakes. But even if we had that superiority, I should +doubt our being able to do more than secure the points on those lakes at +which the Americans could have access. In such countries as America, +very extensive, thinly peopled, and producing but little food in +proportion to their extent, military operations by large bodies are +impracticable, unless the party carrying them on has the uninterrupted +use of a navigable river, or very extensive means of land transport, +which such a country can rarely supply. + +I conceive, therefore, that were your army larger even than the proposed +augmentation would make it, you could not quit the lakes; and, indeed, +would be tied to them the more necessarily in proportion as your army +would be large.[7] + +[Footnote 7: The letter from the Duke the above is taken was written in +reply to an application by the home government for his opinion. We +frequently find the Duke applied to for his opinion on political matters +at home, while serving in the Peninsula.] + +_February 22, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +_The Morale of an Army important to Discipline._ + +No reliance can be placed on the conduct of troops in action with the +enemy, who have been accustomed to plunder, and those officers alone can +expect to derive honour in the day of battle from the conduct of the +troops under their command, who shall have forced them, by their +attention and exertions, to behave as good soldiers ought in their +cantonments, their quarters, and their camps. + +_March 5, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +English officers are very strictly instructed, and those who mean to +serve their country well must obey their instructions, however fearless +they may be of responsibility. Indeed, I attribute this fearlessness +very much to the determination never to disobey, as long as the +circumstances exist under which an order is given. + +_April 16, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +_French Feelings about the Slave Trade._ + +You (Mr. Wilberforce) judge most correctly regarding the state of the +public mind here upon this question. Not only is there no information, +but, because England takes an interest in the question, it is impossible +to convey any through the only channel which would be at all effectual, +viz., the daily press. Nobody reads anything but the newspapers; but it +is impossible to get anything inserted in any French newspaper in Paris +in favour of the abolition, or even to show that the trade was abolished +in England, from motives of humanity. The extracts made from English +newspapers upon this, or any other subject, are selected with a view, +either to turn our principles and conduct into ridicule, or to +exasperate against us still more the people of this country; and +therefore the evil cannot be remedied by good publications in the daily +press in England, with a view to their being copied into the newspapers +here. + + * * * * * + +I must say that the daily press in England do us a good deal of harm in +this as well as in other questions. We are sure of the king and his +government, if he could rely upon the opinion of his people. But as long +as our press teems with writings drawn with a view of irritating persons +here, we shall never be able to exercise the influence which we ought to +have upon this question, and which we really possess. + +_Letter to Mr. Wilberforce, October 8, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +The real power in Spain is in the clergy. + +_October 20, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +Les choses neuves, surtout quand elles sont compliquées, ne vont pas +bien. + +_Letter to Doumouriex, November 3, 1814._ + +FRANCE. + +_Effects of Buonaparte's Government of France._ + +Ce qu'il y a de pis c'est le mécontentement général, et la pauvreté +universelle. Cette malheureuse révolution et ces suites ont ruiné le +pays, de fond en comble. Tout le monde est pauvre, et, ce qui est pis, +leurs institutions empêchent qu'aucune famille devienne riche et +puissante. Tous doivent donc nécessairement viser à remplir des emplois +publics, non, comme autrefois, pour l'honneur de les remplir, mais pour +avoir de quoi vivre. Tout le monde donc cherche de l'emploi public. + +Buonaparte laissa une armée de million d'hommes en France, outres les +officiers prisonniers en Angleterre et en Russie. Le roi ne peut pas en +maintenir le quart. Tous ceux non employées sont mécontens. Buonaparte +gouvernait directement la moitié de l'Europe, et indirectement presque +l'autre moitié. Pour des causes à présent bien develloppées et connues, +il employait une quantité infinie de personnes dans ses administrations; +et tous ceux employés, ou dans les administrations extérieures, civiles, +ou dans les administrations militaires des armées, sont renvoyés, et +beaucoup des ceux employés dans les administrations intérieures; à cette +classe nombreuse ajouter la quantité d'émigrés, et de personnes rentrés, +tous mourant de faim, et tous convoitant de l'emploi public afin de +pouvoir vivre, et vous trouverez que plus des trois quarts de la classe +de la société, non employée à la main d'oeuvre ou à labourer la terre, +sont en état d'indigence, et, par conséquence, mécontens. Si vous +considerez bien ce tableau, qui est la stricte vérité, vous y verrez la +cause et la nature du danger du jour. L'armée les officiers, sourtout, +sont mécontens. Ils le sont pour plusieurs raisons inutiles à detailler +ici, mais ce mécontentement pourra ce vaincre en adoptant des mesures +sages pour améliorer l'esprit. + +_Letter to Doumouriex, November 26, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +_Re-establishment of the Bourbons necessary to the Peace of Europe._ + +I have frequently told your highness, and every day's experience shews +me that I am right, that the only chance of peace for Europe consists in +the establishment in France of the legitimate Bourbons. The +establishment of any other government, whether in the person of----, or +in a regency in the name of young Napoleon, or in any other individual, +or in a republic, must lead to the maintenance of large military +establishments, to the ruin of all the governments of Europe, till it +shall suit the convenience of the French government to commence a +contest which can be directed only against you, or others for whom we +are interested. In this contest we shall feel the additional difficulty, +that those who are now on our side will then be against us, and you will +again find yourself surrounded by enemies. I am convinced that the +penetration of your highness will have shewn you the danger of all these +schemes to the interests of the emperor, and that you will defeat them +all by adhering to that line of conduct (in which you will find us +likewise) which will finally lead to the establishment in France of the +legitimate government, from which alone can Europe expect any genuine +peace. + +_May 20, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Effects of Waterloo._ + +I may be wrong, but my opinion is, that we have given Napoleon his +death-blow: from all I hear, his army is totally destroyed, the men are +deserting in parties, even the generals are withdrawing from him. The +infantry throw away their arms, and the cavalry and artillery sell their +horses to the people of the country, and desert to their homes. Allowing +for much exaggeration in this account, and knowing that Buonaparte can +still collect, in addition to what he has brought back with him, the 5th +corps d'armée, under Rapp, which is near Strasbourg, and the 3rd corps, +which was at Wavre during the battle, and has not suffered so much as +the others, and probably some troops from La Vendée, I am still of +opinion that he can make no head against us--qu'il n'a qu'à se pendre. + +_June 23, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +Some of the regiments (the new ones I mean) are reduced to nothing; but +I must keep them as regiments, to the great inconvenience of the +service, at great expense; or I must send them home, and part with the +few British soldiers I have. + +I never was so disgusted with any concern as I am with this; and I only +hope that I am going the right way to bring it to an early determination +some way or other. + +_June 25, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Waterloo described to a Soldier._ + +Notre Bataille du 18 a été une de géans; et notre succès a été complet, +comme vous voyez. Que Dieu me favorise assez pour que je n'en aie plus, +parceque je suis désolé de la perte de mes anciens amis et comrades. + +Mon voisin et collaborateur (Blücher) est en bonne santé quoique un peu +souffrant d'une chute qu'il a faite d'un cheval blessé sous lui dans la +bataille du 16. + +_Letter to Doumouriex, June 26, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_If Buonaparte is to be put to Death, he will not be his Executioneer._ + +General----has been here this day to negociate for Napoleon's passing +to America, to which proposition I have answered, that I have no +authority. The Prussians think the Jacobins wish to give him over to me, +believing that I will save his life.---- wishes to kill him; but I have +told him I shall remonstrate, and shall insist upon his being disposed +of by common accord. I have likewise said that, as a private friend, I +advised him to have nothing to do with so foul a transaction; and that +he and I had acted too distinguished parts in these transactions to +become executioners, and that I was determined that, if the sovereigns +wished to put him to death, they should appoint an executioner, which +should not be me. + +_June 26, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_The "Pounding Match."_ + +You will have heard of our battle of the 18th. Never did I see such a +pounding match. Both were what the boxers call "gluttons." Napoleon did +not manoeuvre at all. He just moved forward in the old style, in +columns, and was driven off in the old style. The only difference was +that he mixed cavalry with his infantry, and supported both with an +enormous quantity of artillery. + +I had the infantry for some time in squares, and we had the French +cavalry walking about as if they had been our own. I never saw the +British infantry behave so well. + +_Letter to Marshal Beresford, July 9, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Blucher's Vandalism averted._ + +To Marshal Prince Blucher.--Several reports have been brought to me +during the evening and night, and some from the government, in +consequence of the work carrying on by your highness on one of the +bridges over the Seine, which it is supposed to be your intention to +destroy. + +As this measure will certainly create a good deal of disturbance in the +town, and as the sovereigns when they were here before, left all these +bridges, &c., standing, I take the liberty of suggesting to you to delay +the destruction of the bridge, at least till they should arrive; or, at +all events, till I can have the pleasure of seeing you to-morrow +morning. + +_July 8, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +The destruction of the bridge of Jena is highly disagreeable to the king +and to the people, and may occasion disturbance in the city. It is not +merely a military measure, but is one likely to attach to the character +of our operations, and is of political importance. It is adopted solely +because the bridge is considered as a monument of the battle of Jena, +notwithstanding that the government are willing to change the name of +the bridge. Considering the bridge as a monument, I beg leave to suggest +that its immediate destruction is inconsistent with the promise made to +the commissioners on behalf of the part of the army, during the +negociation of the convention, viz., that the monuments, museums, &c., +should be reserved for the decision of the allied sovereigns. + +All that I ask is, that the execution of the orders given for the +destruction of the bridge may be suspended till the sovereigns shall +arrive here, when, if it should be agreed by common accord that the +bridge ought to be destroyed, I shall have no objection. + +_July 9, 1815._[8] + +[Footnote 8: The Duke rarely writes or speaks twice, when once will do. +On this occasion he was anxious; and--successful.] + + * * * * * + +_Summary Justice._ + +To the Sous-Préfet de Pontoise.--J'ai ordonné qu'on vous fasse +prisonnier, parceque, ayant envoyé une réquisition à Pontoise pour des +vivres, vous avez répondu que vous ne les donneriez pas, sans qu'on +envoie une force militaire assez forte pour les prendre. + +Vous vous êtes mis dans les cas des militaires, et je vous fais +prisonnier de guerre, et je vous envoie en Angleterre. + +Si je vous traitais comme l'usurpateur et ses adherens ont traité les +habitans des pays ou ils ont fait la guerre, je vous ferais fusiller; +mais, comme vous vous êtes constitué guerrier, je vous fais prisonnier +de guerre. + +_July 13, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Characteristic Letter to Marshal Beresford_. + +The battle of Waterloo was certainly the hardest fought that has been +for many years, I believe, and has placed in the power of the allies the +most important results. We are throwing them away, however, by the +infamous conduct of some of us; and I am sorry to add that our own +government also are taking up a little too much the tone of their +rascally newspapers. They are shifting their objects; and, having got +their cake, they want both to eat it and keep it. + +As for your Portuguese concerns, I recommend you to resign, and come +away immediately. It is impossible for the British government to +maintain British officers for the Portuguese army, at an expense even so +trifling as it is, if the Portuguese government are to refuse to give +the service of the army in the cause of Europe in any manner. Pitch them +to the devil, then, in the mode which will be most dignified to +yourself, and that which will have the best effect in opening the +prince's eyes to the conduct of his servants in Portugal; and let the +matter work its own way. Depend upon it, the British government must and +will recall the British officers. + +_August 7, 1815._ + + * * * * * + + +SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT. + +_Praise of Lord Hastings and the Indian Army._ + +He professed his entire concurrence in the tribute of approbation +bestowed on the Marquis of Hastings, for his conduct of the late war in +India. There could not remain a doubt in the minds of those acquainted +with the facts, but that the wisdom of the plan on which it was +commenced, and the vigour of its execution, merited the highest praise. +The noble Duke said, he was pleased that an opportunity, like the +present, had occurred to do justice to the services and gallantry of our +troops in India, which were often neglected or disallowed. No troops in +the world performed their duty better, or observed a more steady +discipline. They had evinced their good qualities in all their late +transactions, whether acting in great masses or small detachments. In +all situations they had nobly performed their duty. + +_House of Lords, March 9, 1819._ + +_Impossibility of granting Catholic Emancipation._ + +The whole question turned upon the degree of security which could be +given to the Protestant religion as by law established in Ireland. To +consider this, it was necessary to consider how the reformation had been +established in Ireland. It was not necessary for him to recall to their +lordships remembrance that the unreformed religion had been established +in Ireland at the point of the sword, and by means of confiscations. All +this was repeated at the revolution, and was fresh in the recollection +of the people of Ireland. Keeping in view that the Irish Roman Catholic +church, under all oppressions, continued in the same state--the pope +having the same influence over the clergy, the clergy the same power +over the people; in this state of things, he would ask, whether it was +possible that Roman Catholics could be safely admitted to hold seats in +parliament? The influence of the priesthood over the people was fostered +by the remembrance of the events to which he had alluded; and the idea +of unmerited and mutual suffering; and no doubt could be entertained, +from their present feelings, that if the Roman Catholics were admitted +to the enjoyment of political power, their first exertion would be to +restore their religion to its original supremacy; and to recover the +possessions and property of which they had been stripped by the +reformation. It was, however, said, that securities were offered on the +part of the Roman Catholics. + +The pope, it seemed, had in the appointment of bishops, relinquished all +to the crown, except the mere conferring of a spiritual blessing. But +how had that concession been received by the people of Ireland? It had +excited the utmost discontent, and was regarded as an abandonment of the +essential principles of their religion, and an attack on their national +independence. Did that arise from the people of Ireland having a less +clear idea of national independence than other people? No; but they felt +if the executive power possessed any control over the appointment of the +Roman Catholic bishops, some security would be thereby obtained for the +Protestant church. Considering, then, that the whole question turned on +the degree of security which could be given, and looking at the various +securities which had at several times been proposed, he had never yet +seen anything that came up to his notion of that which ought to be +required. As to what had been said of the domestic nomination of +bishops, he did not see how the laws of the country could operate upon +it, so as to make it an adequate security. Then as to the oath of +allegiance which the bishop was to take, of what avail could it be, that +the law required this oath from a bishop, appointed God knows how, or by +whom? When all these circumstances were considered, the state of the +Irish Catholic church, the way in which the reformation had been +effected, the rivalry and enmity between the Catholics and the +established church, and the inadequacy of all securities which had been +proposed, there was in his opinion, enough to decide the question; for, +the first and greatest duty of the legislature was, to secure the +establishments as settled at the revolution. + +_House of Lords, May 17, 1819._ + + * * * * * + +County meetings if properly regulated, are a fair constitutional mode of +taking the sense of the county; but this cannot be the case if they are +attended by a mob for the express purpose of supporting one side. + +_House of Lords, January 26, 1821._ + + * * * * * + +_The Porte our ancient Ally._ + +The Ottoman Porte is the ancient ally of this country. It forms an +essential part of the balance of power in Europe. The preservation of +the Ottoman Porte has been an object of importance not merely to England +but also to the whole of Europe; and the changes of possession which +have taken place in the east of Europe within the recollection of all +who hear me, render its existence as an independent and powerful state, +necessary to the well being of this country. + +In the late war, had it not been for the influence of the councils of +England over the Porte, I may safely say that the disaster which finally +led to the establishment of Europe as it now is, would not have occurred +to the extent it did in 1812. Under these circumstances I think we may +term the Ottoman Porte the "ancient ally" and friend of this country, +even though the treaties upon which our alliance is founded are not of a +hundred years standing. + +_House of Lords, Jan. 29, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Battle of Navarino an untoward Event. Sir E. Codrington acquitted of +all blame._ + +There is one other subject to which I shall address myself, I mean the +sense in which the word "untoward" has been used. It was intended by +"untoward" to convey, that the event referred to was unexpected--was +unfortunate. The sense in which the word was used was this: in the +treaty which is not yet before the house, and which cannot, therefore, +regularly come under discussion, though all of us have read it, it is +mentioned as one stipulation, that the execution of it, if possible, +shall not lead to hostilities; and therefore, when the execution of it +did lead to hostilities, it was a consequence which the government did +not anticipate, and which it has, therefore, a right to call untoward. + +It was hoped by the former government, that the treaty could be executed +without risk of commencing hostilities; and that is rendered quite +indisputable, not merely by the treaty, but by the force which the +contracting parties sent into the Mediterranean to superintend its +operation. + +The late administration entertained hopes that those treaties could be +carried into execution without hostilities, as your lordships must have +perceived from what you have seen of those treaties themselves, as well +as from the nature of the force sent to see them carried into execution; +and when it was ultimately found that hostilities were likely to ensue, +every one must look upon it as an untoward event which could give rise +to such a state of things. + +When the news of the affair which took place at Navarino reached +Constantinople, it was apprehended that a war would ensue, and therefore +every one was justified in looking upon it as an untoward event. + +It is gratifying, however, to find from his majesty's speech, that those +appearances of hostility have ceased to exist, and that hopes are +entertained that no impediment will present itself to an amicable +adjustment of the question; this, however, does not deprive the +transaction of the character of "untowardness" which it originally +possessed. + +But in making this statement, do I make the slightest charge, do I cast +the most distant imputation upon the gallant officer who commanded at +Navarino? Certainly not. That gallant officer, in doing as he has done, +discharged what he felt to be his duty to his country. His majesty's +government have taken that gallant officer's conduct into consideration, +and have acquitted him of all blame; and, therefore, it would ill +become me to cast the slightest imputation on the distinguished action +he performed. It should be recollected, that the gallant admiral was +placed in a situation of great delicacy as well as difficulty. He was +placed in the command of a combined squadron, in conjunction with two +foreign admirals; and his conduct was such, that they placed the most +implicit confidence in him, and allowed him to lead them to victory. My +lords, I should feel myself unworthy of the situation which I hold in +his majesty's councils, if I thought myself capable of uttering a single +syllable against that gallant admiral, admiring, as I do, the intrepid +bravery with which he conducted himself in a moment of much danger and +difficulty. + +_House of Lords, January 29, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Reason for being Prime Minister._ + +When I received his majesty's commands to give my opinion respecting the +formation of a ministry, it was far from my wish to place myself at its +head, or to take any office, other than that which I already held; but +finding, in the course of the negotiation which arose out of the +commands of his majesty, a difficulty in getting another individual to +fill the place, and that it was the unanimous wish of those who are now +my colleagues, that I should take it, I determined to accept it; but +having so determined, I resigned the office of commander-in-chief. + +_House of Lords, January 29, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_The Doctrine of Non-interference._ + +Much has been said here and elsewhere, at various times, on the question +of interference by one state in the affairs of another. I do not admit +the right of one country to interfere with the internal affairs of +another country, except where the law of necessity or great political +interests may render interference absolutely necessary. But I say that +non-interference is the rule, and interference the exception. This is +the ground of the policy on which this country acts. She disdains a +daily interference with the affairs of other countries. + +_House of Lords, February 11, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_No Personal or Political Hostility to Canning._ + +I rise to protest against any such imputation being cast upon me, as +that I ever entertained any personal hostility to Mr. Canning. On a +former occasion I stated distinctly to your lordships, why I did not +think proper to remain in the government of which Mr. Canning was the +head. The communications that passed between me and Mr. Canning have, +unfortunately, I must be allowed to say, been made public enough, and I +defy any man to point out anything like personal feelings in those +communications. It is true, that when I found it necessary to withdraw +from the government, I also thought it my duty to lay down the military +office which I hold; but I beg leave to call your lordships' +recollection to the explanation which I gave at that time, and to my +subsequent conduct. After I left the government, I always met Mr. +Canning in the way in which I had been accustomed to meet him, and did +not depart from those habits which had marked our previous intercourse. +But I will go further and say, that I had no hostility towards Mr. +Canning's government. I did, it is true, propose that a clause should be +added to the corn-bill, but did I not at the same time beg of the +government to adopt that clause, or something like it, and not to +abandon the bill? I must again repeat, that to the day of his death I +felt no personal hostility to Mr. Canning; and that I am equally free +from the imputation of having entertained any political hostility +towards him. To whatever persons the declaration of the right honourable +gentleman (Mr. Huskisson) was intended to apply.[9] I claim to myself +the right of not being included in the number of Mr. Canning's enemies. + +[Footnote 9: Referring to an angry speech of that gentleman in the +Commons.] + +_House of Lords, February 25, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Corn Law of 1828, Principle on which founded._ + +Your lordships are all aware that a variety of opinions exist throughout +the country respecting the introduction of foreign corn; one class of +persons maintaining that its importation should be prohibited; while +others contend for its free introduction into the markets of the +country. I have considered it my duty, and my colleagues also have +considered it theirs, in the measure which they are about to propose to +parliament, to endeavour to steer their course between the two extremes, +and to propose a measure which shall have the effect of conciliating all +parties, be at the same time favourable to the public, and shall be +permanent. Your lordships will recollect, notwithstanding the difference +of opinion which exists on this subject, all parties agree, generally, +that the corn growers of this country ought, in some measure, to be +protected. + +The number of individuals, either in parliament or out of it, who +maintain that foreign corn should be altogether free of duty, are very +few indeed. Some persons, undoubtedly, think that a small fixed duty +ought to be imposed; and I, my lords, should certainly say here, that if +any such fixed duty were imposed, it ought to be a very small one; but I +repeat, that whatever may be the particular doctrines or opinions of one +class of persons or another, all agree that some protection ought to be +afforded to the agriculture of this country. This opinion is founded on +the great burden of taxation upon the country generally, as well as on +the particular burdens on the land; and on the fact that the labouring +classes here are better fed, clothed, and lodged, than the people of the +same class in other countries. It is admitted by those who entertain +this opinion in favour of a low duty, that their expectation and +intention are, that the poorer lands of this country, which have been +brought into cultivation by the application of great labour, and by the +expenditure of large capital, should at once be thrown out of +cultivation; and even the richer lands would become, comparatively, +unprofitable in consequence of the adoption of their system. I will +maintain that this country has been brought to its present high state of +cultivation, and consequent internal wealth, by the fostering protection +which has invariably been given to agriculture, and which has induced +gentlemen to lay out their capital in redeeming waste lands and bringing +them into cultivation. The result of such a system would be--to throw +out of cultivation the land thus redeemed from waste; to reduce the +extent of cultivation of the richer lands, consequently to lessen the +productive power of the country; and finally to throw us for subsistence +and support on the resources of foreign nations. My lords,--I will not +exaggerate the effects likely to be produced by the pursuing of a system +such as that to which I have alluded; but I beg your lordships to +reflect on the consequences which must result, if the powers, from whose +dominions these resources are generally drawn, should think proper to +lay a heavy tax on the export of such corn, or that it should be subject +to such an operation by any other state, in its transit to this country. +I entreat your lordships to consider what must be the consequences of +such a measure in its results to this country; a measure, too, in which +I may say, that foreign states might, from circumstances, be highly +justified. But supposing such moderation on the part of those states, +that they should continue to allow us to draw our supplies from their +dominions; supposing we could be supplied from other countries--America, +for instance; yet I entreat your lordships to observe, that this +country would be constantly, under the proposed system of fixed duty, +placed in the state in which it found itself in years of famine and +scarcity, which occurred in both the last and present century, and would +of consequence be exposed to the highest possible prices for wheat. +This, my Lords, I say, would be the inevitable consequence. + +The cost of production, in Poland, for instance, would not be increased; +but the prices would be regulated here, not by the prices of that +country, but by the scarcity price of this country, and by the profits +of all those who might be, directly or indirectly, concerned in the +contemplated importation of corn, in such a state of things as that to +which I have alluded. Under these circumstances, a low duty would not be +productive of a reduction in price; indeed, so far from diminution, I am +confident it would produce an enormous increase. But, my Lords, I would +ask, even supposing it were otherwise, whether it would be proper to +adopt such a measure, in reference to its probable effect in other +respects? My Lords, look to Ireland, and consider what must by the +inevitable consequence if agriculture is not to be encouraged in that +country--a country, which, during the last year supplied England with +more than 2,000,000 quarters of grain. The quantity of wheat alone +imported from Ireland last year, was no less than 400,000 quarters. I do +therefore, beg your Lordships to consider what must be the consequence +of cutting off from that country nearly the only source of industry--the +only manufacture, with one exception, which is established in that +country. No man, whether connected with that country or not, can for a +moment think of imposing such a sacrifice on that country. On the +contrary, I am disposed to think, that many of your Lordships will be +ready to make considerable sacrifices to procure for the people of +Ireland a share of that plenty their industry affords us. But, my Lords, +I speak not only with reference to Ireland, but with reference to this +country. I am ready to state that the gentlemen of this country have, by +the extent of their capital, and the labour which they have employed on +their estates, raised the agriculture of this kingdom to its present +prosperous condition; and nothing would be more unjust than to take from +them that protection by which they have been enabled to bring +cultivation to the state in which it now is, and to deprive them of +those profits which are so justly their due, on account of the capital +laid out by them. + +I will say, that the merchant, that the manufacturer, the poor, and the +whole public, are interested in the maintenance of the independent +affluence of the nobility and gentry of this country,--that the +Government are interested in supporting their influence, on account of +the assistance which has always been derived from them in every branch +of internal government, and on account of the support which they have +afforded to Government under every circumstance. If it were in my power +to make corn cheaper by diminishing the protection which the landed +gentry have always received, I would not do it at the expense of +Ireland, and of all the evils which the measure must inflict upon the +essential interests of this country. + +My Lords, having expressed my opinion upon the system of importation at +a low duty, I will now offer a few observations with respect to the +other system,--that of entire prohibition; and which, I must say, has +been greatly and justly complained of. The truth is, that such a system +could not be carried into execution without exposing the country to the +greatest possible evils:--first of all, from want--next from high +prices, and also from a superabundance of corn, arising from the +introduction of a greater quantity of wheat than required being in the +country at a period when the scarcity might have been relieved by an +abundant harvest; and, lastly, from the depression of prices, affecting +not only the producers of corn in this country, but also the importers +of foreign grain. My Lords, evils like these can only be relieved by the +illegal interference of the Government, or by ministers coming to +Parliament, in order to induce it to consent to a suspension of the law. + +Such, my Lords, is the history of the corn question as regards +prohibition; and there is not the least doubt that the system has +produced all the evils to which I have alluded at one period or another. + +_March 31, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Reason for repealing the Test and Corporation Acts._ + +I fully agree that the security of the Church of England, and the union +existing between it and the state, depend neither on the law about to be +repealed by the present bill, nor upon the provisions of this measure +itself. That union and security, which we must all desire to see +continued, depend upon the oath taken by his Majesty, to which we are +all, in our respective stations, parties, and not only on that oath, but +on the Act of Settlement, and the different acts of union from time to +time agreed to; all of which provide for the intimate and inseparable +union of church and state, and for the security of both. + +The question is, what security does the existing system of laws, as they +now stand, afford the church establishment? My lords, I am very dubious +as to the amount of security afforded through the means of a system of +exclusion from office, to be carried into effect by a law which it is +necessary to suspend by an annual act, that admits every man into office +whom it was the intention of the original framers of the law to exclude. +It is perfectly true it was not the intention of those who brought in +that suspension law originally, that dissenters from the church of +England should be permitted to enter into corporations under its +provisions. The law was intended to relieve those whom time or +circumstances had rendered unable to qualify themselves according to the +system which government had devised. However, the dissenters availed +themselves of the relaxation of the law, for the purpose of getting into +corporations, and this the law allowed. What security, then, I ask, my +Lords, is to be found in the existing system? So far from dissenters +being excluded by the corporation and test acts, from all corporations, +so far is this from being the fact, that, as must be well known to your +Lordships, some corporations are absolutely and entirely in the +possession of dissenters. Can you suppose that the repeal of laws so +inoperative as these, can afford any serious obstacle to the perfect +security of the church, and the permanent union of that establishment +with the state? The fact is, that the existing laws have not only failed +completely in answering their intended purpose, but they are anomalous +and absurd--anomalous in their origin, absurd in their operation. + +If a man were asked the question, at his elevation to any corporate +office, whether he had received the sacrament of the church of England, +and if he said "No," he lost every vote that had been tendered on his +behalf, and there was an end of his election, but if, on the contrary, +by accident or design, he got in without the question relative to the +sacrament being put to him, then the votes tendered for him were held +good, and his election valid; so that no power could remove him from the +office which he held. I ask, is there any security in that? My noble +friend says, that the original intention of the framers of these acts, +was that the sacrament should not be taken by dissenters; but the law +requires that a man, on entering into any corporation, shall receive the +sacrament, without regard to his religious belief. Thus an individual +whose object it is to get into a particular office, may feel disposed, +naturally enough, to take the sacrament before his election, merely as a +matter of form, and thus a sacred rite of our church is profaned, and +prostituted to a shameful and scandalous purpose. I confess my Lords, I +should have opposed this bill, if I thought it calculated to weaken the +securities at present enjoyed by the church. However, I agreed not to +oppose the bill; though I consented in the first instance to oppose it, +in order to preserve the blessings of religious peace. I was willing to +preserve the system which had given us this peace for forty years, for +during that time the name and the claims of the dissenters not been +heard of. But now they have come forward, and their claims are approved +of by a great majority of the House of Commons, and the bill has come up +to this house. If it be opposed by the majority of this house, it is to +be feared, now that the claims are made, that such an opposition will +carry hostility throughout the country, and introduce a degree of +rancour into every parish of the kingdom, which I should not wish to be +responsible for. + +_April 17, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Additional reasons for repealing the Test Act._ + +I have not called on your lordships to agree to this bill because it has +been passed by the House of Commons; I merely assigned that as one of +the reasons which induced me to recommend the measure to your Lordships. +I certainly did allude to the feeling in favour of the bill which has +for some time been growing up in the House of Commons, as a good reason +for entertaining it in your Lordships' house,--but other reasons also +operated on my mind. Many individuals of high eminence in the church and +who are as much interested as any other persons in the kingdom in the +preservation of the Constitution, have expressed themselves as being +favourable to an alteration of the law. The religious feelings of those +venerable persons disposed them to entertain this measure, because they +felt strong objections to the sacramental test. Under these +circumstances, wishing to advance and preserve the blessings of +religious peace and tranquillity; conceiving the present a good +opportunity for securing to the country so inestimable an advantage,--I +felt it to be my duty to recommend this measure to your Lordships. It is +on all these grounds that I support the bill, and not on the single +ground, the circumstance of its having been carried in the House of +Commons, as a noble Lord has stated. I am not one of those who consider +that the best means of preserving the constitution of this country, is +by rigidly adhering to measures which have been called for by particular +circumstances, because those measures have been in existence for two +hundred years; for the lapse of time might render it proper to modify, +if not to remove them altogether. + +I admit my Lords, that for about two hundred years, the religious peace +of the country has been preserved under these bills; but, when +Parliament is discussing the best means of preserving the constitution +of the country, it is surely worth while to inquire whether any and +what changes, in what have been deemed the securities of the church, can +safely be made, so as to conciliate all parties. + +All I hope is, that your Lordships will not unnecessarily make any +alteration in the measure, that would be likely to give dissatisfaction; +that your Lordships will not do anything which may be calculated to +remove that conciliating spirit which is now growing up,--a spirit that +will redound to the benefit of the country, and which, so far from +opposing, we ought, on the contrary, to do everything to foster and +promote. + +_April 21st 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Emancipation.--Will oppose it, (April 1828,) unless he sees a great +change in the government_. + +There is no person in this house, whose feelings and sentiments, after +long consideration, are more decided than mine are, with respect to the +subject of the Roman Catholic claims; and I must say, that until I see a +very great change in that question, I certainly shall continue to oppose +it. + +_April 28th, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_State of the Poor in Ireland._ + +I am thoroughly convinced that no part of his Majesty's dominions so +imperiously requires the constant and particular attention of his +Majesty's servants as Ireland does. A noble earl has stated that there +are in Ireland 8,000,000 of people, the situation of 6,000,000 of whom +demands inquiry. He has told your Lordships likewise, that all the +wealth of Ireland is not sufficient to give employment to those people. +Now, certainly, I cannot but think that this is an exaggerated statement +on the part of the noble earl. + +It cannot be supposed that there are 6,000,000 of the Irish population +who require employment--I cannot admit that the whole of those people +are unemployed. It is not true that they suffer this distress at all +times,--it is not true that they suffer the same degree of distress in +different years; but it is unquestionably true, that they do suffer +great distress at various periods, owing to the casualties of the +seasons, and to the particular species of food on which they subsist. +Such is the plain fact. The noble earl has stated, that the people are +able to procure that sort of food on which they chiefly live, at the +rate of three-farthings a stone. Now, really, if those people do not +suffer distress, except that which is occasioned by the untowardness of +the seasons; if those 6,000,000 of people can get provisions at the +price mentioned by the noble earl, in favourable seasons,--it does +appear to me that the case hardly calls for inquiry, except at a time +when their food has failed in consequence of an unproductive season. But +then the noble earl has asserted that the distress arises from want of +work, and that it would take more than all the wealth of Ireland to +procure employment for the people. "Let us then," said the noble earl, +"relieve the sick, the lame, the aged, and the impotent." The noble earl +has said, that one of the great evils of Ireland is want of capital; but +I must beg leave to tell the noble earl, that profusion of capital alone +will not prevent the existence of a numerous body of poor, and to prove +the fact let the noble earl look to the situation of England. There is +no want of capital in this country; the noble earl has told your +lordships that there are invested here £9,000,000 of capital belonging +to Ireland alone; and yet, with all this capital, the support of the +poor required last year amounted to no less than £7,000,000 of rates. + +_May 21st. 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Catholic Emancipation._ + +A noble friend of mine has stated to the house, that the proposed +measure is inconsistent with the constitution, as established at the +revolution; and another noble lord has concurred in that statement. If I +had been going to propose a measure which would introduce a predominant +Catholic power into Parliament, I should then be doing that which is +clearly inconsistent with the constitution. But I am not going to do any +such thing. There are degrees of power at least. Will any man venture to +say, that Catholic power does not exist at present, either here or in +Ireland? I will address myself more particularly to the noble Lords who +have so pointedly opposed me, and I will ask them whether Roman Catholic +power was not introduced into Ireland by measures of their own? Did not +some noble lords exert their influence to the utmost to produce that +very power, which has rendered a measure like that which I have +announced to Parliament absolutely necessary? As such is the case, I +implore noble Lords to look at the situation of the country, and the +state of society which it has produced. Whether it has been brought +about by the existence of these disabilities, or by the Catholic +Association, I will not pretend to say; but this I will say, that no man +who has looked at the state of things for the last two years, can +proceed longer upon the old system, in the existing condition of +Ireland, and of mens' opinions on the subject, both in that country and +in this. My opinion is, that it is the wish of the majority of the +people, that this question should be settled one way or other. It is +upon that principle, and in conformity to that wish, that I and my +colleagues have undertaken to bring the adjustment of it under the +consideration of Parliament. + +_February 5, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Defence of his Conduct with respect to Emancipation._ + +I have repeatedly declared my earnest wish to see the Roman Catholic +question settled. I believe nothing could ever have been more distinct +or explicit than my expression of that wish; and is it a matter of +surprise that the person entertaining it should avail himself of the +first opportunity of proposing the adoption of that which, over and over +again, he declared himself anxiously to wish? On this particular +question I had long ago made up my mind, as a member of this house, to +take a particular course. It may be thought peculiar as a matter of +taste; but, for many years, I have acted upon the determination never to +vote for the affirmation of this question until the Government, acting +as a Government, should propose it to the legislature. My noble relation +(Lord Longford) knows, that ever since the year 1810, the several +successive Governments of this country have been formed upon a principle +which prevented their ever proposing, as a Government, the adoption of +any measure of relief in regard to the Catholics. In order to the +formation of a cabinet which, acting as a Government, could propose this +measure, it was, in the first place, necessary to obtain the consent of +that individual, the most interested by his station, his duty, and the +most sacred of all obligations, of any individual in the empire. It was +necessary, I say, that I should obtain the consent of that individual, +before the members of the Government could consider the question as a +Government one. Now, under such circumstances as these, would it have +been proper in me to have breathed a syllable on the subject, until I +had obtained the consent of the illustrious personage to whom I have +alluded?[10] I call upon my noble relative to answer this question, if +he can, in the negative. I beg of my noble relative to ask himself this +question, whether I was wrong in having kept secret my views, since the +month of July or August, not talking to any man upon the subject, until +I had the consent of that exalted personage, to form a Government upon +the principle of taking the question to which I have alluded into +consideration? My noble relative ought to place himself in my +situation--he ought to see what was expected of me; and then, instead of +blaming me for acting as I have done, he would see that, if I had acted +otherwise, I should have been highly blameable. When the question had +been decided--when I received the permission, so as to be enabled to +make the declaration--on not having made which, alone the accusation of +surprise can be founded--the opening of the session was so near, that it +was impossible to make known what had occurred earlier, or in any other +manner than by the speech from the Throne. + +[Footnote 10: Lord Longford had accused him of concealment.] + +_February 10, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_The Emancipation Bill not the result of Fear._ + +He would positively reject the charge which had been so positively made, +that those measures had been suggested to his Majesty's ministers, or +that their minds had been at all influenced by the fear of anything that +would occur in this or any other country. He totally denied the truth of +such an assertion. There never was a period during the last twenty years +in which, looking to the circumstances and relations of this country, +there was a more total absence of all cause for fear than the present; +and whatever might be the consequences of this measure, he would +maintain, that the period at which it was introduced, showed +sufficiently that its introduction did not proceed from fear; and that +such was the fact, he was ready to prove to any man upon the clearest +possible evidence. But, though these measures had not been suggested by +fear nor by intimidation, it would be found, when they were brought +forward, that they were founded upon the clear and decided opinion, that +this question ought to be settled, and that considerable sacrifices had +been made by himself and his colleagues in this, and in the other House +of Parliament, with a view to the final adjustment of it. In doing so, +he begged the noble Lord on the cross bench to believe, that not the +least considerable or the least disagreeable sacrifice on his part, was +the necessity imposed on him of differing from the noble lord on this +subject. But he would not talk of his own sacrifices--they were +trifling, when compared with the sacrifices which had been made by some +of his noble friends near him, and by his right honourable friend in +another place. He could not conceive a greater sacrifice than must have +been made by his right honourable friend, to bring his mind to the +determination of carrying this measure. It was obvious that nothing but +an imperious sense of duty had induced his right honourable friend to +make such a sacrifice; but the inconveniences and dangers which had +arisen from the present state of things in this country and in Ireland, +had left no alternative but the adoption of this measure; and now that +he had adopted it, he would use his best endeavours, in concert with his +colleagues, to carry it into effect. Under such circumstances, he would +entreat their lordships to wait until the whole question should have +come before them. When the measure should have been well considered by +them, they would then see whether it would be attended with the +dangerous consequences ascribed to it--and whether the carrying it would +not place the Protestant Constitution of these realms upon a better +footing than it had been since the union with Ireland. He would not now +enter into the discussion, whether the consequences of this measure +would be injurious to that Throne, for the maintenance of which he was +ready to sacrifice his life, or whether the measure was likely to +produce those effects which were apprehended by his noble friend on the +cross bench. Of this he was certain, that the existence of the dangers +which some noble lords seemed to apprehend from the adjustment of this +question, they were never able to establish; and whenever the discussion +of the measure came before their lordships, he would be ready to prove, +that the Protestant institutions of this country were exposed to more +dangers at present, than they would be exposed to after the adoption of +the measure that would be proposed. + +_February 16, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Former Associations in Ireland could not be put down.--Mr. Pitt for +Emancipation._ + +He must say, he apprehended from the number of persons in the habit of +attending that Association, the nature of the speeches there delivered, +and the measures to which all alike appeared parties, that the people +of Ireland at large had been parties to the Association. + +He proposed the present bill as a preliminary measure; the necessity for +which was founded on the statements already made to their Lordships. He +considered any other mode of proceeding as inconsistent with the dignity +of the Crown, and of Parliament; and as absolutely necessary, in order +to reconcile to the ulterior measure which he intended to propose, the +good and worthy men in this country, who viewed with dismay and disgust +the violent and unconstitutional acts of the Association. He entreated +their Lordships to consider, that the eyes of all Europe were upon them; +and that they should do nothing which could give any man ground to +believe that, in the steps they were about to take, they were guided by +any other motive than that of expediency and good policy. + + * * * * * + +If they looked to the state in which the Roman Catholic question stood +in Parliament, from the period of the Union down to the present, they +would see the prevalence of a growing opinion in its favour. Mr. Pitt +had, in his time, considered it necessary to admit, that the laws +enforcing eligibility upon Catholics ought to be reviewed, for the +purposes of modification; and, under the repeated assurances of +different eminent statesmen, a Roman Catholic influence had undoubtedly +grown up in Ireland, which it was high time to satisfy by a reasonable +change of policy. For some years after this subject had attracted +parliamentary attention, there were reasons of a highly creditable +nature, both to individual ministers and to Parliament, why it would +have been improper and impolitic to have brought the measure forward as +a measure of government; but, since the year 1811, these particular +reasons had not been in full operation; and the subject, notwithstanding +the divided state of the Cabinet upon it, had been constantly discussed, +and during all that time, had been gaining ground. He was not prepared +to describe here the mode in which the principle of a divided government +had operated upon the Catholic question; but he defied any member of the +government, at the period to which he referred, to deny that, whether +the question before them was one of education for Ireland, one for the +alteration of the Criminal Law, or one for the regulation of tithes, +this division was felt to affect one and all of these topics; in fact, +that none of them could come to be discussed, without some reference to +the great subject which was so long in agitation. The time had, he +hoped, now arrived, when Parliament was prepared to settle it. + +_February 19, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Unparalleled State of Ireland in 1829._ + +From all he had seen and read relative to Ireland, during the last two +years, he was forced to arrive at this conclusion, namely, that he did +not believe there was on the face of the globe any country claiming the +denomination of a civilized country, situated as that country now was, +under the Government of his Majesty and the Imperial Parliament. + +_February 19, 1829._ + +_The Roman Catholic Association dangerous._ + +The true description of this Association was, in his opinion, to be +found stated in the speech which had been delivered from the Throne, on +the first day of the session. In that speech, after observing that the +state of Ireland had been "the object of his Majesty's continued +solicitude," it was further observed, "his Majesty laments that in that +part of the United Kingdom, an association should still exist which is +dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the +Constitution--- which keeps alive disorder and ill-will amongst his +Majesty's subjects, and which must, if permitted to continue, +effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition +of Ireland." The speech proceeded to say--"His Majesty confidently +relies on the wisdom and on the support of his Parliament; and his +Majesty feels assured, that you will commit to him such powers as may +enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority." Such was a just +description of the recent state of the Roman Catholic Association; but +he believed he was justified in stating, that in the original +institution and formation of the society, on the subject of which it was +his duty to address their lordships, there was nothing strictly illegal. +The illegality subsequently complained of, and which it was the object +of this, as well as of a former bill, to suppress, proceeded from its +acts. Those acts consisted principally in levying a tax upon certain of +his Majesty's subjects, called Catholic Rent; and this, by means and +acts of extreme violence, which occasioned constant heart-burnings and +jealousies amongst his Majesty's subjects--by appointing persons to +collect the rent--by appointing other individuals to be treasurers of +it; farther, by adopting measures for organising the Catholic +population--by appointing persons to superintend that organisation--and +by assuming to themselves the government of the country, and still more, +affecting to assume it. Besides, they expended this rent in a manner +contrary to, and utterly inconsistent with, all law and order, and the +Constitution of the country. But this was not the least material part of +the danger occasioned by the Catholic Association. Part of the money +thus improperly obtained was spent for election purposes. And here he +called the attention of the noble and learned lord, to acts proving the +existence in Parliament of a Roman Catholic influence, and of an +influence directly derived from this Association. He would not discuss +that subject further at the present moment; but he begged noble lords +not to forget it, in discussing the details of a measure which he should +have to propose hereafter for their Lordships' adoption. Besides the +money spent in elections, there were other sums (also arising out of the +rent) spent in endeavours to contravene the due administration of +justice in Ireland. When he made this observation, he fully and freely +admitted the right, and, indeed, duty of every man, to watch closely and +vigilantly the administration of law and justice in this country; but, +at the same time, he was prepared to maintain, that that right and duty +could not be conveniently and justly exercised by the members of a +self-elected Association, having large sums at their command, and +employing the money which they possessed for the purpose of exciting a +spirit of litigation and dissatisfaction among his Majesty's +subjects--employing it for the purpose of defending some +individuals--for the purpose of prosecuting others--- for the purpose of +prejudicing the first inquiries in cases of criminal procedure, and +unduly interfering with the administration of justice by the magistracy. + +_February 10, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +The people were insidiously led to believe that the proposed measures +were for the establishment of popery, and the destruction of the +protestant establishment of the country; and, acting very properly on +this unfounded delusion, petitioned against them. But while he admired +and rejoiced in the excellent motives which induced the people of this +country, in many places, to protest against the intended measures of +government; he hoped that when they saw that those measures were not of +the dangerous nature ascribed to them, and that they tended, so far from +establishing popery, to check and prevent its growth, and to promote the +influence of the protestant religion in Ireland,--he hoped, he said, +the people of England would, in their conduct, evince that loyalty to +the crown, whence the recommendation of the measure had emanated, and +that confidence in the wisdom of parliament, which had ever honourably +distinguished them. Indeed, he was convinced, that when the people of +England saw there was no fear of the extension of popery from the +measure which ministers felt it to be their duty to recommend to their +sovereign, but that, on the contrary, they would tend to strengthen the +protestant interests of the state, they would hail those measures as +beneficial to all classes.[11] + +[Footnote 11: This, and the foregoing extracts on the subject of +Catholic Emancipation, are from short speeches made by the Duke in the +House of Lords after the intentions of the government had been made +known, but before the Emancipation Bill came up to that house. Although +the Duke earnestly deprecated these preliminary discussions, he was +called up almost every night by some peer or other.] + +_March 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_No Compact with Rome would add to the security of the church of +Ireland._ + +I know that there are many in this house, and many in this country, who +think--and I am free to admit that I was formerly of the same opinion +myself--that the state ought to have some security for the church +against the proceedings of the Roman Catholic clergy, besides the oaths +imposed on them by the Act of Parliament I confess that on examining +into the question, and upon looking more minutely than I had before +leisure to do, at the various acts of Parliament by which the church of +England is constituted, and which form the foundation on which it rests, +I can think of no sort of arrangement capable of being carried into +execution in this country which can add to the security of the +established church. I beg your Lordships to attend for a moment whilst I +explain the situation of the kingdom of Prussia with respect to the +Roman Catholic religion. The King of Prussia exercises the power which +he does over the Roman Catholic church, in her various dominions, under +different concordats made with the Pope: in Silesia, under a concordat +made by Buonaparte with the Pope; and in the territories on the right +bank of the Rhine, under the concordat made by the former sovereigns of +those countries with the Pope. Each of these concordats supposes that +the Pope possesses some power in the country, which he is enabled to +concede to the sovereign with whom the concordat is made. That is a +point which we can never yield to any sovereign whatever. There is no +sovereign, be he who he may, who has any power in this country to confer +upon his majesty. We must keep our sovereign clear from such +transactions. We can, therefore, have no security of that +description,--not even a veto, on the appointment of a Roman Catholic +bishop, without detracting, in some degree, from the authority and +dignity of the sovereign, and without admitting that the Pope has +something to concede to his Majesty. + +Now let us suppose another security. Suppose it were arranged that his +Majesty should have the nomination of the Catholic bishops. If he +nominated them, he must also give them a jurisdiction--he must give them +a diocese. I should like to know in what part of Ireland or England the +king could fix upon a spot where he could, consistently with the oath he +has taken, nominate a Catholic bishop, or give him a diocese? The king +is sworn to maintain the rights and privileges of the bishops, and of +the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge. +Now, consistently with that oath, how could the king appoint a bishop of +the Roman Catholic religion; and would not the Established church lose +more than it gained by the assumption of such a power on the part of his +Majesty? Then, my Lords, there is another security, which some noble +Lords think it desirable to have,--namely, the obtaining, by government, +of copies of all correspondence between the Catholic clergy and the +Court of Rome; and the supervising of that correspondence, in order to +prevent any danger resulting to the Established church. Upon that point +I must say I feel the greatest objection to involve the government of +this country in such matters. That correspondence, we are told, turns on +spiritual affairs. But I will suppose for the sake of argument, that it +turns on questions of excommunication. Is it, then, to be suffered, that +the Pope, and his Majesty, or his Majesty's secretary of state acting +for him, should make law for this country? for that would be the result +of communications between the Catholic clergy of this realm and the Pope +being submitted to his Majesty's inspection, or to the inspection of +his Majesty's secretary of state. Such a security amounts to a breach of +the constitution, and it is quite impossible that it could be made +available. It would do more injury to the constitution and the church, +than any thing which could be done by the Roman Catholics themselves, +when placed by this bill in the same situation as dissenters. + +With respect to communication with the Court of Rome, that has already +been provided against and prevented by laws still in existence. Your +Lordships are aware that those laws, like many others regarding the +Roman Catholic religion, are not strictly enforced, but still, if they +should be abused,--if the conduct of those persons whose actions those +laws are intended to regulate should be such as to render necessary the +interference of government, the very measure which is now before your +lordships will enable government to interfere in such a manner as not +only to answer the object of its interference, but also to give +satisfaction to this house, and to the country. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Anticipation of success for the Measure. The parallel case of the +Scotch Church instanced._ + +When I recommend this measure to your Lordships attention, you have, +undoubtedly, a right to ask what are the reasons I have for believing +that it will effect the purpose for which it was intended. + + +Note--The above extract and those which follow of the same date, are +from the Duke's speech in introducing the Catholic Relief Bill. + +My Lords, I believe it will answer its object, not only from the example +of all Europe, but from the example of what occurred in a part of this +kingdom on a former occasion. If I am not mistaken, at the time of the +dispute between the Episcopalians and the Kirk of Scotland; the state of +society in Scotland was as bad then as the state of society in Ireland +is at the present moment. Your Lordships know that abroad, in other +parts of Europe, in consequence of the diffusion of civil privileges to +all classes, the difference between Protestant and Catholic is never +heard. I am certain I can prove to your Lordships what I stated when I +said, that the state of society in Scotland, previous to the concession +of civil privileges to the Episcopalians, was as bad as the present +state of society in Ireland. + +I hope your Lordships will give me leave to read a petition which has +been sent to me this day, and which was presented to the Scottish +Parliament at the period when those concessions were about to be made, +and your Lordships will perceive that the petition is almost a model of +many petitions which have been read in this house respecting the +question under discussion. I am, therefore, in expectation that should +the present bill pass this house, there will be no longer occasion for +those complaints which have been expressed to your Lordships, and that +the same happy and peaceful state of things which has for the last +century prevailed in Scotland will also prevail in Ireland. I will, with +your Lordships' permission, read the petition I have alluded to, and I +think that after you have heard it, you will be of the same opinion as I +am with respect to the similarity it bears to many petitions which have +been presented to your Lordships on the Catholic question. The petition +states, that "to grant toleration to that party (the Episcopalians) in +the present circumstances of the Church, must unavoidably shake the +foundation of our present happy constitution; overthrow those laws on +which it is settled, grievously disturb that peace and tranquillity +which the nation has enjoyed since the late revolution, disgust the +minds of his Majesty's best subjects; increase animosity; confirm +discord and tumult; weaken and enervate the discipline of the church; +open the door to unheard of vices, and to Popery as well as to other +errors; propagate and cherish disaffection to the government, and bring +the nation under the danger of falling back into those mischiefs and +calamities, from which it had lately escaped by the divine blessing. We, +therefore, humbly hope, that no concessions will be granted to that +party which would be to establish iniquity by law, and bring upon the +country manifold calamities and disasters, from which we pray that +government may preserve the members of the high court of Parliament." + +I sincerely hope, that as the prophecy contained in this petition has +not been fulfilled, that a similar prophecy respecting the passing of +the present bill, contained in many petitions presented to your +Lordships, will not be fulfilled. But, my Lords, I have other grounds +besides those which I have already stated for supposing that the +proposed measure will answer the object in view. There is no doubt, that +after this measure shall be adopted, the Roman Catholics can have no +separate interest as a separate sect,--for I am sure that neither this +house, nor the other house of parliament, will be disposed to look upon +the Roman Catholics, or upon anything that respects Ireland, with any +other eye than that with which they regard whatever affects the +interests of Scotland, or of this country. For my own part, I will +state, that if I am disappointed in the hopes which I entertained that +tranquillity will result from this measure, I shall have no scruple in +coming down and laying before Parliament the state of the case. I shall +act with the same confidence that parliament would support me then, as I +have acted in the present case. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Abolition of the Jesuits and other Monastic Orders._ + +Another part of this bill has for its object, the putting an end to the +order of the Jesuits and other monastic orders in this country. If your +Lordships will look at the act passed in the year 1791, you will +probably see that at that time, as well as in this, it was possible for +one person to make laws through which another might drive a coach and +four. My noble and learned friend (Lord Eldon) will excuse me for +saying, that notwithstanding all the pains which he took to draw up the +act of 1791, yet the fact is,--of which there cannot be the smallest +doubt,--that large religious establishments have been regularly formed, +not only in Ireland, but also in this country. The measure which I now +propose for your Lordships adoption will prevent the increase of such +establishments, and, without oppression to any individuals, without +injury to any body of men, will gradually put an end to those which have +already been formed. There is no man more convinced than I am of the +absolute necessity of carrying into execution that part of the present +measure, which has for its object the extinction of monastic orders in +this country. I entertain no doubt whatever, that if that part of the +measure be not carried into execution, we shall very soon see this +country and Ireland inundated by Jesuits and regular monastic clergy, +sent out from other parts of Europe, with means to establish themselves +within his Majesty's kingdom. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Rationale of Roman Catholic Exclusion._ + +My Lords in the Bill of Rights there are some things permanently +enacted, which I sincerely hope will be permanent; these are, the +liberties of the people, the security for the Protestantism of the +person on the throne of these kingdoms, and that he shall not be married +to a Papist. There is an oath of allegiance and supremacy to be taken by +all those of whom that oath of allegiance is required, which is also +said to be permanent; but it contains no declaration against +transubstantiation. There is also an oath of allegiance different from +that which is to be taken by a member of Parliament. I beg your +Lordships will observe, that although this oath of allegiance was +declared permanent, it was altered in the last year of King William. +This shews what that "permanent" act was. Then, with respect to the +oaths to be taken by members of Parliament. I beg your Lordships to +observe that these oaths, the declaration against transubstantiation, +and the sacrifice of the mass, are not originally in the act of William +III., they are in the act of 30th Charles II. During the reign of +Charles II. there were certain oaths imposed, first on dissenters from +the church of England, by the 12th or 13th Charles II., and to exclude +Roman Catholics by the 25th Charles II., and 30th Charles II. At the +period of the Revolution, when King William came, he thought proper to +extend the basis of his government, and he repealed the oaths affecting +the dissenters from the church of England, imposed by the 13th and 14th +Charles II. and likewise that affirmative part of the oath of supremacy, +which dissenters from the church of England could not take. That is the +history of the alteration of these oaths by William III., from the time +of Charles II. + +But my Lords, the remainder of the oath could be taken by Dissenters, +but could not be taken by Roman Catholics. The danger with respect to +Roman Catholics, had arisen in the time of Charles II., and still +existed in the time of William III.; but the oath was altered because +one of the great principles of the Revolution was to limit the exclusion +from the benefits of the constitution as far as it was possible. +Therefore we have this as one of the principles I before stated, derived +from the Bill of Rights. The noble Lords state, that what they call the +principles of 1688,--that is to say, these oaths excluding Roman +Catholics, are equally permanent with the Bill of Rights by which the +Protestantism of the crown is secured. If they will do me the favour to +look at the words of the act, they will see that the difference is just +the difference between that which is permanent and that which is not +permanent. The act says that the Protestantism of the Crown shall last +for ever; but, as for these oaths, they are enacted in exclusive words, +and there is not one word about how long they shall last. Well then, my +Lords, what follows? The next act we have is the act of Union with +Scotland; and what does that act say? That the oaths to be taken by the +members of Parliament, as laid down by the 1st of William and Mary shall +continue and be taken till Parliament shall otherwise direct. This is +what is called a permanent act of Parliament, a permanent provision for +all future periods, to exclude Catholics from seats in Parliament. My +Lords, I beg to observe that, if the act which excludes Roman Catholics +from seats in Parliament, is permanent, there is another clause, (I +believe the 10th of cap 8. 1st William and Mary) which requires +officers of the army and navy to take those very oaths previous to the +acceptance of their commissions. Now if the act made in the first year +of William and Mary, which excludes Roman Catholics from Parliament, is +permanent, I should like to ask noble Lords, why the clause in that act +is not equally permanent? I suppose that the noble and learned Lord will +answer my question by saying, that one act was permanent and ought to be +permanently maintained, but that the other act was not permanent, and +the Parliament did right in repealing it in 1817. But the truth of the +matter is, that neither act was intended to be permanent; and the +Parliament of Queen Anne recognised by the Act of Union that the first +act, relating to seats in Parliament, was not permanent; and the noble +and learned Lord (Eldon) did right when he consented to the act of 1817, +which put an end to the 10th clause of the 1st William III., cap. 8. +Then, my Lords, if this principle of exclusion--if this principle of the +constitution of 1688, as it is called, be not permanent,--if it be +recognised as not permanent, not only by the act of union with Scotland, +(in which it was said that the exclusive oath should continue till +Parliament otherwise provided,) but also by the late act of Union with +Ireland, I would ask your Lordships, whether you are not at liberty now +to consider the expediency of doing away with it altogether, in order to +relieve the country from the inconveniences to which I have already +adverted? I would ask your Lordships, whether you are not called upon +to review the state of the representation of Ireland,--whether you are +not called upon to see, even supposing that the principle were a +permanent one, if it be fit that Parliament should remain, as it has +remained for some time, groaning under Popish influence exercised by the +Priests over the elections in Ireland. I would ask your Lordships, I +repeat, whether it is not right to make an arrangement, which has for +its object, not only the settlement of this question, but at the same +time to relieve the country from the inconveniences I have mentioned. I +have already stated the manner in which the organization I have alluded +to, works upon all the great interests of the country; but I wish your +Lordships particularly to attend to the manner in which it works upon +the church itself. That part of the church of England which exists in +Ireland is in a very peculiar situation; it is the church of the +minority of the people. At the same time, I believe that a more +exemplary, a more pious, or a more learned body of men, than the members +of that church do not exist. The members of that church certainly enjoy +and deserve the affections of those whom they are sent to instruct, in +the same degree as their brethren in England enjoy the affections of the +people of this country; and I have no doubt that they would shed the +last drop of their blood in defence of the doctrines and discipline of +their church. But violence, I apprehend, is likely to affect the +interests of that church; and I would put it to the House, whether that +church can be better protected from violence by a government united in +itself, united with Parliament and united in sentiment with the great +body of the people, or by a government disunited in opinion, disunited +from Parliament, and by the two houses of Parliament disunited. I am +certain that no man can look to the situation of Ireland, without seeing +that the interest of the church as well as the interest of every class +of persons under government, is involved in such a settlement of this +question, as will bring with it strength to the government, and strength +to every department of the state. + +The bill before the House concedes to Roman Catholics the power of +holding any office in the state, excepting a few connected with the +administration of the affairs of the church; and it also concedes to +them the power of becoming members of Parliament. I believe it goes +further, with respect to the concession of offices, than any former +measure which has been introduced into the other House of Parliament. I +confess that the reasons which induced me to consider it my duty to make +such large concessions now, arose out of the effects which I observed +following the acts proposed in the years 1782 and 1793. I have seen that +any restriction upon concession has only had the effect of increasing +the demands of the Roman Catholics, and at the same time giving them +fresh power to enforce those demands. I have, therefore, considered it +my duty, in making this act of concession, to make it as large as any +reasonable man can expect it to be; seeing clearly that any thing which +might remain behind would only give ground for fresh demands, and being +convinced that the settlement of this question tends to the security of +the state, and to the peace and prosperity of the country. I have +already stated to your lordships my opinion respecting the expediency of +granting seats in Parliament to Roman Catholics; and I do not conceive, +that the concession of seats in Parliament, can in any manner effect any +question relative to the church of England. In the first place, I beg +your Lordships to recollect, that at the time those acts, to which I +have before alluded,--the one passed in the 30th of Charles II., and the +other at the period of the Revolution, were enacted--it was not the +church that was in danger--it was the state. It was the state that was +in danger; and from what? Not because the safety of the church was +threatened. No; but because the Sovereign on the throne was suspected of +Popery, and because the successor to the throne was actually a Papist. +Those laws were adopted, because of the existence of a danger which +threatened the state, and not of one which threatened the church. On the +contrary, at that period danger to the church was apprehended, not from +the Roman Catholics, but from the Dissenters from the church of England. +I would ask of your Lordships, all of whom have read the history of +those times, whether any danger to the church was apprehended from the +Roman Catholics? No! Danger to the church was apprehended from the +Dissenters, who had become powerful by the privileges granted to them +under the act of Parliament passed at the period of the Revolution. I +think, therefore, that it is not necessary for me to enter into any +justification of myself for having adopted this measure, on account of +any danger which might be apprehended from it to the church. Roman +Catholics will come into Parliament under this bill, as they went into +Parliament previous to the act of 30th Charles II. They sat in +Parliament up to that period, and were not obliged to take the oath of +supremacy. But by this bill they will be required to take the oath of +allegiance, in which a great part of the oath of supremacy is +included--namely, that part which refers to the jurisdiction of foreign +potentates; and, I must say, that the church, if in danger, is better +secured by the bill than it was previous to the 30th of Charles II. The +object for which that act was recognised at the period of the +Revolution--namely, to keep out the house of Stuart from the throne--has +long ceased to exist, by the extinction of that family. It is the +opinion of nearly every considerable man in the country (of nearly all +those who are competent to form a judgment on the question), that the +time has now arrived for repealing these laws. Circumstances have been +gradually tending towards their repeal since the extinction of the house +of Stuart; and at last the period has come, when it is quite clear that +the repeal can be no longer delayed with safety to the state. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_State of Ireland, a Reason for Emancipation._ + +I know that, by some, it has been considered that the state of Ireland +has nothing to do with this question--that it is a subject which ought +to be left entirely out of our consideration. My Lords, they tell us +that Ireland has been disturbed for the last thirty years--that to such +disturbance we have been accustomed--and that it does not at all alter +the circumstances of the case, as they have hitherto appeared. My Lords, +it is perfectly true that Ireland has been disturbed during the long +period I have stated, but within the last year or two, there have been +circumstances of particular aggravation. Political circumstances have, +in a considerable degree, occasioned that aggravation; but, besides +this, my Lords, I must say, although I have no positive legal proof of +the fact, that I have every reason to believe that there has been a +considerable organization of the people for the purpose of mischief. My +Lords, this organization is, it appears to me, to be proved, not only by +the declarations of those who formed, and who arranged it, but likewise +by the effects which it has produced in the election of churchwardens +throughout the country; in the circumstances attending the election for +the county of Clare, and that preceded and followed that election; in +the proceedings of a gentleman who went at the head of a body of men to +the north of Ireland; in the simultaneous proceedings of various bodies +of men in the south of Ireland, in Templemore, in Kilenaule, Cahir, +Clonmel, and other places; in the proceedings of another gentleman in +the King's county; and in the recall of the former gentleman from the +north of Ireland by the Roman Catholic Association. In all these +circumstances it is quite obvious to me, that there was an organization +and direction by some superior authority. This organization has +certainly produced a state of society in Ireland which we have not +heretofore witnessed, and an aggravation of all the evils which before +afflicted that unfortunate country. + +My Lords, late in the year, a considerable town was attacked, in the +middle of the night by a body of people who came from the neighbouring +mountains--the town of Augher. They attacked it with arms, and were +driven from it with arms by the inhabitants of the town. This is a state +of things which I feel your Lordships will admit ought not to exist in a +civilized country. Later in the year still, a similar event occurred in +Charleville; and, in the course of the last autumn, the Roman Catholic +Association deliberated upon the propriety of adopting, and the means of +adopting, the measure of ceasing all dealings between Roman Catholics +and Protestants. Is it possible to believe supposing these dealings had +ceased, supposing this measure had been carried into execution--as I +firmly believe it was in the power of those who deliberated upon it to +carry it into execution--is it possible to believe that those who would +cease those dealings would not likewise have ceased to carry into +execution the contracts into which they had entered? Will any man say +that people in this situation are not verging towards that state, in +which it would be impossible to expect from them that they would be able +to perform the duties of jurymen, or to administer justice between man +and man, for the protection of the lives and properties of his Majesty's +subjects? My Lords, this is the state of society to which I wished to +draw your attention, and for which it is necessary that Parliament +should provide a remedy. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Emancipation claimed as the Price of the Union._ + +I am old enough to remember the rebellion in 1798. I was not employed in +Ireland at the time--was employed in another part of his Majesty's +dominions; but, my Lords, if I am not mistaken, the Parliament of +Ireland, at that time, walked up to my Lord Lieutenant with an unanimous +address, beseeching his Excellency to take every means to put down that +unnatural rebellion, and promising their full support, in order to carry +those measures into execution. The Lord Lieutenant did take measures, +and did succeed in putting down that rebellion. Well, my Lords, what +happened in the very next session? The Government proposed to put an end +to the Parliament, and to form a Legislative Union between the two +kingdoms, for the purpose, principally, of proposing this very measure; +and, in point of fact, the very first measure that was proposed after +this Legislative Union, after those successful endeavours to put down +this rebellion, was the very measure with which I am now about to +trouble your Lordships. Is it possible noble Lords can believe that, +supposing there was a renewal of the contest to which I have +referred--is it possible noble Lords can believe that such a contest +could be carried on without the consent of the other House of +Parliament? I am certain, my Lords, that, when you look at the division +of opinion which prevails in both Houses of Parliament; when you look at +the division of opinion which prevails in every family of this kingdom, +and of Ireland--in every family, I say, from the most eminent in +station, down to the lowest in this country;--when you look at the +division of opinion that prevails among the Protestants of Ireland on +this subject; I am convinced you will see that there would be a vast +difference in a contest carried on now, and that which was carried on on +former occasions. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_No Remedy for the State of Ireland but Emancipation._ + +Neither the law, nor the means in the possession of Government, enabled +Government to put an end to the state of things in Ireland. Therefore, +we come to Parliament. Now let us see what chance there was of providing +a remedy for this state of things by coming to Parliament. My Lords, we +all recollect perfectly well, that the opinion of the majority in +another place is, that the remedy for this state of things in Ireland is +a repeal of the disabilities affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic +subjects. We might have gone and asked Parliament to enable us to put +down the Roman Catholic Association; but what chance had we of +prevailing upon Parliament to pass such a bill, without being prepared +to come forward and state that we were ready to consider the whole +condition of Ireland, with a view to apply a remedy to that which +Parliament had stated to be the cause of the disease? Suppose that +Parliament had given us a bill to put down the Roman Catholic +Association, would such a law as that be a remedy for the state of +things which I have already described to your Lordships as existing in +Ireland? Would it do any one thing towards putting an end to the +organization, which I have stated to your Lordships exists--towards +putting down the mischiefs which are the consequences of that +organization--towards giving you the means of getting the better of the +state of things existing in Ireland, unless some further measure were +adopted? But, my Lords, it is said, if that will not do, let us proceed +to blows. What is meant by proceeding to "blows," is civil war. Now, I +believe that every Government must be prepared to carry into execution +the laws of the country by the force placed at its disposition, not by +the military force, unless it should be absolutely necessary, but by the +military force in case that should be necessary; and, above all things, +oppose resistance to the law, in case the disaffected, or ill-disposed, +are inclined to resist the authority, or sentence of the law; but, in +this case, as I have already stated to your Lordships, there was no +resistance of the law--nay, I will go further, and will say that I am +positively certain that this state of things existing in Ireland, for +the last year and a half, bordering upon civil war (being attended by +nearly all the evils of civil war), might have continued a considerable +time longer, to the great injury and disgrace of the country, and, +nevertheless, those who managed this state of things--those who were at +its head--would have taken care to prevent any resistance to the law, +which must have ended, they knew as well as I did, in the only way in +which a struggle against the King's Government could end. They knew +perfectly well they would have been the first victims of that +resistance; but knowing that, and knowing, as I do, that they are +sensible, able men, and perfectly aware of the materials upon which they +have to work, I have not the smallest doubt that the state of things +which I have stated to your Lordships would have continued, and that you +would now have had an opportunity of putting it down in the manner some +noble Lords imagined. But, my Lords, even if I had been certain of such +means of putting it down, I should have considered it my duty to avoid +those means. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Would sacrifice his Life to prevent one Month of Civil War._ + +I am one of those who have, probably, passed a longer period of my life +engaged in war than most men, and principally in civil war; and, I must +say this, that if I could avoid, by any sacrifice whatever, even one +month of civil war in the country to which I was attached, I would +sacrifice my life in order to do it. I say, there is nothing which +destroys property, eats up prosperity by the roots, and demoralizes the +character, to the degree that civil war does; in such a crisis, the hand +of man is raised against his neighbour, against his brother, and against +his father; servant betrays master, and the whole scene ends in +confusion and devastation. Yet, my Lords, this is the resource to which +we must have looked--these are the means which we must have applied, in +order to have put an end to this state of things, if we had not made the +option of bringing forward the measures, for which, I say, I am +responsible. But let us look a little further. If civil war is so bad, +when it is occasioned by resistance to the Government, if it is so bad +in the case I have stated, and so much to be avoided, how much more is +it to be avoided, when we are to arm the people, in order that we may +conquer one part of them, by exciting the other part against them? + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Defence of the Government from the Charge of Inconsistency._ + +Another subject to which I wish to advert, is a charge brought against +several of my colleagues, and also against myself, of a want of +consistency in our conduct. My Lords, I admit that many of my +colleagues, as well as myself, did on former occasions, vote against a +measure of a similar description with this; and my Lords, I must say, +that my colleagues and myself felt, when we adopted this measure, that +we should be sacrificing ourselves, and our popularity to that which we +felt to be our duty to our sovereign and our country. + +We knew very well that if we put ourselves at the head of the Protestant +cry of "No Popery," we should be much more popular even than those who +have excited that very cry against us. But we felt that, in so doing, we +should have left on the interests of the country a burden, which must +end in bearing them down; and further, that we should deserve the hate +and execration of our countrymen. The noble Earl on the cross bench +(Winchelsea) has adverted particularly to me, and has mentioned in terms +of civility the services which he says I have rendered to the country; +but I must tell the noble Earl that be those services what they may, I +rendered them through good repute, and through bad repute, and that I +was never prevented from rendering them by any cry which was excited +against me at the moment. Then, I am accused by a noble and learned +friend of mine, (the Earl of Eldon) of having acted with great secresy +respecting this measure. Now I beg to tell my noble and learned +friend--and I am sorry that, in the course of these discussions, +anything has passed which has been unpleasant to my noble and learned +friend,--I beg to tell him, I say, that, he has done that to me in the +course of this discussion which he complains of others having done to +him;--in other words, he has, in the words of a right honourable friend +of his and mine, thrown a large paving stone, instead of throwing a +small pebble stone. I say, that if my noble and learned friend accuses +me of acting with secresy on this question, he does not deal with me +altogether fairly. He knows, as well as I do, how the Cabinet was +constructed on this question; and I ask him, had I any right to say a +single word to any man whatsoever on this measure, until the person most +interested in the kingdom upon it had given his consent to my speaking +out? I say, that before my noble and learned friend accused me of +secresy, and improper secresy too, he ought to have known the precise +day upon which I received the permission of the highest personage in +this country; and he ought not to have accused me of improper conduct, +until he knew the day on which I had leave to open my mouth upon this +measure. There is another point also upon which the noble Earl accused +me of misconduct, and that is that I did not at once dissolve the +parliament. Now, I must say, that I think noble Lords are mistaken in +the notion of the benefits which they think they would derive from a +dissolution of parliament at this crisis. I believe that many of them +are not aware of the consequences and of the inconveniences of a +dissolution of parliament at any time. But when I knew, as I did know, +and as I do know, the state of the elective franchise in Ireland in the +course of last summer,--when I knew the consequences which a dissolution +would produce on the return to the house of commons, to say nothing of +the risk which must have occurred at each election,--of collisions that +might have led to something little short of civil war,--I say, that +knowing all these things, I should have been wanting in duty to my +Sovereign, and to my country, if I had advised his Majesty to dissolve +his parliament. + +_April 4, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_No Danger to the Church from the Emancipation Bill._ + +It has been repeatedly assumed by many of your Lordships in the course +of the discussion, but particularly by the right reverend Prelates who +have spoken, that the church of Ireland (or, as I have recently been +reminded, the church of England in Ireland) is in danger. I call on +those who apprehend that danger to state clearly whether that danger, on +this particular occasion, is more to be expected as resulting from +legislation, or from violence. If they say it is resulting from +legislation, I answer that their apprehensions are puerile. It is +impossible to suppose that a small number of persons admitted into this +house, and a small number admitted into the other house, while we have a +Protestant Sovereign upon the throne, should be productive of +legislative danger to the church of England in Ireland. I beg to +observe, with respect to the point relating to the union of the two +countries, that a fundamental article of the union is the junction of +the two Churches, called the United Churches of England and Ireland. It +is impossible, therefore, that any mischief can occur to the Church of +Ireland, without a breach in the union of the two countries. There is +another point to which I beg leave to advert for a moment. Although it +is true that we do admit into parliament members of the Roman Catholic +persuasion, yet, at the same time, by another measure brought forward +with it, and on which we equally rely, we propose regulations which will +have the effect of destroying the influence of the Catholic priesthood +in the election of members of parliament. We have carefully examined the +measure, and do expect that it will give additional security to all the +interests of the state. + +_April 4, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_English Soldiers respect the Religion of other Nations._ + +Although I have served in my profession in several countries, and among +foreigners, some of whom professed various forms of the Christian +religion, while others did not profess it at all; I never was in one in +which it was not the bounden duty of the soldier to pay proper deference +and respect to whatever happened to be the religious institutions or +ceremonies of the place where he might happen to be. We soldiers do not +go into these foreign countries to become parties to the religious +differences of the people, or to trouble ourselves with their notions +upon matters of faith. We go to perform a very different kind of +duty,--one which is purely military, and has no reference to the +people's religion. I confess I never heard, however, that it was our +custom to take any part in their religious rites, nor do I believe we +have taken any such part. Indeed, I have never heard of anything like +any co-operation by our soldiers of military parade, except at Malta, +where I know it has long been the practice of the garrison to direct +some artillery officers to cause a few small guns to be fired, as some +particular procession passes the platform. And I know that certain +officers of the artillery, or military, three of them, I believe, +thought proper on military grounds, and not upon religious scruples, to +refuse to fire, according to the usual order of their commandant--for +such refusal they were brought to a court-martial, and sentenced to be +cashiered, not because they would not form a part of any religious +procession to which they were hostile--not because they would not +conform to the rites of the natives, and worship any relic that was +honoured by them; but for this plain and intelligible reason,--that they +had taken upon themselves to refuse obedience to the orders of the +commander-in-chief on the spot. + +_April 8, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_The real meaning of Irish Agitation._ + +If you glance at the history of Ireland during the last ten years, you +will find that agitation really means something just short of rebellion; +that, and no other, is the exact meaning of the word. It is to place the +country in that state in which its government is utterly impracticable, +except by means of an overawing military force. + +_May 4, 1829._ + +_Theory of a Metallic Currency._ + +The restoration of the currency, my Lords, has, in truth, but little to +do with the distress of the country. Since the restoration of the +currency, the revenue has risen to the amount which has been stated to +your Lordships, notwithstanding the repeal of taxes to the amount of +27,000,000 l., since 1814. The fact is, that at the present moment, the +revenue produces, in real currency, much more than it produced when the +war was terminated. Is not that circumstance alone, I ask your +Lordships, a proof of the increasing prosperity of the country? But, my +Lords, I did not rest my argument on that fact only. Notwithstanding, +there is, at present, much distress, still, in the last year, there was +an increase of produce in every branch of manufacture, in every branch +of industry, beyond what was apparent in the three preceding years. +Under these circumstances, your Lordships must ascribe the distress of +the country to something else, rather than to the alteration of the +currency. My opinion is, that the people, during the lengthened war +which existed previously to the peace of 1815--during that period, when +there was an enormous expenditure--acquired habits which they cannot +readily throw aside. During that time, any man, of whatever description +of credit, could obtain money, or the semblance of money, to carry on +any speculation. The people then employed a fictitious wealth; they +proceeded on a system, which could not be continued, without mining and +destroying the country; and that system having been destroyed, that +fictitious wealth having been removed, they cannot immediately come down +to those quiet habits, which are required from them under that state of +things now prevailing in the empire. That, my Lords, is the real cause +of the distress under which they are at present suffering. Besides, your +Lordships will recollect, that the population of the country has +enormously increased; and it should also be taken into the calculation, +that the power of production by machinery has increased in an +incalculable degree. As much can now be produced in one year, as +formerly could be produced in five years; and the produce of one year +now amounts to more than can be taken off our hands in a year and a +half, or even two years. Distress, therefore, has occurred, +notwithstanding that the utmost exertions have been made to repel it; +and notwithstanding the great and general prosperity of trade throughout +the world. My Lords, the plain fact is, that owing to the alterations of +trade--a great demand at one time, and a want of demand at another--the +manufacturers, and those engaged in commercial pursuits, must sustain +considerable distress at different periods. It has been recommended as a +remedy, that Government should go back to the system of the circulation +of the notes. Now, my Lords, with respect to the one-pound bank +notes--it will be well to recollect what has been the proceeding of +Parliament on that subject. In 1826, Parliament having seen the facility +with which speculations could be undertaken by persons possessing no +capital, in consequence of the circulation of those one-pound +bank-notes--looking to the evils that resulted from those speculations, +and finding that a great number of banks in the country had failed in +consequence of such speculations--thought proper to pass a law to +prevent the circulation of this species of paper, after the lapse of +three years. A noble Lord has said, that this measure of Parliament +occasioned the failure of a great number of country bankers. But, I beg +the noble Lord's pardon, he has not stated the fact correctly. Most of +the banks which about that period failed, it ought to be recollected, +broke previously to the meeting of Parliament. The fact is, that it was +the breaking of the banks which occasioned the measure, and not the +measure the breaking of the banks. But we have now accomplished the +measure adopted in 1826; that measure is now carried into execution; the +currency of the country is now sufficient; bank notes, 5l., and above +5l., in value, are in circulation; and I will assert this fact, that +there is at present more of what I may call State currency in +circulation--more notes of the Bank of England and sovereigns--a greater +quantity of circulating medium of those two denominations, than there +has been at any former period before the late war, or before the Bank +Restriction Act was passed. I beg leave, my Lords, to ask, what want is +there of any additional circulation, when the circulation is at present +greater than it ever was? Is it necessary to have a more extended +circulation, to afford the means of procuring loans of money to those +who have no capital and no credit? I contend that this is a state of +things that ought not to exist in any country. Persons who really +possess credit, can raise money at the present moment with every +facility that is reasonable or proper. But, undoubtedly, those who have +no credit, are deprived of the facilities of borrowing money, which they +formerly enjoyed, because there is no longer a large class of persons +dealing in one-pound notes, to assist them in carrying on their +speculations. This is the real state of the case. It was this situation +of affairs that gave rise, and justly gave rise, to the measure of +1826--a measure which, I trust, that Parliament will persevere in, for +the purpose of placing the country in a proper state. It has been said +truly, that nothing is so desirable as to see the country carrying on +its mercantile transactions with a paper currency founded on, and +supported by, a metallic basis. Now, your Lordships must be aware, that +is exactly the sort of currency which the country has got at present; +and, in proportion as the country goes on conquering its +difficulties--the existence of that currency still being continued--we +shall see prosperity daily revive, and we shall see mercantile +transactions carried on as they ought to be, without any mixture of +those ruinous speculations, to which so much of the prevailing distress +must be attributed. But, my Lords, the noble Lord in tracing out the +sources of this distress, has omitted one of the great causes of it. He +has not adverted to the immense loss of capital which has been sustained +by the country during the last six or eight years, in consequence of +loans to foreign powers--of which neither principal or interest has been +paid, nor ever will, in my opinion, be paid. The noble Lord has not +adverted to the effect which that loss of capital must have produced, +with respect to the employment of industry in all parts of the country. +In the next place, the noble Lord has not adverted to the effect which +those loans must have had on the trade and manufactures of the country, +in consequence of the glut in foreign markets, occasioned by the forced +exportation of goods on account of such transactions. In most instances, +my Lords, no returns were made on account of those goods, and even when +returns were made, they were of the most unsatisfactory description. The +noble Lord has not adverted to the fact, that these returns, when any +were received, came home in the shape of interest, and did not, of +course, require any demand or export from this country. Surely all these +things should be considered, when the noble Lord speaks of the distress +the country is labouring under. That distress has fallen not only on the +manufacturing and commercial interests, but also on those who have +encouraged and embarked in the various schemes and speculations which +have done the country so much mischief. + +_May 26, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Extended Currency means unlimited creation of Paper Money by +Individuals._ + +I will now say a few words upon the remedy proposed by the noble Lord +(the Earl of Carnarvon), who has totally misunderstood the argument of +the noble Viscount (Goderich). My noble Friend stated that the revenue, +in 1815, was 80,000,000 l. sterling, in paper currency; that taxes were +first of all repealed to the amount of 18,000,000 l., and afterwards to +the amount of 9,000,000 l., making in all 27,000.000 l.; and he says that +the revenue now produces, in a sound currency, as great an amount as it +produced in a depreciated currency; that is to say, that it produces now +a sum, in sound currency, which, in paper currency, would amount to +80,000,000 l. sterling. Those persons who consume the articles which +produce the revenue, must be able to purchase them, or the revenue could +not exist. The increase of the revenue is a proof, then, that +consumption has increased full one-third since the time when the taxes +were reduced. It is utterly impossible that a country in which, within a +period of fifteen years, the revenue has risen one-third, can be +suffering universal and unexampled distress. The noble Lord has thought +proper to refer the distress to a deficient circulation, and he +recommends a system which he thinks would remedy the evil. Now, I will +tell the noble Earl that the largest amount of currency in circulation, +at any time during the Bank Restriction Act, was 65,000,000 l. sterling. +The Bank of England notes were 20,000,000 l.; country bank paper, +23,000,000 l.; gold, 4,000,000 l.; and, silver, 7,000,000 l. But, in 1830, +the amount of Bank of England paper in circulation is 19,900,000 l.; and, +of country bank paper, 9,200,000 l.; of gold, 28,000,000 l.; and, of +silver. 8,000,000 l.; making a total of 65,000,000 l. It is certain, +therefore, that there is more money in circulation now, than there was +at any period of the Bank restriction. There can be no want, therefore, +of more currency. The noble Earl says he wants an extended currency; but +what he, in fact, wants, is not an extended currency, but an unlimited +currency. He would give an unlimited power to certain individuals, not +to the Crown, to coin as much money as they please. The noble Lord wants +to give them the power of lending capital to whomsoever they might think +proper thus to indulge. That is what the noble Lord recommends, but that +is what, I say, cannot be allowed, without bringing the country again to +the brink of ruin, from which it was extricated in the year 1826. + +The noble Lord tells you that, heretofore, a farmer, with a good stock, +was able to borrow capital to carry on his business; but that now, let +his corn-yard be ever so full, he cannot borrow a shilling, because the +banker has not the power of giving him one-pound notes. The noble Lord +says--the banker gets no interest upon his own capital, and therefore +will not lend it. My Lords, the banker who lends his capital to a +farmer, or trader, does obtain interest for the use of it, in the shape +of discount upon the bill, or other security, which the borrower gives +him. The question with him, at present, is one of security, and not of +profit. If the banker should lend, under existing circumstances, he must +lend his own real capital, and not a fictitious capital in the shape of +one pound notes, created for the purpose. He must be certain that the +security given to him is good and available, as it ought to be; and if +he is not satisfied with the profits arising from the use of his +capital, it is because he thinks the risk is so great as not to be +covered by the profits. The noble Lord would wish to pledge your +Lordships, by your votes this night, to give the country bankers +additional profits, by enabling them to coin money, or to create +fictitious paper to any extent, and thus to create a fictitious capital. + +_February 4, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Taxes reduced under a Metallic Currency._ + +In answer to all the declamations we have heard this night respecting +the evils resulting from a metallic currency, I beg leave to remind the +House of some facts; since the year 1815, and principally since the Bank +restriction was taken off, measures have been adopted to relieve the +country of taxes to the amount of 27,000,000 l. sterling; and measures +have been also adopted which have reduced the charges of the national +debt between 3,000,000 l. and 4,000,000 l. a year, that being the interest +on nearly 100,000,000 l. sterling. I beg your Lordships will bear this +circumstance in mind; and let me tell you, that all the advantages of a +so-called equitable adjustment will never equal the advantage already +obtained from an adherence to the principles of justice and good faith. + + +_February 4, 1830._ + +_Causes of Manufacturing Distress._ + +I wish to know whether the competition of machinery and the universal +application of steam which has been generally introduced since the +peace, have not occasioned a decrease in the demand for labour, and have +not lowered the wages of labour in manufactures? Must we not take into +consideration the general spirit of manufacture abroad, the competition +of foreign nations in foreign markets, and the universal use of +machinery worked by steam? How can we control the subjects of foreign +powers? We must seek foreign markets for our surplus produce. How can we +prevent steam from creating competition abroad in the sale of that +produce, as well as a fall in the wages of manufactures, and thus +occasioning a part of the distress complained of? + +_Feb. 4, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Distress exaggerated._ + +If the exports of Great Britain have gone on increasing for some +years--if they were greater last year than in any former year--if the +amount of our exports is now greater than ever it was,--I say, not only +that these are the strongest symptoms of the prosperity of the country +increasing, but that the distress cannot be so great and unexampled as +the noble Earl (Carnarvon) would make it. There is not a rail-road, or a +common road, or a canal in the country, on which the traffic has not +increased every year during the last few years, and particularly in the +last year. It may be true that there is a diminution of profit in +commercial transactions in general; but profit there must be, or men +would not devote themselves for years to these pursuits. Money would not +be laid out in the conveyance from place to place of the produce and +manufactures of the country. The traffic being greater than ever it was +before, it is impossible but what it must be to the advantage of +somebody. The distress then cannot be so universal as represented. The +profit and advantage may not be so great as they were some years back; +but still advantage there is. + +There are other circumstances well worthy the attention of the House in +the consideration of this subject. The retail dealers are a very +numerous body in this country. Consider of their profits. Look at nearly +every market town in the kingdom, and many villages in progress towards +being rebuilt. Who pays the money for re-building these houses? Who pays +the increased rents for them? Are the people ruined who require and can +pay for these new houses? My Lords, these are facts which do shew that, +notwithstanding the existing distress which every man must deplore, the +country, in spite of the pressure upon it, is upon the whole, rising. + +_Feb. 4, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Proofs of National Improvement in 1830._ + +Among other topics of accusation, I have been arraigned for my +assertion on the first day of the session, that the distress of the +country was not of that magnitude which some persons have affirmed. The +noble Lord (Stanhope) is quite at liberty to indulge in such invectives +if it pleases him to do so, but if he supposes I do not feel for the +distresses of the people, he is utterly mistaken, as I can sincerely +aver that I have as strong sympathies on the subject as any noble member +of this house. But I am resolved to tell plainly and honestly what I +think, quite regardless of the odium I may incur from those whose +prejudices my candour and sincerity may offend. I am here to speak the +truth and not to flatter the prejudices and prepossessions of any man. +In speaking the truth, I shall utter it in the language that truth +itself most naturally suggests. + + * * * * * + +I request your Lordships to look at the state of the savings banks. A +measure was sometime back adopted to prevent the investment of money in +these banks beyond a certain amount for each person, in order that the +parties not entitled to it should not derive the advantage which is +intended for the poorer classes. Large sums were drawn out of those +banks soon after; but they have since revived in some degree. Whence has +the money come? From the lower classes. This cannot be considered as a +proof of general distress. Your Lordships ought likewise not to omit +from your consideration the increased traffic carried on the railroads +and canals in the country. The noble Earl (Roseberry) has told your +Lordships, that I have availed myself of the increased traffic upon the +roads and canals by merchants and manufacturers--in despair seeking a +market--in order to represent the country in a state of prosperity; +whereas it is an additional symptom of distress. My Lords, I said that +this traffic had been increasing for years; and that it had, in some +cases, doubled in ten years. In one of the recent discussions in this +House, upon the currency, the noble Marquis opposite (the Marquis of +Lansdowne) very truly remarked,--that a large quantity of currency might +be found in a country in which there should be little riches and +prosperity; and that the facility and rapidity of the circulation of the +currency were signs of the prosperity of a country, rather than the +quantity of that currency. I entirely concur in the truth and justice of +this observation. But I would beg to ask the noble Marquis whether it is +possible that transactions can increase and multiply as they have done +in this country, in the last few years, without giving fresh scope for +the circulation of the currency of the country, fresh employment for +labour, and occasioning, in some degree, the augmentation of general +prosperity. + +_Feb. 25, 1850._ + + * * * * * + + +_Causes of Manufacturing Distress, over which Parliament can have no +Control._ + +There can be no doubt that there has been, of late years, a great +increase of manufactures and manufactured produce in this country. It is +true, that this produce has given to the manufacturer but little +profit, and that the wages of the manufacturing labourer are low; but, +as I will show presently, the circumstance, equally with the cause of +the agricultural distress, is beyond legislative control. + +My Lords, it is impossible to consider this branch of the subject +without adverting likewise to the state of the commerce of the country. +The produce of the manufactures of the country is greater than the +country can consume; and, consequently, the price and the reward of the +labourer must depend upon the foreign demand, as well as upon the demand +at home. + +In respect to the distress felt by manufacturing labourers, there can be +no doubt that the wages of manual labour have been lowered by the +successful application of steam to the movement of machinery for the +purpose of manufacture. Here, my Lords, is a cause of distress over +which the Legislature has no practical control. As I go further in my +observations upon the speech of the Noble Earl (Stanhope) who made the +motion,[12] I will point out other causes of distress equally beyond the +control of the Legislature. + +[Footnote 12: For an inquiry into the state of the nation.] + +My Lords, let me beg to call to the recollection of the House the state +in which the world was at the end of the war in the years 1814 and 1815. +Europe was absolutely overrun with armies, and had been so for about +twenty years. There was absolutely nothing but armies in the world, and +nothing was thought of but the means of sustaining them. Except in +France and this country, there were but few manufacturers in Europe; but +when the peace took place, all the world became manufacturers. I have +already stated, that the country manufacturing more than it consumes, is +under the necessity of resorting to foreign countries, and foreign +markets with its produce, where this produce necessarily comes in +competition with the manufactured produce of foreign countries, brought +there by cheaper labour, and by machinery worked by steam. The prices in +those foreign countries, of necessity, govern the prices in this +country. Here again is a cause of the existing distress, over which it +will be admitted, that the Legislature can have no control. Nothing that +it is in our power to do, will raise prices abroad; and till these +prices shall be raised, the prices of our produce must continue low, and +profits and wages must be low likewise. + +But, my Lords, low as the prices of our produce are, compared with those +of former years, those of other countries have fallen in a still greater +proportion. My Lords, I will read, from a paper I hold in my hand, a few +extracts of prices in different parts of the country, since the peace of +1814. Raw cotton in England, in 1814 and 1815, sold at 2s. 2d. the +pound, or with duty included at 2s. 4d. In 1816 and 1817 it sold at 1s. +8d1/2., and in 1829, at 6d. This was a fall in price greater than had +taken place in any other article. Silk, in 1814, sold for 1l. 4s., or +with duty included, 1l. 9s.; whilst in 1829 it sold for 8s. 10d., or +with the duty, 8s. 11d. the pound. Spanish wool, in 1814, sold for 8s. +2d., or with the duty, at 8s. 3d.; whilst in 1829 it sold for only 2s. +3d., or with the duty at 2s. 4d. Another article, that of fir-timber, +fell in proportion. It was then 3l. 14s. 11d. the load, and with the +duty, 10l. 5s.; it is now 2l. 5s., and with the duty, 4l. 19s. This fall +in the price of foreign produce, and in our domestic manufactures, added +to the advantage which the master manufacturers derived from the use of +machinery moved by steam, and from the lowness of wages, have given them +a greater advantage; and have enabled them to make a profit, +notwithstanding the fall of prices of the produce of their manufactures +since the war. + +On articles of manufacture the prices are still lower than those of corn +and other agricultural produce. Cotton yarn, which sold for 4s. 4-1/2d. +the pound in 1814, in 1830 sells for 1s. 5-1/2d.; and cotton +manufactured goods have altered in price within the same period from 1s. +5d. to 1s. 8d. and 2s. 0-1/2d., to 6-1/4d., 8-3/4d., and 8-1/2d., or +nearly a third. Irish linens have fallen from 1s. 7d. to 1s. 0-3/4d.; +woollen cloths in the same proportion. Other articles have been reduced +enormously in price by the competition with foreigners. In those +articles in which there is no competition with foreigners, prices have +been reduced, but not in the same proportion; such, for instance, as in +the iron, the pottery, and other trades. Here, then, are causes +evidently beyond the control of Parliament. Parliament cannot raise the +price of manufactured goods--the thing is impossible. + +_February 25, 1830._ + +_Principle of Reduction in the Public Service._ + +When offices become vacant, the Government always consider whether the +public service could not go on without their being filled up; the next +point is, to consider whether the place could not be filled up by some +persons who already receive half-pay or pensions, so that the half-pay +or pension might be saved to the public. We have tried to reduce the +list of pensions of the army and navy, by keeping men in the service the +full time they ought to serve, according to the original institutions of +the army. I should deceive the House by saying that savings could be +beneficial if made at the expense of individuals who must be thrown on +the public as soon as they were made. + +_February 23, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_The Corn Law of 1828 worked well._ + +The measure of 1828 has worked well to promote the objects which the +Legislature had in view in passing it, by preventing the price of corn +from rising so high in a season of scarcity as to be injurious to the +country at large, and particularly to that part of the population +engaged in manufacture; whilst, both in that season and the season which +followed, the price has been sufficient to give the agriculturist a +fair value for his commodity. In the second year of the existence of +that law, a greater import of corn took place than ever, to the extent +of 5,000,000 of quarters, of which 2,500,000 were from Ireland, and the +prices have not been lowered in this country, beyond what is deemed a +remunerating price to the agriculturists. With reference to another +branch of Agriculture, I have means of proving that the prices received +for other articles of agricultural produce, such as meat, timber, &c. +are equal to what they were in times when the country paid a very large +amount of taxes, and the Bank Restriction Act was in force. + +_Feb. 26, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +I am convinced the corn laws cannot be repealed without injury to the +country. + +_Feb. 25, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Establishments necessary to maintain the National Honour._ + +It is perfectly true, that this island is but a small portion of the +globe, yet its interests are extended over all the world, and must be +maintained, though at a great expense. Now the expense necessary for the +maintenance of the honour and interests of this country (and over that +alone have we any control), is at present only 12,000,000 l. of money; +for there has been a decrease, in the present and last sessions of +Parliament of not less than 2,000,000 l. on this part of the +expenditure; and your Lordships must know that there are other portions +of the national expenditure, which cannot be touched at all. With +respect to that part which cannot be touched, his Majesty's Government +have effected all that they possibly could. Having said this, I must +claim for myself and my colleagues in office, credit for an anxious +desire to do everything in our power to diminish the expenditure. With +respect to the amount of expenses incurred on account of our Colonies, I +believe that the number of troops in the old colonies and places +occupied by a military force previously to 1792, is now reduced lower +than it was in that year. This country, however, in the course of the +last war, made very considerable conquests; those conquests require for +their maintenance large bodies of men, and, consequently, create a great +additional expense. They require for their protection very nearly as +many troops as the old colonies. Before the war we were not masters of +the Cape of Good Hope, of the Mauritius, or of Ceylon. In the +Mediterranean, we had no station, unless Gibraltar can be deemed one, +which is not the case now. My Lords, it is obvious, that all the new +stations which we have acquired, demand a larger force for their +protection. These things considered, it appears to me, that the military +establishment has been reduced as far as it can be reduced, a proper +regard being had to the interests of the empire. + +_March 4, 1830._ + +_Difficulty of Legislating on the Poor Laws._ + +It should be recollected that some of the greatest men that ever lived +in England--including Mr. Pitt and Mr. Whitbread--attempted to deal with +the difficult subject of the poor laws, and failed. It is a subject +equally important, difficult, and complicated. The system, as far as +local practice and arrangements go, varies in almost every parish of +England more or less; and, I repeat, it is almost impossible to deal +with it successfully. We ought not to enter into the subject of the poor +laws hastily, or at an inopportune period like the present. It will be +better to wait till the country is restored to a state of complete +prosperity, and then investigate the subject with a proper degree of +attention. + +_March 18, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_The Home Market is the best._ + +The greatest difficulty is experienced by our manufacturers in exporting +their manufactures. In some countries there is a total prohibition of +them; in others there is an extremely high duty; and in all there is +much competition and jealousy. The Government, in every one of those +foreign countries, seems to do everything in its power to prevent the +sale of British manufactures. I am convinced, if we went to the +Continent, and purchased all the corn in Poland, not an additional +article should we be able to force into France, Germany, Prussia, or +Russia, If the merchants of this country were allowed freely to purchase +grain, foreign subjects would get as much for their corn as they +possibly could; but their rulers would not allow a single article of our +manufactures to be imported in consequence of our being obliged to buy, +or in return for our buying the grain of those countries. There is, +undoubtedly, a certain quantity of manufactures in this country more +than the population itself can consume, which it would be very desirable +to get rid of. But, my Lords, is it exactly true, that taking foreign +corn would have the effect of enabling other countries to purchase them? +And even if such were the case, what are we to do with our own corn? + +Now, my Lords, if the buying corn of the Pole, the Russian, or the +Prussian, enable them to give high prices for our manufactures, why do +not you give the same advantages to those nearer home? For my own part, +I believe, after all, that the home market is our best resource, and +that there we dispose of the greatest proportion of our manufactured +articles. It has, and I think with truth, been stated, that two-thirds +of the whole quantity of our manufactures are disposed of in this +country. The whole of our woollen and the whole of our silk manufactures +are consumed here; and of iron and other manufactures, a very +considerable portion. I ask, then, if such profits are to be derived +from an exchange with a foreign market, why do you not cultivate the +home, which is admitted to be decidedly the best market of all. I think +the more this matter is discussed, the more will the country see that +the interests of one class of the community involve the interests of +all. We are not to look merely to the interests of the cotton +manufacturers, or of the iron manufacturers. That which we are bound to +consider is the benefit of all; and, in my opinion, the common good will +be most effectually secured, by getting the greatest quantity of +provisions for the whole community,--by giving a proper remuneration to +those who produce such provisions,--and thus encouraging them to do that +which is most beneficial to the community at large. + +_March 29, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_How far the principle of Equitable Adjustment should be carried._ + +The noble Lord (Viscount Goderich), speaking with his usual candour on +the subject of the equitable adjustment, admitted the existence of an +increase of price during some years of the war generally, and +consequently of public expense and of debt, to the amount of 20 per +cent, in consequence of the depreciation of the currency; and he has +made a calculation of a supposed equitable adjustment, founded upon his +estimate of the expense of the war for some years, and of the debt +created by the excess of price. It is true that there was a very large +increase of prices in England during the war; that this increase of +prices increased the expense of the war; and the amount of debt +successively raised. But it is not true that the excess of prices was +occasioned solely by the paper currency. Many other circumstances +occasioned it; and in my opinion, my noble friend has admitted too much +in admitting that the annual payment on account of the debt has been +increased to the amount of 3,500,000 l. in consequence of the paper money +circulated during the war. + +Having frequently heard of an equitable adjustment, which, however, is +absolutely impracticable as a measure to be applied solely to the +national creditor, it has always appeared to me, that such an +arrangement could be calculated only on the foundation of the difference +between the currency, or the market price of gold, and the mint price of +gold, at the period at which the Bank restriction was repealed, or in +the year 1812. That difference was at that period about 4 per cent; or +the difference between 3l. 17s. 10-1/2d., and 4l. 1s. The annual payment +on account of the debt at that time, amounted to about 30,000,000 l. +sterling; upon which what is called an equitable adjustment might, at +that time, have been made to the amount of 5 per cent., or 1,200,000 l. +In making this supposed equitable adjustment, we should have betrayed +the honour of the country; we should have destroyed its credit and +reputation for fair dealing, justice, and honesty; and, for this paltry +diminution of the annual expense of the debt in 1819, we should have +lost the advantages since acquired, as detailed to the House by my noble +friend, amounting to a diminution of the annual charge of the debt, not +of 1,200,000 l., but nearly of 5,500,000 l. or the interest of +150,000,000 l. of capital at 3 per cent. This is a fair calculation of +the comparative advantage of what has been done, and what might have +been done, by a supposed equitable adjustment. + +_May 6th, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_The Shipping Interest has not been Neglected._ + +These reciprocity treaties were adopted with a view to decrease the +price of freight in this country to our merchants, and with a view to +their taking in abroad, and bringing home, their commodities at a +cheaper cost of transit. These treaties were, my Lords, framed with a +foresight of the state of commerce which was likely to ensue in the +world in future times which were then immediately before us. We were, +therefore, to diminish the expense of shipping to meet the new +contingencies; and to enable those engaged in commerce to carry on their +trade under all the difficulties of a new situation; and the object of +those laws was to lower the price of commodities for that purpose. What +was the result?--profits upon specific articles became reduced; but +since the year 1814 the trade in them has nearly doubled. What the +shipping interest then lost in the reduced amount of freight per +tonnage, they regained in the greater number of voyages which commerce +opened to them. + +_May 13th, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on George IV._ + +My lords, our late Sovereign received the best education which this +country affords. He had, also, the singular advantage of having passed +all the earlier period of his life, and the greater part of his manhood, +under the superintendence of the King, his father, and subsequently in +the society of the most eminent men whom this country possessed; and he +likewise enjoyed the society of the most distinguished foreigners who +resorted to this country. His Majesty's manners accordingly received a +polish, his understanding acquired a degree of cultivation, almost +unknown in any other individual. My Lords, he carried those advantages +to the Government to which he was afterwards called, first as a Regent, +and afterwards as reigning sovereign. During the whole course of his +government no man ever approached him without having evidence of his +dignity, his condescension, his affability, and his fitness for the +exalted station which he occupied. But these advantages, which shewed so +conspicuously the polish of manner which he possessed, were not only +observed by persons immediately around him, for I appeal to many of your +Lordships who have transacted the business of the country which required +an interview with the sovereign, whether his Majesty did not upon every +occasion display a degree of knowledge and talent not to be expected of +an individual holding his high station, and a profound acquaintance with +public business even in its most minute details. But this is not all, he +was a most munificent patron of the arts in this country and the whole +world. He possessed a larger collection of the eminent productions of +his own country's artists, than any individual, and it is as an +individual, of him I here speak. The taste and judgment he displayed in +these collections have never been excelled by any sovereign. + +I would also beg to call to your Lordships' recollection the situation +in which he found England and Europe in the year 1810, when he became +Regent, and the situation in which he has left Europe and this country. +If your Lordships look upon the great and stirring events of his reign, +under what circumstances it commenced and terminated, I think you will +agree with me in the sentiment, that we have reason to feel proud of +such a sovereign. + +_June 29th, 1830_ + + * * * * * + +_Principle of advances of Money for Public Works._ + + +A noble Lord has cited an opinion of mine with respect to the advance of +money for public works; to the principle laid down in the letter to +which he alludes, I still adhere,--that no money should be advanced as a +grant, for works of that description, even though they may be very +useful; but, my Lords, I repeat, that there is a great distinction +between on advance of money and a loan. The application of the +proprietors of the Thames Tunnel, was for an advance of money, and not a +loan; the parties, there, were not in a condition to pay the interest +even of the money to be advanced, and therefore the application was +refused, but my Lords, in the present case the money is advanced on the +security of the tolls payable on a canal; yet even on that ground it +would not be advanced, unless it were shown that the work will be of +advantage not only to the province, but to the empire at large. + +_July 2nd, 1830_ + + * * * * * + +_Declaration against Parliamentary Reform._ + +I now come to another point touched upon in his Majesty's speech, from +which, as well as the allusions to it to-night, I have experienced +considerable pain; I allude to the state of the public mind in Kent. +Upon this point I cannot help agreeing in what fell from the noble +Marquis, (Camden) the Lord Lieutenant of that county, who spoke early in +the evening, namely,--that it is not to be exactly attributed to the +distress prevailing there. It certainly does appear, from all I have +heard, that the outrages are carried on by two different sets of people; +one of which attack machinery, which they think interferes with their +labour; and the other of which are engaged in burning and destroying +property. What the immediate cause of these disturbances is, the +government know no more than the magistrates and gentlemen of the +county. We shall do all in our power in concert with these magistrates, +and the Lord Lieutenant, to discover it; and, in the mean time, we shall +afford them aid to put the law in force in order to prevent them. + +This brings me to the recommendation which the noble Earl (Grey) has +made, not only to put down these disturbances, but to put the country in +a state to meet and overcome the dangers which are likely to result from +the late transactions in France, namely,--the adoption of something in +the nature of parliamentary reform. The noble Earl has stated that he is +not prepared, himself, to come forward with any measure of the kind; and +I will tell him that neither is the government. Nay, I will go farther, +and say, that I have not heard of any measure, up to this moment, which +could in any degree satisfy my mind, or by which the state of the +representation could be improved or placed on a footing more +satisfactory to the people of this country than it now is. + +I will not now enter upon the discussion of this subject, as I dare say +we shall have plenty of opportunities for doing so; but I will say, that +I am thoroughly convinced that England possesses, at this moment, a +legislature which answers all the good purposes of a legislature, in a +higher degree than any scheme of government that ever has been found to +answer in any country in the world;--that it possesses the confidence of +the country--that it deservedly possesses that confidence--and that its +decisions have justly the greatest weight and influence with the people. +Nay, my Lords, I will go yet farther and say, that if, at this moment, I +had to form a legislature for any country, particularly for one like +this, in possession of great property of various descriptions, although, +perhaps, I should not form one precisely such as we have, I would +endeavour to produce something which would give the same +results--namely, a representation of the people, containing a large body +of the property of the country, and in which the great landed +proprietors have a preponderating influence. + +In conclusion I beg to state, that not only is the government not +prepared to bring forward any measure of this description, but that as +far as I am concerned, whilst I have the honour to hold the situation I +now do amongst his Majesty's councillors, I shall always feel it my duty +to oppose any such measures when brought forward by others. + +_November 2, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_Irish Absenteeism deprecated._ + +I can assure your Lordships that there is not any man, either there or +here, who is more aware of the poverty of Ireland, and the dangers to +the empire from the state of the lower orders, than he who has now the +honour of addressing you. But I would have noble Lords to observe that +it is not by coming here to talk of the poverty of that country that we +can remove it. If noble Lords will endeavour to tranquilize the country, +and persuade those who have the means to buy estates and settle there; +by holding out to them a picture of industry and tranquility with its +other advantages, they will soon find the country change its aspect, and +complaints of the dangers arising from its poverty will no longer be +heard. The influence of the presence and fortunes of the proprietors of +land in Ireland spent in that country, would do more to serve it than +any legislative enactment parliament have it in their power to pass. + +_November 2, 1830._ + +_Repeal averted by Emancipation._ + +The repeal of the union is opposed by the noble Duke opposite (the Duke +of Leinster) and all his friends in Ireland: it is opposed by all the +proprietors in Ireland, by the great majority of the Roman Catholics, by +nearly all the Protestants of Ireland, and with one exception by the +unanimous voice of the other House of Parliament. + +Such is the present state of this question, but how would it have stood +had not that other to which he alluded been carried two years ago? And +how did that one then stand? Why, the noble Duke and all his friends, +and a large proportion of the Irish people, were anxious that that +question should be carried. Such, also, do we know to a certainty was +the desire of the majority of the other House of Parliament, whilst at +the same time there was in this House a minority in its favour, daily +acquiring greater strength; and at present, I presume, no one will deny +that a large body of the best informed people of this country were also +decidedly for conceding this point. We do not now stand on worse ground +on the question of the repeal of the union than we should have done had +not the Catholic question been carried. I do not see the advantage, +therefore, of repeating reproaches against me for having given way on +that occasion from fear. I gave way because I conceived the interests of +the country would be best answered by doing so; I gave way on the +grounds of policy and expediency, and upon those grounds I am at this +moment ready to justify what I did. The noble Lord must forgive me for +saying that the state of irritation which has continued to exist in +Ireland since that question was carried must not be attributed to the +King's Ministers: they have done every thing in their power to +conciliate, and heal the divisions which distracted that country for so +many years previously to the settlement of that question. It is not my +duty, any more than my inclination, to cast imputation on any man; but +this I will say, that if the King's Ministers had been supported as +strongly as they have been opposed in their endeavours to heal those +divisions, Ireland would have been in a very different state from what +it now is. + +_November 2, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_Magistrates should be appointed by Lords Lieutenant._ + +Lords Lieutenant of counties are generally chosen in consequence of +their possessing large properties, and from their weight and +consideration in the counties over which they preside. They must, +therefore, be the most highly interested in selecting proper persons, +and a proper number of persons, whom they know will do their duty well +as magistrates. + +In choosing magistrates, in my opinion, it is essentially necessary that +local knowledge should operate. Before any man should venture to +recommend another to be appointed to the commission, he should have +knowledge of his character, and of other circumstances, which can only +be discerned by local knowledge. + +_Nov. 29, 1830._ + +_The Agrarian Outrages of 1830._ + +It appears to me that the outrages which have taken place in the country +are of two descriptions--the first is that open description of outrage, +which there is no doubt, may be got the better of by the operation of +the ordinary process of law; the second is that description of +crime--the destruction of property by fire,--of the perpetrators of +which Government have not hitherto been able to discover any trace +whatever. I do not know what information the Noble Earl may have +received on the subject within the last week, but up to that period we +had discovered no traces whatever of these incendiaries. + +It is supposed by some noble Lords, that the perpetrators of the second +description of crime--the destruction of property by fire--are +foreigners, and that they are following the example set in another +country. I believe, however, there is no evidence whatever that +foreigners have been engaged in the perpetration of those crimes. It is +certain that they have been effected by a conspiracy of some kind or +other; but whether the conspirators are foreigners or Englishmen, I +believe that no man can at this moment possibly say. As to foreigners +being in gaols, I can only say, that with reference to one county--the +county of Hants--in which outrages of the most flagrant kind have +occurred, there is not one foreigner among the persons with whom +Winchester gaol is filled. + +_Nov. 29, 1830._ + +_Our Portuguese Relations affected by the State of Ireland._ + +In reference to Ireland, it is of great importance that we should be on +good terms with Portugal. Unfortunately, the great measure which I had +the honour to prepare three years ago, has not answered so as to +produce--I will not say all the advantages I expected from it, as I was +never sanguine in my expectations, but the amount of advantage which +some of your Lordships and part of the public expected. To use a vulgar +expression, a new hare has started, and we must probably look to a +length of time ere the agitation excited in Ireland by the new question +shall have subsided. Now, I want to know, whether Portugal will not be +as important to us during the agitation of that question as it has been +previously? Will not our reception in the Tagus, and friendly occupation +of it, be as important to England now, as it has been heretofore? I do +not now wish to discuss the claims of Don Miguel and Donna Maria--this +is not the occasion for it--I only mean to convey my decided opinion, +that the friendship of Portugal is necessary to this country. If we +deprive Portugal of the advantages of this wine trade for a revenue of +100,000 l., putting political economy and commerce out of the question, +we shall make the greatest political blunder that has been seen for a +long time past. + +_Feb. 21, 1831._ + +_How is the Government to be carried on after the Reform Bill?_ + +With respect to another subject (Reform) which must occasion discussion, +I quite agree in the determination which has been adopted of postponing +all discussions upon it till a future period; but when that period shall +arrive, I hope that his Majesty's ministers, who, upon their own +responsibility, have brought the question under discussion, will be so +kind as to explain to the House in what manner, and by what influence, +they propose that the Government of this country--the Monarchical +Government of this country--shall be carried on, according to the +principles and practice established at the Revolution. + +_March 3, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Downfall of the Constitution predicted as the Consequence of the +Reform Bill._ + +It is far from my wish to impute to the noble Earl (Grey) or his +colleagues any desire to introduce revolutionary measures into +Parliament; but, I must say this, that having looked at the measure +which has been brought into the other House of Parliament under their +auspices, I cannot but consider that it alters every interest existing +in the country,--that in consequence of its operation, no interest will +remain on the footing on which it now stands, and that this alteration +must lead to a total alteration of men--of men intrusted with the +confidence of Parliament. I am of opinion that this alteration must have +a serious effect on the public interests,--an effect which, I confess, I +cannot look at without the most serious apprehension. I do not charge +the noble Earl and his colleagues with a desire to overturn the +institutions of the country, but I cannot look at the alterations +proposed by the bill without seeing that those alterations must be +followed by a total change of men, and likewise by a total change of the +whole system of Government. Why, I ask--for what reason--is all this to +be done? I will not now enter into the question of what is the opinion +of the other House of Parliament--but I will say again, as I have said +before, in the presence of your Lordships, that I see no reason whatever +for altering the constitution of Parliament. + +It is my opinion that parliament has well served the country, and that +it deserves the thanks of the country for a variety of measures which it +has proposed, particularly of late years. I see no reason for the +measure now proposed, except that stated by the noble Earl--namely, his +desire to gratify certain individuals in the country. It is possible +that a large number, nay, even a majority of individuals, in this +country may be desirous of this change, but I see no reason, excepting +that, for this measure being introduced or adopted. + +Whilst I thus declare my sentiments, I beg your Lordships to believe +that I feel no interest in this question, excepting that which I have in +common with every individual in the country. I possess no influence or +interest of the description which will be betrayed by the measure now +proposed. I am an individual who has served his Majesty for now, I am +sorry to say, nearly half a century; I have been in his Majesty's +service for forty-five years--for thirty eventful years of that period I +have served his Majesty in situations of trust and confidence, in the +command of his armies, in embassies, and in his councils; and the +experience which I have acquired in the situations in which I have +served his Majesty, enables me, and imposes upon me the duty, to say, +that I cannot look at this measure without the most serious +apprehensions, that from the period of its adoption, we shall date the +downfall of the constitution. + +_March 24, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Under the Reformed System, how is the King's Government to be carried +on?_ + +I have, myself, examined the bill, with reference to its effects on the +county of Southampton. In that county there are several +towns--Winchester, Christchurch, Portsmouth, Southampton, and the +borough of Lymington. Several boroughs in that county are struck out of +the representation by the bill, and there are, besides, a vast number of +considerable towns left unrepresented, but the voters of these places +are to come into the county constituency. According to the old system, +the voters of the towns had votes for the county; now, copyholders and +50l. householders are to vote for the county. In the towns, these two +classes are, for the most part, shopkeepers. + +I am convinced that there are no less than 4000 or 5000 such inhabitants +of towns in Hampshire, who will have votes for the county, as well as +the freeholders. Now, of whom does this class of electors consist? As I +before stated, they are shopkeepers--respectable shopkeepers--in the +towns. I beg to ask, are they fit persons to be the only electors to +return county members to a Parliament, which Parliament is to govern the +affairs of this great nation, consisting of 100,000,000 of subjects, and +so many various relations, foreign, domestic, colonial, commercial, and +manufacturing? Men of the description I have mentioned, with their +prejudices and peculiar interests, however respectable as a body, cannot +be fit to be the only electors of members of the House of Commons. But, +I beg to say that, however respectable this, or any other class of +electors may be, there is a strong reason against any uniformity of +system in the representation of the country. I have heard already of the +establishment, in this town, of a committee formed for the purpose of +recommending candidates for the representation to the different towns +throughout the country. I confess, I do not believe that this committee +has been established more than a few days; but I beg to say that, taking +into consideration the means of combinations, and the facilities of +communications in the country, such a body is dangerous. I know that +such committees, in other countries, have been found to be effectual in +putting down the Government. And I ask whether you should allow such a +uniform system of election--it matters not in whose hands it is +placed--that a committee, sitting in London, shall have the power to +dictate what members shall be returned for Leeds, or for Manchester, for +instance? I wish to know what security noble Lords have for their seats +in this House, if such a committee as this should exist at the first +general election of a reformed Parliament? But, my Lords, these are not +all the objections which I entertain to this measure; I have others, +founded upon facts, which I know to have existed in other countries. I +was in France when the law of election was passed, in the year 1817; and +this circumstance deserves your Lordships' attention, because the +situation of the two countries is not dissimilar. At that period there +were, in each department 300 persons, who, paying the highest amount of +taxes, were chosen to manage the representation. The King and Government +altered this, and gave the power of choosing representatives to persons +paying taxes to the amount of 300 francs. Two years afterwards, they +were obliged to alter the law again, and form two classes of electors. +Since then, there have been two general elections, one more unfavourable +than the other to the Government; and the matter ended in the formation +of a Parliament, the spirit of which rendered it impossible for a +Government to act. + +My Lords, I do not mean here to justify the Government of Charles X.; +and I trust the noble and learned Lord (Lord Brougham) will allow me, on +this occasion, to declare that I never wrote to Prince Polignac in my +life (much as I have been accused of encouraging the proceedings of that +person), and I have never written to Charles X. from the time that +monarch lost his son, and his grandson was born. In fact, I have never +corresponded with any French minister without the knowledge of my +colleagues. The noble and learned Lord on the woolsack may rely on it, +that I had no more knowledge of Prince Polignac's proceedings, than the +noble and learned Lord himself; or, most probably, still less. I am not +the apologist of Prince Polignac; but, I say, that things had been +brought to that state in France, that it was impossible but there should +be a revolution. + +When I see a similar mode of election established in this country--when +I see the adoption of a uniform system of election--when I see the +election placed in the hands of shopkeepers in boroughs all over the +country--I think that we incur considerable danger, and put the country +in such a situation as that no minister can be certain that any one +measure which he brings forward will succeed, or that he will he enabled +to carry on the Government. The circumstances of France and England are, +in many particulars, alike, and we ought to take warning by the dangers +of the neighbouring country. + +I wish the House to advert to what the business of the King's Government +in Parliament is. It is the duty of that Government to manage +everything. I heard the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, in a +speech of admirable eloquence and knowledge, propose a new judicial +system at the commencement of the Session; but I tell him, that it is +impossible for the Government ultimately to decide on that question; and +that if a Parliament be constructed on the new plan, it will be too +strong for Government on that question. So, also, in matters affecting +commerce and manufactures, Government would depend entirely upon +Parliament. + +I want to hear how Government is to carry any measure, on the +appointment of a new Parliament? There is a great question now before +the House of Commons on the subject of tithes. How is any Government to +meet that question? A Government may submit to the will of a majority +opposed to its own view on other questions, but on the question of +tithes and the Church, the duty of any Government is clearly pointed +out--the King's Coronation Oath, and the Acts of Union with Scotland and +Ireland, guaranteeing the integrity of the Church Establishment, and the +protection of the estates and prosperity of the Church. But I want to +know how Government is to maintain the safety of the Established Church, +after placing Parliament on the footing proposed. I really do not wish +to carry this argument farther than it will go; but, looking round, and +considering the operation of the proposed measure in towns, as well as +in counties, and forming the best judgment I can on affairs so +complicated, I must infer, from every thing I see, that the +Constitution of the country cannot be carried on as hitherto, if this +plan be adopted. In such an event, you would alter your whole system of +Government. I do not say the Crown cannot last. You may still permit the +King's interference in the management of the army, the navy, and the +ordnance; and the rest of the Government may he carried on by the House +of Commons. Things may go on under such a system; but this will not be +the British Constitution. It will not be the same England, which has +been, for so many centuries, prosperous and glorious under our present +Constitution. + +_March 28, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Unreformed House a complete Legislative Body._ + +As to the present House of Commons, I maintain that it is as complete a +legislative body as can be required; and that the House of Commons, +since the peace particularly, has shown itself to be the most efficient +legislative body that ever existed in any country in the world, not +excepting this. I say, that it has rendered more services than any +Legislature ever did in the same period--I say, it has continued those +great services up to the present moment, and that those services have +only been interrupted by the introduction of this discussion upon the +Reform Bill. + +_March 28, 1831._ + +_Reasons why the Duke resigned Office in November, 1830._ + +It is quite true, that when the late Government brought forward the +Catholic question, they were supported by many noble Lords who were +usually opposed to the Government; but it is not correct that the +disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders was made a _sine qua +non_ to ensure the support of the noble Lords to the Relief Bill. I +certainly had the misfortune, on that occasion, to lose the support and +regard of a great number of friends, both here and in the other House of +Parliament--a misfortune I have never ceased to lament; yet I have the +consolation of knowing, that in what I then did, I did no more than what +my duty required of me; and I was not justified in relinquishing that +measure by any intimidation, or by any imaginary circumstance of +danger--which I had no right to apprehend. But I own that things were +going on in Ireland which induced me to think they might lead to a civil +war, in the event of our continuing to refuse the settlement of the +question; and I am satisfied that I should have been wanting in duty, +both as a man and a Minister, if I had hesitated to give up those +opinions which I had previously entertained with regard to that measure. +I afterwards had some difference with a noble Earl opposite (Earl Grey), +but notwithstanding I felt called upon to retain the position I held in +the Government as long as I enjoyed the approbation of my Sovereign, and +the confidence of the Legislature. + +Then came the Revolution in France, followed by that of Belgium; and +like the former revolutions of Naples and of Spain, they naturally +excited a strong sensation here; that excitement, increased by speeches +made in various parts of the country, created a strong desire for +Parliamentary Reform. But I did not think then, any more than I think +now, that that desire was irresistible. If Parliament should see reason +to decide that the proposed alteration in the Constitution is not +necessary, and ought not to be made, I am confident the country will +acquiesce in that decision. I believe that the wish for reform is strong +and growing; but if the people see that the subject is fairly discussed, +and honestly determined here, I am sure they will submit without a +murmur. Already the sensation produced by the French and Belgian +Revolutions has subsided; the natives of the country have seen the +deplorable results by which those commotions have been followed, and are +wisely warned by the sufferings of their neighbours. + + * * * * * + +Upon the defeat on the Civil List, finding I had the misfortune no +longer to enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons, I thought proper +to resign the situation which I held in his Majesty's service. Upon that +occasion, the question of Parliamentary Reform had no more to do, as far +as I was concerned, with the resignation which I tendered to his Majesty +on the day following the defeat on the Civil List, than anything else +in the world. I admit I resigned next morning, because I did not wish to +expose his Majesty and the country to the consequences that might result +from the Government going out on the success of the question of +Parliamentary Reform. This is the truth; but, to say I resigned on +account of Parliamentary Reform, is wrong; I resigned upon the ground +before stated; and I resigned at that particular moment on the Tuesday, +because I did not choose to expose his Majesty and the country to the +consequences that might ensue from the occurrence of the case just +mentioned. This is the real fact of the story. But the noble and learned +Lord has said, that the late Ministry gave up the principle of +Parliamentary Reform by their resignation; no such thing--we resigned +because we did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, and +we thought that the same majority which defeated us on Monday on the +Civil List, might defeat us Tuesday on Reform; and then we should have +sacrificed (as the noble Lord says), the principle of Parliamentary +Reform in the Commons. We did not think it worth while to make any +farther struggle in order to retain office a day or two longer. + +_March 28, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Civil List principle, on what arranged._ + +My Lords, the principle on which I and my colleagues drew up the Civil +List, was always directed to enable the Sovereign, so far as was +practicable, to defray all the expenses necessary to be incurred in +supporting the dignity, splendour, and comforts of the Crown, without +mixing them up with the other expenses of the Government. For this +purpose, it was formerly the practice to grant a considerable sum for +those various, but necessary expenses. Certainly, the Crown enjoyed +great advantage in supporting its dignity, influence, and efficiency, as +long as the system of supporting itself on its hereditary revenues +remained in practice. That system, my Lords, was departed from at the +commencement of the reign of Geo. III.; and a further departure from it +has since taken place, into which I shall, with your Lordships' +permission, examine presently, and compare that departure with those +proposed by the late Government. From the accounts I have seen of the +hereditary revenues enjoyed by Geo. II., I have reason to believe that +were they now enjoyed by our Sovereign, and employed in defraying the +civil expenses of the Government, and sustaining the dignity and +splendour of the Crown, they would amount to a sum larger than would be +necessary to meet those expenses, notwithstanding the increase which has +been made in them by the increased salaries of the judges, the increased +number of the public officers, and the vast increase of the royal family +of England. I say, my Lords, that these hereditary revenues would be +more than adequate to defray all these charges. I believe that these +revenues, independent of droits and West Indian duties, amount, at the +present moment, to 850,000 l. a-year; and these revenues, my Lords, I +consider as much the King's property, as I hold the possessions of your +Lordships to be yours. I make this statement, because it is important +that your Lordships should recollect it, and the public should know that +notwithstanding the magnitude of the expenses of the Sovereign, the +Sovereign has as much right to the sum which I have mentioned, as any of +your Lordships to your own estates. The system of giving the Sovereign +the amount of certain taxes to defray the expenses of the civil +government, was first departed from at the commencement of the reign of +Geo. III., when a fixed sum was appointed, instead of that mode of +payment, for its support. In process of time the expenses of the civil +government increased, and the Civil List became a debt. The consequence +was, that in the year 1815, an inquiry was instituted into the +circumstances which had caused this increase of charges upon the Civil +List, up to the period of the Regency. What was the course then adopted +by Parliament? Why, it was to bring certain charges--as, for instance, +the charges for ambassadors and ministers abroad--under the annual vote +of Parliament; and the immediate object was to avoid thereby the fixing +of any fresh debt, for which no estimate could be previously made, upon +the Civil List. In 1820 it was determined that nothing whatever should +be brought before Parliament, in connexion with the Civil List, that was +a casual expense, or for which a regular vote could not be submitted. + +The original system, I have already stated, had been departed from in +the reign of George III., and the late Government in presenting their +civil list made a still further departure from it, and upon this +principle;--wherever a part of a salary was to be paid out of the civil +list, and part out of the consolidated fund, it was resolved to pay all +out of the consolidated fund. The course was adopted with regard to the +salaries of the Judges, the Lord Chancellor, and the Speaker of the +House of Commons, and also of various other offices, some of which have +been since abolished. This was thought a less objectionable mode than +that of subjecting those salaries to an annual discussion in the +Committee of the House of Commons. We wished my Lords to place those +salaries upon the consolidated fund, in order to prevent the possibility +of the country being left without a proper and efficient administration +of public affairs. We did not wish to leave the Government to the chance +of being impeded by a small majority, in the House of Commons, which, +according to other proposed plans, might diminish the salaries of public +officers at pleasure. If my Lord we look to the period of the Revolution +we shall find that there were long discussions respecting the right of +the crown to its hereditary revenues, which ended in a concession of the +principle that these revenues did belong to the crown. At that time +nobody ever dreamed of separating the expenses of the crown from those +of the civil government, and of making a separate provision for the +support of the state and dignity of the crown, which should be subject +to the controul of parliament. The plan of separation, my Lords, is one +of modern invention altogether, and I totally dissent from it. Because, +let us look to the situation in which the crown is placed under the +operation of such a system, and we must observe that it will place the +crown in a situation such as it ought not to be reduced to; namely that +it will render it liable to be deprived of the assistance--say of a +public officer, whose salary may be lost by a single vote in a committee +of supply. + +_April, 19th, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Expenses of Ministers ruinous, unless they have large Private +fortunes._ + +With respect to the reduction in the salaries of the great officers of +state, I have only to observe, that even under the existing rate of +salaries, unless a First Lord of the Treasury, (and the remark will +apply to the other state officers) possesses a large private fortune, he +must be ruined in consequence of the heavy expences entailed on him by +his situation, and the inadequacy of the sum allowed by the public for +the maintenance of those expenses. In proof of this, I may instance the +case of three prime ministers--Mr. Pitt, Mr. Percival, and Mr. +Canning,--all of whom were almost ruined by their being in office. I +took upon myself to propose a provision for the family of Mr. Canning in +consequence. + +_April, 19th. 1831._ + +_The Roman Catholic Relief Bill settled the question of the Repeal of +the Union._ + +It is not my intention at present to enter into the question, as to the +expediency of granting the Roman Catholic claims; for I hope that +question is for ever set at rest. The former government of this country +derived some advantage from the settlement of that question; and I +believe that this advantage will at least be admitted to have flowed +from it,--that now there is no question either in this or the other +House of Parliament, or among the public, respecting the necessity or +expediency of repealing the Union. When I introduced the Catholic Relief +Bill, I stated that political power already existed in the hands of the +Roman Catholics, and that was a statement, generally admitted by noble +Lords on both sides of the House. What the Bill effected was to give the +capacity of enjoying political power to the higher classes of the Roman +Catholics, and to take it out of the hands of those of the lower classes +who did not exercise it themselves for their own purposes, and according +to the suggestion of their own sentiments, but at the dictation of a +body among the Catholic people, who, it will be admitted by everybody, +ought not to possess any political power whatever,--I mean the Roman +Catholic priesthood. + +_April, 21st. 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_If the Reform Bill be passed, it will be impossible to preserve +inviolate the Union with Ireland._ + +My opinion is, that your Lordships will find it difficult, indeed, +after having passed the Bill under discussion of the other House of +Parliament, to maintain inviolate that Union which now exists between +the two countries. I mean to say, that in the event of that bill +passing, it would be impossible to maintain that article of the Union +which recognises the Church of England as a branch of that Union, and +which guarantees its safety. I beg to call to your Lordships' +recollection, that his Majesty is sworn to maintain that Union +inviolate; and that, in adopting the Reform measure, the Parliament do +actually expose his Majesty to the risk of consenting to a bill +calculated to break down the Church Establishment in Ireland. This is +the impression I have always entertained--and it is an impression which +I cannot remove from my mind; and, I must confess, that when I heard the +other night the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) +assert that the Reform Bill had put down agitation in Ireland, on the +subject of a Repeal of the Union, I was much surprised. + +_April 22, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of Portugal to England._ + +There is no country in Europe whose alliance is so important to England +as Portugal; there is no country, the preservation of whose independence +is so important to us, as that of Portugal. + +_July 26, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_A preventive Police checks Crime._ + +In all foreign countries there exists a preventive police,--but there +is no such thing in England,--which preventive police has the effect of +checking crime in a very great degree. We have nothing of the sort in +England, neither can there be, according to the principles of our law +and constitution. Such being the case, your Lordships must use great +caution in drawing comparisons between convictions in this and foreign +countries; if that is not done, the most erroneous conclusions will be +arrived at. + +_September 6, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_A War of Opinions the worst of Wars._ + +The truth is, that the government of Portugal has, for the last ten +months, been looked upon with inimical feelings and with passion by the +King's servants; and this measure[13] is not brought forward with any +view to revenue, but for the purpose of opposing and embarrassing the +existing Government of that country. The noble Lords opposite do not +like the situation of the Government of Portugal; it is not to their +mind; and they are anxious, either by revolutionary measures, or any +other, to overthrow it. Let them, however, look well at the +responsibility they are incurring. Let them consider the frightful +consequences in which their planning may involve this country, and the +whole of Europe. If their designs even met with a temporary success, +they would inevitably lead to a war of opinion, to a war of +religion--the worst of wars, and the most deplorable consequences for +all Europe would ensue. + +_September 30, 1831._ + +[Footnote 13: The Wine Duties Bill; for regulating the tariff as +regards Portugal.] + + * * * * * + +_The Duke's Declaration against all Reform._ + +But, my Lords, if I wanted an example of the value of the House of +Commons, I should find it in the opinion of the noble Earl (Grey) the +last time, I believe, the last time that he spoke of the House of +Commons. In the month of February, 1817, the noble Lord said, +"constituted as it now was, he, in his conscience, believed that the +House of Commons was, of all other institutions, in all the other +countries of the world, the institution best calculated for the general +protection of the subject. Supported by the people, in temperate and +firm claims for redress, it was not only able, but certain to remedy +every wrong. It was capable of acting as the most efficient control upon +the executive, by diminishing the means of consumption, and reducing the +pressure of a severe and grinding taxation." That was the opinion of the +noble Earl himself, in 1817; and what, I would ask, has the Parliament +done, subsequently, to deserve the disapprobation of the noble Earl? +What had it done between 1817 and the moment when I pronounced that +approbation of Parliament, of which my noble friend (Earl Winchelsea) +and the noble Earl (Grey) have so much disapproved? When the noble Earl +quoted what I said not quite a twelvemonth ago, he might, I think, quote +it correctly. What I said was, that Parliament had done its duty by the +country, and enjoyed its confidence. I said, that if I had to create a +constitution of Parliament, I could not create that which now existed, +because I did not believe the art of one man could invent such a system; +but I said, that I would do my endeavour to establish one like it, in +which property in land should be preponderant. That was what I said; and +I afterwards had the satisfaction to hear the noble Marquis (Lansdowne) +deliver a similar opinion. He stated that, in any system of +representation which he could support, property and learning must be +preponderant. I said that I should consider it my duty to resist the +adopting of any plan of reform that should be brought forward. I spoke +as a minister of the Crown; I meant to resist reform. The noble Lords +say, that this statement of mine caused great enmity to me, and created +that spirit of reform which has since pervaded the whole country. I beg +the noble Earl's pardon; but the spirit of reform in this country was +the consequence of the French revolution. It is true, that ever since +the American war, a desire for Parliamentary Reform has been manifested, +particularly when any disturbance or insurrection has occurred in any of +the neighbouring foreign countries--above all, since the French +revolution; and when there has been any extraordinary distress or +difficulty in the country. At the same time, I believe that, from year +to year, the manifestations of such a desire have been less frequent. I +have, indeed, the authority of those most friendly to reform for saying +that the manifestations of the desire for reform were less frequent, +till the period of the revolution of July, 1830, than they had formerly +been for a number of years. + +_October 4, 1831._ + +_Electoral Pledges Unconstitutional._ + +It is on the ground of the dissolution, and of the Speech from the +Throne,[14] that I charge the noble Lords with having excited the spirit +which existed in the country at the period of the last general election; +and with having been the cause of the unconstitutional practice, +hitherto unknown, of electing delegates for a particular purpose to +Parliament--delegates to obey the daily instructions of their +constituents, and to be cashiered if they should disobey them, whatever +may be their own opinion; instead of being, as they have been hitherto, +independent members of Parliament, to deliberate with their colleagues +upon matters of common concern, and to decide according to the best of +their judgment, after such deliberation and debate. This is an evil of +which the country will long feel the consequences, whatever may be the +result of these discussions. + +[Footnote 14: The Whig ministry dissolved the Parliament in April, 1831. +A new Parliament met in June; and, on the 21st of that month, the King +made the speech alluded to. In the interval there had been great +excitement in the country.] + +My Lords, this measure, thus delegated by the people, and thus brought +forward by the Government in Parliament, for the decision of members +thus delegated to give it the force of a law, alters every thing; and +requires, as the noble Secretary of State (Lord Melbourne) says, new +powers, in order to render it practicable to carry on the Government at +all. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_A Democratic Assembly of the worst description will be elected under +the Reform Bill._ + +Throughout the whole of the empire, persons of the lowest condition of +life, liable to, and even existing under, the most pernicious +influences, are to have votes; or, in other words, are to exercise +political power. Persons in those stations of life do exercise political +power already; but, in a few places, in large masses; preponderating +over the influence of other classes of society. What must we expect when +these lower classes will preponderate everywhere? We know what sort of +representatives are returned by the places I have described. What are we +to expect, when the whole will be of the same description? + +We hear, sometimes, of radical reform; and we know that the term applies +to universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual parliaments, and their +consequences. But, I declare, that looking at these changes pervading +every part of the representation, root and branch, destroying or +changing everything that has existed, even to the relative numbers of +the representatives from the three kingdoms fixed by treaty, I should +call this a radical reform, rather than reform of any other description. + + * * * * * + +I cannot but consider that the House of Commons returned by it will be a +democratical assembly of the worst description; that radical reform, +vote by ballot, and all the evil consequences to be expected from the +deliberations of such an assembly, must follow from this establishment. +I entreat your Lordships to pause before you agree to establish such a +system in your country. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The popular Will no ground for conceding Reform._ + +But we are told that the people wish for this measure; and when we +express our sense of the danger which attends it, on account of the +democratical power which it tends to establish, an endeavour is made to +calm our apprehensions, by the assurance that the people are attached to +the Government of King, Lords, and Commons. + +If we are to rely upon that feeling of the people--if we are to adopt +this measure because it is the pleasure of the people, and because they +are attached to the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, why do we +not, at once, adopt the measure which we know the people prefer--I mean +radical reform; that is to say, universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and +annual parliaments? If we are to make a change, there can be no reason +for not going the full length that the people wish, if we can be sure +that the measure will not injure the Government--that to which they are +attached--of King, Lords, and Commons. + +_October 4, 1831._ + +_Necessity of the Influence of Property in the House of Commons._ + +But before we go further, it is desirable that we should examine what is +the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, as established in this +kingdom. In this Government the King is at the head of everything. All +the power is in his hands. He is the head of the Church, the head of the +law. Justice is administered in his name. He is the protector of the +peace of the country, the head of its political negociations, and of its +armed force--not a shilling of public money can be expended without his +order and signature. But, notwithstanding these immense powers, the King +can do nothing that is contrary to law, or to the engagements of himself +or his predecessors. + + * * * * * + +Every act of the Government, or of the King, is liable to be brought +under discussion in, and is in fact controlled by, the House of Commons; +and for this reason alone, it is important that we should consider of +what description of men the House of Commons is likely to be composed, +when we are discussing a question of Parliamentary Reform, in order +that we may be quite certain that they will exercise their high function +with wisdom and discretion. + +It was on these grounds, that I, some time ago, called upon the noble +Earl (Grey) to state by what influence he intended to carry on the +King's Government in Parliament, according to the principles fixed at +the period of the Revolution, and in practice from that period to this, +when this Reform Bill should be passed. The noble Lord answered +immediately--not by means of corruption. I am aware of that, my Lords. I +am convinced that the noble Lord is incapable of resorting to such +means, as I hope he believes that I am incapable of resorting to them. I +did not consider this any answer to my question, which I repeated in a +subsequent discussion, on the motion of my noble friend, the noble Baron +behind me (Lord Wharncliffe). The noble Earl said, that the Government +had nothing to do with such questions; that Parliament was to decide for +itself; and that there was no necessity for the interference of +Government. + +I beg your Lordships to consider what are the questions which in every +week, and on every day, are brought under the discussion of the House of +Commons--questions affecting the honour, the interests, the rights, the +property, of every individual in the country, which the King is bound by +his oath to protect, and in the protection of which, all are equally +interested. They are questions regarding the proceedings of Courts of +Justice, regarding the use of the public force, and hundreds of others, +which occur daily, in which every individual is interested. I put +legislation out of the question; but can the King from that Throne give +to his subjects the necessary protection for their rights and property? +No, my Lords. It is only by the influence of property over the election +of Members of the House of Commons, and by the influence of the Crown +and of this House, and of the property of the country upon its +proceedings, that the great powers of such a body as the House of +Commons can be exercised with discretion and safety. The King could not +perform the duties of his high station, nor the House of Lords, if the +House of Commons were formed on the principle and plan proposed by this +bill. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Sacrifice of the Established Church will follow the Reform Bill._ + +There is one institution which would become peculiarly liable to attack +in such a House of Commons, to which I wish to draw the attention of the +Right Reverend Bench, and that is, the Establishment of the Church of +England in Ireland. This Church is the object of a fundamental Article +of the Treaty of Union between the two countries, and is secured by Acts +of both Parliaments; and the King is, besides, sworn to maintain its +right and possessions: can any man believe that, when the +representatives for Ireland come to be elected in the manner proposed by +the bill, the Church of England in Ireland can be maintained? + +I have already shown that these representatives must be elected under +the influence of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. Who are those who now +show the greatest hostility to the Church, its rights, and +possessions?--the Members for populous places. The reason is, that the +deprivation of the Church of their property is one of the popular +objects of the day. The object of the bill is, and its effects will be, +to increase the number of this description of Members in Parliament, and +to render the influence of this party predominant and irresistible. + +I believe that the noble Earl (Grey) has already found the Members +returned by Ireland, under this influence, very inconvenient to himself, +upon more than one occasion; and it appears, that the right honourable +Gentleman who conducts the affairs of Ireland in the House of Commons, +was under the necessity, very lately, of giving up a measure which he +thought important for the benefit and peace of Ireland, because the +Members from Ireland, of this party, were opposed to it. How can the +noble Lord suppose, that the Church of England can be protected, or even +the Union itself preserved in a Reformed Parliament? There is no man, +who considers what the Government of King, Lords, and Commons is, and +the details of the manner in which it is carried on, who must not see, +that Government will become impracticable, when the three branches shall +be separate--each independent of the other, and uncontrolled in its +action by any of the existing influences. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Danger of a Democratic House of Commons._ + +A noble earl (the Earl of Winchelsea) who has spoken on this side of the +House, has made an observation to your Lordships, which well deserves +your attention. The noble earl has told you, that if you increase but a +little the democratic power in the state, the step can never be +withdrawn. Your Lordships must continue in the same course till you have +passed through the miseries of a revolution, and thence to a military +despotism, and the evils which attend that system of government. It is +not denied, that this bill must increase beyond measure the democratic +power of the state--that it must constitute in the House of Commons a +fierce democracy: what must be the consequences, your Lordships will +judge. + +I will not detain your Lordships by adverting to the merits of the +system of government which has existed up to the present moment, upon +which my opinion is by no means altered. No man denies that we have +enjoyed great advantages; that we have enjoyed a larger share of +happiness, comfort, and prosperity, for a long course of years, than +were ever enjoyed by any nation; that we have more riches, the largest +fortunes, personal as well as real, more manufactures and commerce, than +all the nations of Europe taken together; the richest, most extensive, +most peopled, and most prosperous foreign colonies and possessions, that +any nation ever possessed. There is not an important position in the +world, whether for the purpose of navigation, commerce, or military +defence, that does not belong to us. + +If this democratic assembly should once be established in England, does +any one believe that we should continue to enjoy these vast advantages? +But a democracy has never been established in any part of the world, +that it has not immediately declared war against property--against the +payment of the public debt--and against all the principles of +conservation, which are secured by, and are, in fact, the principal +objects of the British constitution, as it now exists. Property, and its +possessors, will become the common enemy. I do not urge this argument as +one in which your Lordships are peculiarly interested: it is not you +alone, nor even other proprietors, who are interested in the protection +of property; the whole people, middling classes as well as the lower +orders, are interested in this subject. Look at the anxiety prevailing +in every part of London, in respect to the great revolution to be made +by this bill. My noble friend, the noble baron (Lord Wharncliffe) has +been ridiculed for adverting to the opinions of tradesmen in Bond-street +and St. James's-street. Those in Bond-street consist of more than 200 +respectable persons, who are well able to form an opinion of the effect +of this bill upon the resources of themselves, the middling classes, and +the poor, as they supply the luxuries of persons in easier +circumstances, residing in that quarter of the town. Anything which can +effect the resources of their customers, must be interesting to them, +and they do feel that this bill must affect property, private +expenditure, and the resources of themselves, and of those whom they +employ. A noble lord on the other side, who adverted to this topic, +greatly underrated the wealth of these tradesmen. I know of one, +residing in Bond-street, who employs at all times from 2,000 to 4,000 +workmen, whose trade depends, as well as the employment of this body of +people, upon the expenditure of his customers: is he not interested in +upholding the public faith, and the system of property now established +in England? Are not the people, of all classes and descriptions, down to +the lowest, interested in the maintenance of our extensive manufactures +and commerce, in the conservation of our enormous dominions abroad, and +the continued respect of all nations? + +If I am right in thinking that this fierce democracy will be established +in the House of Commons, does any man believe that that harmony can +continue between the king and his government and the House of Commons, +so necessary to insure to both general respect, and to the king's +government the strength which is necessary to enable his Majesty to +protect and keep in order his foreign dominions, and to insure the +obedience of their inhabitants? We shall lose these colonies and foreign +possessions, and with them our authority and influence abroad. + +There is no instance of any country having maintained its strength or +its influence in its foreign possessions, or the respect of foreign +nations, during the existence of internal troubles and disturbance; and +there is no case of the existence, without such troubles, of a +Government consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, independently of each +other, and the members of the latter depending solely upon the popular +choice, and being delegates of the people. We have had an example in +England of a House of Commons which was independent of the influence of +the Crown; and of this House, turning the Spiritual Lords out of it, +murdering their Sovereign, and voting the House of Lords useless. I will +read your Lordships the account given by a man, who was knowing in his +time (Oliver Cromwell), of what this House became. + +"The parliament, which had so vigorously withstood the encroachments of +the royal power, became themselves too desirous of absolute authority; +and not only engrossed the legislative, but usurped the executive power." + +"All causes, civil and criminal, all questions of property, were +determined by committees, who, being themselves the legislature, were +accountable to no law, and for that reason their decrees were arbitrary, +and their proceedings violent. Oppression was without redress, unjust +sentence without appeal; there was no prospect of ease or intermission. +The parliament had determined never to dissolve themselves." + +"At length the army interfered. They soon perceived that, unless they +made one regulation more, and crushed this many-headed monster, they had +hitherto ventured their lives to little purpose, and had, instead of +assuring their own and their country's liberty, only changed one kind of +slavery for another." + +This is the account of the state of a house of Commons acting +independently of all influence; and of the state to which it brought the +country. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Contempt of intimidation by popular meetings._ + +I do not deny that I always felt strongly the attempts that were made to +intimidate your Lordships by public meetings. For all such meetings, I +feel the greatest contempt; and I am perfectly satisfied that the house +is superior to any intimidation founded on the proceedings of any such +assemblages. I feel no concern for all those threats, whether proceeding +from Birmingham or elsewhere. I have always thought, and I think still, +that the law is too strong to be overborne by such proceedings. I know +further, that there does exist throughout this country a strong feeling +of attachment to the government of the country, as by law established. I +know that the people look up to the laws as the best means of +protection, and those laws they will not violate in any manner to +endanger the government of the country, or any of its established +institutions. I am afraid of none of these, but I will tell your +Lordships what I am afraid of, I am afraid of revolution, and of +revolutionary measures, brought in and proposed by his Majesty's +government. I assert, and I believe that history will bear me out in the +assertion, that there has been no revolution in this country, or any +great change, which has not been brought about by the parliament, and +generally by the government introducing measures, and carrying them +through by the influence of the Crown. I would therefore entreat your +Lordships to do all you can to defeat this measure--use every means of +resistance which the just exercises of your privileges will warrant; and +trust to the good sense of the country to submit to the legal and just +decision you come to. + +_October 5,1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Comparison of the Finance Administration of the Wellington with that of +the Grey government._ + +I believe we find ourselves in this singular situation: we have an +increased expenditure, (increased within this year,) and have, at the +same time, a reduction of taxation, and no overplus whatever (or one not +amounting to more than 10,000 l.) of revenue. I say we are in that +peculiar situation, because I put out of the question those occasions on +which ministers of the crown have thought it their duty to propose and +effect loans, to carry on the public service of the country. Even in +these cases, those who have made such propositions have thought it their +duty to provide a surplus over revenue, in order to meet the unforeseen +casualties in the amount of revenue, which every man knows must occur +in so large a revenue as this country has the happiness to boast of. +This principle of having a surplus revenue over the expenditure, has +been considered advantageous with a view to the diminution of the +national debt. I am aware that this is a part of the subject on which a +difference of opinion exists. I am aware that many great authorities are +of opinion that no surplus is necessary for the express purpose of +reducing the national debt, and I perfectly agree with them that it is +not desirable that a surplus should be created by borrowing, and thus +creating new liabilities for the purpose of getting rid of the old. But +I cannot look to what has taken place of late years, even in my own +time, when I filled the situation of first Lord of his Majesty's +Treasury,--cannot look to what took place then without seeing the +advantage of having an overplus of income over expenditure, such as +would tend to the gradual diminution of the public debt. + +I am considerably within the truth when I state, that since the peace +the interest of the public debt has been decreased by an amount more +than sufficient to pay the interest of 100,000,000 l. of stock; and your +Lordships will therefore see that some surplus of revenue, in order to +lead to a diminution of the public debt, is highly desirable. I think it +is a principle of the financial policy of this country that there should +be such a surplus, and that it should be so applied. Besides, much of +the revenue of this country depends on the seasons, and almost all on +consumption; and the amount of consumption depends upon taste and +fashion; and the change of taste and fashion, and other circumstances +over which no man can have control, and which are liable to variations, +may tend to a variation in the amount of the revenue, which nothing can +provide against except a surplus revenue. It is on this principle that +the government to which I had the honour to belong proceeded. + +We should not think that an individual provided for his expenses who +should leave a part of them to be paid within a future period, neither +can we think all the expenditure of the country is provided for, leaving +a part to be paid for in the next year. The sum expended for the service +of the year is the sum to be paid, whether within the year or at any +other period, for this sum provision ought to be made within the year, +or debt is incurred. It is a new principle introduced into the financial +system of this country; it is a principle which at any other time than +the present, would never have been listened to, much less tolerated by +parliament for a moment. + +_October 17, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_King Leopold must be independent of Foreign Powers._ + +I entertain the highest respect for Prince Leopold, and I trust that +that Prince will take upon himself the character of an independent +sovereign, and I know that that illustrious person possesses all the +talents and disposition calculated to form a great and excellent +sovereign; but I must say, that in order to be so, he must be not only +independent of this country, and of the Germanic states, but above all +he must be independent of France. + +_January 26, 1832._ + +_The Grey policy tends to War, Foreign and Domestic._ + +I say that the foreign policy of his Majesty's ministers is more likely +to produce war abroad than any other system; and in the same manner +their domestic policy is of all others, the best calculated to produce +war at home. + +_January 26, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Irish Agitation deprecated._ + +My Lords, the main cause of the present excitement is the encouragement +given in Ireland to agitators to disturb the country. I can tell the +noble Earl, (Grey), that so long as encouragement is given to agitators, +you may double and treble the regular army in Ireland,--you may heap +measures of severity upon measures of severity, but you will not succeed +in putting down agitation upon this question, or upon any of the others +which may follow it. + +_February 27th, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Tithes the most sacred kind of property._ + +A noble Lord, the other night, in discussing the question of tithes, +observed that the people of Ireland are ready to pay that for which +they receive value, to pay their rent, and to pay all the taxes on the +land, and that they wished not to deprive any man of his property. I say +then my Lords, is any property held so sacred by our laws as tithes? In +the first place, the King is sworn--his Majesty was sworn a few months +ago--to protect the property and rights of the clergy, above all classes +of men. I desire also, to bring to your Lordships' recollection, that in +two recent Acts of parliament, in which we conferred notable advantages +on the Dissenters from the Church of England, we endeavoured as far as +we might by oaths, to secure the property of the church. If any +principle, indeed, can secure property to any portion of his Majesty's +subjects, the property of the church ought to be safe. It is a principle +of the constitution that tithes, above all other property, should be +secured to the owner. + +_February 27th, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The Grey Government charged with encouraging Political Reform._ + +My Lords, I never have made, and I never will make, a charge which I am +not ready to repeat, and able to substantiate, and I will forthwith +prove that which the noble Earl calls upon me to explain. In doing this +I beg leave to remind your Lordships, that some months ago I suggested +to the noble Earl, (Grey) that an Act of Parliament, which had been +passed for the purpose of suppressing illegal associations in Ireland, +was about to expire, and I asked him, if he intended to propose a +renewal of that act. The noble Earl replied that he did; but my Lords, +you will recollect that parliament was dissolved without any further +notice of the act, and of course it expired. The result of this was, +that the noble Earl stated in the House, when it met again, that the +noble Marquis at the head of the Irish Administration felt that he could +carry on the government of that country without any additional powers; +and the consequences of the noble Earl having declined to apply to the +legislature for any authority beyond the existing laws were, that +agitation began again, and that meeting after meeting has been held, +from that time to the present moment. This is not all, my Lords; the +great agitator, the prime mover of the whole machinery, escaped the +execution of the sentence of the law in consequence of the expiration of +the Act of Parliament to which I have referred. Well my Lords, what has +since taken place. This very person, the great agitator, whom the +government had prosecuted to conviction, was considered to be a person +worthy of the honours which the crown could bestow, and he received the +highest favour which any gentleman of the Bar ever received from the +hands of the noble Earl and his government; he received a patent of +precedence, which placed him next the Attorney General, and above a +gentleman who was once Attorney General, but was still a member of the +same Bar. If this was not a premium given to that gentleman to continue +his course of disturbing the country, I do not know what else could be +so considered. I feel that no more effectual mode could be found to +encourage agitation than to reward the promoter of it. But it is not +alone in this respect that his Majesty's Government has encouraged +agitation. What was the meaning, I ask, of the friends of government +taking the course they have taken out of doors, with reference to the +Reform Bill? What was the meaning of the letter of the noble Lord in +another house, addressed to the Political Union of Birmingham, in which +that noble Lord designated the sentiments of noble Peers on this side of +the House as the "whisper of a faction?"--What was the meaning of two +friends of government collecting a mob in Hyde Park, and the Regent's +Park, on one of the days on which the House of Lords was discussing the +Reform Bill? What was the meaning of those individuals directing the +line of march of the assembled multitude upon St. James's, and +publishing their orders in the papers devoted to government? And what +was the meaning of the publications in the government newspapers, +libelling and maligning all those who opposed the Bill? What was the +meaning of all these deeds being allowed by government, and why did they +tolerate and abet them, unless they calculated upon some advantages to +themselves in encouraging such agitation? I don't accuse the noble Earl +of instigating those mobs--I do not mean to say, that he was delighted +at seeing my house assailed, or any other work of destruction +committed; but I say some of his colleagues, and some of the friends of +government, have encouraged and incited the people to works of violence. +I must say, I have long felt on this subject very strongly. I feel that +the country is in a most dangerous state. I find the country is in a +most dangerous state, on account of government not taking the proper +measures to put a stop to confusion and agitation; and on the contrary, +in place of putting a stop to such scenes, allowing some Lords of his +Majesty's household, to encourage and instigate the people to lawless +acts. + +_February 27th, 1832._ + +[Earl Grey had risen and denied that the Government had encouraged +agitation upon which the Duke made the previous short but energetic +speech.] + + * * * * * + +_Mr. O'Connell ought not to have had a Patent of Precedence._ + +It has been urged, that professional honours should not be withheld from +a gentleman who is entitled to them, on account of political offences. I +beg to set the noble Lord right on that point. The offences of which Mr. +O'Connell was convicted, were not political or professional, but legal +offences. They were pronounced such by the law of the country; and it +was to an individual who had been convicted of such offences, that his +Majesty's Government thought it right to give a patent of precedence in +Ireland. + +_February 27, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinion of the "National" System of Education in Ireland._ + +I agree in opinion with the noble and learned Lord (Plunkett), who has +declared that opinion with so much eloquence, that any system of +education, to succeed, must be founded on religion; and that it cannot +stand on any other foundation. The noble and learned Lord has truly +said, that this is to be desired, not simply from the advantages to be +derived from religious instruction, but for the promotion of those +habits of obedience and discipline which it is necessary to instil into +the mind of youth. I admit that the system proposed by Ministers is +founded on, and justified by, the reports of the commissioners and of +committees of the other House of Parliament; but the doubt I entertain +is this--whether the system laid down in the reports, and in the letter +of the Right Honourable Secretary for Ireland, is a system which would +inculcate those habits of discipline and obedience which are required by +the noble and learned Lord, and which would alone satisfy my own mind, +that in adopting it we should be doing that which we ought to do: this +is my apprehension. What I feel is this--that there is much doubt +whether the new system of education in Ireland will apply to the +education of nearly 500,000 persons, in the same advantageous way as is +now the case with the existing Societies--the London Hibernian Society, +the Sunday School Society, and the Kildare Place Society. What I would +say is, that there is already going on a system of religious education, +extending its operation to nearer 500,000 than 400,000 persons--a system +of real religious education, founded on the Scriptures, which can be +interfered with by nobody--neither by priest nor by any other man--and +which is so directed by this Kildare Place Society, as not to give +offence to anybody; and now, when the Government is about to establish +another system, (which I have admitted they are justified by the reports +in doing), I doubt much whether it will not be attended with less +advantage than that which already exists. + +I am, myself, by no means satisfied that the system which is to be +substituted is as good as that which it is proposed to abrogate. If the +system is to be changed, I consider that it would be better, perhaps, to +have separate schools for the Protestants and Roman Catholics. Although +I allow that this would be attended with many inconveniences, still I am +inclined to think it would be better than the scheme proposed. + +I really cannot see the difference between public and private education; +or why causes of dispute should arise between two classes of persons, if +educated by favour of public grants, rather than between the same +classes if educated by private means. All classes of persons who are +educated together, here, by their private means, agree quite well +together, as Englishmen; and I do not see why they should not in like +manner agree, if they happen to be educated by public grants. + +_February 28, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Character of the Irish Agitation._ + +The present state of things in Ireland is to be attributed to the system +of agitation, established by persons who will never be quiet as long as +the noble Lord at the head of the Government shall permit them to +proceed. It is not, I repeat, to be attributed to the practices or +conduct of the clergy, or to the Tithe Corporation Act, or even to the +want of enforcing that Act, but to that system of agitation, combined in +the most artful manner, and carried on with a perseverance unequalled on +any other occasion; and the noble Lords may rely upon it, that the state +of things which now prevails in Ireland[15] will continue to exist even +after this measure shall have been adopted, if that system of agitation +is not put an end to. + +[Footnote 15: Resistance to the payment of tithe.] + +_March 8, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Protection, not Free Trade, the Principle of our Commercial Law._ + +Nothing can be more absurd, than to assert that there is free trade in +this country; there is no such thing--there can be no such thing. Our +manufactures and our produce have been at all times protected. We have +always given protection to the productions of our own soil, and +encouragement to our domestic labours; and we have, therefore, rather +discouraged, than otherwise, the rivalry of other countries. That has +been our system; and I should be sorry to see any measure adopted by +this House, opposed to that system under which this country has so many +years thriven and prospered. We have always proceeded on the principle +of protecting our manufactures and our produce--the produce of our +labour and our soil; of protecting them against importation, and +extending our home consumption; and on that universal system of +protection it is absurd to talk of free trade. + +_March 9, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The Lord Chancellor's Patronage. Its Private Disposal Defended._ + +My noble and learned friend (the Earl of Eldon) has been attacked for +having, in the exercise of the patronage of his office, not overlooked +the interests of his own family. To be sure he did not, and he ought not +to have done so; if he had, he would only have been departing from the +practice of all his predecessors. Let me remind your Lordships, that for +at least a century and a half back, the Lord Chancellor and Judges have +invariably dispensed the patronage attached to their offices in favour +of their own immediate relations; so that my noble and learned friend, +in providing for his own family as well as he could, was only acting +according to the uniform and acknowledged practice of all his +predecessors. The fact is, that the office of Lord Chancellor would be +very inadequately remunerated, unless the individual filling it procured +the means of providing for his family; and I believe it will be found +out ere long, what with this inadequate remuneration, and what with +stripping off so much of the Chancellor's patronage, and what with the +surrendering up so much of his bankruptcy fees,--that the remuneration +will be so inadequate to the labour and change of habits, and expense +consequent upon the assumption of the office,--that few eminent +gentlemen at the bar will, in future, be disposed to accept of it. + + * * * * * + +For the reason by which I justified my noble and learned friend, I will +say that the noble and learned lord opposite, (Lord Plunkett) was +justified in the exercise of his official patronage. That noble and +learned lord has a large family, and was perfectly right in placing them +in those situations to which their abilities and pretensions were +adequate. The only blame in such a case would be if he placed them in +situations to which their abilities were not equal. I will therefore say +that the learned lord was perfectly justified in the course he has +pursued; and I will say more, that his high office and his great +intellectual influence, fully entitled him to expect that the +government, of which he was a member, should give his family a +preference in filling up any situations to which, as I have stated, +their abilities were equal. I agree with the noble Earl at the head of +his Majesty's government, in hoping that this will be the last we shall +hear of this senseless outcry against public men for this mode of +disposing of the patronage of office. The time of the house is but ill +spent with such discussions; indeed, I am sure that nothing can tend +more to injure its character in public estimation, than these +investigations of the family affairs of men in high stations; at all +events, they tend more to lower the house than benefit the public, and +the sooner we put an end to them the better. + +_March 12, 1832._ + +_Peace with France desirable, but difficult to maintain._ + +There does exist in the minds of the people of France, a sentiment, +which their government at the present day are but too prone to flatter. +I allude to that morbid desire of extended conquest, which, at least for +the last forty years, has so much influenced the character and +proceedings of that people. + +There is no man who would be more ready than I should in taking every +step calculated to promote a good understanding between that country and +this. I consider quite as much as the noble Earl (Grey) opposite can +possibly do, that every measure tending to that end is a measure of +necessity--is a measure of such urgency and importance, that I consider +it second only to the honour and interests of this country,--those I +take to be the very first objects to which a British Minister should +direct his attention, regardless of every consideration which might +interfere with them. Well then, admitting as fully as any noble Lord can +desire, that it must be at all times a leading object with this country +to preserve peaceful relations with France, I will tell the noble Earl +opposite, that if he would remain at peace with France, peace must be +preserved by this country in union with the other powers of Europe, and +not by this country singly. I tell him that the affair at Ancona is but +a trifling warning of that which will soon follow, unless a constant +system of precaution be kept up. I tell him that if that affair be +passed over without notice, new attempts will be made, every one of them +more and more dishonourable and disadvantageous to this country. When I +am told that we should not utter remonstrances against the French +government lightly, nor too readily impute a disposition to disturb the +amicable relations at present subsisting between the two countries, I +answer that no one more earnestly desires peace than I do. There is no +one entertains a higher estimate than I do of the resources--the +immensity of the resources--possessed by that country both in peace and +in war--no man living estimates more highly than I do the wisdom of her +statesmen and the skill of her generals--no man is more ready than +myself to concede to the French people the possession of a large amount +of talent and of virtue, of physical and of moral resources, and of all +that renders a state respectable or formidable in the eyes of other +nations. But in proportion as we admit these facts, we are bound to +watch closely that nothing be done or said derogatory from British +honour or injurious to British interests. + +_March 16, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinion of the Reform Bill, 1832._ + +I beg your Lordships to recollect that this is the point which the +House will have to consider:--the question is not whether alterations +have been made in this part or that part, or in many parts of the bill +which your Lordships objected to last session, but the question you will +have to consider is this--Whether this bill, if passed and accompanied, +let it be recollected, with the other bills at present in the other +House of Parliament, will afford to the country a prospect of having a +government under which the country can go on--under which it will be +practicable that this or any other can be governed--or which, in the +words of the noble Earl who addressed your Lordships first this evening +employed last session--if practicable, would not be pernicious. That is +the question which your Lordships will have to consider, when you come +to the second reading of the bill. The principle of this measure is not +reform, but the disfranchisement of some places and the enfranchisement +of others, and also the granting of votes to large bodies of persons on +a new qualification. The total alteration of the representation of this +country, coupled with an alteration of the representation of Scotland, +amounting there to a complete revolution, and the overthrow in Ireland +of all the measures which were adopted in that country three years +ago--these, and not reform, are what your Lordships must consider as the +principles of the bill. I entertain the same opinion as the noble earl +near me as to the necessity of reform. My opinion on this point is now +as it was originally. But how comes the question now before your +Lordships? it has been altered considerably, and is no longer what it +was before. + +The noble Earl has thrown out some imputations with respect to party +motives--if the noble Earl meant them to apply to me he is much +mistaken, I have no party views to serve. I believe there is scarcely an +individual in this house, or in the country, who has so little to do +with borough interests or county interests, or any sort of Parliamentary +interests as I have. I have the same interest in the country as any +other individual, that is to say, I wish to see the representation +established on such a basis as will give the country a prospect of a +practicable system of government. + +If the bill should go into committee, I will lend my best assistance to +render it as consistent with the true interests of the country as it can +be made, keeping in view always this great point--that on the nature of +the representative system depend the character and form of government. + +_April 10, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The House of Commons that carried Reform was an Assembly of Delegates._ + +The noble Baron, (Lord Wharncliffe) in a memorable speech delivered to +this house in the month of March, 1831, previously to the last general +election, stated to this house, in the strongest terms, that the result +of that election must be to secure the return to the House of Commons of +delegates of the people; not members of the House of Commons to +consider de Adrias Regni, but to decide upon a measure of parliamentary +reform proposed to them in a moment of excitement, and the result would +be, to place this house in the situation in which it was placed last +year, and in which it stands on the present occasion. + +My Lords, is all to be lost, because the noble Lords opposite have taken +this course? Is this House to be destroyed? Or is it to lend its aid to +destroy the constitution, because Ministers persevere in this course? +Would it not be more wise to call upon his Majesty to place things as +they were, previous to this unfortunate and ill-advised revolution of +parliament; to advise his Majesty to remove his ministers from his +confidence, in order that things might be placed in the same situation +in which they stood before, and that this house and the country might +have an opportunity, if possible, of having a fair discussion on the +measure of reform. What! my Lords, is it to be said that the country is +to be tied down to be governed by a system which no man can say is +practicable? and can any body deny that the House of Commons, which +consents to such a proposition, is a delegated House of Commons? All the +arguments regarding the decisions of the House of Commons must come to +the same end. There would, no doubt, be ten decisions of the same kind, +if it were left to the same house, because the house is pledged and +returned for the purpose. But the country is not to be abandoned on this +account.[16] + +[Footnote 16: This and the other succeeding passages on the subject of +Reform, were delivered on the second reading of the final reform bill, +after the Earl of Harrowby and other Tory peers had resolved on giving +way to the House of Common and the Crown.] + +April 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Means by which the Reform Fever was excited and kept up._ + +There can be no doubt whatsoever that there was no opinion existing in +the country, in the year 1829, and the beginning of 1830, in favour of +parliamentary reform. I believe this is a fact which was fully admitted +in the discussions of the House of Commons at that time. Then my Lords, +came the French Revolution, which occurred at the period of the +commencement of the elections of 1830, followed by the insurrection in +Belgium; and there can be no doubt that these events occasioned a very +great excitement at the elections of members of parliament. There were +many declarations in favour of parliamentary reform; and all that passed +on the subject of parliamentary reform on that occasion, was calculated +to influence, and did very considerably influence, the opinions of that +parliament upon that question. The noble Lords opposite then came into +power, and I will say, my Lords, that they met a parliament ready to +pass a measure of moderate parliamentary reform. But the noble Lords +opposite thought proper, instead of carrying such a measure, to dissolve +that parliament, and a new parliament was called under a degree of +excitement in the public mind such as had never before been witnessed. +The excitement has continued, to a certain degree, ever since, and it +has been kept up by the strong opinion put forward and entertained, that +it is the King who wishes for parliamentary reform in the manner +proposed by this bill. Now, my Lords, I say it is no such thing; for my +part, I do not believe one word of any such assertion. My opinion is, +that the King follows the advice of his servants; but I believe that it +is the idea thus engendered which renders it difficult that there should +not be some reform. It is not, however, to be supposed that the King +takes any interest in the subject. I entertain no doubt that the cause +of the great excitement upon this subject is, that it is the King's +opinion that the bill ought to be carried. The noble Earl would find the +country cool upon the subject if the King's mind were altered. He would +not be able to pass this bill; and indeed, I am sure, from experience, +that if ministers, on any great constitutional question, were not +convinced that the King would go through with them, it would be +impossible for any set of ministers to carry any such measure. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_The best part of the Public do not wish the Reform Bill_. + + +The opinion of the gentlemen of the country,--I speak from my own +knowledge with respect to the southern counties, and from sure report as +to other counties generally,--but I do say that the opinion of the +gentlemen, of the landed property, and of the learning of the country, +is against this bill. The bill is, on the other hand, supported by the +noble Lords opposite, and by their adherents, certainly not a numerous +class; it is also supported by all the dissenters from the church of +England, and by all who wish it should pass, as a means of their +obtaining votes, but I will repeat, that it is, in fact, opposed to the +sentiments of all the real English gentlemen, of the yeomanry, and of +the middle classes throughout the country. Yes, my Lords, I will say, +that there is a change of opinion, and that the best part of the public +are not desirous for the bill, but are, on the contrary, apprehensive of +its effects. But the noble Lords will say;--"We hear none of this." No +my Lords; and why do we hear none of this? Because there is scarcely a +gentleman in the country who can believe that, if he were to attend a +public meeting for the purpose of expressing his sentiments on this +question, he would be secure or protected from the attacks of the mob. + +_April_ 10, 1832 + + * * * * * + +_No Compromise_. + + +My Lords, I must now advert to what has fallen from another noble Earl +(Harrowby), who opposed the bill strongly last year, but who last night +came to a different conclusion, and asked if there was no hope of +effecting a compromise? and he particularly called upon me to come to +such a compromise. My Lords, these noble Lords have been trying a +compromise for the last six months; if they have made no progress in +effecting a compromise, what encouragement can they hold out to me and +others to follow them upon this occasion. We know the evils of this +bill; we know that it will consign the country to evils from which it +cannot recover. Agree to a compromise! Why, he has not been enabled to +advance one single step from last October up to the present moment. He, +and his noble Friends who act with him, have remained perfectly +stationary. If this be the case, I hope that those who intend to act +with my noble Friends, will understand that there is no more chance of +compromise on the present than on the last occasion; and that if they +agree to the second reading, they agree to a bill with which the country +cannot be governed. I beg then that the noble Lords will look to the +responsibility they take upon themselves, in giving support to this +bill. The Government are now decidedly responsible for that bill--they +are responsible for the election of the House of Commons, that passed +it--they are responsible for the excitement which caused these +events--and they are, moreover, responsible for any evil consequences +which may occur, if this House reject it. But when noble Lords change +their sentiments, and are followed by many who voted against it last +time, I beg them to recollect, that they will partake of a large portion +of this responsibility, and that the country will look to them as +responsible for whatever may occur.[17] + +[Footnote 17: The bill was soon after carried by a species of +compromise, Peers staying away from the division.] + +_April_ 10,1832. + + * * * * * + +_Revolutions may be effected by Laws as well as by Violence._ + +The noble earl (Grey) yesterday challenged me with saying that this bill +is revolutionary. What I have always said is, that it has a +revolutionary tendency; and I think it has a tendency so strong in that +way that it must lead to revolution. The noble earl has said there is no +violence; but, my Lords, revolutions may be effected by laws as well as +by violence. I know there is no violence. Why, my Lords, there can be no +violence,--the King's Government and the House of Commons are leagued +with those who call out for change,--and there can be no occasion for +resorting to violence. But, my Lords, this is not the only objection. +One of the great and leading objections in my mind to this measure is, +that it is one which goes to destroy that most invaluable principle of +our existing constitution, the principle of prescription, which +sanctions the descent and secures the possession of all kinds of +property in this country. + +_April_ 10,1832. + + * * * * * + +_The Demagogue will drive the Gentleman from the Representation._ + +The noble Earl has told us, that men possessing property in these +boroughs will continue to possess their just influence in them--that +they will have political influence in the elections--that it will +continue, and that it ought to continue. But I would appeal to your +Lordships, whether your own experience, in matters of this description, +confirms the correctness of this statement? It is true that, in some of +these boroughs, noblemen possessing large properties in the +neighbourhood will still possess a great and paramount influence; and, +indeed, in some places, in consequence of the effect of the double +franchise, the influence of the great proprietors in the vicinity may be +raised greatly beyond what it is at present. But in those towns in +general, it will be the demagogue, and not the nobleman or gentleman of +property, who will possess the influence over the elections there. The +latter cannot command such an influence, unless through the means of a +constant expenditure which it would be impossible for any one to +support. The demagogue will obtain his influence by other means, and +will ultimately drive the gentleman out of the field. I beg your +Lordships to observe what will be the effect of such a state of things +in the constitution of the House of Commons; and I beg to ask whether, +with such men the representatives of those boroughs, it will be possible +to carry on anything like a government or a steady system of policy, +through the means of this assembly. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Prophetic Contrast of the New with the Old System._ + +I know that according to the constitution of this country, a member of +the House of Commons when he goes there is a member for all parts of +England, and not a representative for the particular town or place for +which he is elected; he is in fact looked upon as a member for all the +Commons of England. This was hitherto the meaning which was attached to +the character of a Member of the Commons House of Parliament. But the +case will be widely different should this Bill be passed, and should +Members of Parliament be subjected to a system of instruction on the +part of their constituents. That system, however, already exists in +parts of England, and more especially in the Metropolis, and in the +Borough of Southwark. Your Lordships will remember that an honourable +and gallant officer, formerly connected with the noble Lords opposite, +was obliged to retire from the representation of Southwark, last summer, +because he happened to differ with his constituents; and also that a +worthy Alderman was in a similar manner reprimanded by his constituents +in the city of London, for a similar offence. What then, I would ask +your Lordships, is to be expected hereafter, should the system laid down +in this Bill be established in this country? Why every member of the +House of Commons would become the mere delegate of his constituents, +instead of representing the people at large. It has been observed that +such representatives would in every case merely consult the wishes of +their respective constituents, instead of looking to the advancement of +the interests of all classes. I have before me a letter written by a +gentleman to some of his constituents in this neighbourhood, in which he +desires not only that the electors shall direct the votes of their +representatives, and point out the course which they should pursue in +parliament, but goes much further. The letter, which is directed to the +parishioners of St. Georges in the East, says, "there ought to be an +union formed in every parish between the middle classes and the +operatives,--first for the protection of person and property; and +secondly, to be ready to express the opinion of the parish on any public +measure, and in case the minister or the House of Commons are lukewarm +in the cause of the people." The extract which I have just read is taken +from a letter written by a great advocate of the Reform Bill, not for +the sake of the Reform Bill itself, but because it would lead to +something further. This letter affords a proof of the kind of system +which will be put into operation with respect to the members of the +House of Commons, should this Bill be passed. Let your Lordships, then, +for a moment, compare the system this Bill would establish, with the +system of representation which has so long existed in this country, and +under which this country has been raised to such an eminence of glory, +and power, and prosperity. + +We have, under the existing system, the county representation, and the +representation in cities and boroughs. The county representation +consists principally of freeholders, and the members for counties +represent not only the lower classes, but the middle and higher orders. +The representatives for the great maritime towns, and for the larger +description of towns in the interior of the country, represent likewise +the lower and middle classes. The representatives for the pot wallopping +boroughs, for the scot-and-lot boroughs, and for the single borough of +Preston, where the franchise is vested in the inhabitants at large, +represent the lowest orders of the people; and in this manner this +borough representation represents all classes and descriptions of +persons, who have any thing to do with the business transacted in the +House of Commons. Instead of this system, which has raised this country +to its present elevation, we are called upon to establish by this Bill a +system of elections which will be confined to one single class of the +community; and as the county representations will be no check upon this +class of persons, the voters in the counties being mostly of the same +description, and as the united representation of Scotland, and of +Ireland, will be a check upon them, such a system will tend at once to a +complete democracy. This, then, is the system which we are called upon +to establish in the place of that which at present exists, and under +which all classes and interests of the country are represented in +Parliament, and it is under such a system as this that it is pretended +the general business of the state can be carried on, and the government +maintain sufficient power to preserve existing institutions. + +_April_ 10,1832. + +_Popular tendency of the Old System of Representation._ + +I would call the attention of your Lordships to the changes which have +taken place in the government of the country during the last twenty +years,--to go no further back,--and to the improvements which have taken +place in what is called the popular sense. A noble friend of mine, last +night, truly stated that the influence of the Crown was decreasing from +the period of the revolution up to the year 1782; and that it has been +still further diminishing from that period up to the present time, till +at last there are not more than fifty persons in the House of Commons +holding public offices. In that period, and more especially in latter +years, the influence of the crown in this respect has been greatly +diminished. First of all, there has been a large reduction of all such +kinds of offices; and in the next place, in consequence of the different +constitution and regulations of the customs and excise, and other public +departments; and thus the influence formerly possessed by the Crown has +gradually passed away. + + * * * * * + +With the influence of the Crown, then, thus diminished, if a Bill of +this description should pass, to make such an extensive change in the +constitution of this House, it would be impossible to carry on the +government of the country. But there has also been another most +remarkable alteration with respect to the constitution of Parliament +within the last four years. In the year 1828, the Test Act was repealed; +and this I beg your Lordships to recollect, that the effect of the +repealing this Act was immediately to bring into operation a large body +of electors, who must of course have had considerable influence in +subsequent elections. Again, in the following year, the disabilities of +the Roman Catholics were removed, which made another important +difference in the constitution of Parliament. Has sufficient time been +given to those measures to ascertain their effect? Is it not reasonable, +is it not right, that we should try the effect of those measures on the +constitution, before we proceed further, before we adopt a measure which +will effect such extraordinary changes as this proposed Reform Bill? +There can be no doubt but that those measures to which I have alluded, +must have had considerable effect in the elections which have since +taken place, and more especially when any measure of Parliamentary +Reform has been adopted, of the same extensive character as that +contemplated in the Bill. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Gradual Reform Recommended._ + +There can be no doubt that there is a general desire in the country,--- +I do not deny the existence of it, for it is stated in all the +addresses and all the petitions on the subject;--that there is a general +desire in the country that some Reform in Parliament should be taken +into consideration, to do away with the abuses in the system of +elections of Members of the House of Commons. Without enquiring into the +cause, if the fact be as I have stated, which I believe no one will +dispute, it is the duty of Parliament to proceed steadily and gradually +in making amendments in the representation. We should consider maturely +every step that we took,--we should not proceed all at once to do every +thing, we should go on gradually and deliberately; and thus in process +of time, we might arrive even at the measure which has been recommended +by the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's government; but this must +be in process of time. After a considerable length of time had elapsed, +and after we had maturely considered every step that we had taken, it +would be only after we had done all that, that we could adopt a measure +to the extent of that recommended by the noble Earl. This we must do, if +we desire to maintain the venerable monarchy under which the country has +flourished for so long a time. The effect of this measure, if carried +now, will be to establish such a government as exists elsewhere, (in +France) which the noble Earl has described as a government which no man +could think fit for the administration of affairs in this country. + +_April_ 10,1839. + + + * * * * * + +_Effect of Agitation on Business_. + +I believe that as soon as this Bill was proposed, and as soon as the +excitement which it occasioned was apparent, all expenditure of all +descriptions ceased,--men ceased to lay out money in great +enterprises--and those who expended their incomes to the full amount, +began to consider whether it was not expedient to make provision for a +future day, for a period of trouble and difficulty, which might be +anticipated from these changes. It is to these circumstances that I am +induced to attribute the want of commerce and trade in the country. If +your Lordships look to the situation of our neighbours it will appear +that the same causes have produced precisely the same effects, and that +these causes have proceeded further amongst them, than they have with +us, because they have existed for a longer period of time. Among them +popular delirium has been carried nearly to its full extent; among us it +has only begun. I particularly complain of the system of agitation which +now prevails in England, for this reason, that it falls upon the poorest +and lowest classes of the community. The expenditure of the rich gives +comfort and ease to the middle classes, but it gives subsistence to the +poor; and it is for want of this subsistence and comfort for the lower +classes, that agitation has been carried to such an extent. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Military Force will be required to Govern the Country if the Reform +Bill is carried._ + +The noble Viscount, one of his Majesty's Secretaries of State, who spoke +yesterday upon the subject, admitted that he did not expect that the +Reform measure would relieve any of the distresses of the country. It +certainly does appear most extraordinary, that a Minister, particularly +a Secretary of State, should say of a measure, which he is supporting +himself, and which he knows must have such extensive consequences as the +measure now proposed, that he does not believe that it will tend to +relieve any of the existing distresses of the country. But I say not +only that it will not relieve any of the distresses of the country, but, +on the contrary, that it will deeply aggravate them. But let us go a +little further, and see whether this system is good; and whether the +system of cheap government, which it is to introduce, is likely to +produce good to the country. And here, again, I would wish to call the +attention of your Lordships to what is passing in another country. If +your Lordships will take the trouble of examining what has passed in +France in the course of the last two years, you will see that, during +that period, that country has expended 50,000,000 l. sterling beyond its +usual expenditure. Its ordinary Budget, notwithstanding every +description of saving that could be made from the Civil List, and in +other establishments, which have been cut down as low as possible--still +its ordinary Budget exceeds the Budget of the former reign--the +extravagant reign of the Bourbons--to the amount of 10,000,000 l. +sterling; and, including those laws for two years, there is the +extraordinary expenditure of 50,000,000 l. in that space of time. To say, +then, that popular excitement tends to cheap government, is monstrous +and absurd, and it is impossible for any man who regards these facts to +arrive at that conclusion. We are called upon to adopt a system which is +to lead to these results. I ask, then, whether such a system can be more +effectual in this country, than that under which we have so long +prospered? I ask, whether the Civil Government will have more +power--whether it is possible that the Government can be carried on with +a smaller proportion of the army? I beg your Lordships to observe the +transactions which have occurred at Paris within the last two years, and +you will see that, while Louis XVIII, and Charles X. were able to +maintain the peace and tranquillity of the capital with a gendarmerie of +from 500 to 1000 men,--since the period of the revolution of July, 1830, +the Government has not had less than 60,000 once a month put into +requisition to maintain the peace of the city. I say once a month, upon +an average, not to exaggerate the facts; being convinced that upon not +less than twenty-four occasions the army has been under arms. + +If the system now proposed to your Lordships is adopted, will any man +tell me that it will be possible for any Government to be carried on, as +the Government of this country has hitherto been, by a civil power, +aided by a small military force? In the course of this last summer, +events of a fearful character occurred, nearly at the same time, in this +country and in France. I allude to the disturbances at Bristol and at +Lyons. The riots at Bristol were put down by ninety men, as soon as an +officer was found who would employ the force entrusted to him. But what +happened at Lyons--were the disturbances there so easily quelled? The +events at Lyons--a larger town, I admit, but not much larger than +Bristol--required 40,000 troops to be brought against the town, under +the command of a Marshal of France, the present Minister-at-War, and a +Prince of the Blood, before tranquillity could be restored. I entreat, +then, your Lordships to consider well, first of all, the causes of this +difference,--to see that it is the sovereignty of the people that you +are called upon to establish in this country,--and whether it is +possible to carry on the civil Government of England, as it has hitherto +been, under such a Government as you would establish, if you pass this +Bill. + +_April_ 10,1832. + + * * * * * + +_Fiscal Regulations for the Extinction of Slavery not defensible._ + +I can hardly bring myself to believe that any Government can think of +forcing the Colonies to adopt Orders in Council, by holding out, at +once, promises and threats; by saying that those Colonies which adopted +them should not pay taxes, and that those which did not adopt them +should continue to pay them. Did any man ever before hear of taxes +being imposed, for any purpose whatever, excepting to supply the +necessities of the State? If taxes be necessary for the purposes of the +State, in the name of God let them be paid; but, if they be not +necessary, they ought not to be imposed at all, nor allowed to continue. +Parliament is not justified in imposing taxes for a specific purpose of +punishment. + +_April_ 17, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_West India Property not to be Sacrificed to the Fancies of +Abolitionists._ + +It is really desirable that this question should be well understood in +this country. West Indian property is as much entitled to protection as +any other property which exists in Great Britain. Petitions are sent up +from all parts of England, praying for the immediate abolition of +slavery; and the execution of that measure is urged as a duty incumbent +upon us. Those persons who take a part in these proceedings, forget the +enormous amount of property belonging to his Majesty's subjects which is +involved in the question; and it is necessary to bring back their +attention to the consequences which will result, not only to the +colonists, but to the public, from the annihilation of that property, by +the prosecution of any of their fancies respecting the abolition of +slavery. In truth, it is absolutely impossible to derive any advantage +from that property except through the medium of slavery; and through +slavery alone can the individuals interested in the occupation of that +property be sustained in life. + +_April_ 17, 1832. + +_Speech explaining the Negociations, in May, 1832, for the formation of +a Tory Government on the principle of Moderate Reform._ + +My Lords, I have the honour to present to your Lordships a petition from +the inhabitant householders of Cambridge against the Reform Bill; and, +as this is the first time I have had occasion to address your Lordships +since I have been charged by his Majesty with a most important +commission, I conceive that your Lordships, or, at least, some of you, +may be desirous that I should avail myself of this, or some other early +opportunity, to explain the nature and termination of the transactions +in which I have been engaged; and I confess, my Lords, that having been +exposed to extreme misrepresentation, and having been vilified in the +most extraordinary manner, in respect of these transactions, by persons +in another place, who, with the exception of their conduct in this +instance, have some claim to be considered respectable, I am anxious to +take the first opportunity of stating to your Lordships, and the +country, the nature of the transactions in which I have been engaged, +and the grounds on which I have proceeded. Your Lordships will +recollect, that in the course of the last week--I think it was on +Wednesday--his Majesty's ministers informed your Lordships that they had +offered certain advice to his Majesty in reference to the important +subject of the Reform Bill; and, as his Majesty had not thought proper +to follow that advice, they had considered it their duty to tender their +resignations to his Majesty, and which resignations his Majesty was +pleased to accept. His Majesty was graciously pleased, on that day on +which he was so left entirely alone by his ministers, to send for a +noble friend of mine--a noble and learned Lord (Eldon), who had held a +high place, as well in the service as in the confidence of his Majesty, +to inquire whether, in his opinion, there were any means, and if so, +what means, of forming a Government for his Majesty on the principle of +carrying into execution an extensive reform in the representation of the +people. Thus it appears that when his Majesty had the misfortune of +disagreeing with his servants, respecting the advice which had been +tendered to him, he happened to have had so little communication with +other men, and was so little acquainted with their opinions on public +affairs, that he felt it necessary to send for my noble and learned +friend, who was out of the immediate line of politics, in order to +obtain his assistance, and to seek for information at his hands. My +noble and learned friend came to me, and informed me of the difficulty +of his Majesty's situation, and I considered it my duty to inquire from +others what their opinions were, because, I confess to your Lordships, +I was equally unprepared with his Majesty for the consideration of such +a question. + +Upon inquiry, I found that a large number of friends of mine were not +unwilling to give confidence and support to a government formed upon +such a principle, and with the positive view of resistance to that +advice which was tendered to his Majesty. Under these circumstances I +waited on his Majesty on Saturday, and submitted to him my advice. That +advice was not to re-appoint his late ministry, nor was it to appoint +myself. I did not look to any objects of ambition. I advised him to seek +the assistance of other persons well qualified to fill the high +situations in the state, expressing myself willing to give his Majesty +every assistance, whether in office or out of office, to enable his +Majesty to form an administration to resist the advice which had been so +given to him. My Lords, these were the first steps of the transaction; +and if ever there was an instance in which the Sovereign acted more +honestly by his former servants--if ever there was an instance in which +public men kept themselves most completely apart from all intrigues, and +from all indirect influence--using only those direct and honourable +means of opposition, of which no man has reason to be other than proud, +this is that instance. And when I came to give my advice to his Majesty, +instead of advising him with a view to objects of personal ambition, as +I have been accused of doing upon high authority,--I gave that advice +which I thought would best lead to another arrangement, and I stated +that I was ready to serve his Majesty in any or in no capacity, so as +best to assist him in carrying on a government to resist the advice +which had been given him by his late ministers. And here, my Lords, I +beg your Lordships to examine a little what was the nature of the advice +which was tendered by his Majesty's ministers to his Majesty, which his +Majesty thought proper not to follow, and which I considered it my +bounden duty to enable his Majesty to resist. I do not ask any man to +seek any further explanation of this advice, than that which was given +by the ministers themselves. It was neither more nor less than this. The +Government, feeling some difficulty in carrying the Reform Bill through +this House, were induced to advise his Majesty to do--what?--to create a +sufficient number of peers to enable them to carry their measure, to +force it through this House of Parliament. Now, my Lords, before I go +further, let me beg you to consider what is the nature of that +proposition? Ministers found, in the course of last session, that there +was a large majority in this House against the principle of the bill. +Now, my Lords, what is the ordinary course for a minister, under such +circumstances, to pursue? My Lords, it is to alter the measure, to +endeavour to make it more palatable to that branch of the legislature +which was opposed to it. Such is the usual course; but, in this case, +the minister says "no. I will next session bring in a bill as efficient +as that which has been rejected." And what did he do? My Lords, I have +no hesitation in saying that, notwithstanding the opposition of this +House, he brought in a measure stronger and worse than any of the +measures before introduced; and this measure he wishes to force upon the +House by a large creation of peers. How many peers, it is not necessary +to state--it has not even been stated, by the noble Lords opposite: it +is enough to say, a sufficient number to force the Reform Bill through +the House. It is only necessary for me to state the proposition. If this +be a legal and constitutional course of conduct--if such projects can be +carried into execution by a minister of the crown with impunity--there +is no doubt that the constitution of this House and of this country is +at an end. I ask, my Lords, is there any body blind enough not to see +that if a minister can, with impunity, advise his Sovereign to such an +unconstitutional exercise of his prerogative as to thereby decide all +questions in this House, there is absolutely an end put to the power and +objects of deliberation in this House--an end to all means of decision; +I say, then, my Lords, thinking as I do, it was my duty to counsel his +Majesty to resist the following of this advice; and, my Lords, my +opinion is that the threat of carrying this measure of creation into +execution, if it should have the effect of inducing noble Lords to +absent themselves from the House, or to adopt any particular line of +conduct, is just as bad as its execution; for, my Lords, it does by +violence force a decision on this House--and on a subject, my Lords, on +which this House is not disposed to give such a decision. It is true, my +Lords, men may be led to adopt such a course, by reflecting, that if +they do not adopt it, some 50 or 100 peers will be introduced, and thus +deliberation and decision in this House be rendered impracticable; or +men may be led to adopt it with the view of saving the Sovereign from +the indignity of having so gross an alternative imposed upon him. But I +say, my Lords, that the effect of any body of men agreeing publicly to +such a course, will be to make themselves parties to this very +proceeding, of which I say, we have so much reason to complain. The only +course of proceeding at this eventful crisis, worthy of the men with +whom I have the honour to be connected, was to advise his Majesty--was +to counsel his Majesty--to resist the advice which had been given him, +if he could find means of carrying on the government of the country +without acceding to it. But this part of the transaction, my Lords, +requires particular explanation upon my part--his Majesty insisted that +some "extensive measure of reform" (I use his own words) "in the +representation of the people" should be carried. I always was of +opinion, and am still of opinion, that the measure of reform is +unnecessary, and will prove most injurious to the country. But on the +last occasion when I addressed your Lordships,--in the committee on +Monday se'nnight,--I stated my intention to endeavour to amend the bill +in committee, and to do it honestly and fairly. Still, however, I +thought that, amend it as we might in committee, it was not a measure +which would enable the country to have a government capable of +encountering the critical circumstances and serious difficulties to +which every man must expect this country to be exposed. This was, my +Lords,--this is, my opinion. I do not think that, under the influence of +this measure, it is possible that any government can expect to overcome +the dangers to which this country must be exposed. But my Lords, this +was not the question before me; I was called on to assist my Sovereign +in resisting a measure which would lead to the immediate overthrow of +one branch of the legislature--a measure which would enable the ministry +to carry through this house the whole bill unmodified, unimproved, and +unmitigated. I had then, my Lords, only the choice of adopting such part +of that bill as this house might please to send down to the House of +Commons, suffering the government hereafter to depend upon the operation +of that part of the bill rather than upon the whole bill, or else of +suffering the whole bill to be carried, and the House of Lords to be +destroyed. My Lords, my opinion is not altered; no part of the bill is +safe; but undoubtedly, a part of the bill is better, that is to say, +less injurious, than the whole bill; and, certainly, it must at least be +admitted that it is better than the destruction of the constitution of +the country by the destruction of the independence of this house. Under +these circumstances, my Lords, I gave my consent to assist his Majesty +in forming a new government. I know many may be of opinion that I should +have acted a more prudent part if I had looked to anterior +circumstances, and if I had regarded the opinions and pledges I had +given, and if, placing my attention exclusively upon the desire of +acting a consistent part in public life, I had pursued a different +course, and refused my assistance to his Majesty, I should have done +better and more wisely. + +I do not mean to detract from the merits of those who thought proper to +pursue a course contrary to mine upon the occasion. I am grieved that it +should have been my misfortune to differ with some right honourable +friends of mine, with whom I have been for many years in habits of +cordial union, co-operation, and friendship, and from whom I hope this +momentary separation will not dissever me. Nay, my lords, their position +was different from mine. I was situated in a position very different +from that in which they felt themselves to stand. They regretted that +they could not take the same course with me; but for myself, my Lords, I +cannot help feeling that, if I had been capable of refusing my +assistance to his Majesty--if I had been capable of saying to his +Majesty, "I cannot assist you in this affair, because I have, in my +place in parliament, expressed strong opinions against a measure to +which your Majesty is friendly," I do not think I could have shewn my +face in the streets for shame of having done it--for shame of having +abandoned my Sovereign under such distressing circumstances. I have, +indeed, the misfortune of differing from many noble Lords, but I cannot +regret the steps I have taken. If I have made a mistake, I regret it; +but I am not aware that I have made any mistake. It was impossible that +I could shrink from his Majesty in the distressing circumstances under +which he was placed. I will not detain your Lordships longer with a +detail of the circumstances which led to the dilemma in which we are now +placed. But, my Lords, if you will only look back to the commencement of +those transactions--if you look to the speech which his Majesty made +from the throne to this and the other house of Parliament, in June +1831,--if you recollect that his Majesty stated, in very strong terms, +that that important question should receive the earliest and most +attentive consideration, saying, "--Having had recourse to that measure +for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of my people on the expediency +of a reform in the representation, I have now to recommend that +important question to your earliest and most attentive consideration, +confident that, in any measure which you may propose for its adjustment, +you will carefully adhere to the acknowledged principles of the +constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of +both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people, +are equally secured." + +Now, my Lords, I ask, could it be believed, at the time his Majesty made +this speech, that the rights of this house--the power of deliberating +and deciding independently upon such a question as this--would be +destroyed by a creation of Peers, and by a creation to an extent which +could not be much less than one hundred? If any man at the time foretold +this, it would have been said he was dreaming of things that were +impossible. But to this state, my Lords, have we been brought by this +measure. When I first heard of this bill being proposed to be carried by +a creation of Peers, I said it was absolutely impossible. I could not +believe that any minister of England would be led by any considerations +whatsoever to recommend such a measure to his Majesty. The first time, +indeed, I heard the matter mentioned with any degree of authority, was +when a Right Rev. Prelate thought proper to write upon the subject to +some people in a town in the county of Sussex. I could appeal to those +sitting near me if this be not the fact--if I did not uniformly declare +that the thing was impossible--that the very idea of it ought not to be +mentioned. That it should never be imagined that any minister could be +found who would recommend such an unconstitutional--such a ruinous--such +an unjust exercise of the prerogative of the crown; for, my Lords, I do +maintain that the just exercise of the prerogative of the Crown does by +no means go to the extent of enabling his Majesty to create a body of +Peers with the view to carry any particular measure. Under the +circumstances, then, I think your Lordships will not think it unnatural, +when I consider his Majesty's situation, that I should endeavour to +assist his Majesty to avoid the adoption of such a recommendation. But, +my Lords, when I found that in consequence of the discussions on Monday +in another place,--which by the way proved so clearly what the +sentiments of the leading men then were, that Peers should not be +created for such a purpose:--when I found from these discussions that it +was impossible to form a government from that house, of such a nature as +would secure the confidence of the country, I felt it my duty to inform +his Majesty that I could not fulfil the commission with which he was +pleased to honour me, and his Majesty informed me that he would renew +his communications with his former ministry. + +_May 17, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The state of Ireland under Lord Grey, a Conspiracy against Law and +Government._ + +The noble Lords at the head of the Irish government have a most +particular objection to these extraordinary measures, adopted to enable +the government to afford protection to the lives and property of his +Majesty's subjects. If I do not mistake--and I am sure that I am in the +recollection of many noble Lords present--I myself reminded the noble +Earl that the association act would terminate at the end of the session +of Parliament of 1831; and the answer of the noble Earl was, that it was +intended to bring in a bill to continue that act. My Lords, Parliament +was dissolved unfortunately, and the association act was not only not +continued, but the convictions which had already taken place under it +were not carried into execution. + +It might naturally be supposed that, when the Lord Lieutenant found that +he could not give protection to his Majesty's subjects even when he had +the association act, it would, at least, have been continued. No such +thing. When Parliament reassembled, the question was again put by one of +the noble Lords near me, whether it was intended to propose a renewal of +that act; and the answer was, that the noble Lord at the head of the +Irish government thought that he would tranquillize the country without +having recourse to extraordinary measures. From that day to this there +has been no security to property--no security for person; there has been +no enjoyment of peace or tranquillity in Ireland. That is the state in +which it has continued from that time to the present. Now, my noble +friend stated most truly that this is the result of a conspiracy; I say +the same; and before I sit down, I will prove that it is a conspiracy, +and nothing but a conspiracy, which tends to deprive a large class of +his Majesty's subjects of their property,--which renders their lives +insecure,--a conspiracy which tends to the overthrow of all government, +if they do not adopt some measure to put it down. On this ground alone I +address your Lordships; I wish to warn the people and the government of +the real nature of that which exists in that part of the United Kingdom. +We have heard of an attempt, which was lately made by a clergyman, to +avail himself of a sale under a distress, for the purpose of obtaining +payment of a part of what was his due. A body of troops were assembled, +by direction of the magistrates, for the purpose of protecting the sale. +It appears, from an account of a nature usually tolerably accurate, +that, on the first day appointed for the sale, an assemblage of 20,000 +people collected together; on the second day the number was 50,000; and +on the third it amounted to 100,000. I will take an unit from each of +these numbers, and even then I defy any man to shew me how that body +could have been assembled but by a conspiracy. Who led them there? My +Lords, the Priests. I have seen a letter from an officer who commanded +one of the bodies of troops employed on the occasion, in which such is +stated to be the fact. + +When, my Lords, I know that that conspiracy exists, and that it goes to +prevent a large proportion of his Majesty's subjects from enjoying their +property--when I know that the same conspiracy may be applied to any +other description of property--to any man's life, to his house, to his +honour, or to anything else that is most dear to man, I do say, it +becomes the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government to adopt +some measures, in order to do that which Government can do, to get the +better of that conspiracy. It must not be said that, under the British +Constitution, there is no power to prevent such a conspiracy: I say, +there is a power, and that power resides in Parliament, which can give +the Government, under this best of all Constitutions, the means which +shall at the same time protect the property and the liberty of every +individual in the state. Yes, my Lords, Parliament possesses the power +to bestow on the Government the means of putting down this conspiracy--a +conspiracy not against the Government itself, but against those whom the +Government is bound in honour to protect. I take this question of tithes +to be one of the most serious questions that can be brought under the +consideration of Parliament. I do not object to the noble Earl's +measure--indeed, I really do not know what that measure is--but what I +say is, that the noble Earl is bound, and the King is bound by his oath, +to protect the property of the Church--yes, his Majesty is sworn +especially to protect that property. But it is not the property of the +Church alone--what do you say of the lay impropriator? Is a man to be +robbed and ruined, because he possesses property in tithe? + +There is no public grievance in Ireland. Tithes are no public grievance. +Tithes are private property, which a deep laid conspiracy is attempting +to destroy. The noble Lord knows that he cannot get the better of it. I +tell the noble Lord that he will be, at last, obliged to come to +Parliament for a measure to enable him to put down the conspirators. I +recollect the famous affair at Manchester; and remember perfectly well +to have heard a most able and eloquent speech made by the noble and +learned Lord in another place, upon the subject of collecting large +numbers of persons together; and I well remember his able and eloquent +justification of the magistrates for the part they assumed upon that +occasion. I want to know why the magistrates at Carlow and at Cork did +not obtain the same support when pursuing a similar course? I know I +shall be told in answer to this, that I am a person very desirous of +spilling blood. My Lords, I am not recommending the spilling of blood; I +want to save human life by Legislative means. I do not want to have +recourse to arms against crowds and mobs of people; but what I want is, +that the real conspirators should be got the better of, and not that the +mere instruments and victims of their wicked work should be punished. +But if the course pursued at Manchester against the collection of large +bodies of armed people was correct--if the attack was rightly made upon +those armed people--I want to know why the same was not done at Cork and +at Carlow, where the troops stood in the midst of the people three days, +who at last were suffered to carry off the distress, without the +clergyman being able to satisfy his claim? + +The noble Lord has said, that Ireland is in a state of great +tranquillity. Now, I certainly must say, that as far as I have heard, I +cannot believe in the existence of that tranquillity. It may be +perfectly true, by moving a large body of troops from the country into a +particular district, together with a great number of police and +magistrates, that, for a moment, tranquillity may be restored to that +district; but there is no gentleman in the country feels himself in a +state of security. There is, however, one test, to which I wish to +bring the noble Secretary of State. I want to know this--has he, in any +one case, carried into execution the provisions of the Tithe Act? Is +there a single instance of any tithe having been collected by Government +under that Act? If the clergy are to be paid out of the Consolidated +Fund, and that Act is not to be enforced, I must say that the noble Lord +may make what boast he pleases as to the state of Ireland; but there is +no man who will believe one word about the tranquillity of Ireland, +until the noble Lord can produce evidence of the collection of some +tithes under that Act. + +What I want to see is, the affording of some security to property--some +protection to life; and that some assurance should be given to the peace +of the country being established and preserved. + +_July 3, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of Ireland._ + +I come now, my Lords, to that part of the subject which is certainly +very painful to me, because I conceive it to be that in which I may say +the Government has been much to blame; and that is, their treatment of +the Protestant Church of Ireland. My opinion is, that in the treatment +of that Church they have certainly thrown the Protestants of Ireland +entirely aside. There is no doubt whatever that the Protestants, who, +like other classes of men, were more or less divided amongst themselves, +are now nearly unanimous in their opinions upon the subject of the +Government. They are nearly all of them, at the present moment, opposed +to the Government--irritated by a strong sense of the injury done to +them, and the insecurity of their situation, which is certainly most +painful to everybody who wishes well to the union between the two +countries. + +_July 3, 1832._ + +_The Church should Educate the People._ + +We have the Established Church--we have the Established clergy; and the +whole law of the country is, that the clergy of the Established Church +should have the charge of the education of the people, particularly of +Ireland. But, under the proposed system, the schoolmaster is simply to +teach the obligations which are due to society from every individual, +and the pupil is not to refer to divine authority for those +obligations--he is not without permission to refer to that alone which +can render those obligations binding. + +July 3,1832. + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Wellington's Government opposed to the Appointment of Otho +as King of Greece._ + +The late government were no parties to the selection of Prince Otho; on +the contrary, he was a person to whose appointment they had objected, as +appears on the face of the protocols; and the objection exists at the +present moment, though not to such an extent as it did, a year and a +half having elapsed since it was first made. I object to the +arrangement now, because the interests of this country have been +essentially altered in the Mediterranean. His Majesty has now essential +duties to perform in the Adriatic. When I see France remaining in +possession of Algiers, notwithstanding the provisions of the treaty, and +when I observe what has been done by her at Ancona, I must say the +interests of this country have been grossly neglected in that quarter. +July 18, 1832 + + * * * * * + +_The giving the Town-franchise to the Catholics, will lead to the +Destruction of the Protestant Church._ + +The reason assigned for getting rid of the freemen is, because they +would support the Protestant interest in towns. Now, I have no +hesitation whatever in stating, that the interest connected with the +Church and the Protestant institutions of the country must give way it +the franchise is transferred into the hands of the Roman Catholic +population. It is easy to say that there ought to be no difference +between Roman Catholics and Protestants. I wish to God it could be so; +but the circumstances of Ireland are such as to render it necessary, +that a counterpoise should be given to counteract the influence which +the Roman Catholics will acquire by the bill. I wish to carry the +principles of 1829 into effect, and that can not be done if both parties +are placed upon an equal footing. I think it most unfair to give the +Catholic population of towns the power of returning Roman Catholic +Members of Parliament; and I shall, therefore, seeing that the rights of +freemen are to be abolished, object to the 40s. freeholders being +retained. + +July 20, 1832 + + * * * * * + +_The Albocracy._ + +In this country (India), as in all others, there are certain established +qualifications for justices of the peace and for jurymen, and no +disqualification, in any part of the world, is equal to that of colour. +The white man has an influence which the black man has not. This +distinction prevails most in those countries in which a liberal system +of Government has been established, as in the United States of America, +and the various states existing in the southern portion of that +continent. Indeed, a term has been invented to designate it in Columbia, +in which express laws have been made for the support and maintenance of +the "Albocracy." + +_August_ 14, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Effect of the Savings of the Grey Government_. + +I give the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government full +credit for the diminution in the expenses of the country which has been +effected by the Government, but I cannot help thinking that such +diminutions will prove to be generally detrimental to the country, +inasmuch as they are effected merely for the purpose of meeting a +deficiency in the revenue for the moment. But the fact is, that many of +these reductions are applicable to the army, to the navy, to the +militia, and other most essential services of the country, which, +although not estimated for this year, must be provided for at a future +period. For instance, one branch of these savings is that for training +the militia; the saving, under this head, is 190,000 l.; but it is quite +clear that this sum must again be expended when the militia shall be +trained in future years. Another saving is that of freight, transport, +and provisions of soldiers from one part of the world to another. Now, +it is very true, that during the present year this reduction may be +made, because it does not happen that the change of regiments in the +West India colonies and India takes place; but such will not be the case +in another year, and the expenditure of 45,000 l. on that head, which +does not appear in these estimates, must again occur. + +Another item of reduction is in the purchase of timber for the navy +service, which amounts to the very considerable sum of 400,000 l. It is +evident that the magazines of this country must be kept up, and all that +is really done by this apparent saving, is to throw the burden, to this +extent, on future years. With a view to a secure and adequate supply, +and to the proper seasoning of stores, and with a view to the +probability that it may become necessary for his Majesty's service to +make some great exertion, it is impossible that less than double the +amount of the estimate of the present year under this head, can +permanently suffice. Now, it is impossible to look upon these savings in +any other light than as temporary, and I will go so far as to say that +it would have been a much better principle of economy to spend this +money than to save it, if the distressed state of the finances had not +absolutely required the reduction of the expenditure. But I cannot help +taking another view of the subject. It is necessary for the country, and +essential to the character of the Government, that they should look +beyond a mere balance of income and expenditure, with a view to be +prepared for unforeseen emergencies which may arise. Can any body say, +that the Government is now left in the situation in which it ought to be +left with respect to finances? This is the last session of the present +Parliament. A reformed Parliament will meet next session, and it is +impossible for any man to say what will be the conduct of that +Parliament with respect to finance. But this is not the only ground on +which it is desirable that the finances of the country should be in a +more satisfactory state. + +I say, my Lords, that I regard these financial difficulties with the +greater apprehension, when I remember that occasions may arise, and are +in fact, likely to arise, in which it may be necessary for his Majesty +to call forth all the resources of the country. When I look to the state +of Ireland, when I turn my attention to our foreign relations, and above +all, when I call to mind the present condition of the Peninsula, I find +it impossible to shut my eyes to the alarming truth, that events are on +the eve of occurring, which may call forth to the utmost, every +exertion which Englishmen are capable of making, and may demand, as I +have said before, all the resources of the empire. + +_August_ 15, 1832. + +_Policy of the Wellington Administration towards Portugal_. + +The noble Earl (Grey) has stated, that the late government was the cause +of the usurpation of Don Miguel. Now that is a mistake in point of time; +for it will be found that Don Miguel was brought to Portugal, when the +noble Viscount opposite, (Viscount Goderich) was at the head of the +government. It is true that I was in office when Don Miguel landed in +Portugal, and when he usurped the government over which he was placed as +Regent. The noble Earl has stated, that at that time the British army +was there, and might have prevented the usurpation. I deny the fact; the +British Army had been withdrawn before the usurpation. It is true that, +before the army was withdrawn, Miguel had dissolved the Chambers, and +had given indications that it was not his intention to carry into effect +the constitution of the country; but he had given no indication of a +resolution to usurp the Sovereign power; and that usurpation was +occasioned by a decree of the Cortes, acquired for that purpose. In +point of fact the army was withdrawn; and even if it had not been +withdrawn, what was its force? Why it only amounted to 5,000 men, which +would not have been enough to effect anything. I deny therefore, that +the government has been the cause of the usurpation. When Don Miguel did +usurp the sovereign authority, the late government did all they could; +they ceased their diplomatic relations with Portugal, and then brought +away the minister from thence. + +Then the noble Earl says, that the state of things just mentioned +existed when he came into office; and that the late government was +willing to recognize Don Miguel, provided he would grant a general +amnesty. The noble Earl has omitted to state all. It would have been +fair, had the noble Earl stated what had previously occurred. The first +thing we did was to advise a reconciliation between the two branches of +the House of Braganza, and we referred the question to Brazil. The +Emperor of Brazil was perfectly ready to go to war if we would make war +for him, but he would not go to war himself, because, in fact he had no +resources of his own to do so. What then became our duty? Our duty was +to place Portugal in the society of nations as soon as we could, and to +endeavour to induce Don Miguel to do that which would have the effect of +attaining that object. For that purpose, we called on Don Miguel to +reconcile the country to him, by some act of grace towards those who had +been connected with the former government of the country. But it is not +true that we desired to impose any condition with respect to that act +of grace. The principle on which we invariably acted was to make an act +of amnesty be given without any condition whatever, because it was our +wish not to interfere in any manner whatever with the government of +Portugal; and it would have been interfering, had we made any condition +which we might have been afterwards called upon to enforce. We would not +make ourselves responsible for that amnesty. We urged him repeatedly to +grant it, and if he had done so, he would most undoubtedly have been +recognized; and we fully expected, when that paragraph was inserted in +the King's Speech, that he would have given the amnesty, and have +enabled us to recognize him. I have no hesitation in saying, that I was +exceedingly anxious at that time to recognize this Prince, not because I +disputed the claim or right of the other branch of the House of +Braganza, nor because I ventured to decide upon that right, but I wanted +to do that which was done by the government of this country in a similar +case with respect to France,--I wanted to recognize the authority of the +king _de facto_, in order to enable him to carry on the government of +the country with advantage, not only to himself, and his country, but +also to Europe. If I had remained in office much longer, I would have +done it in order to remove from that country, and from Europe, the +inconveniences which have resulted from the existing state of things in +Portugal. It was not done before, because the amnesty was not given. + +Much has been said about the cruelty of this Prince, and the hatred +borne towards him by the people of Portugal; but I think there has been +some extraordinary exaggeration upon that subject. The noble Earl states +that we left things in this state when he left office. It is perfectly +true; but we have, over and over again, pressed upon the noble Earl the +necessity of taking Portugal out of the state in which it was placed, +and of recognizing that government, with a view to prevent that state of +affairs which has since come to puss. The Emperor of Brazil has no power +to enter into a war in favor of his daughter, nor can she be put in +possession of Portugal, except by revolutionary means,--namely, by +employing bands of adventurers, collected in various quarters, and paid +by God knows whom. + +_August_ 15, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_The Civil War in Portugal fomented by Earl Grey's Government_. + +I believe if there be any country in the world in which it is both the +duty and interest of England to prevent the existence of hostilities, +that country is Portugal. We are bound by treaties to defend her, as she +is, in case of need, to defend England. It is affirmed that we are under +engagements to preserve a strict neutrality towards the two Princes now +opposed to each other in Portugal; but we are bound in honour and good +policy to protect that country, in which his Majesty's subjects have +such interests invested, and with which they carry on such extensive +commerce: yet the present government have hazarded all these interests +by permitting this war to be carried on there by a foreign power. The +king, in his speech, calls it, indeed, a "civil war." My Lords, it is a +revolutionary war--a war carried on by means furnished in this town, and +for the advance of which the inducement is the hope of plunder. It is +carried on by persons who have no interest in the war excepting plunder. +Yet this is the war which his Majesty has been advised by his servants +to call, upon the assembling of his parliament, "a civil war between the +two branches of the house of Braganza in Portugal." The king is made, by +his Ministers, to declare that he is anxiously desirous to put an end to +this war. "I shall not fail to avail myself of any opportunity that may +be afforded me to assist in restoring peace to a country with which the +interests of my dominions are so intimately connected." Now, I know +something of war, and I know something of war in that country; and I +will tell noble Lords how they can put an end to it at once. Let them +put forth a proclamation recalling his Majesty's subjects from the +service of both parties engaged in the contest,--let them, at the same +time, carry into execution the law of the country; let them, when the +commissioners of the customs, in the execution of their exclusive duty, +seize vessels carrying out troops, ammunition and officers, who, I am +able to prove, are at this moment serving in those armies, leave the +adjudication of such seizures to the proper tribunals; and let not the +King's ministers interfere, and let them employ the British fleet in the +Levant, and other places, to which the attention of his Majesty's +government ought to be directed, instead of being employed in watching +the shores of the Douro and the Tagus--let them do all this, and they +will soon find that peace will be restored to Portugal without any +further sacrifice. But I am sorry to say these are not the measures +adopted by his Majesty's government, nor is the law carried into +execution by that government. My Lords, I engage to prove, that though +the commissioners of the customs did, in the autumn of 1831, detain +certain vessels in the Thames, having on board the very troops, +ammunition, and arms which have been since employed in this war; and +although these commissioners are, by the act of parliament, the persons +appointed to carry it into execution,--they were ordered, by a superior +power, not to interfere. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Don Miguel de facto King of Portugal_. + +Don Miguel having been appointed Sovereign by the Cortes, it was not the +business of the British government to offer any opposition to their +choice; and as long as we continued in office, we were seeking for the +means of recognizing Don Miguel as Sovereign, _de facto_, of Portugal. +In point of fact, I have no doubt, if we had remained in office a +fortnight longer, we should have effected that recognition; for it was +never intended to make the proposed amnesty an indispensable condition +of that step. Our object in recognizing him, was to prevent those +disasters which I apprehended must arise from the conflict of extreme +opinions in the Peninsula. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + +_The Catholic Oath is a Principle_. + +His Majesty has sworn to maintain the established Church of England in +Ireland; and secondly, that in the very last arrangements made to remove +the disabilities, as well of the Dissenters from the church of England +as of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, words were inserted in the oaths +to be taken by them, for the security of the Protestant establishment. I +consider those oaths as principles; and that we ought not to run counter +to them in any manner whatever. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +The Protestants of Ireland are the friends of order in Ireland, and they +are the natural friends and connections of England. I entreat you never +to lose sight of this important truth. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_The Game Laws increase Poaching_. + +Since the passing of the Game Act, poaching has enormously increased. It +is consistent with my own knowledge, also, that as regards my own +estate, until this law passed, there was little or no poaching upon it, +but that evil has greatly increased since that period. In fact, not long +since, I lost a servant in an affray with poachers, and I at once +determined to give up preserving game; but I was induced to relinquish +my intention in consequence of learning that the keeper, whom I was +about to discharge, could not get employment in any other part of the +country. This, alone, is the reason why I still preserve my game. I am +thoroughly convinced that, in the neighbourhood in which I reside, +poaching has increased threefold since the passing of the present Act. I +think that result is entirely owing to the circumstance that the person +who is in possession of the game is entitled to carry it away and sell +it, and cannot be questioned as to the manner in which it came into his +possession. + +_May 31, 1833._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of Portugal to England._ + +If there be any nation in the world for which more than another this +country feels--and justly feels--an interest, it is Portugal. The +alliance between this country and Portugal is among the most ancient to +be found in the history of nations; it is an alliance repeatedly +recognised by all Europe; it is one from which this country has derived +advantage almost from a period beyond memory; and for the preservation +of which, in better times than these, and in order to rescue that +country out of the hands of her enemies, she has expended her best blood +and treasure. + +_June 3, 1833._ + + * * * * * + +_The Emancipation Act of 1833 a Premature Measure_. + +In the discussions on the abolition of the slave trade, it was more than +once declared by the advocates of that measure, that they had no +intention of following it up by an attempt at the abolition of slavery; +but, on the contrary, those who contended most strenuously for the +abolition of the slave trade, declared that it was not intended that it +should be followed up by the abolition of slavery in the colonies, but +that their intention was, by means of the abolition of the slave trade, +to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and improve the state of +society in the colonies. But I will not believe, from all that I have +heard and read, that even the most earnest advocates of the abolition of +the slave trade intended, immediately, to follow up the amelioration of +the condition of the slave, by the total abolition of slavery. That men +should look forward to the abolition of slavery in the colonies as +consequent on the improvement in the state of society, and the state of +slavery, is probable; and there is no doubt that a great improvement has +resulted from the abolition of the slave trade, coupled with the +measure, but that the one step should be considered as an immediate +consequence of the other, I altogether deny; and I appeal with +confidence to the discussions which formerly took place. + + * * * * * + +In all countries, where it is proposed to make large bodies of slaves +free, the first thing that is described as necessary to be considered +is, whether the country is in a condition to bear the change; the +second, whether the slave whom it is proposed to constitute a freeman, +will work for hire? These are points with respect to which it has always +been considered necessary to have full and convincing proof before +emancipation should be granted. The noble Earl tells us that, in this +instance, there is no proof to the contrary. I think that there is proof +to the contrary. We have heard of the adoption of a measure of this +nature within the province of Colombia. But supposing it to be true, +that 100,000 liberated negroes have shewn a disposition to labour, or +have actually laboured for hire in Colombia, still I contend that that +circumstance affords no proof whatever that the same results would +follow from the liberation 700,000 or 800,000 negroes in the British +possessions. But I by no means concur with the noble Earl as to the +sufficiency of the case of Colombia, as a case in point. I have the +authority of a very intelligent person, who was resident in Colombia at +the time that the transaction took place, and who, in writing upon the +subject, states positively that the experiment was a most dangerous one; +and that although the liberated negroes laboured for awhile, yet that a +few years afterwards, they could not be got to work at all. This is +further proved by the fact, that in the course of four or five years it +was found necessary to introduce a measure for the promotion of +agriculture, which measure, it was admitted, was called for, in +consequence of the great difficulty that was found in getting the free +negroes to work. + +_June_ 23, 1833. + +_Difficulty of preventing free labour in the Colonies anticipated_. + +Look at our own colonies in tropical climates, and see whether you can +find any disposition in the free negro to work in the low grounds. If +you look at Surinam, or any other of the tropical climates, where free +negroes are to be found, you will find a total absence of any +disposition, on their part, to work for hire, or for any other +consideration whatever. But says the noble Earl, "the negroes work in +Africa;" of that fact, begging the noble Earl's pardon, I do not think +he can produce any proof; but even supposing that he could, I contend +that the fact does not bear upon this question--the question here is not +whether the negro, in a state of freedom, will work in Africa, but +whether, being made free, he will voluntarily labour in the low grounds +in our possessions within the tropics? I say, that there is no proof of +such labour on the part of negroes, in any part of the world. In one +quarter of the globe, in which I have some knowledge, I am certainly +aware that men do labour very hard for hire in low grounds within the +tropics; but those men are in a condition but little removed from +absolute slavery, because they are the lowest in a state of society, +which from them upwards is divided into the strictest castes. But in our +West India possessions the case is very different; there, this +difficulty from the moment of their first discovery, to the present +hour, has always existed; a difficulty arising from the circumstance, +that in those tropical climates, a man instead of working for hire, +works only for food,--and having obtained that food, which he can +procure by very little exertion, he thinks of nothing save the luxury of +reposing in listless idleness beneath the shade. That is the great +difficulty which surrounds this question. + +_June_ 25, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Depressing the West India Colonies will lead to the Introduction of +Foreign Slave Grown Sugar_. + +Supposing that the growth of the sugar should, from the causes I have +mentioned, fail in the West Indies, where are we to get sugar? We must +get it no doubt from the colonies of other countries, where it is +produced by the labour of slaves. What then, will those who are so +anxious for the abolition of slavery say, if, in consequence of this +measure, the slave trade should be revived, with all the added horrors +of its being carried on in a contraband manner; and if, instead of +decreasing the amount of slavery in the world, we should increase it, in +Cuba, and in the other foreign West India possessions, over which we +have no control, and into which it would be impossible for us to +introduce any measure, regulating or ameliorating the condition of the +slave. + +At this moment we consume more of sugar, even excluding Ireland, than +all the rest of Europe put together; and I leave it to your Lordships to +consider whether it would be possible, under any circumstances whatever, +that this country could go on without a supply of that article. How can +that supply be furnished, supposing that the production in our colonies +should fail, except by the produce of slave labour from the colonies of +other countries? + +_June_ 25, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_East India Company; Eulogium on its Administration_. + +Having been so long a servant of the East India Company, whose interests +you are discussing, having served for so many years of my life in that +country, having had such opportunities of personally watching the +operation of the government of that country, and having had reason to +believe, both from what I saw at that time, and from what I have seen +since, that the Government of India was at that time, one of the best +and most purely administered governments that ever existed, and one +which has provided most effectually for the happiness of the people over +which it is placed, it is impossible that I should be present when a +question of this description is discussed, without asking your +Lordships' attention for a very short time whilst I deliver my opinion +upon the plan which his Majesty's ministers have brought forward. I will +not follow the noble Marquis who opened the debate, into the +consideration of whether a chartered company be the best, or not, +calculated to carry on the government or the trade of an empire like +India, that is not the question to which I wish now to apply myself. But +whenever I hear of such discussions as this, I recall to my memory what +I have seen in that country--I recall to my memory the history of that +country for the last fifty or sixty years. I remember its days of +misfortune, and its days of glory, and call to mind the situation in +which it now stands. I remember that the government have conducted the +affairs of--I will not pretend to say how many millions of people,--they +have been calculated at 70,000,000, 80,000,000, 90,000,000, and +100,000,000--but certainly of an immense population, a population +returning an annual revenue of 20,000,000 l. sterling, and that +notwithstanding all the wars in which the empire has been engaged its +debt at this moment amounts only to 40,000,000 l., being no more than the +amount of two years revenue. I do not say that such a debt is desirable; +but at the same time I contend that it is a delusion on the people of +this country to tell them that that is a body unfit for government, and +unfit for trade, which has administered the affairs of India with so +much success for so many years, and which is at length to be put +down,--for I can use no other term,--upon the ground that it is an +institution calculated for the purposes neither of government nor trade. + +My Lords, there is a great difference between the East India Company +governing India, and carrying on their trade with China as a joint-stock +company, and carrying on the same trade as monopolists. It was my +opinion, and the opinion of those who acted with me, that we ought, in +the first instance, at all events, to have endeavoured to have prevailed +upon them to continue trading with China as a joint-stock company. If at +this moment, they had chosen to have continued to trade as a joint stock +company, I would have allowed them; I would have adopted measures for +the purpose of inducing them to do so, and to carry on the government of +India. It is perfectly true, my Lords, that the people of this country +were, and are, desirous of participating in the trade to China; but I am +not aware that they ever expressed a desire to see the company deprived +of any branch of that trade. But then, my Lords, the noble Lord asks, +"how would you secure to them their dividends?" Why, my Lords, their +dividends, supposing the trade had turned out so ill as the noble Lord +expects it would have done, would have been secured to them, as they +must be at present, by saving all unnecessary expense in India--those +dividends would have been secured to them, as they still will be, and as +under all circumstances they must be, by bringing down the whole +expences of the Government of the country. But we had another +resource--we might have relieved the East India Company, trading to +China no longer as a monopolist, but as a joint stock company, from a +part of the burden of the provisions of the Commutation Act. I cannot +help thinking, if that course had been adopted--or even supposing, +according to the calculations of my noble Friend behind me, we had been +obliged to abandon that course, by desiring the East India Company to +withdraw from trading with China--that they still would have been in +possession of their capital, which might have been disposed of for their +advantage, and they might have been continued in the Government of +India. I entreat your Lordships to observe, that such an arrangement +would have been attended with this advantage, that they would not have +had to draw their dividends from India. One of the greatest +inconveniences attending this arrangement is, in my opinion, the +increased sum which must be annually brought home by remittance to this +country from India, to such an amount that the inconvenience is very +great, so great, that I very much doubt whether the process can be +carried on; and it must be most prejudicial to the commerce of the +country. + +_June_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Reform un fait accompli_. + +Now that the Reform Bill has become the law of the land, I have +considered it my duty not only to submit to it, but to endeavour to +carry its provisions into execution by every means in my power. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Repudiation of the Holy Alliance_. + +I have passed part of my life in the foreign service of my country; but +I most sincerely protest, that I never did join with any holy alliance +against the liberties of Europe. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Expediency and Principle_. + +If the world were governed by principles, nothing would be more easy +than to conduct even the greatest affairs; but, in all circumstances, +the duty of a wise man is to choose the lesser of any two difficulties +which beset him. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Protestantism to be supported_. + +It is our duty, in every case, to do all we can to promote the +Protestant religion. It is our duty to do so, not only on account of the +political relations between the religion of the Church of England and +the Government, but because we believe it to be the purest doctrine, and +the best system of religion, that can be offered to a people. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Importance of preserving the authority of the East India Company_. + +The noble Lord who spoke last, quoted the opinion of Sir John Malcolm. +My Lords, I wish the noble Lords opposite had taken the advice of Sir +John Malcolm, upon the subject of forming an independent body in London, +representing the interests, and carrying on the concerns, of India. My +Lords, it is persons of this description who interpose an efficient +check upon the Government. I say, therefore, that it is much to be +lamented, that instead of placing that body in the state of independence +in which they were heretofore placed, they are to be reduced to a +situation in which they will lose a very considerable portion of their +power and influence. It is of the utmost importance that the greatest +possible care should be taken to preserve the authority of the company +in relation to their servants. Depend upon it, my Lords, that on the +basis of their authority depends the good government of India. + +_July_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_After Emancipation, the Protestants of Ireland ought to have been +conciliated_. + +The noble and learned Lord (Plunkett) said, that many of the evils that +afflicted Ireland, and for which the Church Temporalities Bill was +intended as a remedy, were occasioned by the delay of the measure of +Emancipation, after the year 1825. Why, I ask, by its delay after the +year 1825? I beg to know from that noble and learned Lord how long the +system of agitation existed in Ireland both before and after the year +1825? Why, my Lords, it has existed ever since the commencement of the +discussion of the Roman Catholic Question--that is to say, ever since +the days of the restrictive regency. From that period to the present +moment, there has been nothing but agitation, except during parts of the +years 1829 and 1830. Agitation commenced in Ireland upon the conclusion +of events in Paris, and in Brussels. Those events occasioned such +agitations and discussions as obliged the noble Duke, who was then at +the head of the Government in Ireland, to carry into execution the +Proclamation Act. Then came a change in the administration, and the +noble Earl assumed the reigns of power. He immediately chose for the +Lord Lieutenant (Lord Wellesley) a nobleman for whom I entertain great +respect but who certainly was nearly the last person who ought to have +been selected for that office. After the Roman Catholic Question was +settled, what ought the government to have done? Most certainly they +ought to have done everything in their power to conciliate--whom? The +Protestants of Ireland. Everything had already been granted to the Roman +Catholics which they could possibly require; and the object of the +government ought to have been to conciliate the Protestants. But, +instead of that, the noble Earl sends over to that country, as Lord +Lieutenant, the noble Marquis, who was the very last person that ought +to have been appointed; because, when holding that situation previously, +and on receiving information that his Majesty's government entertained +views favourable to the emancipation of the Catholics, he did, +immediately, before his departure for Ireland, issue a sort of +proclamation to the people that agitation should be continued for the +purpose of obtaining the desired boon. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Irish Agitation Characterized_. + +Now, my Lords, in order to enable your Lordships to understand what +this "agitation" is, I beg leave just to describe it to your Lordships. +It is, first of all, founded upon a conspiracy of priests and demagogues +to obtain their purpose--whether justifiable or not, is not the +question--by force and menace, and by the use of terror and of mobs, +wherever that terror and those mobs can be used to produce an effect +upon his Majesty's Government favourable to their views. This agitation +they have maintained by orations, harangues, and seditious speeches at +public meetings--by publications through a licentious press--by +exaggerations--by forgeries--and by all other means which it is in the +power of that description of persons to use, in order to excite the +multitude; and then, when they are excited, to make them appear in large +bodies to terrify and over-awe the people. If, my Lords, any person +ventures to oppose himself to these proceedings, he is either +immediately murdered or his house is destroyed, his cattle or other +property carried off, and combinations are formed to prevent resistance, +or the discovery of the guilty. In short, all measures are adopted which +go to, and which are intended to, destroy the Constitution of this +country. This, my Lords, is what is called the system of "agitation." + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_What constitutes a Blockade_. + +To constitute an effective blockade, it is unnecessary to say that the +port in question must be actually blockaded; and, further, that notice +must have been given of such a blockade. No capture could be made +without previously warning off vessels. There are various modes of +notice; but the most authoritative manner of giving notice is through +the Government of the power to be so warned. It should never be +forgotten, however, that there should be certain means in existence to +enforce the blockade at the time of notice. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Objection to the reduction of the Number of Irish Bishops_. + +I object to the proposed reduction of the number of Bishops in Ireland, +and I totally dissent from the argument upon which the propriety or +expediency of that reduction is founded. I am willing to admit that if +we were now, for the first time, establishing the Protestant Church in +Ireland. I might be inclined to think that twenty-two Bishops were more +than was necessary to the supervision of some 1000 clergymen; but when I +take into account, besides the fact that the higher number has been in +existence for centuries--when I consider the importance of the +Protestant Church in Ireland in relation to the political ties of the +two countries--when I consider, as a Right Reverend Prelate has +remarked in the course of the debate, that wherever a Protestant Bishop +is removed, there a Catholic Prelate will remain, who, doubtless, will +possess himself of the palace, and perhaps the church property, of the +reduced Protestant See; and when, above all, I consider the peculiar +circumstances of Ireland, so different from those of this country, and +which may make the episcopal superintendence of thirty or forty +benefices in the former country a matter of more trouble and anxiety +than the 600 or 1000 benefices which an English Prelate may control, I +cannot but object to the proposed reduction. Besides, there is another +circumstance which is worthy of attention in the discussion of this +subject, and that is, that the Bishops of England have the assistance of +their Deans and Archdeacons, which their Irish brethren have not. The +twenty-two Bishops of Ireland have personally to perform all the duties +which the Bishops of this country perform through their Deans and +Archdeacons. + +_July_ 19,1835 + + * * * * * + +_The Jews' Right to Citizenship denied._ + +The noble and learned Lord (Brougham), and the most reverend Prelate +(Whately), have both stated that they cannot understand the distinct +principle upon which the opponents of this measure rest their opposition +to the admission of the Jews to seats in the legislature. Now I beg the +noble and learned Lord, and the most reverend Prelate, to recollect that +this is a Christian country and a Christian legislature, and that the +effect of this measure would be to remove that peculiar character. Your +Lordships have been called upon to follow the example of foreign +countries, with respect to the Jews; but I think that, before we +proceed to legislate on such a subject as this, it is indispensable that +the necessity for the introduction of the measure should be shown. I +ask, what case has been made out to shew a necessity for passing this +measure? When your Lordships passed the bills for the removal of the +Roman Catholic disabilities, and for the repeal of the Test and +Corporation Acts, the reason assigned was, that it was unnecessary to +keep up the restriction on the classes of Christians affected by those +acts. But there is a material difference between the cases of the +dissenters and Roman Catholics, and the Jews--the former enjoyed all the +benefits and advantages of the constitution before the restrictions were +imposed. Was that the case with the Jews? Were the Jews ever in the +enjoyment of the blessings of the English constitution? Certainly not. +The Jews were formerly considered as alien enemies, and they were not +allowed to live in this country,--I think from the time of Edward I. to +the period of the Commonwealth. It cannot, therefore, be said that the +question of the Jews can be put on the same ground as the claims of any +class of Christians in the country. + +_August 1,1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Jews have no Right to Civil Equality._ + +The noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) has referred +to a certain Act of Parliament which passed, giving certain privileges +to the Jews, and which he said, was in the very form of words proposed +in this bill. It is true that this Act conferred benefits on the Jews, +but then it must be recollected that it was confined in its operation to +certain of the colonies; in the first instance to Canada, and +subsequently to Jamaica and Barbadoes, and others of the West Indian +colonies. But then, was there not a very good reason for this? European +inhabitants were much required in the colonies at the time the act +passed; and this was to give encouragement to the Jews to go thither and +settle. No such necessity exists now, with regard to this country,--we +do not wish Jews to come and settle here. Not one word has been said to +shew that any necessity exists for passing this measure. The noble Lord, +who addressed your Lordships early in the debate, adverted to the state +of the Jews in France, I entirely agree with the illustrious Duke near +me, and the right reverend Prelate, that this country is not bound to +follow the example of foreign nations in legislating for any portion of +the community. But it ought not to escape attention, that Buonaparte, in +legislating for the Jews, did not go the full length of this bill; and +before he did anything for them, he ordered a strict inquiry into their +case to be made. I ask, are your Lordships prepared to assent to this +bill, without any inquiry being instituted as to its necessity, or +without any reason being assigned? This bill is not the result of +inquiry, but it has been introduced on a very different +principle,--namely, because it suits the liberal opinions of the day. + +The noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, has endeavoured to shew +that, by retaining the words--"upon the true faith of a Christian," in +the Statute Book, you encourage men who have no regard to the obligation +of an oath, and thus maintain hypocrisy, while it operates as a +restriction on conscientious persons. "You admit," says the noble and +learned Lord, "men like Mr. Wilkes, Lord Shaftesbury, or Lord +Bolingbroke, but you shut out conscientious men who will not take the +oath." I am prepared to allow that there are some men whom no oath or +affirmation can reach; but this is no reason why we should give up every +test and oath. Are we on this account to throw aside every guard for the +maintenance of Christianity in the country? The Right Reverend Prelate +has stated very clearly and plainly the reason why we should not pass +this bill--namely, that this is a Christian country, and has a Christian +legislature, and that therefore, the Parliament, composed as it is, of +Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, cannot advise the Sovereign, +as the head of the Church, to sanction a law which will remove the +peculiar character of the legislature, I say that we cannot advise the +Sovereign on the throne to pass a law which will admit persons to all +offices, and into the Parliament of the country, who, however +respectable they may be, still are not Christians, and therefore ought +not to be allowed to legislate for a Christian Church. The noble +Marquis, for whom I entertain the highest respect, seemed surprised that +I should smile when the noble Marquis spoke in somewhat extravagant +terms of the distinctions which have been acquired by these persons in +foreign countries. I must apologize to the noble Marquis for having +smiled at that moment, but it certainly appeared to me that the noble +Marquis was rather extravagant in his praise; and, I may be allowed to +add, that I have never been so fortunate as to hear of those persons +being in the stations which he described. The noble marquis stated that +there were no less than fifteen officers of the Jewish religion at the +battle of Waterloo; I have not the least doubt that there are many +officers of that religion of great merit and distinction--but still I +must again repeat they are not Christians; and, therefore, sitting as I +do in a Christian legislature, I cannot advise the sovereign on the +throne to sanction a law to admit them to seats in this house and the +other house of parliament, and to all the rights and privileges enjoyed +by Christians. The noble and learned lord on the woolsack said, that +when the observation is mode that Christianity is part and parcel of the +law of the land, it is meant that that Christianity is the Church of +England. Now, I have always understood that it was the Christian +dispensation, generally; and I believe that when Christianity is talked +of as part and parcel of the law, it means the Christian dispensation, +and not the doctrines of the Church of England. + +_August_ 1, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Defence of a Metallic Currency_. + +I always have maintained, and I always shall maintain, that the only +proper basis of our money system is a solid gold circulation. Upon that +basis I considered our monetary system fixed since the measure of 1819, +followed up as that was by improvements in 1826: I really think the +principle of those measures the best that can be applied to our +circulation. Detailed payments being made in gold, the larger payments +might be made in paper, and depend on credit; the true support of the +credit of whatever paper might be in circulation being, that it was +liable to be paid in gold on demand at any time, at the bank of England, +or at the branch-banks of the bank of England; so that, if any man chose +not to give credit to the bank of England, he had only to demand gold +for his paper; or any creditor might, at once, demand from his debtor +payment in solid coin. That however will, to a certain extent, not be +the case under this bill. I am aware that, eventually, the holder of the +paper can repair to the bank of England and demand gold as heretofore; +and must, therefore give credit to somebody for the amount. That I +consider a depreciation of the paper of the bank of England. It is a +depreciation to which if I had been a bank director, I would never have +consented; indeed, I cannot understand why the bank agreed to this +proposition. I am persuaded that, ere long, great inconveniences will +occur from the provision; and those inconveniences will be felt in a +depreciation of bank paper. What is the object of the arrangement? It is +either intended to give the bank a power of issuing paper which, under +the existing system, it does not possess, or to facilitate credit +generally throughout the country, and enable the country banks to +undertake operations which they could not otherwise attempt. It is +evident that the noble earl himself sees that the consequence will be to +facilitate and increase the issues of the country banks. That will +augment all transactions; and the result must be a great increase of +prices, and the ruin of many individuals. Nothing of this kind would +happen, if the present system were continued; namely, if the bank of +England continued to issue the number of its notes which the necessity +of the public might seem to require; and by the regularity of its +proceedings give such a check to the issues of the country banks, as +should be calculated to establish a sound and healthy circulation. Under +the existing system, the bank would proceed so as to prevent the country +banks from giving credit, except in cases which justified the +accommodation, and the circulation and commerce of the country would +continue in a wholesome state. + +_August_ 23, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Wellington's reasons for supporting the Poor Law Amendment +Bill_. + +I concur with the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, and with the +noble lord opposite, as to the necessity of this measure. I agree, first +of all, in the existence of grievances consequent upon the existing +administration of the poor-laws, but I do not concur in the opinion +expressed by the noble and learned lord (the Lord Chancellor) in +disapproving of the provisions of the statute of Elizabeth; but I do +disapprove of a system of administration which differs in each and +every of the 12,000 parishes in this country, and in each of which +different and varied abuses have crept in. I maintain that it is +impossible for parliament to frame any law that can by possibility +remedy or apply to the abuses which prevail at the present +moment--abuses which are as varied in their character as they are +numerous. It is their general existence all over the country--it is +their existence in a different shape in every parish of the +kingdom--which renders the appointment of a central board absolutely +necessary, with powers to control the whole of the parishes in the land, +and to adopt such remedies as will secure a sure administration of these +laws throughout the country. If my noble friend, who has spoken in +opposition to this measure, had recently attended to parliamentary +business more assiduously than he has done, he would have found that the +subject has been submitted to the house by several noble lords, and has +also been under the consideration of every administration that I have +known; but no plan has ever been suggested, or scheme proposed, to +remove and remedy the evils of the existing laws, which in my judgment +at all equalled the present, and for it I must return the noble lord +opposite, with whom it has originated, my sincere thanks. The present +remedy for the evils of the existing laws is most unquestionably the +best that has ever been devised; at the same time I must observe, that +as the central board of commissioners must necessarily have very +extraordinary and full powers, it will be necessary that they should +keep such a record of their proceedings as shall render them liable to +the actual control at all times of the government and parliament of the +country. I doubt much whether the provisions of this bill give such a +controul to the government as will afford a full knowledge to the +parliament at all times of the course pursued by the commissioners; but +in committee on the bill, I shall consider whether some alteration is +not necessary, in order to make that control more active. There are +several other clauses in the bill which require much alteration and +modification. I entirely approve of the removal of the allowance system, +which is one of the greatest evils arising from the existing poor-laws; +but I am of opinion that it ought gradually and slowly to have been +destroyed, and without a fixed day for its termination being specified +in the bill. I would recommend that this clause should be left out, and +that power should be given to the commissioners to carry gradually such +alterations in this respect into effect, as to them may seem meet. + +_July 81,1834_. + + * * * * * + +_Tests no Security to Religion_. + +The noble duke, amongst other matters, has adverted to the union between +church and state, with respect to which he has made some observations +which are undoubtedly worthy of consideration, but to which I do not +intend, on this occasion, to offer any answer. I will, however, just +observe, that I apprehend what is generally meant by dissevering the +union of the church and state is, that there should be no established +religion. To that proposition, I trust it is superfluous for me to say +that I am a most decided opponent. It is, however, a subject which I +cannot now pretend to discuss. It is my opinion, that to leave religion +to rest upon the voluntary efforts of the people, is a notion which we +are not at present in a situation competent to entertain. It is so very +great a change, and so totally different from all that we know and +observe, that we are absolutely precluded, from want of experience, from +entering upon the consideration of the question. It is not a just +criterion, by which to form a judgment, to refer to the experience of +other nations--such as the existence of Christianity in Rome before it +became the established religion of the empire, or the existence of +religion in a country so distant and so unlike our own, in all its +circumstances, as the United states of North America. That, my lords, is +the opinion I entertain, and therefore I will no longer occupy your +lordships by any further discussion on this subject. I belong to the +church of England, and am a friend of that church, from feeling and from +conviction. I do not say that I have examined all her doctrines, or that +I am master of all the grounds upon which her rites and ceremonies +stand--I do not say that I am able to discuss with my noble friend those +one thousand questions, which Bishop Law said arose out of the +thirty-nine articles, but I believe her doctrines to be scriptural, and +I know her principles to be tolerant. But, my lords, I beg leave to say, +that I adopt those doctrines upon another ground, which perhaps may +expose me, with some in the present day, to censure. My lords, I espouse +those doctrines because they are the mode of faith delivered down to me +by my forefathers; and because they are the mode of faith which I find +established in my country. I am not prepared to remove the basis upon +which is founded (though it may be apart from) the structure of the +religion of my country. I do not think that such is the wish of the +majority of the dissenters; but, at all events, it seems to me a course +calculated to lead only to a state of general scepticism and universal +suspension of religion among the people. But while I say this for +myself--while I claim to found my attachment to my religion upon +principle, it is necessary that I should say precisely the same thing +for that great body of men who may be called the dissenters of England. +Their consent is rarely contemporaneous with the establishment of the +church of England herself. The dissenters from the church of England are +those who thought that the Reformation did not proceed far enough. Their +dissent did not show itself against the established church when in power +and prosperity; but the dissenters from that church grew up first when +the Roman Catholic religion was dominant in this country, and when both +the members of the new church of England and the dissenters were alike +suffering under persecution; therefore, it is a dissent founded on +principle. Considering the weight which dissent has in this country, and +considering the extent to which it prevails, many attempts have been, +from time to time, made, as we all know, at a religious comprehension of +all denominations of Christians in the body of the church. Such attempts +have been made by some of the greatest prelates that the church has +ever known. These attempts have all failed; but, surely in our days, it +may be thought wise to attempt at least a general civil comprehension of +all classes, by admitting them, if it be possible to do so, to those +benefits which are to be derived from the public institutions of the +country. + +I will not go into the foundations of the universities. I am not for +raising any quibble on that subject. I apprehend that they have grown +up, as all other institutions have done, very much from a series of +accidents, and the force of chances. One college has been founded by one +individual, and one by another; but, however they have grown up, they +have, in fact, become, and are now considered, as the national +seminaries of education. I would reserve to them, in every respect, +their corporate rights. I would respect them as places where the +religion of the country is taught, and professed; but undoubtedly I +would if possible, for the sake of general peace and union, and for the +sake of bringing together those who are now divided, try, with the +sanction and approbation of the universities themselves (and we know +perfectly well that most of their distinguished members are of opinion +that this can be done); I would, I say, try whether we could not open +the gates of these universities to that great body of this country, who +unfortunately dissent from the doctrines of the church of England. I +would not do so, however, rashly, nor with any violence to honest +prejudices, or to those well-intentioned feelings which some persons are +found to cherish. + +The noble duke has said that tests are no securities against the +admission of atheists or schismatics, and that a man may take them who +dissented from them, if he chose to stifle all his feelings of right and +wrong. But, my lords, I beg leave to say that tests are no security +against any man. It is impossible ever to have looked at the history of +religion in any state, or at any period, and not to feel that the test +laws have been the weakest ground upon which any faith could stand. Were +tests any security for the heathen religion against the vital spirit of +the heaven-descended energy of Christianity? Yet we are aware that every +act of the life of a heathen was in itself a test. He could not sit to +his meat, he could not retire to rest, he could not go through the most +simple transactions of life, without some act of acknowledgment offered +towards some heathen deity. Unless these observances were attended to by +the Christians, they were subject to the most cruel punishments, and yet +such means failed to preserve the dominant faith. In fact, it is well +known that one of the most violent persecutions of the Christians, +instituted by the Roman emperors, was followed, as it were, almost +immediately by the establishment of Christianity as the dominant +religion of the empire. Were tests any security to the Roman Catholic +religion, against the growing light and energy of the Protestant faith? +Tests of various kinds were adopted at the very moment the new doctrines +showed themselves, but it was soon found that they were vain and fragile +against the light and strength of the new doctrines. Were tests any +security to these very universities themselves? I have not looked very +deeply into this subject; I have no doubt that if I were to look closer +into it, I should find more instances of the sort; but I find that about +fourteen years after the establishment of King's College, in the +university of Cambridge, a decree was sent down there by King Henry VI., +admonishing the scholars, that is to say, in the language of the present +day, the fellows of that college, against the damnable and pernicious +errors (so it styled them), of John Wickliffe and Richard Peacock, and +denouncing the pains of expulsion from college, and perjury, against +those of them who should show any favour to those doctrines. Yet, in two +years after this, this very king's college became what, at that time was +called the most heretical, but which now, in our time, would be called +the most Protestant college in the university; and we know that these +doctrines thus fiercely denounced, and strongly guarded against by +tests, about fifty or sixty years afterwards became, by law, the +established religion of this country. It is upon her native +strength--upon her own truth--it is upon her spiritual character, and +upon the purity of her doctrines, that the Church of England rests. Let +her not, then, look for support in such aids as these. It is by these +means, and not by tests and proscriptions, that protestantism has been +maintained; let her be assured of this. + +_August 1, 1834._ + + * * * * * + + +_Cause of the dismissal of the Melbourne Administration in November, +1834._ + +I am not responsible for the dissolution of the late government. The +late government was dissolved from the absolute impossibility of its +going on any longer. When a noble earl (Spencer), whom I do not now see +in his place, was removed from the House of Commons, by the necessity of +taking his seat in this house, it was impossible for the late government +to go on. I will just desire your lordships to recollect that it was +stated by the noble earl (Grey), who so worthily filled the situation of +prime minister for nearly four years, when his noble colleague (Lord +Althorp), in the House of Commons, thought proper to resign, "that he +had lost his right hand, and that it had thus become absolutely +impossible for him to continue to carry on the government, or to serve +the Crown with honour or advantage." Not only did the noble earl make +this declaration of his inability to go on upon the retirement of his +noble colleague from his majesty's councils, but the noble viscount +opposite, himself, when he afterwards came to form his government, +stated that the noble earl (Spencer), having consented to retain his +office and position in the House of Commons, he was prepared to +undertake to preside over his majesty's councils, and carry on the +business of the country. But this was not all; for I happen to know +that, when the noble viscount found that he was likely to be deprived of +the services and assistance of that noble lord in the other house, he +felt that his administration would be placed in circumstances of the +greatest difficulty and embarrassment. Besides that, it was perfectly +well known to his majesty, that the influence of that noble lord in the +other house of parliament was the foundation on which the government to +which he was attached, reposed; and, that that support being removed, it +must fall. When, therefore, his majesty found that it was fairly put to +him whether he would consent to arrangements for the late government +proceeding as it best could, or whether he would consent to steps being +taken for the formation of another administration, it was surely natural +for his majesty to consider his own situation, and the situation in +which the late government was lately placed by the death of the late +Earl Spencer. + +_February 24, 1835_. + + * * * * * + +_Why the Duke of Wellington held so many offices_, ad interim, _in +November_, 1834. + +I gave his majesty the best advice which, under the circumstances of the +case, it appeared to me practicable to give. I advised his majesty to +send for that right hon. gentleman (Sir R. Peel), a member of the House +of Commons, who seemed to me to be the most fit and capable person to +place at the head of the new administration, as first lord of the +treasury. That right honourable gentleman was then in another part of +the world, and some time must necessarily elapse before it would be +possible that he could return to this country. It appeared to his +majesty and to myself, however, to be essentially necessary that, in the +meantime, the government should be taken possession of and +administered. This step I considered to be absolutely necessary, and I +also felt it to be absolutely necessary that, whoever might exercise the +authority of government in the interval, should take no step that might +embarrass or compromise the right honourable baronet on his return. It +was only on that ground that I accepted, for the time, of the offices of +first lord of the treasury, and secretary of state for the home +department. + +The noble viscount has made a little mistake in alleging that I was +appointed to three departments at once. He makes it a matter of charge +against me that I exercised the authority of the three secretaries of +state; but the noble viscount knows very well that the secretary of +state for the home department is competent, under certain circumstances, +to do so. It was for the public service, and the public convenience, and +no other reason whatever, that I, my lords, consented to hold, for a +time, the situations of first lord of the treasury, and secretary of +state for the home department. But I want to know whether this was, as +the noble viscount insinuates, an unprecedented act? When Mr. Canning +was secretary of state for the foreign department, he was appointed +first lord of the treasury. The latter office Mr. Canning received on +the 12th of April, and he did not resign the seals of the foreign +department until the 30th of that month. During the whole of that period +Mr. Canning discharged the duties both of secretary of state for foreign +affairs, and first lord of the treasury. My lords, I am quite aware +that there were at that period, two other secretaries of state, but the +fact is as I have stated it, that Mr. Canning exercised at the same +time; the functions both of first lord of the treasury, and secretary of +state for the foreign department. The transaction in my case was, +therefore, not unprecedented; and I must also say, that when the noble +viscount thought proper to blame me, as he did, he was bound to show +that my conduct, in that respect, had been attended with some evil or +inconvenient result. Now, it does not appear that it has been attended +with any such result. The fact is, that during the whole of the time +that I held the two offices. I cautiously avoided taking any step which +might be productive of subsequent embarrassment or inconvenience, and +when my right honourable friend took possession of his office, I can +undertake to say that he did not find himself compromised by any such +act. + +_February_ 24,1835. + + * * * * * + +_Lord Londonderry's appointment to the Embassy at St. Petersburgh._ + +My lords, having learned that it would not be disagreeable to my noble +friend to be employed in the public service, I did concur in the +recommendation, or rather, my lords, I did recommend to my right +honourable friend, Sir Robert Peel, that my noble friend should be +appointed ambassador to the court of St. Petersburgh. I made this +recommendation, founded as it was on my own personal knowledge of my +noble friend for many years past,--on the many great and important +military services he has performed, and on the fitness he has proved +himself to possess for such an appointment in those various diplomatic +employments he has filled during a long period of time; more +particularly at the court of Vienna, where for a period of nine years, +he performed most important services to the entire satisfaction of the +ministers who employed him, up to the last moment of his employment. He +returned from the discharge of that office, my lords, with the strongest +testimony of the approbation of the then secretary of state for foreign +affairs. I was aware, my lords, of the peculiar talents of my noble +friend in certain respects, for this particular office, and of his +consequent fitness for this very description of diplomatic employment, +especially on account of his being a military officer of high rank in +the service of this country, and of distinguished reputation in the +Russian army. I knew the peculiar advantages that must attach to an +individual conducting such an embassy on that account. Under these +circumstances, I was justified, my lords, in recommending my noble +friend, and I was glad to find that my right honourable friend concurred +in that recommendation, and that his majesty was pleased to approve of +it. I may also add, that the nomination of my noble friend having been +communicated in the usual manner to the court of St. Petersburgh, it was +received with approbation at that court. For all these reasons, my +lords, it was with the greatest regret I learned that this +nomination,--for it had gone no further than nomination,--was not +approved of in another place; for it is in consequence of that +expression of disapproval that my noble friend, with that delicacy of +feeling which belongs to his character, has declined the office. + +_March_ 16,1834. + + * * * * * + +_Prerogative of the Crown in appointing Ambassadors._ + +There can be no doubt whatever that there is no branch of the +prerogative of the crown greater, or more important, than that of +sending ambassadors to foreign courts; nor is there any branch of that +prerogative the unrestricted use of which ought to be kept more +inviolate. But, my lords, the ministers of the crown are responsible for +these nominations. They are also responsible for the instructions under +which my noble friend, or any other noble lord so nominated, is bound to +act. They are, moreover, responsible for the proper performance of these +duties on the part of those whom they select--to the other house of +parliament, and to the country at large. It is impossible, therefore, +for me to believe that the House of Commons would in this case proceed +so far as to interfere with that peculiar prerogative, and to say that +an individual who has been already nominated by the crown should not +fill the situation; inasmuch as, by so doing, the House of Commons would +not only be taking upon itself the nomination of the officer, and the +direction of the particular duties to be discharged by him--but would +also be relieving the minister from the constitutional responsibility of +the appointment. I do not think that sentiments of such a description, +on a subject of this delicacy and importance, are very general; and I +cannot bring myself to believe that a vote affirming such a violation of +the royal prerogative would have passed the House of Commons. + +_March 15,1835._ + +I + +_The Roman Catholics interested in maintaining the Established Church._ + +The great bulk of the Roman Catholics are as much interested as the +Protestants of the established church in maintaining the safety of the +established church. + +_June 10, 1835._ + + * * * * * + +_Defence of the Thirty-nine Articles._ + +I conceive that there is no cause to complain of the subscription to the +thirty-nine articles, as practised in Oxford. The explanation given by +the most reverend prelate is entirely borne out by the statues of the +university, and by the practice that prevails there; and this +explanation agrees entirely with that given by a right reverend prelate, +who was formerly head of one of the colleges at Oxford. It might, +perhaps, be desirable that some other test should be adopted to prove +that the individuals to be matriculated are members of the church of +England; the most important point is, that Cambridge and Oxford should +be filled only by members of the Church of England--upon that I consider +the whole question to rest. The noble earl said, in the course of the +discussion, that I advised your lordships not to consent to the bill +introduced last session; because, if you did, you would have to carry +to the foot of the throne a measure which would tend to subvert the +union between church and state. My meaning in so doing was neither more +nor less than this--that it was absolutely necessary that the +universities, founded as they are, should educate their members in the +religion of the church of England. Your lordships could not go to the +king, and ask his consent to a bill which had for its object to +establish in the university a system of education different from that of +the church of England, without attacking the very foundation of the +principle of the connexion between church and state. But the noble lord +says, the church herself does not exact subscription to the thirty-nine +articles from each individual. It is very true that the church of +England does not require subscription from her members, nor would the +university of Oxford require it, but as a proof that the person +subscribing was a member of that church, or of the family of a member +thereof. + +The noble earl stated that individuals might obtain admittance to the +universities both of Oxford and Cambridge, notwithstanding that they +were dissenters; but there is a great deal of difference between +casually admitting dissenters, and permitting them to enter into the +universities as a matter of right. I see no objection to the admission +of the few now admitted, who must submit to the regulations and +discipline of the university, and of its several colleges; but I do +object to the admission of dissenters into the universities by right; +and my reason for making this exception is, that I am exceedingly +desirous that the religion taught there should be the religion of the +church of England; and I confess I should be very apprehensive that, if +dissenters of all denominations were admitted by right, and they were +not under the necessity of submitting to the rules and regulations of +the several colleges, not only would the religion of the church of +England not to be taught there, but no kind of religion whatever. I +state this on the authority of a report which I have recently received +of the proceedings of an institution in this country for the instruction +of children of dissenting clergymen; from which it appears absolutely +impossible, for any length of time, to adhere to any creed, or any tenet +or doctrine in these seminaries, in which every doctrine is matter of +dispute and controversy. I was rather surprised to hear the noble +viscount opposite--a minister of the crown--express his preference for +polemical disputations in the universities. I should have thought that +he would have felt it to be his inclination, as well as duty, by all +means to protect the universities from such disputes, and from a system +fruitful in such controversies; and probably to end in a cessation of +any system of religion or religious instruction whatever, on account of +the different opinions of the members. + +_July_ 14,1835. + + * * * * * + +_University Tests rendered necessary by Toleration._ + +The tests in our universities are the children of the Reformation, which +the system of toleration wisely established in this country has +rendered still more necessary, if we intend to preserve the standard of +the religion of the church of England. If we open the door wide and say +"We will have no established religion at all--every man shall follow the +religion he chooses"--if, in a word, we have recourse to the voluntary +system,--then we must make up our minds to take the consequences which +must follow from the enactments of the bill and the polemical and other +controversial agitations to which it must lead. But, supposing the +object of the noble lord, to put an end to these tests, to be desirable, +I can conceive no mode of effecting this object so objectionable as the +interference by parliament with the privileges of the universities, +secured to them by charter and repeatedly acknowledged and confirmed by +parliament. + +_July_ 14 1835 + + * * * * * + +_Irish Clergy--their Depression by the Melbourne Government_. + +I do say that the Protestant people and clergy of Ireland have great +reason to complain of the want of protection to their rights and +properties manifested on the part of the government of this country; and +this is the cause of those disputes and those circumstances which the +noble lord opposite (Lord Melbourne) has complained of in the few words +he has addressed to the house on the subject. Far be it from me to wish +for the renewal of any dissensions in Ireland; and, God knows, I would +go any length, and do any thing in my power to put them down in the +extent to which they now exist; but we are mistaken if we suppose that +they can be put down by oppressing one party, or allowing one party to +oppress another, or by extinguishing--an extinction which for the last +three or four years you have attempted and are now about to +complete--that description of property in Ireland allotted to the +payment of the clergy. This is the circumstance which occasions the +present dissensions in Ireland, and which has induced the present +discussion in this house. The noble lord opposite cannot lament the +cause of such discussions more than I do; but if he be determined to do +his duty, let him give the protection of his majesty's government to the +Protestant clergy and people of Ireland, as he does not hesitate to do +in the case of other classes in that country; and the evils which he so +much deplores will soon cease to exist. + +_July_ 16, 1835. + + * * * * * + +_A Power of Revising Railway Acts ought to be Reserved by the +Legislature_. + +I certainly have a very strong feeling on the subject of all these +railways to be traversed by the aid of steam. I sincerely wish that all +these projects could prove successful; but, in proportion as they may be +successful, in the same proportion is it desirable that there should not +be a perpetual monopoly established in the country. Under these +circumstances, I have a strong feeling that it is desirable to insert in +all these bills some clause, to enable the government or the parliament +to revise the enactments contained in them at some future specific +period. I conceive that, by carrying these measures into execution, a +very great injustice is often done to many landed proprietors in the +country; and they are forced either to submit to great inconvenience, or +to contend against that inconvenience by incurring a very large expense, +both in this and the other house of parliament. If some measure of the +description to which I allude be not adopted, and if these railroads are +to become monopolies in the hands of present or of future proprietors, +we shall hereafter be only able to get the better of such monopolies by +forming fresh lines of road, to the farther detriment of the interests +of the landed proprietors, and at a great increase of expense and +inconvenience. These circumstances have most forcibly struck my mind. I +have had the subject under consideration for some days; I have conversed +with others respecting it; and it appears to me that some plan ought to +be devised in order to bring these railroads under the supervision of +parliament at some future period. I therefore am anxious that the +further proceedings in all these bills[18] should be suspended for a +short time, in order that I may propose some clause, or introduce some +measure, to meet the object to which I have referred. I think it is a +subject the consideration of which ought not to fall on any individual. +It is, I conceive, a matter which the government should take into its +especial consideration. I am, however, perfectly ready to share with the +government the responsibility of proposing such a measure to the house. + +[Footnote 18: Some railway bills before the Home of Lords.] + +_June_ 3,1836. + + * * * * * + +_Moderation of the Opposition in the House of Lords towards the +Melbourne Government_. + +From my own experience, I must take the liberty of observing, that I +consider the conduct pursued by noble lords on this side of the house, +throughout the present session, to have been marked with the utmost +moderation. For myself, I think I am correct in stating, that since the +address to the throne in answer to the king's speech, with the exception +only of one occasion, when I requested the noble viscount to postpone +the Corporations (Ireland) Bill till after the Easter holidays, I never +entered the house till after Easter. Since that period, I have certainly +taken part in the proceedings that have been going forward in the house, +and I have felt it my duty to oppose some of the measures of government; +but I think I shall be borne out when I say that I have accompanied the +vote which I have given with observations expressed in terms of great +moderation. I have acted on all occasions to the best of my opinion, and +in a way which I thought most calculated to be beneficial to the +country. The noble viscount has been pleased to taunt us for not having +addressed the king with a view to obtain his and his colleagues' removal +from the situations which they hold. If the noble viscount would look at +the manner in which they were appointed to office, if he would look at +the whole history for the last twelve months I think he would find +sufficient reason for our not having adopted that course of proceeding. +The noble viscount knows very well upon what ground he stands, and +knowing that, it would have been just as well in him if he had avoided +his taunts against us for not having asked the king to remove him from +office. I would take the liberty to recommend the noble viscount to +consider himself not as the minister of a democratic body in another +place, but as the minister of a sovereign in a limited monarchy, in a +country, great in point of extent, great in its possessions, and in the +various interests which it comprises; and that considering these +circumstances, he should, in future, concert such measures as he has +reason to think may pass with the approval and suit the general +interests of all,--meet the good will of all,--and not of one +particular party in one particular place only. If the noble viscount +will but follow that course for some little time, he will find no +difficulty in conducting the business of government in this house, but +will find every facility afforded him in forwarding measures of the +above description. I would beg the noble lord to recollect one fact, in +regard to the church of England, whether in England or Ireland. Let him +recollect that the avowed policy followed by this country during the +last three hundred years, has been to retain inviolable the church +establishment. We are called here to consult particularly for the good +of the church; and if the noble viscount brings forward any measures +relating to that subject, let him recollect that all measures of such a +kind must be discussed by us with that particular object in view. This +is not only the old feeling of this house of three hundred years' +standing, but it is that on which we acted no longer than eight or nine +years ago, when we had occasion to review the safeguards and general +landmarks whereby the church establishment of this country was defended. + +_August_ 18, 1836. + +_The Quadruple Treaty. Effects of our Intervention in Spain_. + +It is well known to your lordships that I was one of those who objected +to the treaty called the "Quadruple Treaty." It is perfectly true that I +was afterwards instrumental in carrying it into effect; because it was +my duty, in the situation in which I was placed at that time, to carry +into effect those treaties which his majesty had entered into, whether I +had originally approved of them or not. I cannot, therefore, now, +disapprove of the due execution of the quadruple treaty by others; nor +will I refuse my assent to the proposition that the measures which his +majesty has adopted in execution of the treaty are satisfactory as far +as we have any knowledge of them. If any measures should have been +adopted, not already provided for in the treaty, it will be our duty to +consider them calmly and dispassionately. Much discussion has taken +place in other countries with respect to the course pursued by other +members of this alliance, in the execution of this treaty. I must say, +that so far as I am enabled to form a judgment of the treaty, (and I +know nothing more than what appears on the face of the treaty itself) it +seems to me that it has been fairly executed by all the parties who +subscribed it. When I had the honour of serving his majesty in 1834, I +was called upon to state whether the treaty in question would be carried +into execution. I then stated what I understood was the meaning and +scope of the treaty;--viz. that there should be no armed intervention in +the internal affairs of Spain, which should tend to affect the +independence of that country. That was my sense of the treaty at the +time--it is my sense of the treaty at the present moment--it was so +understood by the other parties to the treaty. It was the understanding +of all parties that there should he no military intervention in the +internal affairs of Spain. This was the understanding of the treaty, and +in the month of November, 1834, this explanation was communicated and +was satisfactory to the Spanish government. + +I consider that the attempt by his majesty's government, aided even by +the strongest power in Europe, to force upon Spain any form of +government, must fail. Those who should make the attempt must take upon +themselves not only the expenses of their own army in a most expensive +contest, but those of the civil and military government of Spain; and +they must hold their position in Spain, and defray their expenses till +the new government should be settled and submitted to, and tranquillity +established in the country. I should like to see how the Commons House +of Parliament, or the Chamber of Deputies, would treat a proposition +that should call upon them to agree to a vote of money for any such +operation, for the purpose of forcibly imposing a liberal government on +Spain, or on any other country. I contend my lords, that this scheme is +absolutely impracticable. His majesty's ministers may rely on it, that +they have undertaken that which they never can perform; and that the +sooner they place themselves on the footing on which they ought strictly +to stand with reference to the quadruple alliance, the sooner will the +pacification of Spain, which we must all of us anxiously wish for, be +accomplished. I feel, for one, the strongest objection to anything like +interference with the internal affairs of the Peninsula. I object to it, +not only on account of the vast expense it must inevitably entail upon +this country, but still more so on account of the injury which it +inflicts on the parties existing in that state. Of my own certain +knowledge I can state, that the individuals composing these parties in +Spain, have actually been ruined, their properties confiscated, their +fortunes sacrificed, by the course which his majesty's government have +pursued. Acting under the assurances of his majesty's government, +individuals have adopted a certain line of conduct. They followed his +majesty's government, as a party in the state. His majesty's government, +thus acting, is obliged to move forward with the democratic movement The +unfortunate persons I have alluded to have, in consequence, been +abandoned, their fortunes sacrificed, and their prospects blighted for +ever. Events like these, my lords, which affect the character as well as +the influence of the country, inclined me to be more adverse to such +interference than I should be on the mere score of expense. I do not +mean to oppose the address, but in taking this course, I beg to be +clearly understood as not holding myself bound to approve of the +employment of any force beyond that stipulated for by the quadruple +treaty, which treaty parliament has recognised. + +_January_ 30,1837. + +_The Poor Law Act has surpassed his expectation_. + +My lords, I supported the bill while it was in this house; and having +given that support to the bill from being a witness to the evils, and +being apprehensive of the consequences likely to have attended the +former system, I conceive it to be my duty to come forward on this +occasion, and to state that this bill has surpassed any expectation +which I had formed of the benefits likely to result from it. The bill, +my lords, may require amendment in certain parts, and it appears that +his majesty's government have taken measures to ascertain what points in +the bill so require amendment. I, for one, am ready to pay the greatest +attention to the points which may be brought under the consideration of +this house. But I must say that I approve of the measure as far as it +has gone hitherto, and I have witnessed its operation. I do not talk of +what I have seen generally, I talk of the details of the management of +the bill, from having witnessed that management in different workhouses, +in different parts of the country in which I have resided; and I must +say that it has been practically beneficial, and particularly in cases +such as these. First of all, it has put the workman and his employer +upon a true and friendly footing of confidence. Then it has connected +the man of property, the man of the highest rank in his country, with +the lowest class, with the labouring class, by admitting such to the +board of Guardians. I can mention some noble lords, who are ornaments to +this house, and who constantly attend at the weekly meetings of the +guardians, being elected guardians by the parishes in the neighbourhood +in which they reside. No measure could be attended with better results, +and being convinced that it will effect still greater benefits, +sincerely thinking so, I should be ashamed if I did not step forward, +and at once avow my sentiments respecting it. I avow at once that I +supported the bill at the time his majesty's ministers proposed it--that +I do not repent of what I did on that occasion in so supporting it--but, +on the contrary, that I rejoice in the part I then took; and I now +congratulate his majesty's ministers on its success. + +_April_ 7, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_The Universities--their Education System the admiration of the World._ + +The working of all these colleges and of the system on which they are +regulated, is for the benefit of the public; and in each and every +college the object is to carry into execution the will of the founder, +just as it would probably have been had he lived to this period. In +every case the great object of the governing authorities is, to benefit +the public by the education of the youth who resort to these +institutions. The noble viscount (Melbourne) could not help admitting +that these institutions have worked well, and that latterly a great +improvement has taken place in the system of education pursued under +their auspices. The noble viscount has also spoken of the great +improvement in the system of education pursued in the new university of +Durham, and in other new universities elsewhere. But, nevertheless, the +noble viscount could not help admitting that the old universities of +Oxford and Cambridge possess the merit of having established in England +an excellent system of education, which is, in point of fact, the envy +and admiration of the world. + +_April_ 11, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_The Quadruple Treaty condemned_. + +My lords, I must confess that I did not approve of the original +Quadruple Treaty. I considered it inconsistent with the ancient +principle and the policy and practice adopted in this country with +regard to Portugal, to avoid to interfere in the disputes between the +two princes of the House of Braganza, which had been the policy of this +country for many years. It sanctioned the introduction of Spanish troops +into Portugal, which measure was inconsistent with our defensive +relations with Portugal, and which had been objected to and prevented in +that very contest between the rival princes of the House of Braganza. +Yet it gave no fresh assistance to bring the contests in Portugal to a +conclusion, excepting the promise to give the aid of this country by the +employment of a naval force in co-operation with the Spanish and +Portuguese troops, which aid was not necessary. Another objection which +I entertained to the Quadruple Treaty was, that it mixed up France and +this country in the offers and promises made to Don Carlos and Don +Miguel, in the fifth and sixth articles of the treaty. These powers +became, in fact, guarantees for the performance of these engagements, as +well as for the performance of the engagements made under the same +articles of the treaty to the subjects of Portugal and Spain. It is +impossible to describe the inconvenience of such articles; they require +the interference of government in hundreds of little questions. I have +felt the inconvenience of those articles since their adoption; I stated +my objections to them at the time, and I have seen no reason, since, to +alter the opinions I then formed. + +_April_ 21, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Effects of the Additional Articles to the Quadruple Treaty._ + +By the first of the additional articles to the treaty, the King of the +French obliged himself to take such measures in those parts of his +dominions which adjoined to Spain, as might be calculated to prevent +succours of men, arms, and warlike stores being sent from France into +Spain; and the King of Great Britain engaged, under the second of the +said additional articles, to furnish such arms and warlike stores as her +majesty the Queen of Spain might require; and further to assist her +majesty with a naval force if necessary. The Duke of Braganza was to +give his best assistance to serve her majesty, that he might be called +upon to render. So that those additional articles were essentially +different from the terms and provisions of the original treaty, by which +the removal of the two princes from Portugal was effected. I do not mean +to say, that, in the preamble to that treaty, allusion is not made to +the affairs both of Spain and Portugal, but there still is a remarkable +difference between the words used in the treaty and the additional +articles; and moat particularly in relation to the part to be taken by +this country. + +_April_ 21, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_The Legion and the Stock Exchange.--Impotency of our interference_. + +I contend, as I have before contended in this house, that his majesty's +present ministers (Lord Melbourne's government) ought not to have +departed from the position which the previous administration had +established while they were in power. I will not pretend to say what +would have been the result of their following out that course, but this +I do say, that the course pursued by his lordship's government has not +benefited the military or the financial affairs of Spain, or promoted +the peace of that country or the general tranquillity of Europe, or +attained any of the political advantages which the noble viscount boasts +have been attained by his departure from that position which the +previous government had occupied and left to their successors. But, my +lords, it did unfortunately happen that certain parties in this country +had been connected with the Spanish finances; and it was important to +those parties that the red coats should make their appearance in Spain, +and that the name of "Great Britain," and of the British legion, should +be mixed up in the operations of the war. Money was raised in this +country to defray the expense of the equipment of the "Legion," as it +was called, of 10,000 or 12,000 men, and also of their pay, their food, +and maintenance, for a certain number of months; and the noble lords, in +order that this scheme might be carried into execution, gave their +consent to the order in council for the suspension of the Foreign +Enlistment Act. The corps gathered in this country, and went to Spain, +in the spring of the year 1835, nearly two years ago. Their first +operation upon their arrival at St. Sebastian, was a march over the very +same ground to the very spot which was the scene of the late disaster. +My lords, up to that moment, the Eliot convention, as it is most +honourably and justly called, had been carried into execution. It was on +that day departed from on both sides, and from that day to this, I +firmly believe, from all I have seen and read,--and I have read much on +the subject within the last few days--there has been no certainty in the +execution of that convention. Not only has there been no certainty in +the execution of that convention, but, notwithstanding the millions of +money that Spain has expended,--notwithstanding the blood which has been +shed and the number of lives that have been lost,--I will venture to +say, that the military affairs of the Queen of Spain are in a worse +condition now than they were in the month of May, 1835. + +The whole of the policy of the British government, therefore; all the +operations of the British legion, backed by the British squadron; have +effected nothing more nor less towards putting an end to the war, and +giving peace to Spain and to Europe, than the removal of the blockade of +St. Sebastian from one point to another, so as not to come within the +liability of being affected by the 68-pounders of the British steamers, +under the command of Lord John Hay. + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Uselessness of the operations of the Legion, and Lord John Hay's +Squadron, at St. Sebastian_. + +If the noble lord supposes that the safety of St. Sebastian had been +more or less endangered by the blockade, I can assure him that he is +much mistaken; for, from what I know of that fortified town, which is +one of the first or second order in Europe, I can take upon myself to +say that the Carlists might have been left in their original position +without any danger whatever to the town, because they could not make an +attack upon such a fortress. In the whole course of the war they have +not, to my knowledge, taken by an attack any fortified post; or even any +open town of any magnitude, prepared for its defence. They could not +have distressed St. Sebastian for provisions, because its communication +with the sea could not be prevented. I say, it could not be prevented, +even if the whole British fleet were blockading it, instead of being +there to relieve it. The amount of inconvenience felt in the town from +the Carlist force being in the neighbourhood, was neither more nor less +than the unpleasantness of ladies and gentlemen, residing there, being +prevented taking their evening walks in the neighbourhood. This is the +whole amount of the inconvenience from which the town was relieved. This +was the whole amount of the service rendered. + +_April_ 21,1837. + +_Strictures on General Evans_. + +My lords, I will go a little further. I will say, that I firmly believe +that the connexion between the legion and the fleet has been injurious +to the military operations of the queen of Spain's generals. That is my +decided opinion, founded upon my knowledge of the nature of the country, +and of the position of both parties. My lords, there is one point to +which I refer; that is, the want of communication between the Queen of +Spain's generals, which can be relied upon. If corps of the size of +those now employed are not actually joined, there must be a certain +communication between them; for, without communication there can be no +co-operation; and any attempt at co-operation would, in my opinion, in +all probability, lead to disasters such as have recently taken place at +Hernani. How are these troops situated? General Evans's troops are at +St. Sebastian; General Saarsfield is at the other side of the Borunda, +at Pampeluna; and Espartero, with his army, is at Bilboa. It is +impossible that there can be any communication between these three, +except by the French frontier, and by sea from Socoa, or by the Ebro. An +arrangement is made for an attack, and a day named. What was the +consequence? General Evans made an attack, but General Saarsfield, at +Pampeluna, does not attack; there is a frost or snow, or rain, or some +physical impediment which prevents a movement on the part of Saarsfield. +General Evans cannot be informed in time, and the enemy has opportunity +and leisure to throw his whole force upon General Evans; who, even if +the troops had behaved well, would have been compelled to retire. The +position, therefore, of the legion at St. Sebastian, in order to +co-operate with the British squadron, that there might be something like +British co-operation, was not an operation of war, it was one of +stock-jobbing. My lords, it is a matter of much surprise to me, that +General Evans, who, having acquired the confidence of his majesty's +government, and that of the Queen of Spain, I presume must be an able +man--it is, certainly, a surprising circumstance, that having had +experience of the difficulties of carrying on communication in that +country, and having met with a check in the month of January, 1836, for +want of communication, he should not have felt the danger of his +position, and should have omitted to put himself in communication to a +certainty with corps in whose co-operation he was to act, instead of +keeping himself at a distance, in order that he might carry on +operations in concert with his majesty's fleet. + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Undisciplined state of the Legion_. + +The noble lord has stated that he will not recall the marines. I would +beg to remind your lordships, and the noble viscount in particular, of +this fact--that the marines are properly the garrisons of his majesty's +ships, and that upon no pretence ought they to be moved from a fair and +safe communication with the ships to which they belong. The noble lord +states, that he is responsible, and that he will take upon himself the +responsibility. I have commanded his majesty's armies, and have incurred +as many risks, and faced more difficulties than, I hope, the noble lord +will ever have to encounter. I have been engaged in hostilities of this +description, where co-operation was carried on upon the coast; and +though I certainly would do as much for the service, and I believe I may +say, have done as much for the service, as the noble lord, yet I would +not venture, and have never ventured, to put any corps whatever in +co-operation with the Spaniards, or in any situation whatever in which +the detached troops could not communicate with the corps from which they +were detached; and, above all, upon the sea-coast, where the troops +detached could not hold communication with the ships. The first order to +each of these detachments was, to keep the communication with their +ships. The loss of 400 or 500 marines may not materially involve the +honour of this country, but the lives of the men ought not to be +endangered, as they must be, if care be not taken that they should have +a communication with a point of safety, without some very extraordinary +cause. We hear of the operations of the marines with the Austrians. But +the Spanish troops, and particularly the British legion, are not the +Austrians. I cannot consider this corps of General Evans to be in a +state of discipline and subordination, such as a body of troops ought to +be in, with which his majesty's marine forces ought to be connected. +They have suffered very considerably; their losses have been great, and +have affected their subordination, their good order and discipline, +particularly in the presence of an enemy. A disaster or panic may occur +among the best troops; but among such, order can be re-established. It +does not appear that these are in the state in which they ought to be, +to render it safe to co-operate with them. No efforts of their officers +can, in such cases, have any effect upon them. + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Intervention, if at all, should be on a National Scale_. + +The noble viscount says that we are carrying on these operations with +the object of maintaining the peace of Europe; and these objects are, +more especially, put forth in a pamphlet which is attributed to a +colleague of the noble viscount, who has applauded his opinions, if he +has not gone further, and adopted them as his own. Is the noble lord +desirous, in accordance with the policy so set forth, to press upon the +nation the adoption of the system of a general combination of the powers +of the west, upon principles offensive as well as defensive, against the +powers of the north and east of Europe? If so momentous an affair and +such a course are seriously contemplated, they should not be commenced +by stealth, but in a manner worthy of the character of a great nation +like Great Britain. It is not by allowing Spain to raise a legion here +in the first instance, and afterwards by sending a few hundred marines, +that any really important object can be accomplished. But if the noble +lords are in earnest, a message should be sent to parliament, and the +support of the country should be called for, to this new scheme of +policy; and a commanding force should be sent, in order to carry it into +execution. But I recommend the noble viscount well to consider the +length of time which must elapse before these operations can be brought +to a conclusion; the expense which must, in the first instance, be +incurred; and the lengthened period which must elapse before the troops +can be withdrawn, and the other expenses can be discontinued, which must +be incurred if this scheme be undertaken. The noble lord must establish +a government in Spain; he must have the assistance of a Spanish army; +and he must pay, equip, and provide for, not only his majesty's troops, +but every Spanish officer and soldier employed in the settlement of the +government of the country. It may be said, that there are financial +resources in Spain; but I am much mistaken, regarding the state of the +Spanish military establishments and Spanish finances, if there are not +non-effective establishments, such as pensions, retired allowances, +expenses of garrisons, and others, which will consume the whole of the +pecuniary resources of Spain, however well managed, even without +including the interest of the existing debt. I think that, if this +country should have this matter fairly brought under its view, it would +not be thought advisable to enter upon the scheme proposed in this +pamphlet. But we are told that France ought to act this part; and that +we ought to give France our moral support. France act! At whose expense? +France would have the same difficulties--nay, greater difficulties--than +this country. Is it intended that we are to subsidise France? No such +thing; we are to assist with our ships and marines on the coast, but it +is France that is to carry on the operations in the interior, and pay +this expense. Is it believed that Louis Philippe has lost his senses? If +we cannot expect that France will pay all this expense, what is to +become of the integrity of the Spanish dominions, and the independence +of the Spanish government, after the operations shall he concluded? + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Necessity of Conciliating the Protestants of Ireland_. + +My anxious wish, my lords, has always been--and I have frankly stated it +more than once in my place in this house--that the Protestants of +Ireland should be on the best terms with the government of this country, +and that the government should give them every protection and support in +its power. My firm opinion is, that the safety of this country in +connection with Ireland, the safety of the union, the permanence of the +union, and, indeed, the honour of the empire, all depend, in a great +measure, if not entirely, on the good understanding which may subsist +between the government and the Protestants of Ireland. I am also certain +that the prosperity of the Protestants in Ireland, and the safety of +their persons, of their riches, and of everything dear to men, depend on +their being on terms of good understanding with the government; but that +things will not go on as they ought to go on, until government induces +the Protestants of that country to return to that good understanding. +That has been my opinion ever since the commencement of these +unfortunate dissensions, seven years ago; and I should be sorry to say, +this evening, one word which might be calculated to increase the +irritation now existing between both these parties. The noble viscount +(Melbourne) has admitted that the Protestants of Ireland have great +reason to feel the awkwardness of their present position, and to +entertain jealousy of the government; and I must own that the noble +viscount, instead of aggravating that description of feeling which he +admits the Protestants of Ireland ought to have, should use, as I +conceive, every exertion in his power to conciliate them, and to make +them feel that they may depend upon the government for the protection of +their lives and property, and that they will not be sacrificed to those +who are preaching up sedition against the institutions of their country, +and insurrections against the persons and property of her people. These +Protestants are in number not less than 2,000,000. I believe they hold, +my lords, about nine-tenths of the property of Ireland; and I am sure +that they are persons of the best education and of the best conduct in +that country. I believe that the province in which they reside is as +well cultivated and as well conducted in every respect as any portion of +England; and the inhabitants of it deserve on every account all the +protection which the government can afford them. Let us see, my lords, +whether they have not reason to feel jealousy of the government in +consequence of the transactions of the last few years. Look at the total +destruction of the property of tithe--look at the treatment of their +church--look at the various occurrences which have taken place, and see +whether they have not reason to apprehend that there is a latent +intention of putting down the Protestant livings in Ireland, and of +substituting a voluntary system in place of their present church +establishment. Do you suppose that men of their description do not +calculate on the events which are likely to happen? Do you suppose that +they do not read the history of past times? We have heard the noble +viscount talking of the history of the year 1782, and of the year 1798, +and of various other transactions. Let us look at the letters of Henry +Lord Clarendon, formerly chief governor of Ireland; and, having looked +at them, let any man ask himself whether the Protestants of Ireland have +not a right to conceive that matters are advancing rapidly to the state +described by that noble personage, and whether the same description of +power is not now growing up which exercised so enormous an influence on +the government of his day. I consider that the statements made by the +different peers who have spoken to night from this (the conservative) +side of the house ought to have, and I trust they will have, a powerful +effect on the Protestant mind of this country. At the same time that +these statements are brought forward, and the facts are made known to +the public, showing that neither property nor life is secure in Ireland, +his majesty comes down to parliament with a speech, in which he says, +"Ireland is in a state of tranquillity;" and yet there is not one +gentleman residing in Ireland who was not aware, when that speech was +delivered, that a general association had been formed and was in +existence in Dublin for the sole purpose of agitation--of that agitation +which, as Lord Wellesley told the country, was the cause of disturbances +as undoubtedly as any one circumstance ever was the cause of another. Do +your lordships suppose that the Protestants of Ireland are not aware of +that fact? + +_April_ 28,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Lord Normanby's Gaol Deliveries_. + +What was the next step of which the Protestants of Ireland complained? +The lord lieutenant, they say, went into the country, from place to +place, without having any communication either with the judges or with +the magistrates;--and that is a fact on which I greatly rely--the lord +lieutenant, they say, released at every county gaol which he visited a +certain number of prisoners. I have said, that the Protestants of +Ireland have a very peculiar interest in the impartial administration of +the law, and in the tranquillity of the country, because they form the +great body of its landed proprietors. They must look at such a +transaction with jealousy; and if there had been no circumstances +connected with such a transaction save those which have been stated this +evening, it must, I think, be admitted, that if the conduct of the lord +lieutenant was not without precedent (and I believe that no precedent +can he found for it) it has yet been still of such rare occurrence that +it ought never to be repeated. I do not mean to say that this power of +enlarging prisoners has never been exercised, but I maintain that it had +never previously been exercised in such a manner. I do not pretend to be +acquainted with the technicalities of the law on this subject; but it +occurs to me that several of the persons who have been released in this +peculiar manner by the lord lieutenant, had surely been guilty of +felony. I do not know exactly what the state of the law is, at present, +upon this subject, but I apprehend that persons who have been found +guilty of felony ought to have some document conveying their pardon, or +in default of its production they become, I believe, liable to certain +fines and forfeitures. But in the present case persons guilty of felony +have been enlarged without any writing at all, at the simple order of +the lord lieutenant, I must say, that a proceeding of this sort is +highly irregular, and that it is such an exercise of power as a lord +lieutenant in the ordinary discharge of his duty ought not to repeat; +and further, that this was an exercise of power which was most likely to +produce a very pernicious effect on the minds of the Protestants of +Ireland. + +_April_ 28, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Objections to the Irish Corporations Bill of 1837_. + +I stated, on a former occasion, that these corporations existed in +their present shape, and were brought to their present state, +principally with a view to the support and protection of the religion of +the Church of England established in Ireland. Whatever may be done with +respect to these corporations for the future, in my opinion that object +ought never to be lost sight of. It may be doubted, from what has lately +occurred in this country, whether that opinion is so unanimously adopted +as it was in former years; but I may venture to say, the support of the +Church of England in Ireland is still the policy of this country--the +policy which his majesty is sworn to maintain--the policy which this +house is called, by writs of summons, to uphold--the policy which every +member of this, or the other house of parliament, is sworn to uphold by +the oaths which he has voluntarily taken. Under these circumstances, I +think I may safely say that, according to the ancient constitution, +according to the modern constitution, according to the uniform policy of +this country for the last 300 years, the maintenance of the Church of +England in Ireland forms a prominent and important point of legislative +concern. Looking to this bill now under consideration, in relation +principally to that policy, it goes undoubtedly to establish a very +large number of corporations in Ireland, the mode of their formation +being to give votes to the very lowest class of the population of the +towns in which these corporations are to be formed. This is to be done, +not upon evidence of their possessing property--not, as in England, upon +residence, upon the payment of rates, or on the evidence of their +possessing anything in the nature of property; but simply on the +condition that the parties possess a 5l. or a 10l. qualification, made +up of all kinds and descriptions of property put together, and this +without any proof whatever, excepting the oath of the parties +themselves, of their possessing even that qualification. It is well +known to your lordships that a system of perjury prevails in all parts +of Ireland, with a view to establish franchise of this description. I +have recently seen accounts of enquiries before select committees in +certain parliamentary elections which have taken place in that country, +and it is impossible to glance at them without being impressed with the +conviction that, if any description of franchise depend solely on the +oaths of the holders, every species of enquiry will be nugatory; and it +will be just as wise to establish at once a system of universal +suffrage, as to establish a system of franchise in such a manner. These +corporations, thus formed by persons holding a franchise of this +description, acquired solely by their own swearing, and without any +evidence whatever of their possessing any property except their own +oaths, establish a system upon which no reliance can be placed, and on +which no establishment whatever can safely depend. If your lordships +want any proof of the danger to the church of Ireland by the +establishment of corporations of this description, I will refer your +lordships to the declarations, I would not say of those who are the +declared enemies, but I must say, the strongest opponents of the church, +and who are found, on every occasion, making the greatest possible +exertions against the church in Ireland, These persons are heard +declaring publicly and repeatedly, almost under the very view of the +government--"Give us but this corporation bill, and all the rest must +follow." If there be any doubt about it, I beg to say, I shall not be +disposed to listen to the threats of any man; but when my own senses +convince me that such must be the result, I mean danger to the +establishment, I do say it is my duty to attend to warnings of the +description to which I have adverted. + +_May 5, 1837._ + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on King William the Fourth._ + +I have served his late majesty in the highest situations; I have been in +his council as well as the noble viscount (Melbourne). I, indeed, did +not serve him so long as the noble viscount, or even under any such +prosperous circumstances as the noble viscount; but I have had +opportunities of witnessing, under all these circumstances, the personal +advantages of character so ably described by the noble viscount. It has +fallen to my lot to serve his majesty at different periods, and in +different capacities; and, while I had the happiness of doing so, upon +all those occasions I have witnessed not only all the virtues ascribed +to him by the noble viscount, but likewise a firmness, a discretion, a +candour, a justice, and a spirit of conciliation towards others,--a +respect for all. Probably there never was a sovereign who, in such +circumstances and encompassed by so many difficulties, more successfully +met them than he did upon every occasion on which he had to engage +them. I was induced to serve his majesty, not only from my sense of +duty--not alone from the feeling that the sovereign of this country has +the right to command my services in any situation in which it might be +considered that I might be of use--but from a feeling of gratitude to +his majesty for favours, for personal distinctions, conferred upon me, +notwithstanding that I had been unfortunately in the position of +opposing myself to his majesty's views and intentions when he was +employed in a high situation under government,[19] and in consequence of +which he had to resign that great office which he must, beyond all +others, have been most anxious to retain. Notwithstanding that, my +lords, he employed me in his service; and he, as a sovereign, manifested +towards me a kindness, condescension, and favour, which, so long as I +live, I never can forget. I considered myself, then, not only bound by +duty, and the sense I felt of gratitude to all the sovereigns of this +country, under whom I had lived, but more especially towards his late +majesty, to relieve him from every difficulty I could, under any +circumstances. + +[Footnote 19: William the Fourth, when Duke of Clarence, was under the +necessity of resigning the office of Lord High Admiral, while the Duke +of Wellington was premier.] + +_June_ 22, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Agrarian Disturbances in Ireland are earned by Political Agitation_. + +The noble earl opposite has stated, that the tranquillity mentioned in +her majesty's speech from the throne, on opening the present parliament, +was not intended to mean judicial or agrarian tranquillity, but +political tranquillity. And what is the sort of political tranquillity +existing in Ireland? I believe that a very few days before the speech in +which the word tranquillity is used was delivered, the association which +was assembled in the capital of Ireland, under the eyes of the noble +earl opposite, was dissolved; but, at the same time, her majesty was +given to understand, that she was not to have the choice of her +ministers, but that they must be selected by the gentleman who was the +founder and the head of that association. Now, to talk of +tranquillity--political tranquillity--in any part of that country, +looking at the situation in which it is placed, is vague and idle. The +noble earl has said, that the agrarian disturbances in Ireland are not +to be attributed to political agitation. Now, one of the greatest +authorities that ever appeared in this or any other country--a noble +relation of mine--stated, that "agrarian disturbances in Ireland were to +be attributed to political agitation, and to nothing else, as much as +effect was to be attributed to cause in any instance whatever." I say, +then, that in Ireland they have agrarian disturbances because they have +political agitations. + +_November_ 27, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Principle of Imprisonment for Debt_. + +One of the causes of debts being incurred in this country is, in a great +degree, the power which creditors at present possess to arrest their +debtors upon _mesne_ process; and I still further believe that it is the +facility which is thus given of obtaining credit, that has been the +cause of the great mercantile prosperity of the country. The enormous +transactions upon credit are such, that both individuals and the public +generally, require further means of recovering debts than exist in +other countries. + +_December_ 5,1837. + +_The Case of Dr. Hampden_. + +The late king was advised to appoint that gentleman to be Regius +Professor of Divinity in the university of Oxford. There can be no doubt +that the general opinion of the university was, that that gentleman's +theological tenets were not exactly orthodox, or consistent with the +articles of the church of England,--an opinion which the publication of +certain works by that gentleman has tended to establish. + +Several persons in the university considered it their duty to petition +his majesty, praying, if the appointment had not been completed, that he +would not make it. I believe that another address was presented to his +majesty, entreating his majesty not to sanction that appointment, which, +however, was made, contrary to the views of the university at large; and +a short time afterwards, Dr. Hampden thought right, in his inaugural +lecture, to state that he then felt it his duty to explain the opinions +which had been complained of. I do not pretend to be a judge either of +those opinions or that explanation; but this I will venture to say, and +I believe your lordships will concur in the opinion, that in proportion +as Dr. Hampden found it necessary to give an explanation of his +sentiments, in the same proportion were those justified who thought +proper to disapprove of them. I believe it will be admitted that, if a +clergyman who published certain opinions, not being orthodox, thought +proper to come forward and explain those opinions, at least they who +were opposed to such opinions had some justification, on their being +repeated, for the course they had taken in disapproving of them. This is +all I wish to say respecting the opinions and explanation of Dr. +Hampden. His appointment having been made, notwithstanding the petition +of a vast number of the clergy of Oxford, and the general opinion +expressed there that it should not be made, a request was preferred to +the heads of houses that they would propose some measure to the +convocation which would have the effect of marking the disapprobation on +the part of that body of the opinions and appointment of Dr. Hampden. +The noble earl has alluded to the act of convocation excluding Dr. +Hampden from being one of those to appoint the select preachers, and +also from sitting at the board of heresy. I am not disposed to say +anything against Dr. Hampden; but this I must say, that, considering the +whole transaction, my opinion is, the convocation did as little upon +that occasion as it was possible to do, consistently with the necessity +which existed of taking some notice of that gentleman, his opinions and +conduct. Since that period, I really believe that the university, and +the bishops of the church of England, and all the persons who have any +influence on this question, have done everything in their power to put +it down, and prevent it becoming a subject of discussion, even in the +university or elsewhere. For myself, I can say, I have invariably +pursued that course, it being my object to prevent any discussion on the +matter; and I never should have mentioned it, here or elsewhere, +publicly, if the noble earl had not forced it upon me on the present +occasion. I certainly lament the transaction, principally because I +consider it is likely to produce a schism in the church; and I have been +as anxious as any man can be in my situation, to prevent the university +from proceeding on the subject in such a manner as may, by possibility, +lead to that result. + +The noble earl adverted to the conduct of a gentleman who is now +vice-chancellor of the university, and who has, in his capacity of head +of a house, prohibited the attendance of the students in divinity upon +the lectures of the Regius Professor. I do not at all pretend to be +competent to mark the difference between the private and public lectures +of the Regius Professor; but I certainly do not approve of the course +taken by that gentleman. In my opinion, the question is not one to be +considered by the head of a house; for, in fact, no ordination can be +conferred by him or the Regius Professor of Divinity. Ordination can +only be conferred by the bishops of the church; and whether the students +attend the lectures of the Regius Professor of Divinity, or those of the +Margaret Professor, or of any other professor, I will say, it is the +duty of the bishops of the church to consider who are the persons coming +for ordination, and whether they are qualified or not, without taking +into consideration the certificates of the Regius Professor of Divinity, +the head of a house, or any other individual. It is, I contend, the +duty of the bishops to examine into the subject themselves, without +reference to the certificate of any individual whatever. I must observe, +however, with regard to the course adopted by the vice-chancellor, that +I am thoroughly convinced, not only from what that gentleman has stated +to me, but from my knowledge of that gentleman's conduct, and his +character for candour and fairness, that he had the very wisest motives +in pursuing that course, from which he departed as soon as he found that +the bishops of the church had determined upon observing a different +line, conceiving that he was then relieved from all charge and +responsibility in the situation which he held. Such is the history of +that transaction; and I have only to say, with respect to that +gentleman, and with respect to others of the university of Oxford, that +it was their anxious wish and desire to avoid taking any step in +reference to Dr. Hampden, lest it should, in any manner whatever, lead +to what they would consider the greatest possible misfortune--a schism +in the church. + +_December_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +A great country cannot wage a little war. + +_January_ 16, 1838. + + * * * * * + +_Conduct of the Canadian Leaders._ + +I differ entirely from the noble and learned lord in thinking that the +act of 1831 established the British constitution in Canada, for it is +not consistent with the British constitution to leave the civil +government of the country--and especially to leave the judges of the +land--to be provided for by an annual vote of the parliament. I say, my +lords, that the British constitution, for the last hundred and fifty +years at least, has made a fixed and not uncertain provision for +supporting the dignity of the crown, for meeting the expenses attendant +on the administration of the civil government, and most particularly for +the independence of the judges of the land. But is that the state of +things in Lower Canada? No. I maintain that the act of 1831 did not +establish the British constitution in the colonies of Upper and Lower +Canada, but something quite distinct; for it gave to the people a +popular representation, which, in my opinion, is the cause of all the +disputes that have followed, and of the insurrection which has taken +place. It gave individuals the power to create prejudices in the minds +of the people, to weaken the loyalty of the Canadians, and to raise them +in hostility against her majesty's crown and government. And what has +been the object of these individuals in the course which they have +pursued? They have supposed that, by creating dissatisfaction amongst +the people, they could thereby throw off the authority of the crown; +and, by gathering the people around them, overturn the government +established in the colony. Such have been the objects of those +individuals who have been seen running off to the neighbouring +territories of the United States as soon as they found their own persons +exposed to danger. This turned out to be the real state of the case; for +the would-be leaders left the unfortunate people in a state of rebellion +against her majesty's government, and ran off themselves, letting the +unlucky inhabitants return to their houses as best they could; and +forcing them to submit, with the best grace they might, to the mercy of +her majesty's government. + +_January 18, 1838._ + +_Evils of popular Rights_. + +I warned the noble lord against endangering the establishments of the +country, by giving anything like an authority to a popular assembly to +withhold the funds necessary for carrying on the civil government; for +nothing is more needful to a country than to uphold the civil power, and +the independence--as well pecuniary as political--of the judges of the +land. And let noble lords learn, from the events in Canada, and other +dominions in North America, what it is to hold forth what are called +"popular rights," but which are not popular rights either here or +elsewhere; and what occasion is thereby given to the perpetuation of a +system of agitation which ends in insurrection and rebellion, and the +coming to blows with her majesty's troops. + +_January_ 18,1838. + + * * * * * + +_Importance of reducing the Canadian Rebels_. + +I confess, my lords, that I have a feeling for the honour of my country, +and I cannot but believe that if, by any misfortune, we should fail in +restoring peace in Lower Canada, at an early period of time, we shall +receive a blow, with respect to our military character, to our +reputation, and to our honour, of which it will require years to enable +us to remove the effects. + +_January_ 18,1838. + + * * * * * + +_An Elective Legislative Council in Canada deprecated_. + +My lords, there is one topic which has been adverted to by the noble and +learned lord (Lord Brougham), upon which I think it necessary to say a +word, although it is not alluded to in the address, and will more +properly form a subject of the discussion on the bill which is to be +brought in upon some future day--and that is the establishment in Lower +Canada of an elective legislative council. The noble and learned lord, +with all his knowledge of Lower Canada, has not, in my opinion, +sufficiently adverted to the fact of the difference of the two races of +inhabitants in that country. My lords, it may be easy to talk, here, of +establishing an elective council, but if the noble and learned lord will +look into the discussions which have taken place upon that subject, and +to the opinions that have been delivered upon it by the different +parties, in that colony, he will find that British inhabitants are to +the full as much opposed to that arrangement as the French are in favour +of it, he will find that in point of fact, they would be in a state of +insurrection against that arrangement, in the same degree as the French +are now supposed to be in a state of insurrection in favour of an +elective legislative council. I will likewise beg the noble and learned +lord, and I would entreat the noble viscount opposite, and every member +of her majesty's government, to attend to this fact, that an elective +legislative council is not the constitution of the British monarchy; +that a legislative council appointed by the monarch is the constitution +of this country; that this was so stated in the discussions upon the +bill passed in the year 1791, by all the great authorities who discussed +that measure, amongst others by Mr. Fox himself. That gentleman said, +"that a legislative council, appointed by the monarch, is an essential +part of the British constitution." + +_January_ 18, 1838. + +_Concessions to Democracy cannot be rescinded._ + +Your lordships ought also to recollect that, since the passing of the +reform bill, the taxes required from householders paying 10l. of yearly +rent have been greatly reduced, and I believe that the poor-rates have +also been diminished. These reductions have afforded great relief to +that particular class of persons, greater than has been given to any +other portion of society; and I think that, under the circumstances, the +amount of qualification ought not to be further diminished, for, if it +be, a worse description of electors will be the inevitable consequence. +I perfectly recollect that a noble friend of mine, whom I do not now see +in his place, warned your lordships, on a former occasion, of the danger +of making any approach to democracy in a measure like this; and he told +your lordships that, if once such a measure was adopted, you could never +turn back from it. If it be found, when carried into operation, to act +ever so injuriously--if its tendency be found to be ever so destructive +to the peace and well-being of society--still you cannot fall back on +the point from which you started; for, if once granted, the measure must +be permanent. + +_March 8, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Short-sighted Conduct of the West Indian Colonists._ + +There is no man in this house, or in the country, who has been more +anxious than myself, that the measure passed for the abolition of +slavery should be entirely successful. I have, however, conceived from +the first, that the only chance of its success would arise from the +colonial legislatures acting with good faith, and carrying the measure, +after it had passed the imperial parliament, into strict execution; for +which measure they have received what they acknowledge, by their +adhesion to the principle of the bill, a competent compensation. It +appears, however, to be beyond doubt, that they have not carried the new +system into execution as they ought to have done; and some two or three +years ago, your lordships were under the necessity of consenting to a +bill, rendered necessary in consequence of the legislature of Jamaica +having refused, under not very creditable circumstances, to enact a law +which it had positively promised to pass. Under these circumstances, +considering that we are now approaching to within a couple of years of +the period when a new state of society is to be established in all the +British possessions where slavery has ever existed, I must say, I think +parliament ought not to hesitate about adopting some measure of the +description now proposed, for the purpose of carrying into full and +complete execution the object which the imperial legislature had in view +when the emancipation act was passed. It appears to me, that if the +legislatures of the colonies had acted as sensible men ought to have +done, in the circumstances in which they were placed four years ago, +they would have had before them, and the British parliament would have +had before it, a very different prospect from that which, I fear, +exists at the present moment. + +_March_ 13, 1838. + +_Lord Melbourne's Government Inimical to the Church._ + +It appears that the policy of her majesty's government is--I will use +the mildest term that can be employed--not to encourage the established +church. I am afraid that it will appear from what passed in another +place, in the last session of parliament, and even in this, that the +church of England--the established church of England--is not to be +encouraged by her majesty's government. I am sure that those who +recollect what has occurred in parliament, during the last few years, +will admit that no great encouragement has been shown by ministers to +the church of Ireland, that branch of the established church of England +which is stationed in the latter country. I say therefore, my lords, +that this is the policy of the government of this country; and, I must +own, also, it is most sincerely to be lamented by every friend of the +constitution, and of the peace, order, and happiness of the community. + +_March 30, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_A Free Press in Malta deprecated._ + +Now, in regard to this matter of a free press in Malta, I crave your +lordships' attention to the facts of the case for a moment, and I beg +the house to bear them in mind. What is Malta? It is a fortress and a +seaport--it is a great naval and military arsenal for our shipping and +forces in the Mediterranean. We hold it by conquest. We hold it as an +important post, as a great military and naval arsenal, and as nothing +more. My lords, if these are the facts, we might as well think of +planting a free press on the fore deck of the admiral's flag-ship in the +Mediterranean, or on the caverns of the batteries of Gibraltar, or in +the camp of Sir John Colborne in Canada, as of establishing it in Malta. +A free press in Malta in the Italian language is an absurdity. Of the +hundred thousand individuals who compose the population of Malta, +three-fourths at least speak nothing but the Maltese dialect, and do not +understand the Italian language. Of the one hundred thousand inhabitants +of the island, at least three-fourths can neither read nor write. What +advantages, then, can accrue to the people of Malta from the +establishment of a free press? We do not want to teach our English +sailors and soldiers to understand Italian. A free press will find no +readers among them either. Who, then, is it for? These gentlemen say, +that, unless the government support a free press in Malta, it cannot +exist of itself, and they suggest an expense of £800 a year in its +favour. They have done nothing more than this that I am aware of since +their appointment, and it is plain, that the savings spoken of by the +noble baron as having been effected by their recommendation are +completely swallowed up by the project of a free press. My lords, I +cannot help thinking that it is wholly unnecessary and greatly +unbecoming of the government to form such an establishment, of such a +description, in such a place as Malta; and the more particularly, as the +object for which it is made, must be both of a dangerous tendency to +this country, and fraught with evil to others. The free press which they +propose, is to be conducted, not by foreign Italians, but by Maltese, +subjects of her majesty, enjoying the same privileges as we do. Now, +what does this mean? It means that the licence to do wrong is unlimited. +If it were conducted by foreign Italians, you could have a check upon +them if they acted in such a manner as would tend to compromise us with +our neighbours--you could send them out of the island--you could prevent +their doing injury in that manner by various ways. But here you have no +such check--you have no check at all--your free press in that respect is +uncontrollable. If the free press chooses to preach up insurrection in +Italy from its den in Malta, you have no power of preventing it. Were +the conductors foreign Italians you could lay your hand on them at once, +and dispose of them as aliens; but you cannot do that with the Maltese +subjects, enjoying the same right and possessing the same freedom as +ourselves. I did hope, that we should have been cured by this time of +our experiments on exciting insurrection in the other countries of +Europe--in the dominions of neighbouring princes--in the territories of +our allies. I did think that we had received a sufficient lesson in +these matters to last us a long time, even for ever, in the results +which have taken place through such interference in Portugal, Spain, +Italy--ay, and in Canada too--and that they had put an end to our +dangerous mania for exciting insurrection in foreign countries. Such, my +lords, I assert is the object of a free press in Malta--to excite +insurrection in the dominions of our neighbour and ally, the King of the +Two Sicilies, and in the dominions of the King of Sardinia--and I +confess that I am ashamed of the government, considering the results +that have taken place, from the doctrines promulgated by it, that they +have not done everything in their power to suppress instead of +encouraging and supporting it; and that they had not sent out their +commissions with full power to do so, rather than instructed them to +call for its establishment. + +_May 3, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_State of Poverty in Ireland._ + +Of all the countries in Europe, Ireland is the one in which it has +appeared to me to be least possible to establish anything in the nature +of the English poor-laws. The opinion delivered by others has been, that +there are no materials to be found in Ireland proper for forming, or if +formed for administering with salutary effect, any system of poor-laws +such as exists in this country; and I, my lords, believe that there is +no doubt whatever of the justice and truth of that opinion, considering +the English poor-laws, as they formerly existed, and as they were +carried into execution up to the year 1834, when the noble lords +opposite introduced the measure which amended them. While, however, I +say this, I am bound at the same time to express my entire concurrence +in the opinion declared by the noble viscount, that there never was a +country in which poverty existed to such a degree as it exists in that +part of the United Kingdom. My lords, I was in office in that country--I +held a high situation in the administration of the government of Ireland +thirty years ago--and I must say, that from that time to this there has +scarcely elapsed a single year in which the government has not at +certain periods of it entertained the most serious apprehensions of +actual famine. My lords, I am firmly convinced that from the year 1806 +down to the present time, a year has not passed in which the government +have not been called on to give assistance to relieve the poverty and +distress which prevailed in Ireland, and owing to circumstances over +which no human power could have any control. One of the circumstances +which has most frequently led to this lamentable state of things, has +been the failure or delay of the potato crops, and there have been known +times when two, three, and even as many as four months have intervened +before these crops, which are used as a subsistence by the people, could +be brought into the market; and such are the social relations in that +country, that the people have no means of coming to market to purchase +like the people of England. My lords, this is a fact that is undoubted, +and one that I believe never existed in any country in the world except +Ireland. + +_May 21, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_The Numbers of a Meeting may render it Illegal._ + +The numbers of a meeting--that is to say, such an assembly of persons as +would create terror in the minds of people living in the +neighbourhood,--would justify the magistrate in taking measures to +disperse it. + +_June 15, 1838._ + +_Real cause of our interference in Spain._ + +The system of interference adopted by his late majesty's government, by +means of the quadruple treaty, was with a view to the contest between +extreme opinions--it was more with a view of aiding these extreme +opinions, than to the arrangement of the mere differences between Don +Carlos, upon the one side, and the queen, or her daughter, upon the +other; to support certain opinions, and not to determine the succession, +was the cause of interference. I regret interference upon that ground; I +object to interference upon that ground; and I say, moreover, that we +were not right in interfering upon that ground. I maintain that, more +particularly on account of the extreme opinions that prevailed, we ought +not to have interfered at all; but most especially we ought not, +according to the common practice of this government, and in accordance +with the declared political principles of the noble lords themselves, to +have interfered in a question involving extreme political opinions. Now +it has unfortunately happened that extreme political principles have +been forced upon a great part of Europe by means of large armies and of +great military forces, and it was consequently expected that the same +thing would succeed in Spain. This, I believe, was the object of our +interference with Spain, and not to determine the Spanish succession. + +_June 19, 1838._ + +_We had no right to interfere against Don Carlos._ + +I say we had no business to interfere in the question of succession. +There might have been some pretext for interference in the question of +succession, if any of the powers of Europe had taken part with Don +Carlos, but that was not the case. The noble baron (Lord Holland) +cheers. I say, confidently, that not one of the powers in Europe had +stirred a finger in support of the pretensions of Don Carlos. I say, +then, that, according to all principles--the principles supported and +acted upon by this country, in the case of the house of Braganza, and +many other cases that I could mention--we ought to have avoided +interference; and we ought to have avoided interference by armies more +particularly, in the contests in Spain. I say, my lords, that not a +sword had been moved in Europe in favour of Don Carlos. When Don Carlos +went to Spain, in the summer of 1834, there were not three battalions in +arms in that country in his favour. This I positively state as a fact. +But, on the contrary, in the space of forty leagues there were forty +fortified posts in possession of the queen's troops. Now, my lords, this +is a positive fact; and I say that, in the year 1835, when the armistice +was negotiated, when the exchange of prisoners was negotiated by Lord +Eliot, Don Carlos had then acquired a superiority over the queen's +forces, who were obliged to take up a position on the right of the Ebro. +That is to say, between the interval of time I have mentioned,--and this +is a positive fact upon which your lordships may rely, and to which I +pledge my word,--between the summer of 1834 and the period at which the +exchange of prisoners was agreed upon in 1835,--that is, in the course +of a very few months,--the superiority had been gained by Don Carlos in +that part of the country, so far that he had forced the enemy to take up +a position on the other side of the Ebro, abandoning all their fortified +posts, except Pampeluna and one other; and, I must add, they had very +wisely abandoned them, because they found they could not march to their +relief through the country. Now, my lords, this is literally and truly a +fact; and it is a fact not to be forgotten, with respect to the present +contest in Spain. I say, then, that it was the business of this +government not to have interfered by force. We ought not to have done +so, according to the noble marquis's principle--that there ought to be +no interference between two hostile parties in a nation like Spain. + +_June 19, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_The Legion a failure._ + +The noble viscount has told your lordships, certainly, that he sent out +an expedition; and the noble marquis has informed us that it has always +been the policy of this country to encourage such expeditions. Now, +without meaning to assert that the result of that expedition was a dire +catastrophe, I must be permitted to say that the legion has been, in my +opinion and conviction, a complete failure. It has cost the Spanish +government an enormous sum of money. Great expectations were raised +respecting it, not one of which has been fulfilled. When the legion went +to Spain, the Queen of Spain's army was in all the provinces, with the +exception of Biscay and Navarre. Her government was established in all +parts of Spain, excepting these places. Excepting them, all other places +might be said to be in a state of tranquillity. But it appears the Queen +of Spain could not carry on the war, unless she got ten thousand Isle of +Dogsmen--a legion from England, and another from France. If the Spanish +government had asked for officers, or for arms, or for money, or for +artillery, I should not have been surprised, as I know well the manner +in which the Spanish arsenals are supplied. But asking for 10,000 men +from England to destroy Don Carlos, who was shut up in the mountains, +was a matter really not to be seriously thought of. The object was not +to bring 10,000, or 15,000, or 20,000 men into action, but to bring the +red coats and the blue coats, the French and English troops, into the +contest; that was the object, and the view was, to produce a moral +effect. But the government ought to have known that that which gave them +the influence on the one side, was fatal to that influence on the other. +Thus was an end put to that moral influence which this country could, +and ought to have exerted, but which can only be effectually exercised +by strict adherence, throughout all her proceedings, to the plain +principles of justice. If this country enter into a treaty, let her +carry it honourably through; but let her not push her interference +further than is necessary for exerting her influence over both parties, +in order to settle existing differences. I have said that the legion was +a failure. Of that there cannot be the slightest doubt. The war is now +in the same state as it was in the year 1835, except that Don Carlos has +more men. + +_June 19, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_The Opposition should give aid to the Government when a war is +inevitable._ + +The noble viscount tells us that we did not object to the appointment of +the Earl of Durham as governor-general of Canada--that we did not object +to the powers confided to him; that we--referring particularly to +me--urged this government by all the means in their power to send out +large forces, and take care to be strong in that part of the world; +advice which, I admit, I did repeat over and over again, until I +fatigued myself and the house by doing so. But why did I not object to +those powers being given to the Earl of Durham? Because, seeing the +government in difficulties--seeing the colony in a state of +rebellion--and seeing that the government possessed confidence in +another place--I thought it was not my duty to excite opposition to +measures which they thought it might be proper to adopt; and therefore I +took them all upon their recommendation. Very possibly I was wrong in so +doing; indeed, it appears that I was wrong; but I took the course which +I then considered it my duty to take. I declared that I would not follow +the example of those who, being convinced of the certainty that the +country would be involved in a war, yet thought proper to oppose all +measures that were necessary for carrying on that war. Neither would I +deny assistance to those who were absent, and who were carrying on the +government to the best of their ability; but I would give the government +a fair support, in order to pacify a country which might be in a state +of war or rebellion. That was the course which I followed on the +occasion alluded to by the noble viscount. With respect to the Earl of +Durham, I am personally unacquainted with him; and I considered that the +noble viscount and her majesty's government ought to have known best who +was the person most qualified to act as governor of Canada. + +_August 9, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Lord Durham's Ordinance[20] a grossly illegal Act._ + +A grossly illegal act has been committed--not a mere technical error, or +one having reference to small or nice points of law, but an illegal act +of great magnitude, and relating to points of the most grave +importance--an act so clearly illegal, that no man capable of +understanding the first principles of justice can doubt of its +impropriety. It is impossible that the people of this country can suffer +any man to be driven into banishment without trial, or that they can +allow him, afterwards, to be condemned to death, without having been +convicted of any crime but that of returning to his own country. + +[Footnote 20: The Earl of Durham, governor-general of the Canadas, had +issued an ordinance, transporting to Bermuda Dr. Nelson and seven +others, guilty by confession of high treason, and subjecting them to +death if they returned to Canada. Lord Brougham, actuated, as was +asserted by some, by personal feeling against Lord Durham, protested +against this act in the face of the country. His speech on the occasion +was one of the most powerful he ever delivered. It is scarcely necessary +to add that Lord Durham immediately and precipitately resigned his +governorship.] + +_August 9, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Inadequacy of our Navy._ + +There is nothing more certain than that, if you come to be entirely +dependent for corn on the countries bordering on the Baltic, you would +have the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Russia (as has been known +before), levying a tax upon the exportation of that article of food to +the Thames, and elsewhere in this country. * * I entirely agree with the +noble and learned lord on the expediency of avoiding any interference +with foreign powers on the subject of commercial matters; but I confess +that I cannot view the state of our commercial relations, and of our +position in the world generally, in connection with these commercial +pursuits, with any degree of unmixed satisfaction. On the contrary, I do +deplore the state in which we find ourselves placed in many parts of the +world, particularly as it has been described in the course of the +evening by my noble friend (Viscount Strangford). What I attribute that +state of our commercial relations to, in a great degree, is, the extreme +weakness and tottering condition of our naval establishments. I do not +mean to complain of the distribution of our naval establishments; +though, at the same time, I by no means intend to unsay what I have said +in respect to the expeditions to Spain, which I cannot approve of; but I +repeat my expression that I consider our naval establishments to be in +too weak and tottering a condition to answer the purpose for which they +were intended, which was to give protection to the commercial interests +of the country in all parts of the world; for the commerce of England +does extend to all parts of the world. There is not a port, not a river, +which is not visited by the ships of her majesty's subjects; and her +majesty's subjects have an undoubted right to protection in whatever +part of the world they may think proper to visit in the pursuits of +commerce. The circumstance of which I complain I do not at all attribute +to neglect upon the part of the admiralty, neither do I include in my +censure the noble earl who is at the head of the admiralty; but those I +do blame are the individuals who have thought proper to reduce the +establishments of the country to such a degree, that protection cannot +possibly be given in all places where it is required. + + * * * * * + +I will remind your lordships that, since the peace, and particularly +within the last twenty years, three great navies have sprung up in +Europe, which are four times as strong as they were at any former +period. Other navies, it is true, are put down; but we remain much the +same. A great deal has been said, by way of comparison, between the +strength of our navy in 1792, and in the years 1814 and 1815; but when +we talk of strength in this case, we ought not to look at the subject +without adverting to the naval establishments of other powers. Now, +although our marine force should even be on the same footing as before, +our commerce is not only tripled, but extended to a degree ten times +greater than it ever was before; and there is not a part of the earth, +from one pole to the other, in which the protection of our navy is not +required for our commerce. I must say that, if we should at any time +incur the misfortune of being involved in another war--which God +forbid!--the only mode of keeping out of the difficulty would be to +maintain such a navy as would give protection to her majesty's subjects +in all parts of the globe. + +_August 14, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Neutrality of Belgium._ + +I hope that it never may be lost sight of in this country, that the +original foundation of the independence of Belgium, as a separate +kingdom, was this condition, namely, its perpetual neutrality. That +condition I consider to have been the foundation of that transaction, +and I hope that this will never be forgotten by this country, or by +Europe. + +_February 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Aggressions on Canada from the United States._ + +I must say I should very much wish to see suitable measures adopted to +carry into execution the intentions which her majesty declares in her +speech, of maintaining her rights of sovereignty over Canada. The system +of levying private war which prevails on that continent is not wholly +unknown in other parts of the world. I have read of it as existing in +the deserts of Central Asia; I have heard of its being practised, as a +system, by the Asiatics on the frontiers of the Russian monarchy, where +a perpetual warfare is going on between those tribes and the troops sent +to repress their inroads--a warfare that has been waged in those +countries from century to century. We read also of circumstances of the +same kind occurring in Africa--of wars carried on by barbarous tribes +against the possessions of the British government in Africa, the +contests of savages against a civilized people. But this is a war +carried on by a nation supposed to be considerably advanced in the scale +of civilization--by men governing themselves, electing their servants by +ballot and general suffrage, and living under institutions of that +description. Yet these are the very men who come in at night, and with +fire and torch destroy the property of her majesty's subjects, for no +reason whatever except that they obey her majesty's laws, and carry into +effect her royal commands. Of such a system of warfare there are, I +believe, no examples, except, as I have stated, among the most lawless +of the barbarous tribes of the East and of Africa. It is quite out of +the question that her majesty's loyal subjects, invited to their +habitations, and fixed in them, by her majesty's authority and that of +her predecessors, should not endeavour to retaliate the sufferings thus +inflicted upon them, unless protected by the strong arm of government; +but how can government protect them, except by taking strong measures, +when these persons are found invading her majesty's dominions for the +purpose of plundering and destroying the property of her majesty's +subjects, to intercept them in their retreat, to take them prisoners, +and punish them according to the laws of the country they have insulted? + + * * * * * + +There can be no doubt a civil government in any country is capable of +preventing the collection of a body of troops, and the invasion of the +territory of a neighbouring power. A body of "sympathisers" has been +organised in the States to carry on the plan of invasion; and are we to +sit down quietly and pass unnoticed this unwarrantable interference? + +_February 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Agitation by Authority._ + +I now come to the last paragraph of the speech, in which her majesty +complains, that she has observed with pain the efforts which have been +made, in some parts of the country, to excite her subjects to +disobedience and resistance to the law, and to recommend dangerous and +illegal acts. Now, I really think that this affecting paragraph cannot +have raised very pleasant reflections in the breasts of many noble lords +who are in the habit of supporting her majesty's ministers. It is but +too true that various persons have endeavoured to excite her majesty's +subjects to resist the law; but I am afraid much of this spirit may be +traced to what has taken place in this house on former occasions. I have +heard persons, charged with the highest employments of government, +insisting upon the rights of this people to assemble for the expression +of their sentiments, declaiming against any restriction on that right, +and preaching upon this doctrine without restricting it in the manner +declared by law--namely, that these assemblies must not be in numbers +sufficient to create alarm. It was but very lately that a great officer +of state, travelling about the country, made a speech to the same +purport at Liverpool, and stated those opinions in the most unreserved +manner, at the very moment when men were assembling by torch-light +meetings. We have heard for a number of years past of the extraordinary +tranquillity of Ireland, and as often as I have listened to the phrase, +I have protested against it; but there is a gentleman, high in the +confidence of government, who goes about devising new modes of agitation +every day. That gentleman ought to have a special copy of the speech +sent to him! One time he talks of raising 2,000,000 of men--at another +time of a fund of 20,000 l. sterling, which is deposited in his private +bank, and ultimately to be deposited in his private pocket. In order to +further his new schemes of agitation, that gentleman has declared his +intention of raising 60,000 fighting men for her majesty, though he has +never, that I am aware of, been employed as a recruiting officer. +Sometimes these boasts do not turn out to be true; but if not 60,000 +persons, there may be 6,000, or some force of that description, which +would be a serious inconvenience to the government. + +_February 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Folly of carrying on war with a peace establishment._ + +This country is at war--at war in two quarters of the world--at war in +America and at war in Asia; and what I say is this, that when a country +is at war, I understand that the fleet of that country should be put +upon a war establishment; whereas, these returns are made on a peace +establishment--nay, I believe on one much lower,--on a reduced peace +establishment; and yet we are pretending to carry on war in two +countries of the world with such means! I warned your lordships a year +and a half ago--indeed nearly two years ago, against any such attempt. I +believe that we have been feeling the inconvenience of such an attempt +from that period up to the present time, and I only hope and trust in +God, that we shall not experience still further inconvenience and +disasters from our perseverance in it. A peace establishment, and a +reduced peace establishment, may be very fit and very proper for +carrying on the service of the country in time of peace; but when we +come to carry on war, our peace establishment is not found equal to the +performance of the duties required from the establishment in time of +peace, and still less to those extended duties which must be performed +in time of war. + + * * * * * + +We are carrying on a war in North America, and a most expensive war in +Asia; and both of them require all the force this country can employ in +order to bring them to an early and an honourable termination. We are, +however, engaging in both with a reduced peace establishment, and we are +incurring all descriptions of risks, in every other part of the world, +in order to do this. The noble earl (Minto) has been talking about a +few masts and sails, when the whole force which the country can command +ought to be engaged in the war now waging, in order to bring the contest +to the honourable termination I speak of. I said this about a year and a +half ago, and I now repeat it. + +_March 7, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_The Corn Laws have improved Agriculture._ + +The system which it is the object of the existing law to establish, is +one of encouragement to agriculture--a system which was established at +the termination of the last century, and under which I will venture to +assert, the agriculture of this country has made a progress, and has +risen to a degree of superiority throughout these kingdoms, greater than +exists in any other part of the world, not excepting even the +Netherlands. Under this system of encouragement to agriculture, large +sums of money have been laid out and invested in land, and property +relating to land; and great sums are at this moment in the course of +investment in the same way; and I call on your lordships not to agree to +any resolution, or to any measure of the government (if they should +think proper to propose any such measure), which will have the effect of +withdrawing from agriculture this protection, and thus putting a stop to +those great improvements which are at present in progress, and which, I +say, have had such an influence on agriculture, that the amount of +produce raised in this country is thereby greatly increased. I believe +that the produce of the country has been immensely increased, and +particularly in the valuable article of wheat, the annual production of +which is now nearly equal to its greatest annual consumption. Such is +the supply of wheat that the very lowest order of the people subsist +mostly upon it; which is not, I believe, the practice in any other +country. The practice is not known any where else; it is not known in +France; it is not known in Germany; it is not known in the Netherlands; +nor is it, in short, the case any where else. In fact, the lower orders +live upon wheaten bread in no country of the world except England. I +entreat your lordships to bear this in mind; I entreat you not to break +down a system which has carried cultivation to such a pitch, that an +amount of produce is raised in England, alone, which is found to be +nearly equal to her greatest annual consumption. I think the annual +amount of produce will increase. This is my firm belief; and I am +confident that with the increase of produce there must come, and come +naturally too, a corresponding decrease of price; and it is to that +consequence that I look as being the solution of all the difficulties +which at present attend this question. But, let your lordships +recollect, it is absolutely necessary to keep up this encouragement in +order to arrive at the desired result of the reduction of price. Very +lately, when wheat in this country was at 78s. the quarter, and the duty +on importation was a merely nominal one of 1s. a quarter, was there any +such quantity of foreign wheat introduced as was sufficient to lower the +price? Not at all. The moment the ports were opened, the merchant +importer stood on the same ground as the farmer, and he would not sell +his corn for 1s. less than the price of the day. Did we ever hear of +corn coming in from abroad, and being brought to market at a cheaper +rate than it was selling for in this country? Never. But look to the +operation of the law prevailing in the former part of the war; the +prices varied from 70s. to 150s. the quarter. Did we ever hear of +foreign corn being sold for 1s. less than what could be got for it in +the general markets of this country? It must be sold by the merchant +importer at the very same price as by the farmer. It is all very fine to +say that the price would be exceedingly low, if these laws were +abolished, and corn were allowed to be introduced without restriction. +Why, if the price of corn raised in this country were low, the foreigner +could not get more for his corn here, than the farmer; but if the price +of home grown corn were necessarily high, the introduction of foreign +corn would not reduce it. + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Repeal of the Corn Laws will raise the price of Corn._ + +It is very important to look at this question with reference to the +interests of the commerce of the country, and also to consider the +effect of the abolition of the corn laws on the price of provisions and +on the price of manufactures. Now, if we discourage agriculture to such +a degree that any large body of persons and a great amount of capital +come to be withdrawn from it, the price of native produce must rise; +there would be so much less produce raised than before, that its +price--the price of the native produce I mean--must rise. Now, the price +of the corn imported will be the price of the diminished quantity of the +home-raised corn. Would the manufacturing labourer benefit by this? +Would the manufacturer find any advantage in it, when the diminished +value of their wages was forcing the labourers to raise the market upon +him? Would the merchant exporter gain anything by the change? Would it +not be found that, in proportion as the manufacturer must pay a larger +amount of wages, the prices of his manufactures must be augmented; and +therefore the disadvantages of competition with merchants abroad be +augmented likewise? + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Foreign Governments would Tax the Export of their Corn._ + +There is another view of the question which I beseech your lordships to +take--I mean the question of our dependence on foreign produce for a +great part of our annual consumption, which would be caused by the +abolition of the present law. On looking over the papers which have been +produced on former discussions of this subject, I have seen proofs that +in certain countries duties are paid upon the exportation of corn thence +hither; and that statements are made by the sovereigns of those +countries to this effect:--"As the corn is wanted by Great Britain, and +her subjects can afford to pay the duty, therefore they shall pay it." +This duty must come out of the pocket of her majesty's subjects, and be +taken into account in the price of the goods of the manufacturers. Your +lordships have heard a great deal upon the competition of foreign +manufacturers with our own in foreign markets. I certainly am one who +does not despise the consideration of these subjects; which, on the +contrary, I think of very high importance; but this question is a large +one, and it is necessary to consider it on rather broader grounds. This +very consideration may be material with respect to some countries of +which we have been the creditors; but I do not see how our relations +with those which are not corn countries can be affected by any change in +the corn laws. The power of taxation, which would be thrown into the +hands of foreign powers, in the event of the repeal of the corn laws, +constitutes, in my view, a most important feature of the case. Suppose +we were involved in an arduous competition with Prussian or Russian +manufacturers for the supply of a particular article: if we should make +up our minds to rely solely on those countries for a supply of corn, as +we are called upon to do by the opponents of the corn laws,--and if the +success of our manufactures depends on the abundance and cheapness of +corn among our population--must we not expect, according to the usual +course of such affairs among mankind, that the corn exported from those +countries would be taxed so as to render the food of our manufacturers +as dear as it would be under any other circumstances? If that is likely +to be the case, I would strongly advise you, my lords, to agree to no +measure which may render this country dependent upon others for its +supply of food. Let us persevere in those measures which have been +successful in raising the agriculture of this country and increasing its +produce; let us increase its produce to the utmost possible degree, and +render all the articles of food as cheap as possible; and then let us +see what can be done with reference to commerce and its interests; but +let us, I entreat, begin by securing to her majesty's subjects a supply +of the best food from the produce of her majesty's own dominions. + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_As a public man, stands on public grounds._ + +The noble earl (Radnor) says that I am an advocate for a monopoly; and +he talks about my not assisting the landlords, not assisting the +farmers, and not assisting the labourers. My lords, I know nothing about +landlords, farmers, or labourers, when I am advocating a legislative +question of a public nature in this house. I have nothing to say to them +any farther than as their interests are identified with those of the +community at large. I beg the noble lord to understand, when I come into +this house, I come here upon the public interest. I have no more to say +to landlords, farmers, or labourers, than the noble earl himself; and I +am thoroughly convinced there is not a noble friend near me who does not +look at this question solely on public grounds, and those which he +conceives it to be for the interest of the country to take. + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Objections to a free press in Malta._ + +I am one of those who have always thought, that if there existed any +part of her majesty's dominions in which a free press was not necessary, +Malta was that part. Our business there is to maintain a garrison and a +great naval station. Malta contains a population of 100,000 persons, for +whom I entertain the highest respect and regard, being convinced that +her majesty has no better or more devoted subjects than they are. It is +the duty of government, and the duty of this house, as far as it can, to +superintend the good government of the people of Malta--a people who +talk the Maltese language, and the Maltese language alone--a people, of +whom not one in 500 can read a line. Surely, of all the institutions of +this country which are the least necessary for men of this description, +and I declare my belief that it is a true description of the people of +Malta, I may venture to assert a free press is that one institution. I +will not dispute that hereafter much good may arise from a free press, +but education is much more necessary for the people of Malta. A free +press cannot be rendered useful to them, much less advantageous, without +that training which they require, and that education which ought to be +given to them. There is a certain liberal set of gentlemen in this +country who think a free press in Malta exceedingly desirable, not for +the sake of any advantage to the inhabitants, but for the sake of the +advantage to be produced on the neighbouring coast of France, and Spain, +and Italy. This is the truth with respect to this free press. * * I +believe that we have now had enough of private wars, and I believe that +we now seek what advantage it would have been, if we had never +undertaken those private wars, not only in other parts of the world, but +also a little nearer home. I must say that the objects of them are +inconsistent with the interests--aye, and inconsistent with the +honour--of this country; inconsistent with the interests of the country, +because, as I always have maintained, and always shall maintain, the +interests of this country must depend, not only on the maintenance of +peace for itself, but on its preventing, if possible, disturbances among +other nations; and inconsistent with its honour, because I will say, +that its honour does depend on not exciting rebellions and insurrections +in other nations, at the same moment that the government here is +ostensibly at peace with those nations. Now, that is the ground on which +I have always objected to a free press in Malta. I object to it, because +I contend that the intention entertained is to have a free press, not +for Malta, but for the neighbouring regions of Italy, France, and Spain; +and if you must have a free press for the Maltese, in the name of God +let it be in the Maltese language! + +_April 30, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Malta. Its riches and resources._ + +I have reason to know something of Malta; I know something of its +resources; and, instead of its being misgoverned, I can only say that in +the course of my intercourse with that island, I was astonished at the +immensity of its resources of all descriptions, and at the readiness +with which these resources were afforded to his majesty's troops and +armies, in order to enable them to carry on war against an enemy. It is +but an act of justice to those noble and honourable persons who have +governed Malta, to say thus much; and I must add that, having known that +island for a period of nearly twenty years, I really believe that, on +the face of the globe there is not a place of the same extent and +population which possesses one thousandth part of its riches and +resources of all descriptions. + +_April 30, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Indifference to Reports._ + +I have served the sovereigns and the public of this country for fifty +years, and throughout the whole of that period I have been exposed to +evil report and to good report, and I have still continued to serve on +through all report, both good and evil, and thus I confess myself to be +completely indifferent to the nature of all reports. + +_May 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Personal Attendants of the Sovereign. Their Political Influence._ + +When the noble viscount announced in this house on Tuesday last that he +had resigned his office, the probable consequences of that announcement +occurred to my mind, and I turned my attention in consequence to the +state of the government at the present moment--to the state of the royal +authority--to the composition of the royal household--and to all those +circumstances which were likely to come under my consideration, in case +I were called upon to assist in advising the composition of another +administration. I confess, that it appeared to me impossible that any +set of men should take charge of her majesty's government without having +the usual influence and control over the establishment of the royal +household--that influence and control which their immediate predecessors +in office had exercised before them. As the royal household was formed +by their predecessors in office, the possession of that influence and +that control over it appeared to me to be absolutely necessary, to let +the public see that the ministers who were about to enter upon office +had and possessed the entire confidence of her majesty. I considered +well the nature of the formation of the royal household under the civil +list act passed at the commencement of her majesty's reign. I considered +well the difference between the household of a queen-consort and the +household of a queen-regnant. The queen-consort not being a political +person in the same light as a queen-regnant, I considered the +construction of her majesty's household--I considered who filled offices +in it--I considered all the circumstances attendant on the influence of +the household, and the degree of confidence which it might be necessary +for the government to repose in the members of it. I was sensible of the +serious and anxious nature of the charge which the minister in +possession of that control and influence over her majesty's household +would have laid upon him. I was sensible that in everything which he +did, and in every step which he took as to the household, he ought to +consult not only the honour of her majesty's crown, and her royal state +and dignity, but also her social condition, her ease, her convenience, +her comfort--in short, everything which tended to the solace and +happiness of her life. I reflected on all these considerations as +particularly incumbent on the ministers who should take charge of the +affairs of this country; I reflected on the age, the sex, the situation, +and the comparative inexperience, of the sovereign on the throne; and I +must say that if I had been, or if I was to be, the first person to be +consulted, with respect to the exercise of the influence and control in +question, I would suffer any inconvenience whatever, rather than take +any step as to the royal household which was not compatible with her +majesty's comforts. + + * * * * * + +I cannot but think that the principles on which we proposed to act with +respect to the ladies of the bed-chamber, in the case of a +queen-regnant, were the correct principles. The public will not believe +that the queen holds no political conversation with those ladies, and +that political influence is not exercised by them, particularly +considering who those persons are who hold such situations. I believe +the history of this country affords a number of instances in which +secret and improper influence has been exercised by means of such +conversations. I have, my lords, a somewhat strong opinion on this +subject. I have unworthily filled the office which the noble viscount +now so worthily holds; and I must say I have felt the inconvenience of +an anomalous influence, not exercised, perhaps, by ladies, but anomalous +influence, undoubtedly, of this description, and exerted simply in +conversations; and I will tell the noble viscount that the country is at +this moment suffering some inconvenience from the exercise of that very +secret influence. + +_May 14, 1839._ + +A war carried on by militia, volunteers, and troops of that description, +will infallibly be carried on after the manner of civil wars. + +May 30, 1839. + + * * * * * + +_Reasons for passing the Poor Law._ + +I have been long enough in parliament to recollect that, before the +present law passed, there were not less than half-a-dozen attempts made, +by some of the greatest men this country ever produced, to amend the +system of the poor laws. Among others, the late Mr. Pitt endeavoured to +amend these laws, but failed, and for a reason which I believe +occasioned the failure of every attempt to alter them until that which +was successfully made within these five years, when the present poor law +amendment act was passed, principally by the exertions of the noble and +learned lord (Lord Brougham). The real truth of the matter was +this--that in every parish in the country there existed some abuses, I +will venture to say a hundred times greater than any of those with which +the noble earl (Stanhope) entertains your lordships upon every vacant +day that presents itself. In every parish, I repeat, there were abuses; +and, in each, abuses founded upon a different principle from those +existing in some neighbouring parish; so that no law could be devised to +remedy them; for the measure which would apply to parish A, instead of +removing the abuses existing in parish B, would only have tended to +aggravate and render them intolerable. At length, there was a very +general and searching inquiry into the whole state of the administration +of the poor laws; the result of which was, that the present measure was +arranged and produced to parliament. It passed both houses in a very +short space of time, and, I believe, on the principle there was no +division whatever, and hardly a difference of opinion, in this house; I +believe there was none in the other house of parliament, and very little +difference of opinion was expressed upon any part of the details. With +respect to the administration of the law, I have observed it in +different parts of the country, and I must say that its administration +has been entirely satisfactory, and most particularly to those parties +who are likely to become its more immediate objects. That part of the +law of which the noble earl complains most, namely, the existence of the +poor law commissioners, is, in my opinion, the most important part of +it. The truth of the matter is, that the abuses in the administration of +the poor laws were so numerous, so various, and, at the same time, so +inveterate, that it was absolutely impossible to get the better of them, +without the constitution of some central authority which should +superintend the execution of the law; taking care that it was duly +administered, and that those intrusted with its execution in the country +did not infringe upon its provisions. Such, I believe, was the object of +the institution of those boards of guardians and commissioners. + +_June 18, 1839._ + +_The Ballot and Universal Suffrage dangerous. Open questions a symptom +of weakness in a Government._ + +I fully concur with the noble viscount (Melbourne) in the propriety of +opposing the further extension of the suffrage, and upon the very same +ground, namely, that such extension would be inconsistent with the best +interests of the country. I likewise concur in the sentiments which that +noble viscount has expressed upon the subject of the ballot; that +obnoxious, and, I must say, un-English measure; at the same time I +deeply regret that the noble viscount did think proper to make it what +is called an open question. I had the misfortune to be in office when +there were such questions, and I must say, that I never could consider +them as anything but a symptom of weakness on the part of those who were +carrying on the service of their sovereign--a symptom that they were not +acting together, that they did not agree amongst themselves, and that +there was a division also amongst their supporters. Instead of its being +a matter of satisfaction that an individual question like the ballot +should be left an open question, I regard it as a circumstance most +likely to prove disastrous to the government, and eventually so to the +country. + +June 25, 1839. + + * * * * * + +_The Birmingham Riots in 1839. The town treated worse than if taken by +storm._ + +I have been accused of "exaggeration."[21] That may be a parliamentary +phrase; I will not presume to decide that it is an unparliamentary +term; but I believe that it is a term not much used amongst gentlemen. +It has been employed, however, in a privileged place, that must be +nameless, and I shall advert to it no farther than to notice the +conclusions which may be drawn from the use of such a term in reference +to what I did say. I trust your lordships will excuse me for a few +moments upon this subject, because I really think I have been most +unjustifiably made the subject of a personal attack for what I stated in +this, your lordships' house, with respect to the late riots in +Birmingham. What I stated, my lords, was founded on the same species of +information which, it appears, was in the possession of her majesty's +government; for, neither the noble viscount, nor any of the other noble +lords opposite, knew any more of the subject than I did; they knew +nothing beyond what they had seen in the newspapers; and I stated, at +the time, that I knew nothing beyond that, myself, with regard to the +facts. But I compared the transactions at Birmingham with certain other +transactions, of which, certainly, I have more knowledge than most noble +lords in this house; matters on which I had a certain and positive +knowledge; and I said (and I firmly believe that it was correct, and +that, in making the comparison I did not, in the least degree, depart +from the truth), that the peaceable inhabitants of the town of +Birmingham were worse treated, upon that occasion, than the inhabitants +of any town I had ever known or seen taken by assault. This is what I +asserted; and, it is the fact, according to my opinion. + +[Footnote 21: A member of the House of Commons had used this term as +applied to the Duke's remarks on this subject, a few nights previously.] +* * * * * + +I cannot help thinking that it is extraordinary that, in the year 1839, +after nine years of liberal government,--after nine years' enjoyment of +the blessings of liberal government,--your lordships should be +discussing whether or not the amount of destruction completed within a +peaceful town within her majesty's dominions is equal to the mischief +done to a town which is taken by storm. And yet this has been clearly +demonstrated to be the case. It is clear, my lords, that in peaceful, +happy England, which carried on a war for twenty-two years, and which +made the most extraordinary efforts to maintain that war, as she did, +with circumstances of glory and success attending her arms in all parts +of the world,--in order to avoid as it was hoped, these miseries, and so +that no such disasters as these might ever approach her shores,--in this +same happy and peaceful England, after nine years of liberal government, +here is a town plundered, and its peace destroyed; and yet I am accused +of exaggeration, because I say I never knew any town, taken by storm, to +be so ill-used as this fine town has been. I confess I am not at all +surprised, however, at the conduct of the noble lord who so liberally +applied the term "exaggeration" to what I said, when I reflect who are +the followers and supporters of that noble lord. + +_July 22, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Legal redress against Magistrates._ + +I apprehend that, according to the law of England, any individual is at +liberty to complain of the conduct of a magistrate, and proceed against +him in a court of law. No one has ever doubted that, in this country, +every individual has a right so to complain of, and to proceed against, +the magistrates, when the magistrates misconduct themselves. It is in +accordance only with the _Code Napoléon_,--with the code of laws of that +high priest of liberalism, the Emperor Napoleon,--that the consent of +the council of state should be given, before a justice misconducting +himself can be tried and punished. Hitherto, in this country, the +practice and the law have been different on that head; and I hope we +shall hear no more of such proceedings. But follow out the system laid +down in the letter from the Home Office, and the result will be that no +man--- particularly if he have to complain of the conduct of a +magistrate--will, without the consent of the home secretary, go into a +court of justice to obtain redress. My lords, to such a course I trust I +shall see some check put, before it is further established by +precedents. + +July 22,1839. + + * * * * * + +_Reasons for Supporting the Penny Postage Bill_. + +In the preamble of this bill, it is stated to have for its object the +establishment, in this country, of a low and uniform rate of postage. I +admit the truth of the arguments stated by the noble viscount upon the +expediency, and, indeed, the necessity, of establishing an uniform and +low rate of postage in this country. These arguments have been urged +more than once by my noble friend near me (Lord Ashburton), and by the +noble duke who heretofore filled the office of postmaster general, but +whom I do not see in his place this evening. If, however, the object be +only to reduce the expense of postage, and to establish an uniform rate, +I imagine that the power of the government is already sufficient for +such a purpose, although the power was not granted for that immediate +object; but the object with which the power was given was, for the +purpose of enabling the government to adopt that particular plan which +is called Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, and which, I am certainly disposed to +admit, was, of all plans, if adopted exactly as Mr. Hill proposed it, +the most likely to be successful. At the same time, I must say, I am +afraid the present plan will not be entirely successful. I think, in the +first place, that a great mistake is committed, in the assumption that +the reduction in the rate of postage down to a penny, even to be paid on +the delivery of the letter, would induce any very considerable increase +of literary correspondence. I possessed, for many years, an extensive +knowledge of the degree of advantage attendant upon such a system in the +army; and I can safely assert to your lordships, that it is quite +curious to remark how small an amount of correspondence is carried on by +soldiers, notwithstanding they enjoy the utmost facility for doing so. +One remarkable instance I will mention, just to show that it is not +quite certain that a large increase of correspondence will take place in +consequence of the rate of postage being reduced to a penny. In the case +of a highland regiment, it was positively ascertained that, in the +course of six or seven months, only sixty-three or sixty-four letters +were written. Now this is a fact on which reliance can be placed; and it +certainly demonstrates that the people of this country are not so ready +to correspond, as some suppose, even when they can send letters at the +rate of a penny for the postage. I would beg your lordships to observe +just one point touching the application of this plan to the country +parts of England. It is perfectly well known to you that the post-office +is frequently six or seven miles, and sometimes ten or fifteen miles, +from most of the houses and villages in the neighbourhood. Now, if a man +have to take a letter to the post-office, he may lose half a day's work +in going there; and it cannot be supposed that he would make such a +sacrifice merely because he would only be charged a penny on the +delivery of his letter. Then, again, let us look at the manner in which +the plan will work in large towns. The plan will, no doubt, work +beneficially in London. In London, there are a number of people employed +for the purpose of delivering letters in all parts of the town several +times in the course of the day. But let us take such towns as +Manchester, or Leeds, or Liverpool; the people cannot resort to one +post-office, and post-offices must therefore be established in different +parts of the town for their accommodation; and the consequence will be, +a vast increase in the establishment of the post-office,--of which +increase, I do not think sufficient notice has been taken in the +documents which I have perused. Upon the whole, then, I am very much +afraid that this scheme for a low and uniform rate of postage wilt be +found impracticable on account of the expense, and, also, from the small +amount of profit which will accrue from the carriage of the letters. + + * * * * * + +At the time this subject was first mentioned in this house, and, indeed, +in the other house of parliament, the noble viscount said that his main +object would he to secure the revenue; and I certainly apprehended that +the noble viscount would not adopt this plan, unless he could see some +security for the revenue; and this was the language held, also, in the +other house of parliament, I understand. It seems now, however, that we +have got no security for the revenue. + + * * * * * + +But my lords, notwithstanding I feel so little confidence in this +measure, and notwithstanding that I must continue to lament that it +should ever have been adopted, when all the circumstances of the present +times are considered,--I, nevertheless, earnestly recommend you to pass +it. It is a measure which has been most anxiously looked forward to by +the country; at the same time that it is one as to which there has been +much doubt: but your lordships should bear in mind, that there is not +one clause of this bill upon which you can make an amendment, or in +which you can give a vote, except in the negative or the affirmative, +without committing a breach of those conventional rules which have been +established for the conduct of the business between you and the House of +Commons. On the other hand, my lords, suppose you were to reject this +bill;--the government, supported by the other house, would have the +power to destroy the whole revenue of the post-office; so that all the +evil which this bill could do to the revenue, and which it is your +object to save, might still be done;--and seeing that, at the same time, +the measure of post-office administration, which it is the object of +this bill to effect, and which it is desired should be carried into +execution, must altogether lie over, unless you agree to some such +measure as this;--I say, my lords, under these circumstances, I intend, +though with pain and reluctance, to vote for the bill; and I earnestly +recommend your lordships to adopt it. + +_August 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Danger of interfering with the Religion of the Hindoos._ + +My lords, I served in India for a considerable length of time; but I +never saw--I never heard of--anything so revolting in the religious +ceremonies of the natives as has been described by the noble duke and by +the right reverend prelate. The whole army, while I was in India, except +about 50,000 men, consisted of idolaters; but they were as good soldiers +as could be found anywhere. They performed, in the best manner, any +service that was required of them; and certainly, at that time, the +object of the government, and of every man in the service of the +government, was to avoid, not only interference, but even the semblance +of any interference, in any manner, in the idolatrous rites and +ceremonies of the country. I have not read one of the dispatches which +have been alluded to; and I must say that I have seen too much, in my +own experience, to encourage the practice of encouraging documents of +this description. I beg your lordships to recollect, that with the +exception of about 20,000 of her majesty's troops, and, with the +exception of the civil servants of the government, and the few European +residents in the country, there is not a man in India who is not an +idolater, to manage the affairs of that most extensive and important +empire. I would entreat your lordships never to lose sight of that fact. +I know, too, from experience, for I have seen the missionaries at work, +the little progress which they make; and I know at the same time that +their labours create a good deal of jealousy. I warn the government not +to go too far in their measures against the idolatry of India; for the +Indian empire is one of great importance, and they must not expect to +convert 100,000,000 of idolaters to our holy religion by the small means +at their disposal. + +_August 13, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Never said one thing and meant another._ + +I will not make any professions of my own anxiety to put down the slave +trade. I have passed a long life, I trust with honour, in the service of +her majesty's predecessors. I served her majesty's predecessors in +diplomatic situations and in councils, as well as in the army, and I +believe people cannot accuse me of saying one thing and meaning another. + +_August 19, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Impotent Colonial Administration of the Whigs._ + +We have sacrificed 20,000,000 l. of money to terminate slavery in the +British colonies; and we are now calling upon other nations--upon the +United States, upon Spain, upon the Brazils, and upon various powers +which possess slaves--to imitate and to follow our example; but what +have we done to secure the co-operation of those great countries in the +great object that we have in view? We have offered no inducement to +those nations to imitate our example, by the establishment of order and +good government in our West Indian colonies; for nowhere have we +properly or adequately availed ourselves of those advantages which we +have, or of those advantages which we might procure, to give security to +life and property in those islands, and to maintain peace and +tranquillity among their inhabitants. The communities in the West Indies +are all small societies; and there is not a man in any one of them, not +in Jamaica, even, which is the largest of them, who is not within the +reach of authority. The government of each of those islands is strong in +the means of exercising authority--strong in garrisons, strong in +troops, strong in a police force, and in everything necessary for the +preservation of life and property, for carrying the laws into execution, +and for affording security to every individual, even to the very lowest +of the people;--but yet, I will venture to say, since the enactment of +the law for the emancipation of the slaves, there have been and are no +societies, in the whole world, in such a state of disorganization, +disorder, and anarchy, as are those very West Indian islands of ours; +but which, if they were well managed and governed by the noble lord, +nominally at the head of the colonial department, instead of by the +different factions that resort thither to interfere with the business of +that government, ought, and are calculated, to be of the greatest +advantage to this nation. There are no societies in the world more +capable of being well governed, than those islands are, if the noble +lord opposite would only perform his duty in an independent manner, and +keep all factions at a distance, instead of allowing every faction in +this country to interfere, on all occasions, with the business of the +government in relation to those colonies. But this is not all; let your +lordships look round in all directions, and you will see the same +lamentable state of things existing. Look at Lower Canada, look at Upper +Canada, at Newfoundland--look where you will, you will see nothing but +disorder and anarchy--and resulting from what? from nothing but the +interference of factions in England; who, let your lordships recollect, +have nothing to do with those colonies. These disorders result solely +from the interference of those factions in the affairs of each of those +colonies; and till the government shall put an end to such interference, +and act altogether independently of it, it is impossible to hope for a +restoration of tranquillity. + +_August 23, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_The Melbourne Administration no Government._ + +I can assure the noble viscount, (Palmerston) that all I desire--and all +I have desired for some years past--is this,--to see a "government" in +the country. To see the country "governed." I wish that I could say +that I had seen it "governed" for some years past; and I hope that the +noble viscount will now turn over a new leaf, and "govern" the country a +little better than he has done heretofore. I may tell the noble +viscount, that I have had some little experience in these matters +myself; and I humbly suggest to the noble viscount, that, before he +announces measures to parliament through the speech from the throne, in +future, he should first take care that those measures have already been +properly considered; and that, before he inserts them in her majesty's +speech, he should have them ready prepared, or in such a state of +preparation as to be able to introduce them to parliament immediately +after the speech from the throne. If he do thus, the measures in all +probability, will be in such a state that they may be passed, or, at all +events, they will not be scrambled for among partisans and factions in +parliament: they will then, most likely, be considered by men who, I +consider, from their official station, must be capable of deciding upon +them; they will be their measures, and not the measures of factions and +parties; or, at least, they will not be measures presented to parliament +in such a state as that they ought not to pass. But I have desired to +see a "government" in the country, for many other reasons besides those +which are referable to the state and manner in which measures have been +brought forward, after having been announced to parliament in the speech +from the throne. I desire to have a "government" in this country, +because I am anxious to see our colonies settled and governed--because +I wish to see the interior of the country settled and governed as it +ought to be governed--and because I wish to see all our establishments +fixed and protected in that form and state in which they are to remain. + +_August 23, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Causes of the Weakness of the Melbourne Administration._ + +The noble viscount has been pleased to attribute the disturbances in the +country, at the present moment, to the opposition which, he says, has +been given by your lordships to the measures brought forward for the +redress of grievances. Now I did not like to interrupt the noble +viscount, when he was addressing your lordships; but I certainly felt +much disposed to call upon the noble viscount to name what the measures +were, to which he so alluded. I have been trying, ever since the noble +viscount spoke, to recollect what those measures could be; and I declare +that, with respect to England, particularly, I do not know of a single +measure which has been discussed in this house, and rejected by your +lordships, that would with any degree of propriety, be called a measure +for the redress of the grievances of the people. If there be such +measures, let the noble viscount bring them forward again next session, +and I am sure they will receive from your lordships every attention. +But, my lords, I have taken another view of the cause of the +disturbances which now exist in the country. I think they have arisen +from a very peculiar state of circumstances; and I will venture to +submit them to the noble viscount, in answer to that part of his speech, +in which he was kind enough to attribute those disturbances to the House +of Lords. I believe that they have originated in the unnoticed and +unpunished combinations which have been allowed by the government during +so many years, to exist,--whether as political unions or as trade +unions, or as other combinations,--clearly illegal combinations,--amongst +workmen, to force others to abandon their work, by those who work at +prices different from those at which they are content to be employed, and +at which they have agreed to work for their employers. These combinations +have gone so far in some parts of the country,--and more particularly in +the north of England, and, indeed, throughout almost the whole of the +northern part of the island,--as to threaten destruction to the trade and +credit of the manufacturers; and at last they have arrived at that pitch, +and have spread to that extent, that the country is brought to the +situation in which we see it at the present moment. For, after all, +what are these Chartists, that are found marching about the country, +and engaged in the disturbances that prevail? I have inquired a great +deal into the subject, and the result is, that I believe they are nothing +more nor less than persons combined together for the purpose of driving +other workmen--engaged, whether in manufactures, in the collieries, or +agricultural pursuits, or in other districts--from their work; and for +the purpose of destroying the machinery, and the buildings, and of +interfering with the capital of the employers,--thus striking at the +very root of employment, and at the chief means of the sustenance of the +people,--striking at the foundation of the manufactures and the commerce +of the country, and of all its prosperity. This is my sincere belief; and +all this, I say, is owing to the want of early notice of the proceedings +of those combinations by the government,--to their not having carried the +laws into execution,--to their having left free from punishment those who +have been submitted to trial,--and to their unfortunate selection of +magistrates, and, above all, of the magistrates of the new reformed +corporations of Birmingham, Manchester, Bolton, and other towns. The +government may rely on it, that, until they adopt different measures, +they will not induce parliament to look with favour on their +proceedings. The government first reduced all the military +establishments. Those military establishments are not, even now, nearly +up to their proper footing; and I am firmly convinced that, in the +disturbed districts, there is not one half the establishment equal to +the ordinary establishment maintained in time of peace. This +circumstance, and the want of a due execution of the law upon those who +are tried, convicted, and sentenced to punishment,--and also the fact, +that those who have been appointed to carry into execution the law are +persons connected by habit, by association, and even by excitement, with +those very Chartists who have violated the law,--suggest the true causes +of these disturbances; and not the nameless grievances created by a +nameless opposition in this house, to nameless measures, as alleged by +the noble viscount. + +_August 23, 1839._ + +_Speech on Her Majesty's Marriage._ + +There is no noble lord in this house who concurs more sincerely than I +do in the expression of congratulation to her majesty upon her +approaching marriage, which she has been pleased to announce a second +time to the public from the throne this day. I sincerely wish, with the +noble mover and seconder of the address, that this event may tend to the +happiness and comfort of the Queen. Upon this occasion I should have +been contented with the address, and should have offered not another +word, if your lordships had not been called upon in the speech from the +throne, to concur with the other house of parliament, in making a +suitable provision for the prince, for whose future station in this +country her majesty's speech has prepared us. But, my lords, it appears +to me that when this house is called upon to express an opinion upon a +detail of this description, the house ought to look into, and act upon, +this subject--it ought not to be a mere congratulation. I conceive that +the public have a right to know something beyond the mere name of the +prince whom her majesty is about to espouse. My lords, I had the honour +of being summoned to attend her majesty in privy council, when her +majesty in council was graciously pleased to declare her intention of +becoming the espoused of this prince. I observed, that the precedent of +the reign of George III. was followed in all respects except one, and +that was the declaration, that this prince was a protestant. [Loud +cries of "Hear, hear!" from the opposition benches.] My lords, I, for +one, entertain no doubt that the prince is a protestant. I believe he is +a protestant. I know he is of a protestant family. I have the honour of +being known to some members of that family, and I am sure that it is a +protestant family. But, my lords, this is a protestant state, and it is +absolutely necessary, by law, that the person who shall become the +spouse of the queen be a protestant; and, if the precedent of George +III. has been taken in part, it ought to have been followed throughout; +and then the public would have had the satisfaction of knowing that the +fact of the prince being a protestant, had been officially declared by +her majesty's government. My lords, I know the noble lords opposite too +well to suppose that they are not aware of the anxiety in the public +mind on this subject; and I know, also, that they had it in their power +to relieve that anxiety, and to gratify the public by making this +declaration; nay, more, my lords, I am convinced that there exists the +same anxiety in the royal mind, about the protestant character of the +state as is felt by me or any of your lordships. And if so, my lords, I +ask, why was the precedent of George III. departed from? Is there any +doubt as to the religious sentiments of this prince? None at all; there +can be no doubt that he is a protestant; he cannot be otherwise. Then, +why is it not so stated? We have heard something of this marriage from +another part of the country; we have seen some proceedings on this +subject since the declaration in council, which show pretty clearly why +the word "protestant" was omitted. My lords, I confess that I am one of +those who read with great attention all that passes in Ireland;--all +those speeches which come from that quarter;--and I do it for this +reason: I have been accustomed to that kind of revolutionary +discussions. It has been said by an eminent French writer, _en plein +jour, on ne conspire pas_; but that is not so now. The object proposed +is terror. These things are declared openly. This I can see from what +appears in the public prints, as I read these public letters and +missives in order to see what the real danger is, and that I may not be +taken by surprise. Now, what I mean to say is this,--that I see in what +has passed elsewhere, a very suspicious reason why the word "protestant" +was not inserted in the communication made to the privy council, and why +it has not been inserted in the speech from the throne. I say to the +noble lords opposite, that I believe they are as much determined as I +am, myself, to maintain the protestant ascendancy of the state. I think, +then, if this be the case, that upon the first occasion, when this +question comes before your lordships, and when the House of Lords shall +be called upon to do any act, or to make any declaration upon the +subject, beyond the mere congratulation of the queen, your lordships +should take that course which may procure the country the satisfaction +of knowing that Prince Albert is a protestant prince, and that this is +still a protestant state. + +_January 16, 1840._ + +_Approbation of the Conduct of the Affghanistan Expedition._ + +My lords, having been, for a great part of my life, selected to carry +into execution, under superior authority, measures of this description, +no man can be more capable of judging, from experience, of the merits of +government in planning and carrying into operation such measures; and I +should be the last man to doubt, at any time, the expediency of this or +the other house expressing its approbation of the conduct of the +political servants of the crown in planning and working out all +arrangements preparatory to carrying into execution great military +operations. My lords, it has happened to me, by accident, that I had +some knowledge of the arrangements made for the execution of this great +military enterprise; and, I must say, that I have never known an +occasion on which the duty of a government was performed on a larger +scale,--on which a more adequate provision was made for all +contingencies that could occur, and for all the various events which +could, and which did, in fact, occur during this campaign. My lords, it +would be presumptuous in me to say more on this subject, having, I +repeat, been made acquainted, only by accident, with the arrangements +made preparatory to the campaign now brought under your lordships' +attention. With respect to the military services performed, I can say +nothing beyond, nor more deserving the officers and troops, than what +has been stated by the governor-general in his dispatch. My lords, I am +well acquainted with the officers who have directed and performed these +services; and I must say that there are no men in the service who +deserve a higher degree of approbation for the manner in which, on all +occasions, they have discharged their duty; and that, in no instance +that I have ever heard of, have such services been performed in a manner +better calculated to deserve and secure the approbation of your +lordships and of the country. + +_February 4, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Danger of Socialism._ + +It appears that this system (Socialism) has spread itself over a great +part of the country; and, upon inquiry, I find that it has taken root +rather extensively in the county in which I reside. I find that in +Hampshire, or on the borders of the two counties, Wiltshire and +Hampshire, there is a large institution for the propagation of Socialist +principles, spreading over no less than five hundred acres of land, +which this society have purchased for their purposes. In reference to +that institution, I have this day presented a petition to your +lordships, containing statements as to the doctrines of this society, +regarding religion, the holy scriptures, God Almighty, and all the great +points of our belief; which statements, in my estimation, demand the +most serious inquiry. When I read that petition, which I did the moment +it was placed in my hands, I felt it to be my duty, as the lord +lieutenant of the county, to call the attention of the magistracy to +the facts which it set forth. That I considered to be my duty; and I +say, also, that the House of Lords, now that the facts have been brought +before them, have a duty to perform to the country, on this question. +These doctrines of Socialism are rapidly gaining strength--are spreading +themselves throughout the country. They have now got beyond that point +at which your lordships might say, "We will take no steps in the matter; +the system is absurd, and will fall to pieces of itself." I say, my +lords, we have got beyond that point; and the people should be made to +understand that the legislature and the government look on those +institutions only with disfavour, and are determined to discountenance +them. And they should also be made to know, that wherever, in the +promulgation of the doctrines of this society, there shall be a breach +of the law committed, it will be treated as such, and punished as such. +I say, then, that it is incumbent on your lordships to take such steps +as will satisfy the country that your attention has been directed to the +subject, with the view to remove the evil and ensure tranquillity. If +the government will allow the motion to pass, and take the subject into +their own hands, and inquire into it, through the magistracy, or by any +other means, I, for one, am willing to leave the matter with them on +that condition, merely adding that I shall be happy to afford them any +assistance in my power in carrying out their inquiry, and in enabling +them to annihilate this mischievous and demoralising system. + +_February 4, 1840._ + +_Compliment to the Navy._ + +I know a great deal of the gentlemen of that profession; and, for my own +part, I have always had, and still have, the greatest and the highest +respect for them, and the very utmost confidence in them. I have always +endeavoured to emulate their services in the service in which I have +myself been engaged; and I am sure that in nothing have I endeavoured to +emulate them in a greater degree than in that confidence which they +feel, not only in themselves, and in the officers of their own rank, but +in all officers and troops under their command. + +_February 6, 1840._ + + * * * * * + + +_Eulogium on Lord Seaton._ + +I had the honour of being connected with the noble and gallant lord in +service at an early period of his life; and I must declare that, at all +times, and under all circumstances, he gave that promise of prudence, +zeal, devotion, and ability, which he has so nobly fulfilled in his +services to his sovereign and his country, during the recent proceedings +in Canada. I entirely agree with the noble viscount in all that he has +said, respecting the conduct of my noble and gallant friend, in +remaining, under all circumstances, at his post, and in taking the +command of the troops, although it was not thought expedient by the +government to place him again in the government of the provinces. I +agree with the noble viscount in wishing that such examples as that +which has been shewn may be always followed in her majesty's service; +for I must say that there never was a brighter example of fortitude and +discretion than that which has been manifested by the noble and gallant +lord. + +_March 27, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinion on the Printed Papers' Question._ + +I wish--as, indeed, everybody wishes--that the House of Commons should +have the power of printing and publishing its papers. But what I want to +do is this--to provide that, when it proceeds to the sale of them, the +law should take its course. As to the printing and publishing of papers, +I have no objection, until it comes to the point of sale. The sale ought +not, in my opinion, to be made by the authority of the house; it ought +to be made by individuals, and they should be responsible for what they +sell, as they were previously to the passing of the resolution in 1835; +and, up to that time, it must be admitted that the House of Commons and +the House of Lords had the advantage of all their privileges quite as +much as they have had ever since. My lords, I must confess that I look a +little further into this question than the mere matter of libelling +individuals. I consider all this as it affects the public generally; +and, I say, the public is mainly interested in its being understood that +the House of Commons and the House of Lords are not to be the privileged +sellers of libels against individuals. + +_April 6, 1840._ + +_Libels on foreign Sovereigns ought not to be permitted._ + +I remember reading with great satisfaction, the history of a great case, +which was pleaded and argued at considerable length, some years ago, in +this country--I mean the case of the "King v. Peltier," in the court of +King's Bench. That was the case of an action brought against an obscure +individual, for a libel which he had published upon the sovereign of a +neighbouring country, with whom we were then in a state of peace and +amity. Now, I ask your lordships whether, supposing, in the course of +the late Polish revolution, the libels, some of which we have seen +printed in this country, and others which we have heard spoken of in the +other, and, I believe, in this house of parliament, reviling, in the +strongest terms, the sovereign of Russia, had been stated in the +petitions, or in the proceedings of the House of Commons, and had been +printed, published, and sold by its authority; I ask your lordships +whether such a proceeding would not have been calculated to disturb the +peace of this country, and of the world at large? In short, I ask your +lordships whether it is desirable that there should be an opportunity of +publishing and selling, on the part of the two houses of parliament, +libels against the sovereigns of all the foreign powers in Europe? My +lords, I am one of those who consider that the greatest political +interest of this country is, to remain at peace and amity with all the +nations of the world. I am for avoiding even the cause of war, and of +giving offence to any one, and of seeking a quarrel, either by abuse, or +by that description of language which is found in these libels. I am +against insulting the feelings of any sovereign, at whom individuals may +have taken offence, and against whom they may seek to publish libels +under the sanction of parliament. Let them state what they please in +their private capacity, and let them be answerable for it individually, +as Peltier was. What I want is, that parliament should not, by the +combined privilege of publication and sale, run the risk of involving +the country in the consequences of a discussion of such subjects, and in +all the mischiefs and inconveniences which might arise from it. + +_April 6, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Reasons why the Chinese stopped the Opium Trade._ + +It is perfectly true, as is stated by the noble earl, that the trade in +opium has been carried on contrary to the laws of China. But then, my +lords, it has been so carried on with the knowledge of the local +authorities on the spot, who received large payments, in the shape of +bribes, or in the way of duties, possibly both, for allowing the import +of this opium,--its admission into the ports of China. It appears that, +although the trade was forbidden by the law of China, it was known to +the authorities of China, to the emperor himself, and to all the +servants of the government, that it had existed for many years, and that +the discussion had continued for many months, upon the question, +whether the trade should be allowed, and continued, under a duty, or +whether it should be discontinued altogether. Allow me to ask the noble +earl, who has contended so very strongly for the Emperor of China, +whether that morality was so very great while he allowed that trade to +be continued? and whether his morality can be improved in any respect by +opium being introduced upon the payment of a large duty, instead of its +being introduced by means of smuggling, and under bribes paid to the +officers of his government; and even, as it has been shown, from the +exterior waters into the interior of the country, in the Mandarin boats, +that is, in boats, either in the service of the country, or, at all +events, under the charge of officers of the government? I really cannot +see the force of the noble earl's argument with respect to the +illegality of the trade, when it is as clear as possible that its +existence was well known to the government of China, and that no step +had ever been taken to put it down; but, on the contrary, the means of +continuing it, and of raising a larger duty upon it, were under +consideration; and, in fact, the trade was finally put down, and +discontinued only because it was supposed that it occasioned the export +of a larger quantity of native or Sycee silver. + +_May 12, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_The Opium not the cause of the war with China. Defence of Captain +Elliot._ + +The noble earl says that this war is to be attributed to the opium! +Why? there was no British opium in China at the very time these other +outrages were committed, and when this very language was held; and, as +far as I am able to judge, there was then no opium in the possession of +the British merchants there. An order had been issued to deliver it up, +and this gentleman had gone down the river for the purpose of +surrendering the whole. The war, then, has grown out of another state of +circumstances. First of all, there was a claim for the surrender of an +Englishman to be put to death, because a Chinese had lost his life in an +affray. Captain Elliot, as became an English officer, instituted an +inquiry to discover whether a certain number of persons, stated to have +been in an affray, had been guilty of the murder or not, and the result +of the inquiry was, that he could not bring the charge home to any one; +that he had no reason to suspect any one. The Chinese government still +insisted that these six men should be given up. Captain Elliot refused, +and that, I take it, is one of the causes of the war. + +Another of the causes of the war is this--that a provision had been made +that matters should be restored to their former state, in proportion as +the opium should be delivered up; that the British inhabitants should +have the use of the native servants; that they should have the common +comforts of life, provisions, and all that was necessary for +subsistence; and, finally, that the trade should be re-opened, and +matters allowed to resume their usual course. After having given that +promise, it is discovered that this Chinese lost his life in an affray +in which American seamen were engaged as well as the English; and then a +fourth proposition was advanced, which was this, that every master of a +vessel, proceeding up the Canton river, should sign a bond, submitting +himself, and all on board his ship, to be dealt with according to the +laws of China. The noble lord has found fault with Captain Elliot upon +this, as well as upon another matter. Now, this objection is most +extraordinary, and it rather tends to prove that the noble earl, though +he has paid great attention to this particular blue book, is not very +well acquainted with former transactions in that country, or he would +have found that former traders with China had invariably refused to +subscribe to such proposals, and that they had broken off the trade with +the Chinese, rather than do it; rather than give up British subjects to +be dealt with according to the laws of China. I think they acted most +properly; and that Captain Elliot, very much to his credit, refused to +do it; at the same time, he did no more than his duty. He did what +others would I trust have done under the same circumstances; and he is +entitled to great praise for his firmness in resisting that demand. Then +there is another circumstance in which Captain Elliot acted as became +him. I allude particularly to his refusal to give up Mr. Dent. It was +declared that the opium trade was not to be continued; that it was an +illegal trade; and that dealing in opium should not be suffered. It was +supposed that Mr. Dent had been a person very much concerned in that +trade, and had made a large fortune, as I believe many others have +done, by that illicit trade. And Captain Elliot was blamed, when it was +sought to have Mr. Dent given up, because he, her majesty's +representative and the chief superintendent of trade in that country, +stepped forward and said, "I won't allow this gentleman to be given over +to the Chinese government, and to be tried as the Chinese government may +direct." I should, my lords, be ashamed of the name of Englishman, if +there could be found one in her majesty's service capable of acting +otherwise than this gentleman did, under such circumstances. The noble +earl has stated that a great deal of difficulty would have been got rid +of, if Captain Elliot had complied with the request of the Chinese; and +that the Americans gave up a seaman to be dealt with according to the +Chinese laws. I am sorry for it. I must say, it was not their duty to do +so. They would have done better to have taken a leaf out of our book, +and to have followed the example of the East India Company, to put an +end to the trade rather than risk the life of one of her majesty's +subjects, or give him up to be tried by the Chinese government. + +_May 12, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +If we cannot sustain our power in the Canadas, we must necessarily lose +all our dominions in North America. + +_June 30, 1840._ + + * * * * * + + +Colonial responsible government, and the sovereignty of Great Britain, +are completely incompatible. + +_June 30, 1840._ + +_Importance of Colonies to the Mother Country._ + +I have observed in this country, for some length of time, a growing +desire to get rid of our North American dominions--a desire that they +should become republics. This desire prevails amongst a very large party +in this country. I am aware that there are also others--not, however, +acting from the same motive--who desire that the separation should take +place; tranquilly, if possible, but that at all events it should take +place. In my opinion, these gentlemen are mistaken. It is my decided +opinion, that, considering the resources and the power of these +colonies, this country would sustain a heavy loss, indeed, if these +colonies were to be separated from it. + +_June 30, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Religious Education must be provided out of the Funds of the Church._ + +It appears to me that there is no difference of opinion amongst us on +these points--namely, that means must be found of preaching the word of +God to the people of England; and I go further--for this point is also +not disputed--and I say that those means must proceed, in the first +instance, from the church, and that they must be exhausted before the +public is called on for other means; in providing those means, you will +not only be performing a duty incumbent upon you, but you will also be +following the example of every other nation in the world. It has been +my lot to live among idolaters--among persons of all creeds, and of all +religions; but I never knew yet of a single instance in which public +means were not provided sufficient to teach the people the religion of +their country. They might be false religions; I know but of one true +one; but yet means were never wanting to teach those false religions; +and I hope that we shall not have done with this subject until we have +found sufficient means for teaching the people of England their duty to +their Maker, and their duty to one another, founded on their duty to +that Maker. + +_July 30, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Necessity of administering Oaths._ + +I entreat your lordships to pause, and recollect that the foundation of +all justice is truth; and that the mode of discovering truth has always +been to administer an oath, in order that the witness may give his +deposition under a high sanction. I hope your lordships will not adopt +another of those bills which have been before your lordships only a few +days, and which suggest, in truth, nothing more than a way of enabling a +witness, who thinks proper to say he has conscientious scruples, to +escape the solemnity of an oath. I admit that the inconvenience of the +present state of the law falls on the community rather than on the +individuals; but, at the same time, I think that, by every one of those +relaxations, we shake the foundations of justice. + +_August 4, 1840._ + +_Church-rate Martyrs--true state of the Case._ + +In my opinion, this case is a very simple one, and one on which there +can be no doubt as to the course which should be taken. Here is a man +who has been sued for a sum of money, which, it is understood, was +lawfully due by him. The law renders him liable to pay that sum of +money, and the law supports the proceedings against him for the recovery +of it. This person could have easily avoided these proceedings, by +simply paying the sum of 5s. 6d., which was demanded of him; or he could +have gone into court and had the question fairly tried, whether he was +lawfully bound to pay it or not, according to the laws of the country in +which he resides; for, of course, he must be bound by the laws of his +country, as well as all other British subjects. But he has not chosen to +take either course. He has said, "I will not pay that money;" and, in +consequence of his own conduct, a large amount has been incurred in the +way of costs. These costs are not matters of speculation or amusement, +they are realities; they are sums of money paid for the labour of +certain individuals, for certain services performed in the execution of +their duties, under the legal authority of the ecclesiastical courts, +and in this suit. Now, those costs must be paid. Were we to let the man +off from paying the 5s. 6d. for the rate, that remission would not get +rid of his liability for the costs; these latter must be paid, either by +himself or his friends, or else they must be paid by the other party, +by the lawful suitors, by the lawful plaintiffs, who had a right +originally to recover the money. They are the persons who would have to +pay the costs, unless your lordships consent to insert the clause +proposed by my noble friend. Somebody must pay the costs after all. But +it is said that the defendant is not to pay the costs, and that he is to +be let out of prison. Well, you may let him out, if you please; but, +surely, you would not call upon the plaintiffs to pay the costs incurred +by _his_ conduct? That would not be justice. That would not be fair +between man and man. Not a soul in this house could be of that opinion. +It is not consistent either with law or justice to throw these expenses +upon those on whom the law of the country has laid the necessity of +incurring them. Not they, but he who, by his own conduct, rendered the +proceedings imperative, ought to be made to pay the costs. + +_August 7, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Wellington not a War Minister._ + +No noble lord nor any other man that I know has done half so much for +the preservation of peace, and above all, for the pacification and the +maintenance of the honour of France and for the settlement of all +questions in which the interests of France were involved, as the +individual who is addressing your lordships. From the period of the year +1814, down to the last month of my remaining in the service of the king, +I did everything in my power for the strengthening and preservation of +the peace of Europe, and more particularly for the maintaining and +keeping up the best understanding between England and France. I repeat, +that I have done more than any one else to place France in the situation +in which she ought to be in the councils of Europe, from a firm +conviction,--which I feel now as strongly as I ever did,--that if France +is not, then there is no necessity for the preservation of the peace of +Europe, or for a sound decision on any subject of general policy. I am +sure that the noble viscount would find, if he would take the trouble to +search the archives of the government, papers written by me shortly +before I went out of office in 1830, that would fully justify the +assertion which I have just made. I am sure that those who were in +office with me were as anxious for the preservation of the peace of +Europe as any politicians, be they liberals or otherwise. They were as +anxious for the preservation of a good understanding between France and +this country, and that France should be on a perfectly good +understanding with all the powers of Europe, and that she should take +the station which becomes her in the rank of nations, and which her +power, her wealth, and her resources entitle her to. + +_January 26, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_The Capture of Acre, the greatest deed of modern times._ + +I have had a little experience in services of this nature, and I think +it my duty to warn your lordships on this occasion, that you must not +always expect that ships, however well commanded, or however gallant +their seamen may be, are capable of commonly engaging successfully with +stone walls. I have no recollection, in all my experience, except the +recent instance on the coast of Syria, of any fort being taken by the +ships, excepting two or three years ago, when the fort of St. Jean +d'Alloa was captured by the French fleet. That is, I think, the single +instance that I recollect; though I believe that something of the sort +occurred at the siege of Havannah, in 1763. The present achievement I +consider one of the greatest deeds of modern times. That is my opinion, +and I give the highest credit to those who performed such a service. It +was altogether a most skillful proceeding. I was greatly surprised at +the small number of men that were lost on board the fleet; and, on +inquiring how it happened, I discovered that it was because the vessels +were moored within one-third of the ordinary distance. The guns of the +fortress were intended to strike objects at a greater distance, and the +consequence was, that the shot went over the ships that were anchored at +one-third of the usual distance. By that means they sustained not more +than one-tenth of the loss which they would otherwise have experienced. +Not less than 500 pieces of ordnance were directed against the walls; +and the precision with which the fire was kept up, the position of the +vessels, and lastly the blowing up of the large magazine, all aided in +achieving this great victory in so short a time. I thought it right to +say this much, because I wished to warn your lordships against your +supposing such deeds as this could be effected every day. I repeat, that +this is a singular instance, in the achievement of which great skill was +undoubtedly manifested, but which is also connected with peculiar +circumstances which you could not hope always to occur. It must not, +therefore, be expected as a matter of course, that all such attempts in +future must necessarily succeed. + +_February 4, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_A blow at the Reformation._ + +There is no doubt that that body (the Roman Catholic seminary of St. +Sulpice) was made a corporation by means of that ordinance, yet until +that property had been legally vested in them by the ordinance, they had +no legal right whatever to it. * * * I was very much struck, I must +confess, when first I read the petition and the ordinance relating to +this subject; I was very much struck by the total departure it evinced +from the principle of the reformation; a principle untouched up to this +present moment. And I entreat your lordships, whatever you may think on +the subject of this ordinance or other questions--I entreat the +attention of your lordships and of the British public to this, that this +ordinance was the first blow openly struck by authority at the +principles of the reformation; principles hitherto upheld, particularly +throughout Canada, from the period of the conquest down to the present +moment. I felt strongly on this point the moment I saw the petition and +the ordinance, and I still continue to feel strongly on the subject, +since I have heard the right reverend prelate state that it was the +governor-general, not a member of the legislative council, but the +governor-general of the province who brought forward this measure, +acting on the part of the queen, whose rights, interests, and +prerogative it was his duty to protect, and which he should have +protected in the legislative council. + +_March 5, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Australia._ + +It would be much the best plan to put an end to all the Australian +commissioners, to whom allusion is made in the bill before your +lordships, altogether. A worse system was never adopted for the +management of a colony. We ought to place that colony in the same +position as the other colonies under the government of her majesty, and +rule it in the usual way by the Colonial Office. I disapprove of these +commissions altogether. + +_April 30, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Evils of Reduced Establishments._ + +It was stated that the British were expelled from Canton on the 5th of +May. I, however, infer from what took place, that the British were +obliged to retire at the end of March. Looking to the events of the +present year, they appear to me to be exceedingly unsatisfactory. And to +what, I would ask, is this owing? It appears to me that this state of +things is to be attributed to improper advice. The interests of the +country in various parts of the world, have not been properly protected. +If there is not a general war, we are placed in a situation that tends +to it; and this arises from our having reduced our establishments far +below what they ought to be, even in a time of peace. This was the true +cause of the present state of things in China, and of delay and +consequent misfortune elsewhere; and I much fear that circumstances will +occur to cause still further regret at the course that has been adopted +with respect to our establishments. I told ministers so at the time they +were making those reductions in 1837. I stated to them then that they +were not taking such care of our establishments as would enable them, in +the event of war, to contend with success against our enemies. The +reduction of our establishments has been pursued in different parts of +the world, where we are engaged at present, and now we see the +consequence. + +_April 29, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Poor Law Commissioners must be made to do their duty._ + +I voted for the Irish poor law bill, and proposed amendments, which, I +believe, induced your lordships to pass the bill. I am sure that those +amendments had the effect of inducing others to approve of that bill, +who would not have done so if those amendments had not been introduced. +I did all this on the faith and assurance, not only of the house and +the government, but of those gentlemen themselves, that it would be +carried into execution in Ireland, with the same strictness and fairness +as it was in this country. In this expectation I have been altogether +disappointed, and for this reason I am determined, when I get the other +papers, to read every line of them, and probe the matter to the bottom, +in order to see where the mischief lies. But recollect there is not only +this case, but several other cases before your lordships, in every one +of which there is corruption. We cannot stop here with the resolutions +of my noble friend. The Clonmel case is a very gross case. The noble +lord opposite has told us that the office can be but of little +importance, as the salary is only 10l. to 30l. a-year; but see what +power the office gives. In this very case let your lordships see what +happened next day, when the brother-in-law of this individual was +appointed valuator, a situation which puts the property of every man, in +some degree, in his power. We must go deeper into this question, if we +wish to do justice to Ireland, and to the gentlemen who hold property in +that country. We must take care that their property shall not be left at +the disposal of such miscreants, and we must make the poor law +commissioners do their duty. I cannot think of asking him any question +on the subject, for it was sufficient for him to know that he was the +nephew of a person called the archbishop, to be satisfied of his +fitness. + + * * * * * + +It would be mere stuff to stop here; the persons on whom the house must +call are the poor law commissioners themselves. Let them be taught to +feel it their duty to keep a correct record of their proceedings, which +they shall be ready to produce at any time that the house or the +government may call for them. Let them be taught to feel that the house +will not permit such conduct as this, and we shall soon see an end to +such abuses as those out of which the resolution of my noble friend +arises. + +_May 3, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Why Corn Laws were imposed._ + +These laws (corn laws) were not invented, nor have they been maintained, +for the purpose of keeping high rents in the pockets of noble lords, but +they were invented and have been supported for the purpose of +maintaining and supporting agriculture, and of maintaining this country +independent of all other countries and parts of the world; and it is +also perfectly true, as stated by my noble friend behind me, that such +has been the policy of England for centuries, sometimes by one mode, and +sometimes by another; sometimes by imposing protective duties when corn +rose above certain prices, and sometimes by giving bounties, and +occasionally very large bounties, on the exportation of corn. But +whatever has been the means, the object has always been to support the +agriculture of the country, in order to render this country, in respect +of its subsistence, independent of other nations. This was the object of +the improved system introduced in the year 1828; this was the object of +those principles which have been maintained ever since; at least it was +the principle on which I gave those laws my support, and on which I more +than once asked your lordships to render this country dependent only on +itself for subsistence. This was the object of the corn laws, and not +that dirty object which has been imputed to your lordships--and which, I +must say, it is too bad to impute to your lordships--of obtaining large +rents from your land. It is also perfectly true, as has been stated by +my noble friend behind me, that there is not a country of Europe in +which corn laws do not at this moment exist; but, nevertheless, I +suppose if it were proposed to repeal these laws, and adopt the measures +recommended by the petitioners, your lordships would be told of the +quantities of corn that might be had from Russia and from Prussia, and +other parts of the world. But are there no corn laws in those countries? +Has the noble earl heard of no laws prohibiting all exportation of corn +to other countries? That fact alters the whole state of the question of +corn laws in this country. The effect of such a state of things would be +most serious if there came a bad season here and there, too. Then, +again, has the noble lord not heard of the high duties imposed on the +exportation of corn from those countries during the late wars? Have not +your lordships got evidence before some of the committees--have you not +got letters from some merchants at Dantzic to one of those governments +on the subject of the prices of corn in England, and on the rate of +duties imposed at that port? and was it not stated that the increased +price obtained from England might be expected to enable those merchants +to pay the duties imposed by their government on exportation? Let it be +observed, that I do not blame the sovereign to whom I allude for +imposing those duties--I should not have blamed him if it had been an +act of war, whereas it was a mere measure of finance. I do not say, that +I agree with him in his notions of protection; but I say, that when I +consider it a question of protection, that sovereign is not to be +blamed, and that his object was like that of your lordships, to secure +the subsistence of his subjects, and not to cause a rise of rents. + +_May 7, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_The Corn Laws._ + +The first man who brought forward those opinions (Adam Smith) which I +have read as well as noble lords opposite, made an exception upon this +very subject. He excepted corn from the doctrines he laid down as to all +the other articles of trade. In relation to the subsistence of the +people he says, that we must always take care to ensure that subsistence +within the country itself--and accordingly he excepts corn from the +several doctrines which he lays down. I confess I have heard nothing +during these discussions to alter my opinion, that the corn laws which +were adopted almost unanimously in 1828, have perfectly answered the +purposes for which they were intended, and have kept the prices as +steady as the nature of the commodity will allow. Yes, my lords, in this +country, when we have produced corn for our own subsistence, and it is +our object invariably to produce it, prices have been more steady than +in any other country of Europe. It it my opinion, on all these grounds, +that these laws have operated as successfully as any laws could have +done. + +_May 11,1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Agriculture and Manufactures._ + +I cordially concur in the feeling that the prosperity of the +agriculturist must depend on the general prosperity of the manufacturer, +and of commercial interests in general. There can be no doubt about +that, and then corn laws are supported, not with a view to the advantage +of any particular interest or class of men, but with a view to render +the whole country independent of foreign countries in respect of its +supply of food. I believe that all parts of the country, and every +individual resident in it, are interested in this subject. + +_May 17, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Cotton and Corn._ + +Allusion has been made to the increase in imports in cotton. It has been +said but small profits were made upon the manufacture of this immense +quantity of produce, but that appears to me to have no connection with +the question of the corn laws. The fact is, the improvements in the +machinery, and the introduction of steam, have enabled the manufacturers +to manufacture with very little cost. They do not make the profit now +they did fifty years ago; but they still make profits, although +diminished by competition--not by competition with the foreigner, but by +competition at home. Other manufacturers who were aware that profits +were to be made, although not so large as formerly, entered the field, +built new manufactories, established machinery, and thus introduced +fresh competition. + +_May 25, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Grounds of Complaint against the Whigs in_ 1841. + +These grounds are neglect and mismanagement of the finances of this +country by her majesty's government, the future consequence of which, as +has been stated, it is impossible to foresee, and the improper, +impolitic and unconstitutional means which they took to recover +themselves. These things were proved by reference to the actual state of +the finances, when it was found necessary to review them in the last +parliament; and it was shewn that, in point of fact, after a period of +about five years, a debt had not alone been accumulated of five +millions, but there had also been a vast deficiency in the public +revenue. This debt and deficiency are to be attributed to the practice +adopted by her majesty's government of carrying on extensive operations, +of which nobody approves, mind you, more than I do when done as they +should be, and at the same time not making due provision for the +increased expenditure, occasioned by their carrying on war in several +places with a peace establishment, being the most crying of these evils, +and neglecting to employ the proper means for meeting the increased +charge, and putting an end to the impending danger. The next allegation +against them, my lords, is for not making financial provision in the way +of ways and means for the expense and charge incurred by the country +from the exertions made to put an end to the danger which menaced it. A +noble lord has stated that, though a large amount of army and ordnance +was kept on foot after 1831, no provision had been made for the +additional expenditure in the usual way of an application to parliament, +but that irregular and unconstitutional modes were adopted by her +majesty's government for finding means of defraying those expenses. In +this, my lords, my noble friend spoke but the simple truth. In one case +the whole charge of a war had been thrown on the East India Company, and +then converted into a debt on this country; in another the funds of the +savings' banks had been tampered with; in another the Exchequer bills +had been funded; and, in short, several most irregular modes has been +adopted. Then, my lords, what happened? Besides these expenses; besides +the failure of the government to make due provision by the mode of ways +and means to defray the charges incurred by their naval and military +operations; besides these, my lords, her majesty's government thought +proper to repeal a large amount of taxes, by which means they reduced +the revenue of the country to such a degree as materially and inevitably +left a most serious deficiency. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Hasty adoption of Free Trade by the Whigs._ + +My lords, it is not more than fourteen months ago since I heard the +noble viscount (Melbourne) say,--making use of the strongest language I +ever heard in opposition to a motion merely for taking the corn laws +into consideration,--the noble viscount on that occasion declared before +God, with reference to the abolition of the corn laws, that he believed +the man must be mad who dreamed of such a thing. Now, my lords, I do not +pretend to say that the noble viscount has not a perfect right to change +his opinions. I believe he thought that he had good grounds for doing +so, and I think I have myself read the report which induced him to +change them. But this I do say, that, before your lordships and the +country were placed in this situation in regard to the queen, the noble +viscount was bound to give parliament and the country an opportunity of +obtaining that knowledge and information as to the true merits of the +question, which he imagines himself to have obtained. + + * * * * * + +It is by such inquiries as these, my lords, calmly and patiently +conducted, that men are enabled to judge respecting the consequences of +great changes of this nature, and of the bearings and tendencies of each +particular part of what is intended to be done. But, instead of such a +course being pursued, what has been done in the present instance? +Nothing. * * I further think, that the committee and report were _ex +parte_ ones, upon which no legislative measures ought to have been +founded. But what I chiefly complain of is this, that before the noble +viscount put this speech into the mouth of her majesty, he did not give +us full and fair information to guide us as to what we ought to do. I +believe, my lords, that conduct like this is sufficient to induce you to +say that the noble lords opposite do not deserve your confidence. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Lord Melbourne's services to the Queen._ + +I am willing to admit that the noble viscount has rendered the greatest +possible service to her majesty. I happen to know that it is her +majesty's opinion that the noble viscount has rendered her majesty the +greatest possible service, in making her acquainted with the mode and +policy of the government of this country, initiating her into the laws +and spirit of the constitution, independently of the performance of his +duty, as the servant of her majesty's crown; teaching her, in short, to +preside over the destinies of this great country. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_England the best country for the Poor._ + +With respect to the corn law question, my opinions are already well +known. I shall not argue the propriety of these laws, but I shall be +ready to discuss them when a discussion is brought forward by a +government having the confidence of her majesty's parliament. But, my +lords, I earnestly recommend you, for the sake of the people of this +country, for the sake of the humblest orders of the people, not to lend +yourselves to the destruction of our native cultivation. Its +encouragement is of the utmost and deepest importance to all classes. My +lords, I have passed my life in foreign countries, in different regions +of the earth, and I have been in only one country in which the poor man, +if sober, prudent, and industrious, is quite certain of acquiring a +competence. That country is this. We have instances every day; we have +seen, only within the last week, proofs that persons in the lowest ranks +can acquire, not only competence, but immense riches. I have never heard +of such a thing in any other country. I earnestly beg of you not to lose +sight of this fact, and not to consent to any measure which would injure +the cultivation of our own soil. I have seen in other lands the misery +consequent on the destruction of cultivation, and never was misery equal +to it; and, my lords, I once more conjure you not to consent to any +measure tending to injure the home cultivation of this country. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinions on Abstract Questions of Policy inexpedient._ + +My lords, the noble viscount states, and he states truly, that it is not +a habit in this house to call on your lordships to give an opinion on +abstract questions of policy. That, my lords, is perfectly true, and I +have myself endeavoured to bring the house to that view on more than one +occasion, that is, to prevent the expression of any opinion on abstract +questions of policy, in the shape of an address or otherwise, until it +should be brought before your lordships in the shape of a distinct +legislative measure. More than once I have succeeded in persuading your +lordships to withhold such opinion, and on some occasions, even, I have +supported the government (whig) against them, however much I may have +disapproved of their policy with regard to them. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +It is at all times desirable that the sovereign should not be pledged in +the speech from the throne. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Abolition of Oaths._ + +The foundation of all justice is truth, and the question is, how truth +is to be ascertained. Before I can receive any application of this +description, and before I can vote for the bill lately laid on your +lordships' table, I would like to hear the opinion of some of those +learned men who are at this moment engaged in the administration of the +law, and who must have made up their minds as to the best means of +ascertaining the truth. Hitherto it has been understood in this country +that the best means was by administering oaths. I am aware that the +legislature has made certain exceptions. It may be very well to make +these exceptions--and let further exceptions be made if they are +expedient--but I do say, that we ought to have some solemn examination +of the question, and some certainty that the new mode proposed is as +good as the old one for ascertaining the truth, which, as is said, is +the foundation of all justice. + +_March 18, 1842._ + + * * * * * + +_The Income Tax only justified by Necessity._ + +I can answer for myself, and I believe I can also answer for my +colleagues, that nothing but necessity could have induced us to propose +such a tax. We are perfectly aware of all the inconveniences that must +result from it. We are perfectly aware of the provisions of the act of +parliament upon your lordships' table. We are perfectly aware of the +odious powers with which these commissioners and others must be +trusted--and we can reconcile it to ourselves only by the necessity of +the case. Your lordships must feel it. We have been now for several +years engaged in operations involving great expense in all parts of the +world. I will not say, my lords, that we have been at war, but, I +believe, we have been at something as like war, if it be not war, as +anything could well be. We are exactly in the situation of persons who +have incurred a great debt, and who are called upon to pay the bill. I +say again, my lords, that nothing but a strong sense of the necessity of +the case, and that there was no other course which we could take to +produce such a revenue as would enable us to meet the difficulties of +the country, or to do what is necessary for its prosperity, would have +induced us to propose such a measure; and it will not last one moment +longer than it shall be absolutely necessary. + +_June 17, 1842._ + + * * * * * + +_The Poor Law has worked well._ + +I was one of those who supported the poor law as it was introduced some +years ago by my noble and learned friend, and I did so on ascertaining +the inconveniences and evils which attended the system of working under +the old poor law up to that period; and being sensible that the only +remedy which could be found for those evils and inconveniences, was in +the measure proposed by my noble and learned friend. My lords, I have +since had the satisfaction of contemplating the working of the measure, +which then became the law of the land, and I must say that I have been +satisfied with its results. It has, undoubtedly, improved the condition +of the working classes, and it certainly does place on a better footing +the relations between the working classes and their employers. It has +enabled those who had the care of them to provide better for the aged +and destitute than has been hitherto the case; and it has, in general, +given satisfaction throughout the country. My lords, I don't mean to say +that I approve of every act that has been done in carrying this bill +into operation. I think that, in many cases, those who had charge of the +working of the bill have gone too far, and that there was no occasion +whatever for constructing buildings, such as have acquired throughout +the country the denomination of bastiles, and that it would have been +perfectly easy to have established very efficient workhouses without +shutting out all view of what was passing exterior to the walls. I say, +then, that in some respects, the system has been carried farther than it +ought to have been, and, I shall also say that its features have assumed +a harsher character in some parts of the country than was necessary; but +this has been owing, I must admit, in a great degree, to the adoption of +another law by parliament, I mean what is called the dissenters' +marriage act, the regulations depending on which were connected with the +execution of the poor law act, and rendered necessary the establishment +of unions in many parts of the country which were not yet ripe for the +formation of those unions. But, notwithstanding the circumstances to +which I have just now alluded, I must, in general, state my approbation +of the working of this act. I have paid great attention to the subject. +Wherever I have resided, I have attended the meetings of guardians of +unions in my neighbourhood; I have visited several workhouses in +different parts of England, and I must say that I never visited one in +which the management was not as good as could be expected in such +districts of the country, and which did not give universal satisfaction. + +_July 26, 1842._ + + * * * * * + +The government of Lord Melbourne carried on war all over the world with +a peace establishment. That is exactly what we (Sir Robert Peel's +government) do not. + +_February 2, 1843._ + + * * * * * +_Real cause of the Chinese War_. + +I was almost the only individual who stated that the real ground of +complaint against the Chinese government was its conduct towards the +person employed in the service of her majesty, and representing her +majesty in China. I was the only person in this house who defended her +majesty's servants. I said that the war was a just and necessary war. I +will go further, and say, if it had been otherwise--if it had been a war +solely on account of the robbery of the opium--if her majesty's +government were engaged in that war, and if their interests and honour +were involved in it, I should have considered it my duty to make every +effort for carrying it on with success, and have asked parliament for +the assistance which would have enabled her majesty's servants to bring +it to an early and successful termination. + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on the Indian Army_. + +My lords, I know something of that (Indian) army; I have served in its +ranks, and I know pretty well what its feelings are; and though there +are different castes and religions composing it, the discipline of that +army, and the military spirit by which it is actuated, totally do away +with all such distinctions. You will never hear in India of any +difference of caste or religion in that army, any more than you would in +the ranks of the British army. All do their duty,--all are animated by +the true feelings of soldiers. + +_March 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Evils of the Press in India._ + +The state of things in that country is one of much greater difficulty +now than when I was there, because there is now established in India +what is called a free press, but which I should make free to call a most +licentious press; and by referring to these papers your lordships will +see that the mischievous influence of that press is repeatedly +complained of. For my own part, I must own, I do not see how the +operations of war can be carried on in a satisfactory manner in India, +with such a press constantly exercising its influence, and connected +through its correspondents with every cantonment of the army. + +_March 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Union must be maintained inviolate._ + +There can be no doubt of the intention of her majesty's government to +maintain the union inviolate; and it is the duty of every government, +and I will say it is the determination of her majesty's present +government, to maintain that union inviolate, and to come down to +parliament and call upon parliament to give her majesty's government its +support in carrying into execution any measures which may he considered +necessary to maintain the union inviolate, and to preserve from +turbulence the peace of her majesty's dominions. + +_May 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The House of Lords should disregard popular Clamour._ + +As to the remarks which are made on your lordships elsewhere, I am one +of those animadverted upon, and I am glad to find myself upon this +occasion in such extremely good company. For myself, I can only say that +I have been for a great number of years in the habit of treating such +criticisms and such assaults with the smallest possible attention; and I +shall continue to do my duty to the best of my ability, in the service +of my sovereign, or elsewhere, and continue to treat the language +referred to with as little attention as heretofore; and I recommend +noble lords on both sides of the house to follow my example in this +respect. + +_May 15, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Sees of St. Asaph and Bangor._ + +There can have been no object in the measure (the bill for the union of +the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor), but to make all the arrangements in +the manner most convenient to the country generally. There could have +been no desire to injure the dioceses of St. Asaph and Bangor, or any +other district in the kingdom; but the object was to make a better +distribution of the revenues of the church, and to satisfy the public of +a sincere desire to effect such a reformation as would be a real one, +and such as would give satisfaction, not only to those who were attached +to the church, as my noble friend and myself, but also to others who +looked upon it with indifference. + +_May 23, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Sussex._ + +My lords, his late royal highness was well known to all your lordships. +His royal highness frequently took part in the discussion of those +subjects which came under your lordships' consideration; and although it +was impossible for every person endowed with such acquirements, and +possessed of such an understanding, as belonged to his late royal +highness, not to have felt strongly on the various events and questions +which from time to time were brought under the consideration of this +house, yet his late royal highness always treated those subjects, +however exciting they might have been, with much moderation, and with +great forbearance towards others with whom he might have a difference of +opinion. I must do his late royal highness the justice to say, that +though I had the unhappiness to differ from him in opinion on several +subjects which came under discussion in this house, yet, notwithstanding +that difference of opinion, his late royal highness ever treated me with +unvarying kindness, and with the utmost condescension. My lords, his +late royal highness having received the benefit of an excellent +education, and having in his youth passed a considerable portion of his +time in foreign countries, was a most accomplished man; and he continued +his studies, in all branches of literature and science, until almost the +latest period of his existence. His late royal highness was, during his +whole life, the protector of literature, of the sciences, and of the +arts, and of the professors and representives of all branches of +knowledge. For a number of years his late royal highness was elected +president of the Royal Society, and he received the learned members of +that body in his house with the greatest amenity and kindness. Having +himself sedulously cultivated all subjects of literature, science, and +art, his late royal highness was, I may say, the patron, protector, and +friend, of all those who pursued such studies, on every occasion when +that protection was necessary. But other praise belongs to his late +royal highness. His royal highness was not backward--on the contrary, he +was equally forward with all the princes of his family--as a patron and +upholder, as a supporter and protector, of the various charitable +institutions of this metropolis; and, my lords, up to the last moment of +his life, he was the friend of the indigent and the unfortunate wherever +they might be found. + +_April 27, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Reasons for the Dismissal of the Irish Magistrates._ + +These gentlemen having been some of the persons to instigate and +encourage the assembly of those large meetings in Ireland, on which the +first law authority had pronounced in writing the opinion that they had +a "tendency to outrage;" that "they were not in the spirit of the +constitution, and may become dangerous to the State;" the +lord-lieutenant of the government could not put any confidence in the +performance of their duties by these magistrates and deputy-lieutenants, +who had thus excited these meetings, or who presided at them. Your +lordships are perfectly aware that on one occasion it was proved that +these meetings had a tendency to outrage--indeed, outrage was actually +committed. I told your lordships on a former occasion that there was a +great difference in Ireland on the subject of the repeal of the union. +Now, suppose that two assemblies representing such opinions assemble on +the same occasion and in the same neighbourhood, why it is obvious that +outrage and bloodshed may occur, and it must be likewise obvious that +those magistrates and deputy-lieutenants are not officers on whom the +Lord-lieutenant can rely for carrying into execution measures for the +repression and suppression of outrage which he may think proper to take +on such an occasion. My lords I have besides to observe to your lordships, +that for a very considerable period of time it has been a matter of +notoriety in Ireland that the members of her Majesty's council, her +majesty's servants in this and the other house of arliament, declared it +to be the fixed and positive determination of the government to maintain +inviolate the legislative union between the two countries. Some of the +most distinguished members of both houses of parliament declared, in their +places, that they had the same intention; and this declaration of opinion +has been communicated to the public more than once; and in no one instance, +as I believe, has there been an intention avowed to promote the object of +this repeal of the union. Well, then, what must be inferred from the +notoriety of that fact? What but that the repeal of the union, so far as +a vote of parliament is concerned, is hopeless? It is to be carried then +by intimidation, by force, and violence; and, of course, as the government, +whose duty it is to resist and repress such acts of intimidation, force, +and violence, whenever they should be attempted, by all the means at their +disposal, cannot use such instruments as those who excite the people to +appear at their head, the lord-lieutenant and lord chancellor have taken +measures to remove them from the commission of the peace, and +deputy-lieutenancies of their several counties. This is the principle, +my lords, on which I conceive the government has acted. + +_June 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +After what passed in both houses of parliament it became a matter of +notoriety that the opinion of parliament was, that the legislative union +should not be repealed, and that every effort on the part of the +government should be made to resist the attempt to occasion that repeal. +Then, my lords, under these circumstances, the lord chancellor finds +Lord French and other magistrates calling meetings to repeal the union, +assisting at the meetings, presiding at them, and urging all the +proceedings. At this time the opinion of parliament was notorious, yet +meetings consisting of 10,000, 20,000, 100,000, no matter as to the +number of thousands, continued. My lords, I wish to know with what +object they were continued? Was it with a view to address parliament to +repeal the union? No, my lords, they were continued to obtain the +desired repeal of the union,--by terror, if possible,--if not, by force +and violence. And the persons calling these meetings, I beg your +lordships to observe, were the magistrates, the very men who must have +been employed by government to take measures to resist this violence, to +prevent breaches of the peace, to arrest those who should be guilty of +such breaches, and to bring them to justice; and then the noble lord +says, that the government ought not to have removed those magistrates +from their situations, and that they ought not to draw a distinction as +to the time when it became notorious to the whole world what were the +views entertained by parliament and the government on this important +question. My lords, in this and the other house of parliament, no one +would have any idea of repealing the union except in regular course, +like another act of parliament; but with these meetings of 50,000 and +60,000 men, was there any question of discussion? No, my lords, the +question was terror, force, and violence. That was the ground on which +the lord chancellor told these magistrates after the views of the +government had become notorious, you must be dismissed if you attend, or +excite others to attend, such meetings. I am as much concerned that this +state of affairs should exist as the noble lord can be; but of this I am +quite certain, that the way to be prepared is not to have in the service +of the government--not to have government dependant upon the exertions +of--a number of magistrates who have excited and encouraged these +proceedings, assisting at and presiding over these very meetings. That +could not have been desirable, and I say that the lord chancellor and +situation as that of governor-general of India, an officer who was so +for little more than two years--an officer who has given satisfaction in +so high a situation to those by whom he was intrusted and +employed--whose acts have been concurred in and sanctioned in every +instance; to recall that officer suddenly, making no provision for the +performance of the great duties which are to be performed, and which +must he performed in that country--to recall an officer in whom the +government fully confided, without the concurrence of that +government--is, my lords, an act, to say the least of it, that cannot be +called a discreet exercise of the power which is conferred on those who +have so used it. My lords, I will say nothing--- I will advert to +nothing that is not notorious--that is not strictly in reference to the +act of parliament. I beg your lordships to observe, that the body which +did this act--which I must call an act of indiscretion, at least--that +body, as a body, has no knowledge whatever of the instructions sent out +to the governor-general, and under which he acted. They stated reasons +for withdrawing the governor-general from India; but, as a body (except +the secret committee appointed under the act of parliament), they had no +knowledge whatever of the instructions under which the governor-general +acted, or of the events which had taken place in that country, except +that which is within the general knowledge of this and the other house +of parliament, and the whole public of this country. And yet, my lords, +they take this responsibility upon themselves--having no knowledge of +the instructions which it was deemed at Waterloo. Very possibly not, my +lords. Bear in mind what he said in respect to the augmentation of his +numbers, and the means of assembling those persons. He said on one +occasion, that by the post of one night, he could collect the whole of +this force in different parts of the country; and it is perfectly +true,--I have not a doubt of the fact. + +_July 14, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Remedial Measures of no avail whilst Agitation continues in Ireland._ + +My lords, I must say, that grieved as I am that there should be so much +truth in the representations made by the noble lord of the existing +state of the country, and of its prospects, threatened as they are by +the continuance of agitation, I must say, that no measure that could be +proposed, no new measure which could be adopted, would have the smallest +effect in removing any of these evils or inconveniences. My lords, the +only mode, the only course to be adopted on the part of the government, +is to oppose a strong resistance to everything like a breach of the +peace or public order, and to be prepared, as I hope they are prepared, +to enforce measures for preserving quiet, and protecting property, in +Ireland. My lords, I know of no remedy but that for the state of affairs +which exists at present; particularly as it appears that whether the +peace of the country shall be disturbed or not, depends on the will of +one man, and his influence over the wills and actions of some thousands, +who possess influence in various parishes of the country. + +_July 14, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Agitation no Relief for the Poverty of Ireland._ + +My lords, it certainly is true that there is in Ireland a vast number of +poor. I have been sorry to see that it is stated in some returns on the +table, that there are as many as 2,000,000 of poor in Ireland. My lords, +it happens unfortunately, that in all parts of the empire there are +poor; but I will beg to observe, that it is not in the power of this +government, nor of any government, nor of any parliament, in the course +of a few weeks, or a few months, or, I may say, a few years, to relieve +the poverty of a great country like that, extending as it does to such a +portion of the population. But, my lords, I beg to know whether poverty +can be relieved by this description of agitation for the repeal of the +union? Is poverty relieved by marches of twenty-five and thirty Irish +miles a-day, during the period of spring and summer, to hear seditious +speeches? Is poverty relieved by subscriptions of thousands of pounds to +the repeal rent, and the O'Connell rent, and other funds of that +description? No, my lords, that poverty must be relieved by a +perseverance in industry and sobriety; not taken up by fits and starts +for the sake of a more orderly appearance at seditious meetings, where +the people are marshalled by bands of music and flying colours. The +evils, whence that poverty proceeds, are not to be cured in a day. The +remedies must be some time in operation; and all I can say is, that the +government are sincerely desirous to avail themselves of every +opportunity that may tend to benefit the people of Ireland, and to +relieve that poverty of which the noble lord so eloquently complains. + +_July 14, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Assistance of Foreigners to the Repeal Agitation.--Their Anti-English +Motives._ + +My lords, I do not dispute the extent of the conspiracy--I do not +dispute the dangers resulting from organization in Ireland--I have +stated it publicly on more than one occasion--I do not deny it--it is +notorious, it is avowed, it is published in every paper all over the +world. I do not deny the assistance received from foreigners, not from +foreign governments,--I have no right to say so,--but from foreigners of +nearly all nations; for there are disturbed and disturbing spirits +everywhere, who are anxious to have an opportunity of injuring and +deteriorating the great prosperity of this country. + +_August 8, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Military in readiness to preserve the Peace in Ireland._ + +I, whose duty it is to superintend one of those offices on which the +execution of the measures of the government depends, feel confident that +everything that can be done has been done, in order to enable the +government to preserve the peace of the country, and to meet all +misfortunes and consequences which may result from the violence of the +passions of those men who unfortunately guide the multitude in Ireland. + +_August 8, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Mr. O'Connell's Proceedings._ + +To plunder the public in Ireland of money for the purpose of O'Connell +rent, or repeal contribution, or the lord lieutenant would not have done +their duty if they had not removed those persons from her majesty's +service. + +_July 14, 1845._ + + * * * * * + +_The "Monster" Meetings in Ireland._ + +The noble lord (the Marquis of Clanricarde) has stated that these +meetings were not illegal. I certainly do not consider myself competent +to decide whether they were or were not illegal. This I know, that they +consist of very large numbers--whether of 10,000 or 100,000 I am sure I +cannot tell, and I do not believe any man can tell to a certainty. They +are assembled in very large numbers, regularly organised, marching under +the lead of persons on horseback, with bands and banners, in regular +military array. After having attended these meetings, those present are +dispersed by word of command, without trouble, violence, or breach of +the peace, and march back, perhaps twenty or thirty miles. * * * My +lords, I have had some experience, in the course of a long life, which I +have passed in the service of the sovereigns of this country, of +revolutions. A distinguished author has written of the French +revolution. "_On ne conspire pas sur la place_." There is no secret in +these transactions, and the reason why there is no secret is this, that +the great means of operation are deception of their followers, and +terror in respect of their adversaries. Accordingly, we hear a learned +gentleman exclaiming to his audience, "Napoleon had not in Russia such +an army as this is; the Duke of Wellington had not such a one repeal of +those laws upon which the reformation in this country has been founded. +My lords, I have already taken opportunities of warning your lordships +against the assertion of such doctrines in this house, and I must again +express a hope that you will observe and beware how they are introduced +into it, because you may rely upon it, that there is not an individual +in this country, be his religious opinions what they may, be his +position what it may, who is not interested in the maintenance of the +reformation. Not only our whole system of religion, but our whole system +of religious toleration, in which so many people in this country are +interested, depends upon the laws upon which the reformation was +founded; and I therefore entreat your lordships to give no encouragement +to doctrines that might induce a belief that there exists in this house +any indifference upon the subject of those laws. + +_March 18, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_The Compact entered into for the Maintenance of the Protestant Church +in Ireland should be held sacred._ + +The Protestant church in Ireland has existed in that country for a +period of nearly three hundred years, and was maintained in that country +during a century of contests, rebellions, and massacres; and during a +contest for the possession of the crown, the Protestants of that country +encountered that contest, and kept possession of their church; and +during another century it was maintained through much opposition, and +under difficulties of all descriptions. At the period of the union, the +parliament--who had the power to consent to the union, or to refuse +their consent--stipulated that the Protestant church in Ireland should +be maintained, and maintained on the same footing as the Protestant +church of England in this country. The parliament had, under the +auspices of the king of this country, the power of either making or not +making that compact. Your lordships entered into that compact with the +parliament of Ireland, and I entreat you never to lose sight of the +fact. I entreat you not to suffer yourselves to be prevailed upon to +make any alteration in, or to depart in the slightest degree from, the +terms of that compact, so long as you intend to maintain the union +between this country and Ireland. It is the foundation upon which the +union rests,--it is a compact which you have entered into with the +parliament of Ireland, and from which you cannot depart without being +guilty of a breach of faith, worse than those which have been referred +to in other countries,--worse than those pecuniary breaches of faith +which have been alluded to in the course of the discussion which took +place in your lordships' house this evening upon another subject. I +entreat you to listen to none of those petitions or speeches which tend +to the injury or the destruction of the church in Ireland. Do what may +be necessary,--do what it may be proper to do, in order to render that +church more beneficial to the people of that country; but I entreat you +to adhere strictly, in spirit and according to the letter, to the +compact you have made, and not permit it to be supposed in any quarter +whatever that you entertain the most distant intention of departing, in +the slightest degree, from that arrangement. + +_March 18, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_The recall of the Governor-General of India, by the Court of Directors, +an act of gross indiscretion._ + +My lords, I conceive that this right (of recalling the governor-general +of India) is one which the court of directors are bound to exercise with +due discretion; as all bodies and all individuals ought to do, when they +possess extraordinary powers under the provisions of the law. In such +cases, my lords, they are hound to exercise that power with the utmost +discretion. Now, my lords, I will venture to submit to your lordships, +as the opinion of an individual who has had some experience in these +matters, that the exercise of the power belonging to the court of +directors is not, in this instance, to say the least of it, a discreet +exercise of that power. My lords, the court of directors has this power. +It has also the power of nominating a successor in the room of the +person recalled. But, my lords, it has no other power whatever, as your +lordships will find in looking into the law on the subject--it has no +other power whatever, my lords, except under the direction and control +of the board of commissioners for the affairs of India, and for the acts +of that board of commissioners her majesty's government is responsible. +Under these circumstances, my lords, I venture again to say, what I +before said, that it is not a discreet act of authority to recall from +power--to recall from such an important what not, is one thing; to +excite the common people of the country to approach as near as possible +to the commission of crime, and to do all the mischief that is possible +to be done to the country, without exposing one's own person, is another +thing; but to corrupt the army is quite a different thing, which, I hope +and trust, I may promise your lordships will not be fulfilled. + +_August 11, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on Major-General Sir Charles Napier._ + +My lords, I must say, that, after giving the fullest consideration to +these operations (in Scinde), I have never known an instance of an +officer who has shown in a higher degree that he possesses all the +qualities and qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations. +He has maintained the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of +his plans, the utmost activity in all the preparations to ensure his +success, and, finally, the utmost zeal, gallantry, and science, in +carrying them into execution. + +_February 12, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_Persons of every Religious Denomination interested in the maintenance +of the Reformation._ + +The noble lord (Earl Fitzwilliam) has propounded to your lordships a +something, neither the nature of which, nor the period at which it is to +be carried into execution, is he himself exactly certain of. Something +or other must be done; to that something this country must make up its +mind; the noble lord does not state what it is to be; but it is, at all +events, to involve the necessary to send out to that part of the +globe--and the act of parliament will shew they are bound to have +none--having no share in giving those instructions--in short, having no +knowledge on which to found a judgment on so important a subject as the +recall of a governor-general, they took upon themselves to pronounce +their judgment on the conduct of this officer, and to disapprove of it. +Now, my lords, I must say, that having no knowledge which could enable +them fairly to pronounce their judgment on his conduct, or that could +justify them in depriving the government and the country of the best +instrument--I say it again, the best instrument to carry on and perform +the various duties of that great office, making no provision whatever +for the performance of those duties which are now to be provided for by +her majesty's government, is an indiscreet exercise of the powers they +possess. My lords, as I have said so much on this subject, I will, in +order to illustrate the indiscretion of this act (that is the best word +I can find for it), go yet a little further. My lords, though I believe +this is the first time in the history of the government of India that +this extreme measure has been resorted to by the court of directors, it +has more than once been in contemplation; but upon the advice and +remonstrance of the ministers of the day, the resolution of the court of +directors has been always withdrawn. And it is the fact, that it has +been in contemplation by these very gentlemen, with reference to this +same governor general, in the course of the last twelve months; but +they were at that time prevailed upon to withdraw that resolution, and +not to persist in the recall of my noble friend. This was previous to +the late great military operations in Gwalior, of which we have all +heard with so much satisfaction,--operations which I am sure your +lordships will have perceived from the perusal of the reports which have +been laid upon your table, must have been founded upon the most just and +discriminate measures, for the equipment and maintenance of the armies +placed in the field, under the direction and superintendence of the +governor general--not the equipment only of these armies--but the +support of the troops in the field, the maintenance of military +communication, and the moans of advance and retreat--in short, all that +could tend to insure their success--were amply provided for. Then, my +lords, suppose the case to have occurred of the court of directors +thinking proper to recall the noble lord six or eight months ago, whilst +the measures to which I have just alluded were in contemplation, what +would have become of the great operations at Gwalior--operations carried +on under the superintendence and direction of my noble friend the +governor general. Why, the gentleman who was senior in the council must +have succeeded my noble friend--a respectable man no doubt he is, but +without the experience of my noble friend; and without the knowledge of +the manner of equipping armies, and making proper arrangements for their +being called into action, it is needless to add, that such great and +successful operations as those to which I have alluded could not be +carried on, and I leave your lordships to judge what the situation of +India would have been if that expedition had failed, and if such an army +as the one which we have seen described in one of the blue books upon +this table had continued in existence, threatened, as we were, at the +same moment, by a similar body in the Punjaub, on the north-west +frontier, and with the province of Scinde still in an unsettled state. +Why, my lords, the danger would have been imminent, and this would have +been the consequence of the recall of my noble friend six or eight +months ago, a measure which was in contemplation, and was only prevented +by our representations to those who have now committed this gross +indiscretion of recalling the noble lord--it was prevented only by the +representations made to those gentlemen of the danger which would ensue +to the public interest from the measures which they were about to adopt, +the dangers resulting from the impossibility that they would be able to +provide for events which most probably would occur if they recalled +their officer without the consent of her majesty's government, who would +thus be deprived of the instrument in their hands best fitted for +carrying their instructions into execution, while the directors, in this +country, must be unable to direct the means in existence for securing +the safety of their troops, for guarding their frontier, for upholding +the honour of Her majesty's arms, and the security of our vast dominions +in that part of the world. I say again, as I have said before, and I +say the least of it, when I pronounce it to be the most indiscreet +exercise of power that I have known carried into execution by any body +possessed of power since I have had a knowledge of public affairs, which +I am sorry to say is upwards of half a century. + +_April 29, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_His Support of the New Poor Law (Ireland.)_ + + +I will take the liberty of reminding your lordships that the New Poor +Law was originated by noble lords opposite, while they were in the +service of her majesty, and that I gave the measure my support from a +sense of duty, because I thought it was calculated to benefit Ireland. I +have throughout supported the measure; I proposed some amendments which +I thought likely to promote its beneficial action; I have given it my +support ever since; and I am prepared to do all in my power to ensure +its successful operation. + +_May 17, 1844._ + + + + + +INDEX. + + Absenteeism, Irish, deprecated, 220. + + Abstract questions, opinions on them inexpedient, 474. + + Acre, the capture of, the greatest deed of modern times, 460. + + Affghanistan expedition, its conduct approved of, 445. + + Agitation in Ireland, real meaning of, 192. + Deprecated, 260. + ---- characterised, 331. + Agitation by authority, 411. + + Agrarian outrages, the, of 1830, 223 + ---- in Ireland, caused by agitation, 385. + + Agriculture and manufactures, 469. + + Albocracy, the, 309. + + Albuera, battle of, one of the most glorious in the war, 115. + + Animosity should be forgotten when war is concluded, 58. + + Anonymous letters, meanness of writing them, 118. + + Army, how to avoid party spirit in, 84. + Control of by the crown, 96. + ---- British, can bear neither success nor failure, 97. + ---- in Portugal, croaking spirit among officers, 106. + ---- British, the worst men only enter as privates, 111. + ---- what they want is coolness in action, not headlong bravery, 115. + ---- officers, as well as soldiers, require keeping in order, 118. + ---- its morale important to discipline, 126. + ---- Indian, eulogium on it, 479. + ---- Indian, eulogium on it, and Lord Hastings, 135. + + Asiatic policy contrasted with European, 86. + + Australia, 463. + + + Ballot, the, and universal suffrage, dangerous, 427. + + Belgium, its neutrality the foundation of its independence, 409. + + Beresford, Marshal, characteristic letter to, 134. + + Birmingham, riots in 1839, 427. + + Bishops in Ireland, objections to reducing their number, 333. + + Blockade, what constitutes one, 332. + + Blucher, his vandalism averted, 132, 133. + + Bourbons, their re-establishment necessary to the peace of Europe, 129. + + Bribe, indignant rejection of one in India, 82. + + British character for faith must be preserved in India, 89. + + Buonaparte, his system hollow, 103. + His disgusting tyranny, 113. + ---- A general re-action predicted, 119. + Effects of his government, 128. + ---- The Duke will not be his executioner, 131. + + + Canada, plan of operations against the United States, 125. + Conduct of the Canadian leaders, 390. + ---- The rebels must be reduced, 390. + Objections to a legislative council, 392. + + Canning. The Duke of Wellington felt no hostility to him, 142. + + Catholic emancipation, impossible to grant it, 136, 153. + ---- reasons in favour of it, 155, 156, 158, 160, 162, 163, 166, + 169, 172, 173, 180, 183, 184, 186, 187, 190. + Repeal averted by it, 221, 240. + + Chancellor, the Lord, his right to the patronage of his office, 268. + + Charity, money in aid of labour is better than, 118. + + China, reasons why the opium trade was stopped, 451. + Opium not the real cause of the war, 452. + Defence of Capt. Elliot, 452. + Real causes of the Chinese war, 479. + + Church, the, should educate the people, 308, 456. + + Church rate martyrs, real state of the case, 458. + + Civil list, principle on which arranged, 235. + + Clergy of Ireland, depressed by the Melbourne government, 357. + + Colonies, importance of to the mother country, 456. + + Commissariat, importance of, to troops, 82. + + Corn law of 1828, principle on which founded, 143. + ---- worked well, 208, 209. + + Corn laws. Why imposed, 466, 468. + have improved agriculture. 414. + Repeal would raise prices, 410. + ---- If repealed, foreign sovereigns would tax the export of their + corn, 417. + + Cotton and corn, 469. + + County meetings, their constitutional use, 138. + + Currency, theory of a metallic, 193, 338. + Extended, means unlimited paper circulation, 197. + Metallic, leads to reduction of taxation, 200. + + + Democracy, concessions to it cannot be rescinded, 394. + Durham, Lord, his ordinance in Canada illegal, 406. + + + East India Company, eulogium on, 277. + Importance of preserving the authority of, 329. + + Enemy's life, secret bargain for, ought not to be made by a + commander, 81. + Reward for, by proclamation, may be offered, 81. + + England the best country for the poor, 473. + + Enthusiasm of the people very fine in print, but not to be trusted + to, 120. + + Equitable adjustment, how far to carry the principle, 213. + + Establishment, naval and military, necessary to the national honour, + 209, 463. + + European and Asiatic policy contrasted, 86. + + Evans, General, strictures on his proceedings in Spain, 372. + + Expediency better, in politics, than principle, 328. + + + Faith, British character for, must be preserved in India, 89. + + Finance administration of whigs and tories compared, 257. + + France, peace with, desirable, but difficult, 270. + + Free labour in the colonies, difficulty of getting it, 323. + + French retreats their rapidity accounted for, 97. + + French revolutionary armies, causes sustained, 98. + ---- and English armies, their different constitution, 110. + ---- the, would invade England if we withdrew from Spain, 113. + + + Game laws, the, increase poaching, 319. + + George the Fourth, eulogium on him, 215. + + Grey policy, the, tends to war, 260. + ---- government, the, encouraged the reform agitation, 261. + ---- Effect of their savings, 310. + + + Hampden, Dr., his case, 387. + + Holy alliance, all connexion with it repudiated, 328. + + + Imprisonment for debt, principle of, 386. + + Income tax, the, justified by necessity, 476. + + India, people of, philosophers about their government, 81. + We must get the upper hand there, and keep it, 84. + Residents in native courts must have military power, 85. + Foundation of our power in India, (1803) 86. + British "moderation" there, 86. + British faith, 89. + Civil government must follow on conquest, 89. + The Duke's services there neglected, 94. + Advice to a native ruler, 93. + Danger of interfering with the religion of the Hindoos, 434. + Evils of a free press there, 480. + Recall of Lord Ellenborough an act of indiscretion, 494. + + Intervention, foreign, should be on a national scale, if at all, 375. + + Ireland, state of the poor in, 153. + Real meaning of agitation, 192. + Absenteeism deprecated, 220. + Effect of Irish affairs on our Portuguese relations, 224. + Agitation deprecated, 260. + Its state under Lord Grey's government, 302. + Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of, 307, 377, 492. + Agitation characterised, 331. + Lord Normanby's goal deliveries, 380. + Objections to the corporation bill of 1837, 381. + Agrarian disturbances caused by agitation, 385. + Poverty of the people of, 399. + The "monster" meetings, 487. + Remedies of no use while agitation continues, 488. + Anti-English motives of foreigners in supporting the repeal agitation, + 490. + + The military in readiness to keep the peace, 490. + + Jews, the, their right to citizenship denied, 334. + --no right to civil equality, 335. + + Judgment, every man's, to be mistrusted in his own case, 95. + + Law-breaker, the, always in the wrong, 96. + + Legion, the, was sent to Spain for stock-jobbing purposes, 369. + Uselessness of it, 371. + Its want of discipline, 373. + It was a failure, 403. + + Leopold, king, (of Belgium) must be independent of foreign powers, 259. + + Londonderry, marquis, his appointment to St. Petersburgh, 351. + + Lords, house of, should disregard popular clamour, 481. + + Magistrates, the, should be appointed by lords lieutenant, 222. + --legal redress against them, 429. + --(Ireland) reasons, for their dismissals, 483. + + Malta, a free press there deprecated, 396, 419. + Its riches, 421. + + Manufacturing distress, causes of it, 201. + Exaggerated, 201, 202, 204. + + Market, the home is the best, 211. + + Melbourne administration, causes of dismissal in 1834, 347. + --treated with moderation by the opposition in the lords, 359. + Hostile to the church, 396. + Their impotent colonial government, 437. + They were not a government, 437. + Causes of their weakness, 439, 470, 472. + Carried on war with a peace establishment, 478. + + Melbourne (Viscount), his services to the queen, 473. + + Military operations, importance of time in, 81. + --law the will of the general, 103. + + Ministers require large private fortunes, 239. + + "Moderation," British, in India, very like ambition, 86. + + Monster meetings, the, 487. + + Municipal bill, (Ireland) dangerous to the church, 309. + Objections to the bill, 381. + + Napier, Sir Charles, eulogium on him, 491. + + National system of education in Ireland, 264. + + National credit, how to establish it, 123. + + Navarino, battle of, an untoward event, 139. + + Navy, the, as a constitutional force, controllable by the legislature, + 96. + --inadequacy of our, (1838) 407. + --compliment to it, 448. + + Negotiating parties, a good understanding necessary between them, 99. + + Negro emancipation will encourage foreign slave grown sugar, 243. + + Newspapers, the Duke's indifference to, 109. + + Non-interference, doctrine of, 141, 375. + + Normanby, lord, his goal deliveries in Ireland, 380. + + Oath, the Catholic, in a principle, 319. + + Oaths are necessary, 457. + Their abolition considered, 475. + + O'Connel, Mr., ought not to have had a patent of precedence, 264. + His proceedings, 490. + + Officers, British, require keeping in order as well as the men, 118. + Their fearlessness arises from their obedience, 126. + + Open questions a sign of weakness in a government, 427. + + Opinion, a war of, the worst of wars, 242. + + Opposition, the, should aid the government where war is inevitable, 405. + + Otho, king, the Duke of Wellington's government opposed to his + appointment as King of Greece, 308. + + Parliamentary reform, declaration against, 218. + --arguments against, 225, 227, 232, 240, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, + 272, 273, 290. + + Party spirit, in the army, must be avoided, 84. + + Peninsular governments, the, must not mind unpopularity, 114. + Their disorganised state, 116. + + Pledges from members unconstitutional, 245. + + Police, a preventive, checks crime, 241. + + Poor, principle of relief to, in India, 90. + + Poor, difficulty of legislating for, 211. + + Poor-law amendment bill, the Duke's reasons for supporting it, 340. + --act has surpassed expectation, 365. + --commissioners must be made to do their duty, 464. + + Poor-law, has worked well, 477. + ---- his reasons for supporting it, 495. + ---- (Ireland) reasons for supporting it, 486. + + Popular assemblies unmanageable, 99, 124, 392. + + Porte, the, our ancient ally, 138. + + Portugal must be a military country, 101. + Advantage of having the people armed on our side in the war, 101. + Letter to a nobleman in, 104. + Conduct of the people to our troops, 108. + Apathy of the people of, 108, 110. + Portuguese troops better than Spanish, 115, 122. + As a frontier country, difficult to defend, 122. + Ingratitude of the Portuguese to the British army, 124. + Its importance to England, 241, 320. + Policy of the Wellington government, 313. + The civil war in, fomented by the Grey government, 316. + Don Miguel, king _de facto_, 318. + + Postage bill, penny, reasons for supporting it, 430. + + Protection, not free trade, the principle of our commercial law, 267. + + Protestants of Ireland, necessity of conciliating the, 307, 319, 329, + 330. + + Predatory troops, tactics to be pursued against them, 91. + + Printed papers' question, opinion on, 449. + + Private considerations must be laid aside by public men, 88. + + Public men must lay aside private considerations, 88. + + Public works, principle of advances for, 217. + ---- meetings, numbers at, may render them illegal, 400. + + + Quadruple treaty, the, 362. + Condemned, 367. + Effect of the additional articles, 368. + + + Railway acts ought to be subject to subsequent revision, 358. + + Reduction in the public service, principle on which made, 208. + + Reform, see parliamentary reform. + + Reformation, the, a blow at it, 462. + All interested in maintaining it, 492. + + Religion should not exclude men from serving the state, 95. + + Repeal of the union averted by the emancipation act, 221. + Accelerated by reform, 240. + + Responsibility, military and civil, doctrine of, 97. + + Romana, the Marquis de, his character, 111. + + Roman Catholics, the, are interested in maintaining the established + church, 354. + + + Seaton, Lord, eulogium on him, 448. + + Secrecy, its importance in public affairs, 93. + + Sense better than abilities, 125. + + Services, the Duke's, in India neglected, 94. + + Shipping interest, the, has not been neglected, 215. + + Slave trade, French feelings about it, 126. + + Slavery, fiscal regulations for its extinction not defensible, 290. + West India property not to be sacrificed to the fancies of + abolitionists, 291. + The emancipation act of 1833 a premature measure, 320. + + Socialism, danger of it, 446. + + Sovereign, the, political influence of the personal attendants of, 422. + + Sovereigns, foreign, libels on, should not be permitted, 450. + + Spain, its distracted state, 100. + National disease of, 108. + ---- the real power is in the clergy, 127. + Effects of our intervention under the quadruple treaty, 362. + Intervention condemned, 375, 401, 402. + + Spaniards, the, cry "viva," but don't act, 123. + Jealous of foreigners, 125. + + Spanish officers, their inefficiency, 98. + And troops, 99. + + Spanish leaders, their imbecility, 123. + + Sussex, the Duke of, his character, 482. + + + Talavera, the hardest fought battle of modern days, 102. + + Test and corporation acts, reason for repealing them, 148, 151. + + Tests are no security to religion, 342. + ---- university, rendered necessary by toleration, 356. + + Thirty-nine articles, the, defended, 354. + + Time, its importance in military operations, 81. + + Tithes, the most sacred kind of property, 260. + + Treaties, their ambiguity accounted for, 85. + + Troops, their subsistence must be certain, 82. + + + Union, the, must be maintained, 480. + + Universal suffrage and the ballot dangerous, 427. + + Universities, the, their educational system the admiration of the + world, 366. + + Victoria, H.M. Queen, speech on her majesty's marriage, 442. + + Vimiero, battle of, fought without mistakes, 96. + + War, when concluded, animosity should be forgotten, 88. + --French predatory system, of 121. + --A great country cannot wage a little war, 390. + --cannot be carried on with a peace establishment, 412. + + Waterloo, battle of, its effects, 130. + His disgust at them, 131. + --described to a soldier, 131. + A "pounding match," 132. + + Wellington, the Duke of, memoir, 1-79. + His Indian services neglected, 94. + His reason for being prime minister, 141. + Speech on introducing the emancipation bill, 155-190. + Would sacrifice his life to prevent one month of civil war, 186. + His declaration against reform, 218. + Reasons for resigning in 1880, 233. + Speech on attempting to resume office, May 1882, 292-302. + Explanation of his "dictatorship," in 1834, 349. + As a public man, stands on public grounds, 419. + His indifference to reports, 422. + Never said one thing and meant another, 435. + Not a war minister, 459. + + West Indian colonists, their short-sighted conduct, 394. + + William the Fourth, eulogium on, 384. + + + +THE END. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Maxims And Opinions Of Field-Marshal +His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century, by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMS OF WELLINGTON *** + +***** This file should be named 15254-8.txt or 15254-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/2/5/15254/ + +Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and the PG Online +Distributed Proofreading Team. Page images were generously made +available by BNF/Gallica (http://gallica.bnf.fr). + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/15254-8.zip b/15254-8.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..507b156 --- /dev/null +++ b/15254-8.zip diff --git a/15254.txt b/15254.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6fa035f --- /dev/null +++ b/15254.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14323 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Maxims And Opinions Of Field-Marshal His +Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century, by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Maxims And Opinions Of Field-Marshal His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century + +Author: Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington + +Release Date: March 4, 2005 [EBook #15254] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMS OF WELLINGTON *** + + + + +Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and the PG Online +Distributed Proofreading Team. Page images were generously made +available by BNF/Gallica (http://gallica.bnf.fr). + + + + + + +[Illustration: FIELD MARSHAL HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, K.G. +COMMANDER IN CHIEF &c. &c. &c.] + +MAXIMS AND OPINIONS OF FIELD-MARSHAL HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, +SELECTED FROM HIS WRITINGS AND SPEECHES DURING A PUBLIC LIFE OF MORE +THAN HALF A CENTURY. + +With a Biographical Memoir, + +BY + +GEORGE HENRY FRANCIS, ESQ. + +"Cujus gloriae neque profuit quisquam laudando, nec vituperando quisquam +nocuit." + + +LONDON: + +HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER. + +GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET + +1845. + +ADVERTISEMENT + + * * * * * + +So many works have already appeared of which the Duke of Wellington has +been the subject, that an explanation is due to the public on the +occasion of adding one more to the number. + +That explanation consists in the fact, that those works have been almost +exclusively occupied with the military exploits of the Duke, which +rendered him so illustrious during the first twenty years of his public +life; while his political career, which may be said to have constituted +a second life, distinct and different from the other, has been +comparatively neglected. + +To meet the want thus left unsatisfied, the Editor of the following +pages has endeavoured to supply materials, by which a just estimate may +be formed of the Duke of Wellington's claims as a minister and as a +statesman. + +The volume will be found to contain the Duke's deliberate opinions as a +member of the House of Peers, and, during many years, as a minister, +upon the great questions which have agitated the public mind since the +commencement of the present century. + +If there are those who hold the Duke of Wellington in light estimation +as a politician, they will not continue to entertain that opinion, the +Editor believes, after having dispassionately read the extracts of which +this work is composed. + +Interspersed with the Duke's more elaborate OPINIONS, will be found his +MAXIMS on public policy, which, though few and unpretending, may be said +to have sunk into the national mind. + +The Editor has added a few remarkable sentences and passages from the +dispatches of the Duke; with a cursory memoir of his life, which becomes +more elaborate from the commencement of his political career; and has +also attempted to portray some of his characteristics, as a soldier and +as a civilian. + +LONDON, _February_, 1845. + +MEMOIR + +OF + +HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. + + +Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington, is the fourth son of Garret, +second Earl of Mornington, by Anne, the eldest daughter of Arthur Hill, +Viscount Dungannon. He was borne at Dangan Castle, in the county of +Meath, Ireland, on the 1st of May, 1769. + +As in the case of many of the chief nobility and landholders in Ireland, +the ancestors of the Duke were scions of an English house--the Colleys +(afterwards Cowley), two of whom, named Walter and Robert Colley, +proceeded to Ireland in the reign of Henry VIII., and located themselves +in the County of Kilkenny. The two brothers were lawyers by profession, +and in the year 1531, were invested with the office of Clerk of the +Crown in Chancery, which they were to hold jointly during their lives. +Six years afterwards, we find the elder brother Master of the Rolls in +Ireland, and the other Solicitor-General. In 1549, Walter was made +Surveyor-General of Ireland. It was from this Walter that the immediate +ancestors of the Duke of Wellington were, by the mother's side, +descended. + +His eldest son, Henry, acquired some distinction as a soldier in the +reign of Elizabeth. He was also a member of the Irish Parliament for the +borough of Thomastown. He was, moreover, a Privy Councillor, and was +knighted. + +Sir Henry Sydney, who was, perhaps, the wisest and most able of all the +Lords Deputy whom Elizabeth sent over to Ireland, appears to have +entertained a very high opinion of Sir Henry Colley's abilities; for, in +recommending him to his successor in the Government, he describes him as +"valiant, fortunate, and a good servant;" and speaks of him as his +"sound and fast friend." But he more especially praises the "order," in +which he kept his county. + +Thus early did a member of this family earn praise for good service to +the State; and if we compare the measure of that praise with what we +know of the temper of the times, we might almost suppose that some +portion of the spirit of the "sound and fast friend," the "valiant, +fortunate, and good servant," had been inherited by his illustrious +descendant. + +The immediate descendants of Sir Henry Colley were more or less +distinguished. His great-great grand-daughter, Elizabeth, married into +the family of the Westleys (afterwards Wellesleys) of Dangan, in the +county of Meath. This family also was of English extraction, having +originally come from Sussex. Richard Colley, the nephew of the Elizabeth +abovementioned, was adopted by Garret Wellesley, whose name and estates +he took in the year 1728, by patent from the Herald's office. He was +auditor and registrar of the Royal Hospital of Kilmainham, and a +Chamberlain of the Court of Exchequer. He sat in parliament several +years for Carysford, and was, in 1747 raised to the peerage by George +II., being created Baron Mornington. His son, Garret, was, in 1760, +created Viscount Wellesley and Earl of Mornington. He married, on the +6th February, 1759, Anne, eldest daughter of the Right Honourable Arthur +Hill, Viscount Dungannon, by whom he had issue, Richard the late Marquis +Wellesley, Arthur Gerald, who died in infancy, William Wellesley Pole, +Baron Maryborough, Arthur Duke of Wellington, Gerald Valerian, D.D., Sir +Henry, G.C.B., Francis Seymour, Anne, and Mary Elizabeth. + +The Earl of Mornington, who was chiefly remarkable for his strong +passion for music, in which science he acquired no slight celebrity as a +composer, died in 1781, leaving his property very much encumbered. Its +management was entrusted to Lady Mornington, who appears, by universal +assent, to have been one of those remarkable women to whose care the +world is indebted, so much more than it conceives or will admit, for its +great men. Although it may have been upon severer models, and by the +lessons of more pretending teachers, that the Marquis Wellesley was +formed into the vigorous ruler, and the wise, far-seeing statesman; or +if his scarcely more illustrious brother must, from other sources, have +imbibed that stern unswerving spirit which, in his after career, +insured truth to his views and certainty to his enterprises, yet one can +scarcely allow a doubt that it is to the direction given by their +admirable mother to the minds of these two great men, while still in the +pliant season of youth, that we owe that high appreciation of truth and +honour, and that sense of the identity of virtue and duty, which, while +their wisdom and prowess were spreading our military fame, and extending +the sphere of our civilising influence, enabled them also, by the +exaltation of our national character, to secure for their country the +respect of all the world. + +One of the first fruits of early lessons or of later reflection upon the +mind of the young Earl of Mornington was, that he took upon himself the +payment of his father's debts, an act entirely voluntary on his part. + +Of Lord Mornington, afterwards the celebrated Marquis Wellesley, it is +unnecessary to say more in this place than that he was in the year 1797 +appointed to the Governor-Generalship of India, in which high office he +was enabled to develop, without the suspicion of undue preference, the +peculiar talents of his younger brother--talents which his +discriminating mind would probably have discovered even without the +assistance of such close proximity. + +To return to the immediate subject of these Memoirs:--His education +commenced at Eton, from whence he went to the military academy at +Angers, in the department of the Maine and Loire, there being at that +period no institution of the kind in this country. + +On his return from the Continent, young Wellesley received (on the 7th +of March, 1787), an ensigncy in the 41st regiment, he being then in his +eighteenth year. He became lieutenant on the 25th of December in the +same year; captain, on the 30th of June, 1791; major, on the 30th of +April, 1798; and lieut.-colonel on the 30th of September following. +These promotions were chiefly by purchase, and the lieut.-colonelcy (of +the 33rd) was bought for him by his brother. He was returned to the +Irish parliament at the general election of 1790, for Trim, a borough +belonging to his brother. + +Brilliant as was the reputation which, within a very few years, he +acquired as a soldier and a politician in the East, it will not excite +surprise to hear that his parliamentary displays did not in his early +life excite much attention. A friend of the writer of this memoir, a +gentleman who was in the habit of being present, almost daily, in the +Irish House of Commons, and who took critical notice of the remarkable +men of his time, states that the Duke never made any striking impression +as a speaker; indeed; there was nothing whatever to distinguish him from +the herd of young parliamentary nominees, except a certain simple, +straightforward, firm, though unassuming statement of his opinions; and +even this took place but seldom. The recollection of this gentleman +confirms the account of Sir Jonah Barrington, that--"His address was +unpolished; he spoke occasionally, and never with success; and evinced +no promise of that unparalleled celebrity which he reached afterwards." + +The following anecdote is not inconsistent with that reputation for +inflexible honour which, in successive eras of his life, procured for +the Duke of Wellington the confidence of the Indian government, of the +British army, and ultimately of the whole English nation. It is taken +from the excellent detailed account of the Duke's military career, +recently published by Mr. Maxwell:-- + +"The appointment of Captain Wellesley to the staff of the Earl of +Westmorland, had placed him in the household of the viceroy, and as +aid-de-camp required his constant attendance at the castle. The Irish +court at that period was celebrated alike for its hospitality, its +magnificence, and its dissipation. The princely display of the lords +lieutenant of those days entailed a heavy expenditure upon the numerous +attaches of the court, and too frequently plunged young men of high +family and limited fortunes into very distressing embarrassments. +Captain Wellesley's patrimony was small, his staff appointment more +fashionable than lucrative, and it is not surprising that soon after he +had come of age he found himself involved in pecuniary difficulties. At +the time he lodged in the house of an opulent bootmaker, who resided on +Lower Ormand Quay. The worthy tradesman discovered, accidently, that his +young inmate was suffering annoyance from his inability to discharge a +pressing demand. He waited on Lieutenant Wellesley, told him that he was +apprised of his embarrassments, mentioned that he had money unemployed, +and offered a loan, which was accepted. The obligation was soon +afterwards duly repaid; and the young aid-de-camp was enabled in a few +years to present his humble friend to an honourable and lucrative +situation. Nor did death cancel the obligation; the Duke's patronage, +after his parent's death, was extended to the son of his early friend, +for whom he obtained a valuable appointment." + +To enter into any detailed account of the military career of the Duke of +Wellington, would be wholly beyond the scope of a work devoted more +especially to his Grace's character and services as a civilian; but were +it not so, it would be unnecessary, after the many able biographies +which have appeared since the publication of the dispatches by +Lieut.-Colonel Gurwood. The following is, therefore only a short summary +of the Duke's proceedings from 1794, when he first entered on active +service, to 1815, when his functions as a military commander in the +field finally ceased. + +It was in June, 1794, that Lieut.-Colonel Wellesley embarked at Cork, in +command of the 33rd regiment, to join the Duke of York's army in the +Netherlands. In the subsequent retreat from Holland he commanded, as +senior officer, three battalions, and conducted himself in a manner that +already drew on him the attention of military men. + +In October, 1795, he again embarked, in the command of the 33rd, for the +West Indies, on board the fleet commanded by Admiral Christian. This +fleet was, however, repeatedly driven back by the strong equinoctial +gales, and in the January following it returned to port. Before it could +again sail, the 33rd regiment was ordered to India, and Colonel +Wellesley arrived at Bengal in February, 1797. When we consider the +fate of a large portion of his fellow soldiers who went to the West +Indies, and at the same time look forward to the peculiar facilities +which the service in India afforded for developing the great qualities +of mind which lay hid under the rigid exterior of the young soldier, it +may truly be said, that the moment at which the destination of the 33rd +regiment was countermanded, was the point at which the fate of the Duke +of Wellington turned. Nay more, if it be admitted that you rarely find +in one man a combination of those peculiar qualities, which enabled the +Duke to withstand, and ultimately to destroy, the military and political +system established by the contrary tendencies which ruled the mind of +Napoleon; if, too, it be conceded that the British government, even +while the Duke was winning battles in Spain, were accustomed to resort +to his counsel with regard to their more extended operations against the +common enemy; if, in fact, it is owing to the sagacity, steadfastness, +and perseverance of the Duke of Wellington, that we owe the peace of +Europe; then must it be admitted, that upon the accident of tempests +which obstructed Admiral Christian's fleet, and upon the accident of +military disposition, which altered the destination of the regiment, +depended not merely the fortunes of the Duke of Wellington, but also the +fate of nations, and the peace of the world. + +By this time, the Earl of Mornington had been appointed Governor-general +of India, and the inveterate hatred of Tippoo Sultaun against the +English name was arming the natives to resistance. The first +achievement of Colonel Wellesley, that drew attention to his name, was +the storming of Seringapatam, in which he commanded the reserve in the +trenches. On the capture of Seringapatam Colonel Wellesley was appointed +governor, and at the same time named as one of the commission appointed +to dispose of the territory conquered. But an office more honourable to +his character, was his selection to superintend the removal of the +family of Tippoo Sultaun. Lord Mornington in his instructions +says:--"The details of this painful but indispensable measure cannot be +entrusted to any person more likely to combine every office of humanity +with the prudential precautions required by the occasion than Colonel +Wellesley; and I therefore commit to his discretion, activity, and +humanity, the whole arrangement." + +In July, 1799, Colonel Wellesley was appointed to the sole command of +Seringapatam and Mysore; and here his capacity for civil government, as +well as in military affairs, was fully developed. He had by this time +begun to feel his own strength, and to make it felt by others. The +reader of his dispatches will perceive that, from the moment when he was +placed in a position of independent command, his mind appears to have +taken a higher stand: he recognised higher responsibilities: and one may +almost detect, in the confirmed self-reliance of his judgment even in +this comparatively limited sphere, a prescience of future greatness. + +The year 1803 was signalised by Major-General Wellesley's conquests in +the Mahratta territory, and the battle of Assaye. Passing over the +details of these campaigns, in which the rising commander displayed +military genius of the highest order, we come to the more pleasing task +of enumerating the honours he received. A monument was erected in +Calcutta to commemorate the last-named battle: the inhabitants of that +city presented him with a sword of the value of L1000: the officers of +his division presented him with a golden vase, afterwards changed for a +service of plate, on which the word "Assaye" was engraved: the British +parliament voted him public thanks, he was made a Knight Companion of +the Bath: and addresses of the warmest praise were voted to him by the +inhabitants of Seringapatam, and other places, which had benefitted by +his skill and prowess in the field, and his wisdom on the seat of +government. + +In February, 1805, having resolved on returning to England, he resigned +the political and military powers that had been entrusted to him in the +Deccan. On the 5th of March, a grand entertainment was given him at the +Pantheon at Madras, by the officers of the Presidency, civil and +military. On the 10th of September following, he arrived in the Downs; +and, in the following month, he was appointed to the Staff, for the Kent +District. + +In the November following, Sir Arthur Wellesley, as he had now become, +commanded the brigade in the expedition to Hanover under Lord Cathcart, +which was withdrawn immediately after the battle of Austerlitz. In +January, 1800, on the death of the Marquis Cornwallis, he was appointed +colonel of the 33rd regiment; and on the 12th of April, in the same +year, he was returned to the House of Commons as member for Newport, +Isle of Wight. + +In this year, Sir Arthur Wellesley married the Honourable Catherine +Pakenham, third daughter of the second Earl of Longford. + +On the 8th of April, 1807, he was made a privy councillor; and on the +19th of the same month, appointed chief secretary for Ireland, under the +lord lieutenancy of the Duke of Richmond. On the 22nd, he was presented +by the corporation of the city of Dublin with the freedom of that city. +The address in which it was conveyed was most complimentary, and shows +the high estimation in which he was already held on account of his +brilliant military and civil services in India. In June of the same +year, he accompanied Lord Cathcart in the expedition against Copenhagen; +and in the only important action which took place at the affair at +Kioge--he commanded, and obtained distinction. The result of the action +was a capitulation, which Sir Arthur Wellesley was appointed to arrange. +On his return home, he received the thanks of parliament for his +services. Alluding to Sir Arthur Wellesley, the speaker said:--"But I +should indeed be wanting in the full expression of those sentiments +which animate this house and the whole country, if I forebore to notice, +that we are on this day crowning with our thanks one gallant officer, +long since known to the gratitude of this house, who has long trodden +the paths of glory,--whose genius and valour have already extended our +fame and empire,--whose sword has been the terror of our distant +enemies, and will not now be drawn in vain to defend the seat of empire +itself, and the throne of his sovereign." + +A new and wider field of operations was now preparing for the rising +hero. Napoleon, the unquestioned despot of the rest of continental +Europe, had also grasped at the Peninsula. Both Spain and Portugal were +in his possession, as far as military occupation and nominal sovereignty +could ensure them to him. The hostile efforts of England were suspended +as far as regarded Europe; but an expedition had been fitted out at Cork +against part of Spanish America, and Sir Arthur Wellesley was appointed +to the command. Again a marvellous interposition of accidents prevented +this his second projected service in America. Before the troops could +set sail, the insurrection at Madrid on the 2nd of May, 1808, against +the French under Murat, drew the attention of England to the Peninsula, +where some hope of successful resistance to Napoleon began to dawn. Once +more the destination of the future conqueror was averted from the West, +and he was ordered in command to the South. + +Sir Arthur Wellesley landed at the mouth of the river Mondego in +Portugal on the 3rd of August. Here he received intimation that +re-inforcements under Sir John Moore were about to be sent. Moore was +his superior officer, and there was also Sir Hew Dalrymple and Sir Harry +Burrard on their way, the former of whom would take the chief, and the +latter, the second command of the army. There was but little time for +Sir Arthur to strike the decisive blow, and although he was not the man +to force a battle for the sake of fame, he could not but feel anxious +for distinction in this new sphere before all opportunity should be cut +off, by the arrival of his superiors in command. Fortune in this was on +his side; and he had not been many days in Portugal before he was +enabled to defeat the French at the pass of Rolica, and, on the 21st of +August, to gain the battle of Vimeiro. + +While this battle was at its height, Sir Harry Burrard arrived, but +would not interfere with Sir Arthur's dispositions. The French were soon +after beaten on the left, and Sir Arthur then urged on Sir Harry the +advance of our right wing upon Torres Vedras, while our left would +pursue the enemy: his object being to cut off Junot's retreat on Lisbon. +No man now doubts that this was counsel wise as well as bold; but Sir +Harry Burrard declined to take it, and the golden opportunity was lost. +Sir Arthur, who carried military obedience almost to the extent of a +chivalrous sentiment, submitted to the orders, though he did not +acquiesce in the judgment of his superior officer; but he could not help +saying to one of his officers who stood by, "well, then, we have nothing +to do but to go and shoot red-legged partridges!" the common game of +that part of Portugal. + +Sir Arthur Wellesley's subsequent conduct to Sir Harry Burrard was +highly honourable. He declared voluntarily before the Court of Inquiry +that, though he still differed in opinion with Sir Harry as to the not +advancing after the battle of Vimeiro, his opinion was, that Sir H. +Burrard "had decided upon fair military grounds, in the manner which +appeared to him to be the most conducive to the interests of the +country;" and his belief, "that Sir Harry had no motive for his decision +which could be supposed personal to him, or which as an officer he could +not avow." + +The untoward convention of Cintra, which followed the victory of +Vimeiro, was received in England with one universal cry of indignation. +Sir Arthur Wellesley was no farther implicated in it than that he signed +it as one of the generals, although disapproving of it from the first. +Pending the inquiry, instituted in England on the convention, he +returned thither, and his evidence was satisfactory alike to the court +and to the public. + +On the 27th January, 1809, Sir Arthur received the thanks of parliament +for the battle of Vimeiro. The speaker, in delivering the thanks of the +House of Commons, said:-- + + "Amidst the contending opinions which have prevailed + upon other questions, the public voice has been + loud and general in admiration of your splendid + achievements. It is your praise to have inspired + your troops with unshaken confidence and unbounded + ardour--to have commanded, not the obedience alone, + but the hearts and affections of your companions in + arms; and having planned your operations with the skill + and promptitude which have so eminently characterised all + your former exertions, you have again led the armies of + your country to battle, with the same deliberate valour, + and triumphant success which have long since rendered your + name illustrious in the remotest parts of this empire. + Military glory has ever been dear to this nation; and great + military exploits, in the field or upon the ocean, have + their sure reward in royal favour, and the gratitude of parliament." + +Sir Arthur, in his reply, observed:-- + + "No man can value more highly than I do the + honourable distinction which has been conferred upon + me--a distinction which it is in the power of the + representatives of a free people alone to bestow, and + which it is the peculiar advantage of the officers and + soldiers in the service of his majesty to have held out + to them as the object of their ambition, and to receive + as the reward of their services." + +The opening allusion of the speaker to "contending opinions on other +matters," was intended to mark the sense of the house that Sir Arthur +Wellesley, at least, was free from blame as regarded recent transactions +in the Peninsula. That the government thought so also, and had at last +learned to appreciate the value of an officer whom they had so recently +trammelled, was evidenced by the appointment of Sir Arthur, on the 2nd +of April, to the command of the army in Portugal. + +Towards the close of the previous year, complaint had been made, in the +House of Commons, of Sir Arthur holding the office of secretary for +Ireland while in the Peninsula. On the 14th of April, he resigned that +office, and on the 22nd, he arrived at Lisbon and assumed the command of +an army, disproportioned, indeed, to the service expected of it, and +still more to that which they afterwards achieved, but strong in its +confidence in a general who had never made a false step, or suffered a +defeat. + +On the 12th of May, he carried Oporto by a _coup de main_. So complete +was the surprise, that Sir Arthur and his staff sat down to the dinner +which had been prepared for the French commander. + +On the 28th July following, the battle of Talavera was fought, after +which (on the 26th August), Sir Arthur was raised to the peerage by the +titles of Baron Douro of Wellesley and Viscount Wellington of Talavera. +In the February following, he received the thanks of parliament for +Talavera, and a pension of L2000 per annum was voted to him and his two +next heirs male. + +So inferior was the numerical force of his army to that of the enemy +that Lord Wellington found his operations must for some time be confined +to the defence of Portugal; and he, therefore, gave orders for the +fortification of the lines of Torres Vedras, by which the capital of the +country was covered. They extended from the sea to the Tagus, at a +point where the width of that river is such as to afford an adequate +protection. + +It was characteristic of the mind of the man of whom we are writing, +that these works were planned and executed with a secrecy that baffled +the penetration of the enemy, and equally the suicidal curiosity of the +English newspapers. + +Massena was now the general of the French army. Wellington, before +retiring within the lines, fought the action of Busaco (ten months after +the battle of Talavera), in which the French lost 5000 men, killed or +wounded, and as many more disabled. After this victory, the English +withdrew within the lines, to cover Lisbon. Massena took up a position +at Santaren, from whence he gradually retreated towards the frontiers, +several affairs occurring between his troops and the English, by whom he +was closely followed. At length, he crossed the frontier, and +Wellington's object was, thus far, attained. On the 26th of the same +month, he received the thanks of both houses of parliament for the +liberation of Portugal. + +In the meanwhile, the army of Massena had been re-organized and +reinforced, and on the 3rd of May he again attacked the allied British +and Portuguese forces, for the purpose of relieving the fortress of +Almeida, which was under blockade. The action was fought at Fuentes +D'Onoro, and resulted in the defeat of the French. Massena was then +superseded, and Marmont appointed in his place. + +The next object of the British commander was to take Badajoz and Ciudad +Rodrigo. The latter was stormed on the 19th January, and the former on +the 9th of April. For both, the thanks of parliament were voted; and +Lord Wellington, after having been created Conde de Vimeiro in Portugal, +and Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo in Spain, was raised to an earldom (of +Wellington) at home, with another vote of 2000 l. per annum to maintain +the title. + +On the 22nd of July, Marmont's army, which had been strongly reinforced, +attacked the allies near Salamanca. The two armies had been watching +each other for a considerable time, waiting for the favourable moment to +attack. At length Marmont began, and having superior numbers, extended +his left for the purpose of turning the British right. Wellington, when +informed of this by one of his staff, was seated on the ground eating +some cold beef; suddenly starting up, he exclaimed, "Marmont's good +genius has forsaken him." He immediately attacked the French where they +had weakened their line, and overthrew them from left to right. The loss +of the enemy was severe, and Marmont himself lost an arm in the battle. + +On the 12th of August following, Lord Wellington entered Madrid, and was +appointed generalissimo of the Spanish armies--a troublesome honour +which there was some difficulty in inducing him to accept. He was +created a marquis at home, thanks were voted to him for the battle of +Salamanca, and he received a grant of 100,000 l. to purchase land. He +was also in December of the same year made Duque da Vittoria in +Portugal. + +In the meantime, the enormous force which had been brought together by +the French, the refusal of the Spanish generals to co-operate, the +failure of an attempt to capture the fortress of Burgos, and other +causes, compelled the allies to retreat to Ciudad Rodrigo, with the +determination of returning to Spain at a more fitting time. This retreat +was conducted in the most admirable manner, and closed the campaign of +1812. + +The foregoing is necessarily a most meagre outline of events, on which +volumes have been written. Those who may be anxious to read the Duke of +Wellington's own account of the military operations, will find in the +public despatches his annual summaries: for 1809, in despatch No. 343; +for 1810, No. 504; and for 1811, No. 615. For 1812 there is no such +summary. + +It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the difficulties with +which the Duke of Wellington had to contend during these the three first +years of his service in Spain, were confined to the making of military +dispositions and the winning of battles. Other causes there were, +operating as a drawback at every forward step, and obstacles sufficient +to have wearied a less stout heart or a less determined spirit. To +oppose to a skillful and veteran enemy he had but an inadequate force, +most scantily supplied with provisions, and even with money. The French +generals, restrained by no principle of honour or even of policy, were +accustomed to plunder mercilessly for the subsistence of their troops: +the English commander would take nothing from the people but what was +paid for on the spot in money or in bills on the English government. +Yet, such was the apathy (or worse) of the Portuguese authorities, that +even on these terms provisions were not forthcoming; and important +operations were constantly delayed or frustrated by the want of the +necessary subsistence for the troops. + +The reader of the Duke's despatches will glean much of his character +from the letters written from time to time to these persons; and, +scattered through the extracts which form a part of this volume, will be +found characters of both Spaniards and Portuguese, (that is to say in +the civil service) that are not very flattering to the national vanity. +Well may he say, in a letter to Mr. Villiers on the 25th of May 1811, +"No man can appreciate better than yourself the difficulties with which +I have had to contend; but I believe you are not aware of all of them. I +persevered in the system which I thought best, notwithstanding that it +was the opinion of every British officer in the country that I ought to +embark the army; while, on the other hand, the Portuguese civil +authorities contended that the war ought to be maintained on the +frontier, for which they wanted not only physical force, but the means +of providing for the force which they could produce in the field. I +believe that nothing but _something worse than firmness could have +carried me through_ the nine months' discussion with these contending +opinions. To this add that people in England were changing their +opinions almost with the wind, and you will see that I had not much to +look to, excepting myself." + +Nothing could be more ignoble than the conduct of the people of Lisbon +as to the billeting of the very soldiers who had saved them from the +enemy. On one occasion the Duke writes to order his wine, &c. to be +removed from the house of a Signor Bandeira, and to have a house taken +for him, "in order," he says, "to mortify the people of Lisbon a little +as to their conduct about billets. I am slaving like a negro for them: I +have saved the people, in Lisbon particularly, from the enemy, and I +take nothing from them, while they continually torment me with their +frivolous complaints on subjects on which they ought to have no feeling. +* * I shall not be sorry if the government and principal people of +Lisbon know the reason why I take this house; viz., that I will not lay +myself under obligation to any of them." Strong language this, from a +man of the Duke's impassible temperament. But unfortunately there was +too much reason for this, and indeed, for much more animadversion on +more serious subjects, as regards many of the chief men of the +Peninsula. + +Nor were these the only annoyances he had to submit to. In the early +part of his service in the Peninsula, before he had by his brilliant +deeds utterly silenced for the present and the future the cavillings of +the envious, he was subjected to repeated attacks in Parliament, to +predictions of failure--to everything in short that was calculated to +dispirit him and his army. The government, too, seemed hardly to have +"backed him up" as they might have done, either with respect to the +force at his command, or their approval of his plans. + +Nor were these attacks confined to parliament. On the 2nd January, 1810, +writing to Mr. Villiers, he says: "You see the dash the Common Council +have made at me![1] I act with a sword hanging over me, which will fall +upon me, whatever may be the result of affairs here; but they may do +what they please,--I shall not give up the game here as long as it can +be played." Again, two months after, he refers to what has passed in +parliament about him, and observes, "that it does not give him one +moment's concern." + +[Footnote 1: They had voted an address for an inquiry into his conduct.] + +Throughout the dispatches and letters will be found very interesting +passages referring to all these difficulties in his path. + +In May, 1819, the British again advanced into Spain, and on the 21st of +June completely defeated the French at Vittoria, for which the thanks of +parliament were voted on the 8th of July. What was felt in another +quarter will be seen by the following letter written by the Prince +Regent. + +_To Field Marshal the Marquis of Wellington, K.G._ + +Carlton House, 3rd July, 1818 + +My dear Lord.--Your glorious conduct is beyond all human praise, and far +above my reward. I know no language the world affords worthy to express +it. + +I feel I have nothing left to say, but most devoutly to offer up my +prayer of gratitude to Providence, that it has, in its Omnipotent +bounty, blessed my country and myself with such a general. You have sent +me, amongst the trophies of your unrivalled fame, the staff of a French +marshal, and I send you in return that of England. + +The British army will hail it with rapturous enthusiasm, while the whole +universe will acknowledge those valorous exploits which have so +imperiously rallied for it. + +That uninterrupted health and still increasing laurels may continue to +crown you through a glorious and long career of life, are the never +ceasing and most ardent wishes of, my dear lord, your very sincere and +faithful friend. + +G.P.R. + +On the 22nd, the Regency of Spain gave the Marquis of Wellington the +estate of the Soto de Roma, in Granada, "in the name of the Spanish +nation, in testimony of its sincere gratitude." + +On the 28th of July, the French, under Marshal Soult, having re-entered +Spain, the battle of Sovauren was fought; and on the 8th of September, +St. Sebastian fell. On the 7th of October, the passage of the Bidassoa +was effected; and on the 10th of November, the whole of the army +descended into France. Other battles ensued; and on the 10th of April, +1814, was fought the final battle of Toulouse, which ended the war. + +On the 3rd of May, the illustrious commander was advanced in the +peerage by the titles of Marquis of Douro and Duke of Wellington; and, +soon after, a grant of L400,000 was voted him by parliament. He arrived +in England on the 23rd of June, and on the next day proceeded to +Portsmouth to the Prince Regent, who was there with the allied monarchs. + +A few days afterwards, a scene took place in the House of Lords--when +for the first time the Duke took his seat there--enough to make a +nation's heart beat with gratitude, pride, and exultation. It is thus +described: + +"On the 28th of June, shortly after 3 o'clock, the Lord Chancellor +having taken his seat, the Duke of Wellington was introduced, supported +by the Dukes of Richmond and Beaufort, in military uniform, and in their +ducal robes. Being arrived in the body of the House, the Duke made the +usual obeisance to the Lord Chancellor, and shewed his patent and right +of summons: these noblemen then approached the table, where his Grace's +various patents, as baron and viscount, earl, marquis, and lastly as +duke, were each read by the clerks. The oaths were then administered, +and the Test Rolls were signed by him. He then, accompanied by his noble +supporters, took his seat on the dukes' bench, and saluted the house in +the usual manner, by rising, taking off his hat, and bowing +respectfully. The Lord Chancellor then rose, and, pursuant to their +lordships' orders, addressed his Grace:-- + +"My Lord Duke of Wellington,--I have received the commands of this +house, which I am persuaded has witnessed with infinite satisfaction +your Grace's personal introduction to this august assembly, to return +your grace the thanks and acknowledgments of this house, for your great +and eminent services to your king and country." + +"In the execution of these commands, I cannot forbear to call the +especial attention of all who hear me to a fact in your Grace's life, +singular, I believe, in the history of the country, and infinitely +honourable to your Grace, that you have manifested, upon your first +entrance into this house, your right, under various grants, to all the +dignities in the peerage of this realm which the crown can confer. These +dignities have been conferred at various periods, but in the short +compass of little more than four years, for great public services, +occurring in rapid succession, claiming the favour of the crown, +influenced by its sense of justice to your grace and the country; and on +no one occasion in which the crown has thus rewarded your merits have +the Houses of Parliament been inattentive to your demands upon the +gratitude of the country. Upon all such occasions, they have offered to +your Grace their acknowledgments and thanks, the highest honours they +could bestow." + +"I decline all attempts to state your Grace's eminent merits in your +military character; to represent those brilliant actions, those +illustrious achievements, which have attached immortality to the name of +Wellington, and which have given to this country a degree of glory +unexampled in the annals of this kingdom. In thus acting, I believe I +best consult the feelings which evince your Grace's title to the +character of a truly great and illustrious man." + +"My duty to this house cannot but make me most anxious not to fall +short of the expectation which the house may have formed as to the +execution of what may have been committed to me on this great occasion; +but the most anxious consideration which I have given to the nature of +that duty has convinced me that I cannot more effectually do justice to +the judgment of the house, than by referring your Grace to the terms and +language in which the house has so repeatedly expressed its own sense of +the distinguished and consummate wisdom and judgment, the skill and +ability, the prompt energy, the indefatigable exertion, perseverance, +the fortitude and the valour, by which the victories of Vimeiro, +Talavera, Salamanca and Vittoria were achieved; by which the sieges of +Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz were gloriously terminated; by which the +deliverance of Portugal was effectuated; by which the ever memorable +establishment of the allied armies on the frontiers of France was +accomplished; armies pushing forward, in the glory of victory at Orthes, +to the occupation of Bordeaux. These achievements, in their immediate +consequence infinitely beneficial to the common cause, have, in their +final results, secured the peace, prosperity, and glory of this country; +whilst your Grace's example has animated to great exertions the other +nations of Europe, exertions rescuing them from tyranny, and restoring +them to independence, by which there has been ultimately established +among the nations of Europe that balance of power which, giving +sufficient strength to every nation, provides that no nation shall be +too strong. I presume not to trespass upon the house by representing the +personal satisfaction which I have derived from being the honoured +instrument of conveying to your Grace the acknowledgments and thanks of +this house upon every occasion upon which they have been offered to your +Grace, or by endeavouring to represent the infinite gratification which +I enjoy in thus offering, on behalf of the house, on this day, to your +Grace in person, those acknowledgments and those thanks. Your Grace is +now called to aid hereafter, by your wisdom and judgment, the great +council of that nation, to the peace, prosperity, and glory of which +your Grace has already so essentially contributed; and to tender your +Grace, now taking your seat in this house, in obedience to its commands, +the thanks of the house in the words of its resolution--That the thanks +of this house be given to Field-marshal the Duke of Wellington, on his +return from his command abroad, for his eminent and unremitting services +to his majesty and the public." + +The Duke answered the address to the following effect:-- + +"My lords, I have to perform a duty to which I feel myself very +inadequate, to return your lordships my thanks for the fresh mark of +your approbation of my conduct and of your favour." + +"I assure your lordships that I am entirely overcome by the honours +which have been conferred upon me; and by the favour with which I have +been received in this country by the Prince Regent, by your lordships, +and by the public." + +"In truth, my lords, when I reflect upon the advantages which I enjoyed +in the confidence reposed in me, and the support afforded by the +government, and by his royal highness the commander-in-chief, in the +cordial assistance which I invariably received upon all occasions from +my gallant friends, the general officers of the army, who are an honour +to their country, the gallantry and discipline of the troops, and in the +manner in which I was encouraged and excited to exertion by the +protection and gracious favour of the prince, I cannot but consider +that, however great the difficulties with which I had to contend, the +means to contend with them were equal to overcome them; and I am +apprehensive that I shall not be found so deserving of your favour as I +wish." + +"If, however, my merit is not great, my gratitude is unbounded; and I +can only assure your lordships, that you will always find me ready to +serve his majesty to the utmost of my ability in any capacity in which +my services can be at all useful to this great country." + +His Grace then retired to unrobe; he wore a field-marshal's uniform, +with his insignia of the garter. On his return into the House he sat for +a few minutes on the extremity of one of the benches, and then retired +for the evening. + +In addition to the pecuniary remuneration voted by Parliament to the +Duke of Wellington for his distinguished services, the House of Commons +resolved to pay him the highest tribute of respect and applause that it +was possible to bestow on a subject, that of its thanks, accompanied +with a deputation of its members to congratulate him on his return to +this country Lord Castlereagh rose in the house, on the 27th June, to +make a motion for this purpose, which was unanimously agreed to; and a +committee was appointed to wait on his Grace, to know what time he would +name for receiving the congratulations of the house. Lord Castlereagh +having reported from the committee that it was the Duke's desire to +express to the house his answer in person, the following day, July 1, +was appointed for the solemnity. + +At about a quarter before five, the speaker being dressed in his +official robes, and the house being crowded with members, some of them +in military and naval uniforms, and many of them in the court dresses in +which they had been attending the speaker with an address to the Prince +Regent on the peace, the house was acquainted that the Duke of +Wellington was in waiting. His admission being resolved on, and a chair +being set for him on the left hand of the bar towards the middle of the +house, his Grace entered, making his obeisances, while all the members +rose from their seats. The speaker then informing him that a chair was +placed for his repose, he sat down in it for some time, covered, the +serjeant standing on his right hand with the mace grounded, and the +members resumed their seats. He then rose, and spoke, uncovered, to the +following effect:-- + +"Mr. Speaker,--I was anxious to be permitted to attend this house, in +order to return my thanks in person for the honour they have done me in +deputing a committee of their members to congratulate me on my return to +this country; and this, after the house had animated my exertions by +their applause upon every occasion which appeared to merit their +approbation, and after they had filled up the measure of their favours +by conferring upon me, upon the recommendation of the Prince Regent, the +noblest gift that any subject had ever received." + +"I hope it will not be deemed presumptuous in me to take this +opportunity of expressing my admiration of the great efforts made by +this house and the country at a moment of unexampled pressure and +difficulty, in order to support the great scale of operations by which +the contest was brought to so fortunate a termination. By the wise +policy of parliament, the government was enabled to give the necessary +support to the operations which were carried on under my direction; and +I was encouraged by the confidence reposed in me by his majesty's +ministers, and by the commander-in-chief, by the gracious favour of his +royal highness the Prince Regent, and by the reliance which I had on the +support of my gallant friends the general officers of the army, and on +the bravery of the officers and troops, to carry on the operations in +such a manner as to acquire for me those marks of the approbation of +this house, for which I have now the honor to make my humble +acknowledgments." + +"Sir, it is impossible for me to express the gratitude which I feel; I +can only assure the house that I shall always be ready to serve his +majesty in any capacity in which my services can be deemed useful, with +the same zeal for my country which has already acquired for me the +approbation of this house." + +This speech was received with loud cheers, at the end of which the +speaker, who had sat covered during its delivery, rose, and thus +addressed his Grace:-- + +"My Lord,--Since last I had the honour of addressing you from this +place, a series of eventful years has elapsed; but none without some +mark and note of your rising glory." + +"The military triumphs which your valour has achieved upon the banks of +the Douro and the Tagus, of the Ebro and the Garonne, have called forth +the spontaneous shouts of admiring nations. Those triumphs it is +needless on this day to recount. Their names have been written by your +conquering sword in the annals of Europe, and we hand them down with +exultation to our children's children." + +"It is not, however, the grandeur of military success which has alone +fixed our admiration, or commanded our applause; it has been that +generous and lofty spirit which inspired your troops with unbounded +confidence, and taught them to know that the day of battle was always a +day of victory; that moral courage and enduring fortitude, which, in +perilous times, when gloom and doubt had beset ordinary minds, stood +nevertheless unshaken; and that ascendancy of character, which, uniting +the energies of jealous and rival nations, enabled you to wield at will +the fate of mighty empires." + +"For the repeated thanks and grants bestowed upon you by this house, +in gratitude for your many and eminent services, you have thought fit +this day to offer us your acknowledgments: but this nation well knows +that it is still largely your debtor. It owes to you the proud +satisfaction, that, amidst the constellation of great and illustrious +warriors who have recently visited our country, we could present to them +a leader of our own, to whom all, by common acclamation, conceded the +pre-eminence; and when the will of heaven, and the common destinies of +our nature, shall have swept away the present generation, you will have +left your great name and example as an imperishable monument, exciting +others to like deeds of glory, and serving at once to adorn, defend, and +perpetuate the existence of this country amongst the ruling nations of +the earth." + +"It now remains only that we congratulate your Grace upon the high and +important mission on which you are about to proceed, and we doubt not +that the same splendid talents, so conspicuous in war, will maintain, +with equal authority, firmness, and temper, our national honour and +interests in peace." + +His Grace then withdrew, making the same obeisance as when he entered; +and all the members rising again, he was reconducted by the serjeant to +the door of the house. + +On the 7th July, when the Prince Regent went in state to St. Paul's, to +return public thanksgiving for the restoration of peace, the Duke of +Wellington was seated on the right hand of his royal highness, with the +sword of state before him. + +On the 9th, the Duke was entertained by the corporation of London in +the Guildhall, and previously to the banquet he was presented with a +sword of exquisite workmanship, which had been voted him by the common +council. Four years and a half before, as will be remembered, the Duke +was publicly attacked by this same common council, and he then says, "I +act with a sword hanging over me." During the interval, the common +council had learned to apply their sword to a better purpose. In fact, +all ranks, from the highest to the lowest, now combined to do honour to +the Duke of Wellington. + +When Buonaparte landed from Elba, the Duke was at Vienna, the +representative of this country at the congress of the allied sovereigns. +From that point he wrote to Lord Castlereagh, stating the interview he +had had with the sovereigns on the subject of Buonaparte's movements, +and adding that he had no doubt whatever of their support, and their +determination not to lay down their arms until Buonaparte was put down. +A numerous force was assembled, and of the whole, whether British or +foreign, in Belgium (already seen to be the point on which the fate of +Napoleon would be decided), the Duke of Wellington assumed the command. +The campaign was closed by the decisive victory of Waterloo, on the 18th +June, followed by the abdication of Napoleon, and the convention of +Paris. + +During the subsequent proceedings, the Duke of Wellington was +instrumental in stopping the savage revenge of Blucher and the +Prussians, who were on the point of destroying the beautiful bridge on +the Seine, called the bridge of Jena, because it had been named in +honour of Napoleon's victory over the Prussians at that place. + +The Duke, however, did not interpose to prevent another act, which was +one of real justice, the restoration to the several nations of the +various works of art of which they had been plundered by the French. It +was in answer to complaints of his conduct in this respect that the Duke +wrote his letter to Castlereagh, in which he said--"It is to be wished, +as well for the happiness of France as of the world, that if the French +people are not already convinced that Europe is too strong for them, +they may be made to feel that, however extensive for a time their +temporary and partial advantages over one or more of the powers of +Europe may be, the day of retribution must at length come. According to +my feelings, then, it would not only be unjust in the sovereigns to +gratify the French people, but the sacrifice they would make would be +impolitic, as it would deprive them of the opportunity of giving the +French nation a _great moral lesson_." + +The thanks of both houses were voted to the Duke for the battle of +Waterloo, and an additional grant of 200,000 l. + +From the year 1815 until 1823 the Duke of Wellington's name rarely +appears in connexion with any public transactions, with the exception +that in December, 1818, he was appointed Master-General of the Ordnance, +an office which he continued to fill for some years. + +In 1819 he made one speech in parliament in which his declared his +belief that Roman Catholic Emancipation was impossible, unless there +could be a proper security for the Protestant religion, which he +doubted. + +In the year 1823, on the appointment of Mr. Canning to be Secretary for +Foreign Affairs, Duke of Wellington was named as the Plenipotentiary of +the King of Great Britain at the Congress of Verona. It was supposed +that the subject matter of the discussions of the sovereigns at that +congress would be the relations of Russia and Turkey. On the Duke's +arrival at Paris, however, he found that Spain would form the main +subject. He wrote back for fresh instructions, and Mr. Canning's answer +distinctly stated that should France attempt to interfere in Spain +either by force or by menace, he was to instruct the Duke "frankly and +peremptorily to declare, that to any such interference, come what may, +his majesty will not be a party." + +The words "frankly and peremptorily" could not have been better chosen, +or more agreeable to the character of the Duke. He stuck simply and +stedfastly to his text throughout the negotiations, and when at last, in +consequence of the state of affairs in Spain, the three great powers +agreed to withdraw their ministers from Madrid, the Duke told them he +should not withdraw ours but leave him there in the hope of allaying the +irritation which the measures of the others were calculated to produce. + +The Duke returned to Parts in December, and found the French not +indisposed to some arrangement. When it subsequently became necessary to +send a special communication to the Spanish government, a mark of +respect was paid by Mr. Canning to the Duke of Wellington, more +gratifying perhaps to him than his titles or honours. The desire of the +British Government was to attach a special character of friendliness to +this communication, and for that purpose the Duke of Wellington was +requested to make it. This course was taken because it was believed that +the private opinions of a man who had conferred such distinguished +benefits on Spain, and who had been on terms of personal intercourse and +friendship with many of the leading men, would be listened to with more +deference than even an official communication. It is unnecessary to +pursue this subject farther, as the Duke of Wellington's connexion with +it ceased; except that he gave, in the House of Lords, on the 24th of +April, a full explanation of his share in the proceedings. + +In 1826, the Duke having been appointed ambassador to St. Petersburgh, +on the anniversary of the entrance of the allied army into Paris under +his command, the Emperor Nicholas addressed a letter to him, in which he +told him that in order to testify to him his particular esteem for his +great qualities and for the distinguished services he had rendered to +the whole of Europe, he had given orders that the Smolensko regiment of +infantry, formed by Peter the Great, and one of the most distinguished +of his army, which was formerly under the Duke's command in France, +should thenceforward be called the Duke of Wellington's regiment. + +In 1827, on the death of the Duke of York, the public mind pointed to +the Duke of Wellington as the fit successor of his royal highness in the +important post of Commander-in-Chief, and he was immediately appointed. +The Duke held this office until the appointment of Mr. Canning to be +Prime Minister, when he resigned it, and also the Master-Generalship of +the Ordnance. + +The circumstances attending this resignation must of course hold a +prominent place in any memoir of the Duke. But there were personal +matters mixed up in the affair, which make it necessary to enter into it +at some length, for the better understanding of his Grace's character. + +On the death of the Earl of Liverpool, in the beginning of the year +1827, the king called on Mr. Canning to form an administration. As Mr. +Canning had all along advocated Roman Catholic Emancipation, and as the +cabinet of Lord Liverpool had firmly opposed that measure, it became a +question how far the premiership of Mr. Canning would compromise the +position of those who had hitherto acted with him in the cabinet of Lord +Liverpool. The question very soon received a practical solution, by the +simultaneous (though not concerted) resignation of six of the most +influential members of the government, including the Duke of Wellington. + +The political friends of Mr. Canning, and those of his opponents with +whom he was agreed on the Roman Catholic question, concurred in +representing this act of the seceding ministers as a cabal against Mr. +Canning; and the Duke of Wellington, more especially, was made the +subject of most unsparing abuse. The ground of this was that he had not +contented himself with resigning the office he held directly under the +government, but had also resigned the command of the army, an office +unconnected with politics. This was supposed to indicate some special +determination to crush Mr. Canning. + +Now with regard to the motives of the Duke on this occasion all men will +form their own opinion, not so much with reference to facts, as to their +political feelings. It may however be fairly laid down as a principle +that where admitted facts sufficiently supply an explanation of a man's +conduct, all reference to motives are unnecessary; and the more so +because in all cases, however strong suspicion or presumptive evidence +may be, the truth with regard to a man's motives must ever remain locked +in his own breast. The open, manly and fearless character of the Duke +would however, except in the heated imagination of partisans, almost +preclude suspicion in the first instance. + +But let us turn to the facts, as stated in the house of lords on the 2nd +of May, when the peers met after the Easter recess. On the 10th of April +Mr. Canning wrote to the Duke of Wellington the following letter:-- + + _To his Grace the Duke of Wellington._ + + Foreign Office, April 10, 6 P.M., 1827. + + My dear Duke of Wellington,--The king has, at + an audience from which I have just returned, been + graciously pleased to signify to me his majesty's commands, + to lay before his majesty, with as little loss as + time as possible, a plan of arrangements for the re-construction of + the administration. In executing these commands it will be as much my + own wish, as it is my duty to his majesty, to adhere to the principles + upon which Lord Liverpool's government has so long acted together. I + need not add how essentially the accomplishment must depend upon your + Grace's continuing a member of the cabinet. + + Ever, my dear Duke of Wellington, your Grace's sincere and faithful + servant, + + GEORGE CANNING. + +To this the Duke of Wellington replied in a characteristic way:-- + + _To the Right Hon. George Canning._ + + London, April 10, 1827. + + My dear Mr. Canning,--I have received your letter of + this evening, informing me that the king had desired + you to lay before his majesty a plan for the re-construction + of the administration; and that, in executing + these commands, it was your wish to adhere to the + principles on which Lord Liverpool's government had + so long acted together. I anxiously desire to be able + to serve his majesty, as I have done hitherto in his + cabinet, with the same colleagues. But before I can + give an answer to your obliging proposition, I should + wish to know who the person is you intend to propose + to his majesty as the head of the government? + + Ever, my dear Mr. Canning, yours most sincerely, + + WELLINGTON. + +On the next day came the following from Mr. Canning:-- + + _To his Grace the Duke of Wellington._ + + Foreign Office, April 11, 1897. + + My dear Duke of Wellington,--I believed it to be + so generally understood, that the king usually intrusts + the formation of an administration to the individual + whom it is his majesty's gracious intention to place at + the head of it; that it did not occur to me, when I + communicated to your Grace yesterday the commands + which I had just received from his majesty, to add, that, + in the present instance, his majesty does not intend to + depart from the usual course of proceeding on such + occasions. I am sorry to have delayed some hours this + answer to your Grace's letter; but from the nature of + the subject, I did not like to forward it without having + previously submitted it (together with your Grace's + letter) to his Majesty. + + Ever, my dear Duke of Wellington, your Grace's + sincere and faithful servant, + + GEORGE CANNING. + +And finally, on the evening of the same day, the Duke wrote thus to Mr. +Canning.-- + + London, April 11, 1837. + + My dear Mr. Canning,--I have received your letter + of this day, and I did not understand the one of yesterday + evening as you explained it to me. I understood + from yourself that you had in contemplation another + arrangement, and I do not believe that the practice to + which you refer has been so invariable as to enable me to affix a + meaning to your letter which its words did not, in my opinion, convey. I + trust that you will have experienced no inconvenience from the delay of + this answer, which I assure you has been occasioned by my desire to + discover a mode by which I could continue united with my recent + colleagues.--I sincerely wish that I could bring my mind to the + conclusion that, with the best intentions on your part, your government + could be conducted practically on the principles of that of Lord + Liverpool; that it would be generally so considered; or that it would be + adequate to meet our difficulties, in a manner satisfactory to the king, + or conducive to the interests of the country. As, however, I am + convinced that these principles must be abandoned eventually, that all + our measures would be viewed with suspicion by the usual supporters of + the government; that I could do no good in the cabinet; and that at last + I should be obliged to separate myself from it, at the moment at which + such separation would be more inconvenient to the king's service than it + can be at present, I must beg you to request his majesty to excuse me + from belonging to his councils. Ever, my dear Mr. Canning, yours most + sincerely, + + WELLINGTON. + +This closed the correspondence; and it is needless to add that the Duke +continued to hold aloof from the new administration. + +The Duke's explanation in the House of Lords related to two branches of +charge. The first was a charge of want of personal courtesy to Mr. +Canning, as exhibited in the foregoing correspondence; the second was a +general charge of hostility to the new premier, founded on personal +jealousy, and on every other ground, probable or improbable, which the +malice of party could suggest. The Duke began by observing, that the +House of Lords was scarcely the proper place to enter on such subjects, +but that his only excuse was the necessity of vindicating his character +against what had been said in another place, to say nothing of the +manner in which he had been treated by a corrupt press, which if not in +the pay, was under the control of the government. He then proceeded to +meet the first charge, that of personal discourtesy. It was said, that +his asking in reply to Mr. Canning's first letter, "who was to be at the +head of the new government?" was intended as an insult to Mr. Canning. +This he denied. The letter of Mr. Canning, he said gave no information +who were to form the new cabinet, or what members of the old one had +resigned, or were expected to resign. Nor was he invited, as he found +the other ministers had been, to receive personal explanations on the +subject. Under those circumstances the inquiry was made. But that was +not the first communication that had passed between them on the subject. +Early in the month of April, continued the Duke, he had had a +conversation with Mr. Canning, in which, anticipating the possibility of +his being called upon to reconstruct the government, one of his plans +was to recommend that Mr. Robinson (now the Earl of Ripon) should be +raised to the peerage and be made premier. Of this plan the Duke at the +time approved, and it was with this in his mind that he wrote the first +answer, which gave Mr. Canning so much offence. Precedent, also, he +contended, was against Mr. Canning; for it appeared that in 1812, when +Lord Liverpool, by command of the Prince Regent, waited on Mr. Canning, +to know whether he would form part of the proposed administration, the +first question Mr. Canning asked of the noble earl (then in the same +position Mr. Canning was in now) was, "who was to be at the head of the +new administration?" The Duke's letter was written on the 10th, and Mr. +Canning only kissed hands as minister on the 12th; so that, even in that +point of view, the Duke's question was, he contended, necessary. + +It may be said that there is enough on the face of this communication to +show that the Duke of Wellington took a narrow, and, so to speak, +technical, view of the relative positions of himself and Mr. Canning; +that the latter expected a more conventional and generous construction +of his position and proposal from one with whom he was on terms of +intimate friendship. + +In answer to this, it may be as well to remind the reader that, where +the slightest movements of public men may be construed into a compromise +of public principles, a rigid attention to etiquette becomes a matter of +duty. Many acts of the Duke of Wellington, not merely as a civilian, but +even as a military commander, have been misjudged, because this obvious +principle has been overlooked. + +In answer to the second charge--that of hostility to the new +administration on personal grounds--the Duke referred to the known +opinions of Mr. Canning on the Catholic question. How could he be in +office under a minister whom he must oppose on, at least, one vital +question of domestic policy? How could he give the right honourable +gentleman that fair support which one member of a cabinet had a right to +expect from another? The principles of the new government could not be +those of that of the Earl of Liverpool. The principle of the latter was +to maintain the existing laws; of the former, to change them in a +fundamental particular. The absurd calumny that he had threatened the +king to resign, unless he were prepared to make him prime minister, +hardly deserved an answer; and then came his celebrated _nolo +episcopari_ speech, which created against him in a year after, so much +ridicule and rancour. He said--"Was it likely that he would resign the +office of commander-in-chief," a situation so consonant to his feelings +and his habits, "for the mere empty ambition of being placed at the head +of the government. I know," continued the Duke, "I am disqualified for +any such office; and I, therefore, say, that, feeling as I do with +respect to the situation which I recently filled at the head of the +army; liking it as I did from the opportunity it gave me to improve the +condition of my old comrades in arms; knowing my own capacity for +filling that office, and my incapacity for filling the post of first +minister, I should have been mad, and worse than mad, if I had ever +entertained the insane project which certain individuals, for their own +base purposes, have imputed to me." + +His reason for retiring from the command of the army was founded on the +peculiar circumstances of his dispute with Mr. Canning. "No political +opinions would have prevented him," he said, "under ordinary +circumstances, from continuing either at the Horse Guards or at the head +of the army in the field; but, from the tone and tenor of the +communication he had received from his majesty; from the nature of the +invitation to join the administration, contained in Mr. Canning's post +letter, and from the contents of the last letter he received from Mr. +Canning, by his majesty's commands, he saw it would be impossible to +continue his relations with that gentlemen, either with service to the +country or credit to himself. His resolution had been adopted after the +most mature deliberation." + +The foregoing is the substance of the Duke of Wellington's explanation +of his own share in the general resignation of the chief members of Lord +Liverpool's cabinet. + +Another circumstance occurred a few days afterwards, which still further +increased the public belief that there was a serious quarrel between the +Duke and the new premier. The former moved an amendment in committee on +the corn bill, which had the effect of defeating the new government on +that measure. This was regarded as an act of hostility on the part of +the Duke, and, shortly after, a correspondence was made public between +him and Mr. Huskisson, then President of the Board of Trade, in which +it appeared clear that the Duke had moved the amendment in the belief +that the government had agreed to it through Mr. Huskisson, and equally +clear that the Duke had been mistaken. There were not wanting those who +asserted roundly that the Duke had taken advantage of an ambiguity in +Mr. Huskisson's letters, in order to have a pretext for inflicting this +injury on the government. And, unhappily, Mr. Canning himself, carried +out of parliamentary decorum by an irritability of temper, springing +from the difficulties of his position and from his advancing illness, +went so far as publicly to declare that the Duke of Wellington, great +man as he was, had been but in instrument in the hands of others. +History, he said, afforded parallel the actions of other great men. + +The Duke maintained a dignified silence with respect to this attack; +but, in the following year, long after Mr. Canning's death, and when he +had himself become prime minister, he took an opportunity of +disclaiming, in strong language, the existance of any personal hostility +on his part to the deceased statesman. + +On the formation of the new administration, under Lord Goderich, the +Duke of Wellington resumed the command of the army. This was on August +the 27th. + +Early in January, 1828, this administration fell to pieces, and the Duke +of Wellington was called on by the king to form another. He was at first +reluctant to do so, but ultimately gave way. He rallied round him Mr. +Peel, and most of those who had seceded on the accession of Mr. Canning; +so that his administration was nearly identical with that of the Earl of +Liverpool, except that Mr. Huskisson and some two or three of the +coalitionary whigs, were retained. + +In the following May, these were got rid of. Mr. Huskisson gave a vote +on the East Retford Bill, adverse to those of his colleagues; and on +leaving the house, sat down (at two in the morning), and wrote a letter +to the Duke, which was construed into a positive resignation of office. +An amusing correspondence took place between the two statesmen, Mr. +Huskisson declaring he never meant to resign, and the Duke as positively +adhering to his original construction of the first letter. Mr. +Huskisson's place was filled up, and he resented that proceeding by +declaring in the House of Commons his belief that he had been sacrificed +as a peace-offering to gain the support of some of the old tories. + +The whole of the Duke's share in this correspondence is highly +characteristic; and it was in the course of negotiations for the return +of Mr. Huskisson that the Duke uttered the sentence so often quoted of +him: "It is no mistake; it can be no mistake; and it shall be no +mistake!" Strange to say, although the Duke's mode of proceeding to Mr. +Huskisson was somewhat arbitrary, it gained him a sort of popularity, on +account of the firmness with which he stuck to his point. The laugh was +fairly on his side; and many of the vessels in the Thames hoisted flags, +and exhibited other signs of rejoicing at Mr. Huskisson's dismissal. + +On his appointment to be Prime Minister, the Duke again resigned the +command of the army (Feb. 14th). + +The first important measure, during the Duke's administration, was the +repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. In giving his support to that +bill, the Duke met an argument, that it was a step towards Roman +Catholic emancipation, by a declaration that, though he voted for the +measure, no man could be a more determined opponent of those claims than +he; and he added, "Until I see a great change in that question, I shall +certainly oppose it." In the June following, however, the commons having +in the meanwhile passed a resolution indicating favour to emancipation, +the Duke declared that he looked on the question as one of expediency; +and concluded his speech by recommending that the public mind should be +allowed to rest. In the end, it might be possible to do something; for +he was most desirous of seeing the subject brought to an amicable +conclusion. + +Causes altogether independent of parliamentary majorities or discussions +had in the mean time been at work, and had proposed this change in the +tone of ministers. Mr. O'Connell, although a Catholic, had been returned +to parliament as member for the county of Clare; and during the summer +and autumn, the whole of the Catholic population had become so +organized, under the Catholic Association, as seriously to threaten the +continuance of the existing system in Ireland. These events produced +their effects upon English statesmen on either side of the question; and +the more moderate of the Conservative party began to think that some +concession to the Catholics would be inevitable. + +Still, however, the government gave no sign of yielding. On the +contrary, a circumstance occurred, in the month of December, which led +to an opposite inference. Dr. Curtis, a Roman Catholic prelate, who had +been on terms of personal acquaintance with the Duke of Wellington at +Salamanca, wrote a letter to him on the position of the Catholic +question, to which the Duke wrote an answer, which seemed to deny all +hope of a speedy settlement. It was immediately made public by Dr. +Curtis through the Catholic Association. The effect of the letter was to +make that body redouble their efforts. + +In a few days after, the Marquis of Anglesea, the lord lieutenant, who +had always been the avowed supporter of the Catholics, also addressed a +letter in reply to one he received from Dr. Curtis, in which he gave the +Catholics advice as to the best mode of proceeding in order to attain +emancipation. This conduct on the part of the viceroy, together with the +open countenance he gave to the leading catholics in Dublin, gave the +strongest offence to the king, and amounted to such a breach of duty +that the Duke of Wellington was compelled to recall the marquis from +Ireland. + +The public mind was now in the greatest perplexity. On the one hand, the +state of Ireland seemed to render some measure of concession inevitable, +while on the other there was the letter to Dr. Curtis, and the dismissal +of the lord lieutenant--facts which seemed to discountenance all hope. + +The year 1829 was the most eventful in the civil career of the Duke of +Wellington. He had been throughout his life the opponent of Roman +Catholic emancipation: he was now to come before the public in the new +character of a prime minister prepared to grant, as a measure of free +grace, that which he had hitherto denounced as inconsistent with the +safety of the Protestant constitution. + +Up to within a few days of the opening of parliament, however, the +design of the government was wholly concealed, but in the speech from +the throne parliament was recommended to entertain the question. In the +debate on the address the Duke of Wellington announced it as the +intention of the government to introduce a measure for the emancipation +of the Catholics. And now arose a political storm almost unparalleled in +the history of party, from the effects of which we are scarcely yet +recovered. + +The Duke and Mr. Peel were immediately made the objects of the most +unrelenting hostility by the opponents of emancipation. Seeing the +favour in which the two statesmen are now held by their party, it would +be almost impossible to believe that such abusive language as was then +poured forth could have been used towards them, were it not on record. + +The Duke especially was charged with a treble treachery; to Mr. Canning, +on account of the transactions previously referred to; towards the +Protestant party, of whom he had been the chosen leader, and whom he was +about to betray; and lastly a personal treachery in the concealment of +his design until the moment of execution, by which he prevented others +from coming forward and taking the station he had abandoned, as leader +of the opponents of emancipation. + +The Duke's replies to all these charges will be found at length in the +following pages. But the charge of personal treachery was afterwards put +in a shape which compelled the Duke of Wellington to take a very +different notice of it. The Earl of Winchelsea wrote a letter to the +secretary of King's College, in which, after adverting to the support +which the Duke had given on Protestant principles to that institution, +he stated that he now believed that the Duke's conduct had been only a +blind to the high church party, and that he was about, under the cloak +of the Protestant religion, to carry into effect his insidious designs +for the infringement of our liberties, and the introduction of Popery +into every department of the state. This letter the Duke found himself +bound to notice; but the earl refused to retract. A correspondence took +place, which ended in a duel. Neither party was hurt, and the earl +subsequently made a public apology for the original expressions. + +In the meanwhile the Emancipation Bill was steadily progressing. On the +19th of February, in introducing the bill for the suppression of +dangerous associations, the Duke of Wellington declared that there had +been no previous bargain or compact with the Roman Catholic party while +the Emancipation Bill was in the House of Commons. Short discussions +took place almost every night in the House of Lords upon its merits, in +which whenever the Duke joined he did so with the greatest reluctance. +At length, on the 2nd of April, he moved the second reading of the bill +in the House of Lords, in a speech which reflected credit upon him for +moral courage, if not for consistency. + +In fact, great moral courage is one of the most striking features in the +character of the Duke of Wellington. Some of his supporters will doubt +this assertion; and will point to the Emancipation Act as a proof that +the Duke wanted the firmness to act up to his avowed principles. This +involves a wrong assumption. It is one thing obstinately to adhere to an +opinion in defiance of its impracticability: another to retract that +opinion so soon as its impracticability is demonstrated. Whether the +Duke was right or wrong in his opinions, no one will deny that it +required great moral courage for him to stand up in the face of the +country, braving the anger of his old associates, and declare that he +could no longer resist the force of public opinion. + +It was in the course of the speech introducing the Emancipation Bill +that the Duke made his well-known declaration "that he would sacrifice +his life to prevent one month of civil war." + +One fruit of the angry passions excited during the progress of the +Emancipation Bill was a series of prosecutions against the _Morning +Journal_ for libels on the Duke of Wellington, the Lord Chancellor, and +the government collectively. These prosecutions were conducted with +unusual acrimony by Sir James Scarlet, the Attorney-General; and the +Duke of Wellington came in for a very considerable share of public +censure for having authorised such prosecutions. Probably the Duke +intended to inflict another "great moral lesson," as he has always set +his face against the unrestrained license of the press; but, looking +back with calmer feelings to the events of that excited period, and +admitting that the language used by the editor was certainly too strong, +though faithfully representing the feelings of a large class of the +public, it is certainly difficult to avoid now coming to the conclusion +that Mr. Alexander, when sentenced to twelve months' imprisonment in +Newgate and heavy fines, was treated with a severity scarcely +justifiable. It is probable that the Duke of Wellington, acting on his +rigid notions of the division of responsibility, after ordering the +prosecution, left the affair to Sir James Scarlet, and from that moment +declined to interfere. + +Among the discussions to which the prosecutions gave rise, an amusing +speech of Sir Charles Wetherell, on the 2nd of March, 1830, in the House +of Commons, will repay perusal. + +In a debate which took place in the House of Lords on the first night of +the session, upon the state of the country, the Duke of Wellington +delivered a speech upon the causes of the existing distress, which +proved (allowances being made for differences of opinion) that his +qualifications to deal with the most intricate questions involved in +civil government were very little inferior to his military talents. +Passages from that speech will be found in the following pages. At the +time many of his views were ridiculed by those political economists who +were destined so soon to rise to power under shelter of the reform +question; but it will be seen that the improved experience of the +country after ten years' undisputed sway of those gentlemen, confirms +many of the chief conclusion to which the astute and practical mind of +the Duke of Wellington then led him. That speech, however, raised a +hornet's nest around him in the House of Commons. Among others, Sir +Francis Burdett made a personal attack on the Duke, in which he said +that his administration showed how correct was his estimate of his own +powers when he said he would be mad to think of being prime minister. +That illustrious individual, he said, had been treated with much +tenderness, because he had conferred the greatest benefits on his +country; but if his services had been great his recompense had been +great also. Mr. Brougham, also, made a most personal attack on the Duke +on the day before parliament closed. + +In the mean while, George the Fourth died (on the 26th of June), and +parliament was dissolved. The new parliament, called by William the +Fourth, was opened by the king in person on November the 2nd. It was +decidedly unfavourable to the ministry, against whom were arrayed a most +talented and unscrupulous opposition. They swayed with almost absolute +power the great mass of the people, who hoped everything from +parliamentary reform, and had not as yet had experience of the +extravagance of such hopes. A part of the tactics of the whig leaders +was to excite personal animosity against the Duke of Wellington, who was +libelled as a sort of would-be military dictator, seeking to introduce +in civil affairs the iron discipline of the camp, and to ride rough shod +over a free people. + +With the clamour for reform out of doors and in the commons, it was not +to be supposed that even the impassible Duke of Wellington could avoid +referring to the subject in the debate on the address. This he did, with +more candour than prudence, by his well-known declaration against +reform, and in favour of the existing system. It will be found at length +elsewhere. The excitement it produced was enormous: so great, that in +three days afterwards ministers advised William the Fourth not to +proceed to the City to visit the Lord Mayor, lest there should be +tumults. + +On the 15th, they were defeated in the House of Commons, upon a motion +of Sir Henry Parnell, for a committee to inquire into the civil list; +and on the following day the Duke of Wellington and his colleagues +resigned; being apprehensive that the same majority would vote for the +principle of parliamentary reform in a day or two after, and not wishing +to virtually give up that question by going out after being beaten on it +in the House of Commons. + +During the year 1831, while the discussions on the Reform Bill were +going on, the Duke made frequent speeches against the measure, and led +the opposition in the House of Lords in a manner quite consistent with +his declaration in November. In a speech he made on the 28th March, +explanatory of the causes of his resignation, he distinctly denied that +the reform fever was owing to that declaration, and asserted that it +was to be attributed to the effect on the public mind of the revolutions +in France and Belgium. + +On the 10th of October, after the Reform Bill had been thrown out in the +House of Lords, the Duke of Wellington was insulted by a mob on his way +to the house. In the evening, the windows of his mansion at Hyde +Park-corner were broken. It is to be lamented that any class of +Englishmen were to be found so degraded as to be guilty of this +ingratitude. + +Fortunately, the worst of the evil was averted, by the total +indifference of the Duke to all such demonstrations. The greatest men +have been despisers of mankind, of the swaying multitude, that is to +say, the unthinking, the headstrong, and the violent--not of necessity +merely, from that intrinsic superiority and natural antagonism which +forbid their commingling; but also, and with a more hearty potency, from +the experience which they, alternately the adored or the scorned, have +had of the inconstancy of the giddy people. In this light estimation, +indeed, of the judgment of their less worthy fellows, lies the secret of +their greatness and their strength. They ride towards their goal while +the stream tends that way, and when the course of the current is +diverted, they are not dismayed. Their scorn of the means leads them to +pass on by their own strength, or to rest secure on the foundation-rock +of our moral nature--principle, and the consciousness of duty done. + +In April, 1832, on the motion for the second reading of the new Reform +Bill in the House of Lords, the Duke made a speech, characterised by +unqualified opposition to the measure, at a time when many of the +conservative peers (called "waverers,") were for giving it a qualified +support. But, after a defeat of ministers in committee, on Lord +Lyndhursts motion of the 7th of May, followed by their resignation, and +when the king, rather than agree to create peers, called on the Duke of +Wellington to form an administration, he expressed his readiness to do +so upon the principle of moderate reform. + +This sudden inconsistency the public could not understand; the Duke's +avowed reason was that when called on by his sovereign he could not +leave him alone in his difficulty. However, the Duke's efforts were +brought to a summary conclusion by the refusal of Sir Robert Peel to +join in the attempt. + +It is amusing to see the opposite Views these two statesmen took of +their duties to their king. Sir Robert Peel considered that "his +acceptance of office pledged to carry an efficient Reform Bill, he being +a determined enemy to such a measure, would be a political immorality +which would not allow him to enter on his services with a firm step, a +light heart, and an erect attitude." The Duke said, "if he had refused +to assist his majesty, because he had hitherto given his opposition to +parliamentary reform, he would not have been able to show his face in +the streets for shame of having deserted his sovereign in circumstances +so painful and alarming." The result of Sir Robert's refusal was, that +the Duke gave up the attempt, and Earl Grey was recalled. + +During the sessions of 1833 and 1834, the Duke was the leader of the +opposition in the House of Lords; always at his post, and always ready +to grapple with the different questions brought before the peers. On the +9th of June, 1834, took place his installation as Chancellor of the +University of Oxford;--a brilliant scene, at which some of the most +distinguished men of the day assisted. + +In November, 1834, on the death of Lord Spencer, and the dismissal of +the whig ministry, the king called on the Duke of Wellington to form an +administration. The Duke recommended his majesty to entrust that office +to Sir Robert Peel, who, however, was then at Rome. During the interval +that elapsed before his arrival, the Duke accepted, provisionally, the +office of First Lord of the Treasury, and the seals of the three +secretaryships of state. On Sir Robert Peel's arrival, he gave up the +government, with the exception of the office of Secretary for Foreign +Affairs, which (December 9th) he retained. + +Much clamour was at this time raised against the Duke by the whigs, on +the old score of dictatorship, and also as to a supposed insult offered +to Lord Melbourne. + +On the meeting of parliament in the following February (on the 24th), +the Duke gave an explanation of his conduct (inserted in this volume), +sufficient to clear him in all impartial eyes of all the charges then +urged against him by party spirit. + +On the 8th of April following, in consequence of the repeated defeats +sustained in the House of Commons by Sir Robert Peel, the conservative +ministry resigned, and with them of course the Duke of Wellington. From +that time until the re-accession of Sir Robert Peel to power, in 1841, +the Duke continued to lead, with his accustomed vigour and unpretending +ability, the opposition in the House of Lords. In this position, he +exercised the utmost forbearance towards the government; never using his +power except when circumstances absolutely required its exercise. + +One of these instances occurred at the opening of the session of 1836, +when the principles of a particular measure were recommended in a speech +from the throne. To the address the Duke moved an amendment, +condemnatory of the practice of thus pledging the sovereign in a speech +from the throne to the principles of any measure. The amendment was +agreed to by the whigs. + +During the whole interval between 1833 and 1841, the Duke is to be found +occasionally speaking in the upper house, in his capacity of leader of +opposition. The same sound practical sense which has been already +attributed to him, characterised his whole proceedings. It is needless +to particularise the different important debates in which he took part. + +In August, 1839, a grand banquet was given to the Duke at Dover, as Lord +Warden of the Cinque Ports. A splendid pavilion was erected for the +occasion, in which two thousand persons, including some most +distinguished men, sat down to dinner. The gallery was filled with +ladies. The most interesting point in the day's proceedings, was when +Lord Brougham, the most active and distinguished civilian of his age, +rose to propose the health of the Duke of Wellington, the most +illustrious military commander. Eulogium could scarcely he carried +farther than it was by Lord Brougham in these words:-- + +"Although no man," said the noble and learned lord, "on such an +occasion, is entitled to entertain any personal feelings on his own +behalf, it would be affectation--it would be insolent ingratitude--were +I not to express the sentiments which glow within my bosom, at being +made the instrument of making known those feelings which reign +predominant in yours. Enough, however, of myself--now for my mighty +subject.--But the choice you have made of your instrument--of your +organ, as it were, on this occasion--is not unconnected with that +subject; for it shows that on this day, on this occasion, all personal, +all political feelings are quelled--all strife of party is hushed--that +we are incapable, whatever be our opinions, of refusing to acknowledge +transcendant merit, and of denying that we feel the irresistible impulse +of unbounded gratitude; and I am therefore asked to do this service, as +if to show that no difference of opinion upon subjects, however +important--no long course of opposition, however contracted upon public +principles--not even long inveterate habits of public opposition--are +able so far to stifle the natural feelings of our hearts, so far to +obscure our reason, as to prevent us from feeling as we ought--boundless +gratitude for boundless merit. Neither can it pluck from our minds that +admiration proportioned to the transcendant genius, in peace and in war, +of him who is amongst us to-day; nor can it lighten or alleviate the +painful, the deep sense which the untried mind never can get rid of when +it is overwhelmed by a debt of gratitude, too boundless to be repaid. +Party--the spirit of party--may do much, but it cannot operate so far as +to make us forget those services; it cannot so far bewilder the memory, +and pervert the judgment, and eradicate from our bosoms those feelings +which do us the most honour, and are the most unavoidable, and, as it +were, dry up the kindly juices of the heart; and, notwithstanding all +its vile and malignant influence on other occasions, it cannot dry up +those juices of the heart so as to parch it like very charcoal, and make +it almost as black. But what else have I to do? If I had all the +eloquence of all the tongues ever attuned to speak, what else could I +do? How could a thousand words, or all the names that could be named, +speak so powerfully--ay, even if I spoke with the tongue of an angel, as +if I were to mention one word--Sir Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington, +the hero of a hundred fields, in all of which his banner was waved in +triumph; who never, I invoke both hemispheres to witness--bear witness +Europe, bear witness Asia--who never advanced but to cover his arms with +glory; the captain who never advanced but to be victorious; the mightier +captain who never retreated but to eclipse the glory of his advance, by +the yet harder task of unwearied patience, indomitable to lassitude, the +inexhaustible resources of transcendant skill, showing the wonders, the +marvels of a moral courage never yet subdued. Despising all who thwarted +him with ill-considered advice--neglecting all hostility, so he knew it +to be groundless--laughing to scorn reviling enemies, jealous +competitors, lukewarm friends, ay, hardest of all, to neglect despising +even a fickle public, he cast his eye forwards as a man might--else he +deserves not to command men--cast forward his eye to a time when that +momentary fickleness of the people would pass away, knowing that in the +end the people are always just to merit." + +The Duke's acknowledgement, was simple, according to his character, and +modest as became his position. He said, "The noble lord, who I hope will +allow me to call him my noble friend, has stated to you with great +truth, that there are times and circumstances in which, and under which, +all feelings of party, all party animosity, all descriptions of +political feelings must be laid aside. I must do my noble and learned +friend the justice to say, that for years and years there has been +nothing of that description in social life as between him and me, +notwithstanding which it is certainly true that I have had the +misfortune of differing in opinion with my noble and learned friend upon +many points of internal and possibly of other descriptions of policy. +But I am afraid that, notwithstanding my most anxious wish to co-operate +with all of you in the public service in which we have all been +employed, I may happen (I know it does happen) to differ with some of +you upon subjects of political interest to the country. But my noble and +learned friend judges of you correctly when he says that such feelings +of difference would not prevent you--as they have not prevented +you--from doing me the honour of inviting me to this festival, and of +bringing here to meet me not only the whole of this interesting county, +but persons from all parts of the kingdom and even from abroad. +Therefore my noble and learned friend does you as well as himself +justice when he states that there are occasions--occasions in relation +to individuals as well as in relation to public interests and +services--in which all feelings of party politics and opinions must be +laid aside, in order to carry on the public service to the greatest +point of advantage to the public interest. I have had sufficient +experience in public life to know that this must be the case. I am +convinced that it is that feeling which has induced you to pay this +tribute of respect to the person holding the situation of Lord Warden of +the Cinque Ports, in order that you might encourage others hereafter to +perform their duty honestly and conscientiously in the same honourable +office." + +On the 18th November, the same year, the Duke had an attack of epilepsy, +which for a short time alarmed the public greatly for his safety, on +account of his advanced age. Sir Astley Cooper and Dr. Hume were down at +Walmer with him for a week, at the end of which time he recovered, +greatly to the joy of the whole nation. It turned out that the Duke had +brought on the attack adopting, to cure himself of a slight illness, a +mode of treatment which would not be the most wise in a man of +twenty-five, but was most dangerous to one so advanced in years. The +Duke is very determined on such points--can never be persuaded that he +is not the same man in point of constitution that he was when in the +Peninsula; and still preserves all the hardy habits of a soldier's life. +On this occasion he had sought to cure himself by fasting and cold +bathing: he then, while under this treatment, followed the hounds, the +consequence of which was that he fainted, and was soon afterwards seized +as described. + +On the return of Sir Robert Peel to power, in 1841, the Duke of +Wellington again joined him; but this time he took no office, though +accepting a seat in the cabinet. He still continued to lead in the +lords, where his influence is fully felt, and where he constantly +astonishes the house and silences his detractors by displaying a degree +of knowledge on all legislative subjects scarcely compatible with his +military education, and an activity and attention to business that would +be admirable in any one, but which are still more praiseworthy as the +voluntary service of a man who has conferred such distinguished benefits +on his country. + + * * * * * + +Few men have been so blessed by fortune as to have been enabled to +achieve a first-rate reputation in arms, and afterwards to arrive at as +great distinction in the arts of peace. Rarely, at long intervals in the +lapse of time, such opportunities have been afforded to great men; but +still more rarely have even the greatest men been able to use them. To +the Duke of Wellington, in our own time, has this high honour been +especially vouchsafed; and no man ever yet lived who shewed himself more +worthy the distinction, or more able to fulfill the demands of his +country, whether in peace or in war. His youth and prime were spent in +achieving victories: to preserve to posterity the fruits of those +victories, in steady government, together with free institutions; to +make England such an example for foreign nations as would render all +such victories unnecessary hereafter; this has been the still more +glorious task of his declining years. + +The military reputation of the Duke of Wellington rests on so firm a +basis, that it will never be shaken. So long as military science is +necessary in the world, so long will his system of tactics be followed +by commanders responsible in their own hearts for the lives of their +soldiers, and to their country for the conduct of their enterprises. + +Of the military value of his dispositions and movements, military +critics have recorded, almost universally, their unqualified praise. To +civilians, it is left to admire the constant and watchful care of the +Duke, whether in India or the Peninsula, in securing the due provision +for his troops, while he at the same time maintained the strictest +honour towards the natives who supplied them; and to respect the +clearness of his perception, the sagacity of his decisions, and, above +all, the firmness and determination of purpose which sustained him +amidst every drawback and difficulty, until by his success he compelled +his detractors to yield themselves captive to his judgment. It is only +necessary to read the dispatches and general orders of the Duke of +Wellington, in order to be convinced that he is not a mere soldier +winning battles by superior tactics, but that he is also a man of a +very high order of general talent, with an unusual insight into human +nature, and possessing almost an instinctive knowledge of how mankind +are to be governed. By that wonderful exposition of the comprehensive, +wise, and philanthropic mind of the man, even his enemies were subdued. + +Much controversy has been spent upon the demeanour of the Duke towards +his soldiers, which has been stigmatised as cold, distant, at times +harsh, and even selfish. For the charges of coldness and distance there +appears to be some foundation. Unlike Napoleon, the Duke of Wellington +never appealed to the enthusiasm of his soldiers; but he always relied +upon their sense of duty. He regarded his army, organized by discipline, +as a perfect machine, upon the performance of which he could calculate +with precision, and as he never expected it to do more than it ought, so +he never looked to see it do less. The idea of duty, of absolute +responsibility and subordination from rank to rank, seems to have been +that to which he was always content to appeal. Accordingly, his troops +never failed him. Their rock-like steadfastness and constant unimpulsive +bravery, it was that enabled him to carry out his plans with such +certainty. + +The contrast to Napoleon is no Where more seen than in the dispatches of +the one and the bulletins of the other. In his demeanour to his men, the +Duke was reserved; in his language, curt and laconic. If his troops felt +the moral certainty that he was leading them to victory, and honoured +him accordingly, it was not from personal enthusiasm, such as the wild +love the emperor inspired in those around him, but from a deep respect +for his character and a reliance on his talents. Nor did he condescend +to charlatantism or bombast, as his great rival too often did. There is +not the slightest trace of vanity about him. Compare the speech of the +one to his army, beneath the Pyramids, with the simple, "Up, guards, and +at them!" of the other. In these trifles, we find the key to the real +minds of great men. + +The political character of the Duke, and his services as a civilian, +have never been sufficiently appreciated by the great mass of his +countrymen. His brilliant military reputation cast into the shade his +sterling but unobtrusive services as a senator and as a minister. It was +even the fashion, for a long time, to assert that his taking office at +all was a sign of defective judgment. Indeed, when he declared, in the +House of Lords, that he would be "worse than mad to think of such a +thing," he gave a colour to the supposition. His subsequent assertion, +after he had become prime minister, that he had done so "because nobody +else would," conveyed, in all probability, the simple truth. The Duke +did not know his own capacity for government, until it was tried. + +Another reason why his positive worth, as a politician, has not been so +universally admitted as his military merit, is that, in the imaginations +of a large portion of the public, he has been identified with a party. +This, in a country where party spirit is so strong and so universal, +would alone be sufficient to secure his being misunderstood by all those +who are not of the party to which he is alleged to be devoted. But it +is a mistake to call the Duke of Wellington a party man; that is to say, +in the ordinary sense of the word. It is true that, during the greater +part of his life he has acted with what is called the conservative +party, because in England no man can expect to serve his country +efficiently, unless he enlists under some political banner or other. But +there is a great difference between acting generally with a party, and +the adoption of all its animosities and prejudices: and this difference +the Duke of Wellington appears always to have perceived and acted upon. +Wherever the choice has lain between the opinions of his party and the +general good of his country, the Duke has always preferred his country +to his party; and if that is the character of a party man, may all +politicians be speedily imbued with the same sentiments! + +Notwithstanding this distinction, however, it is certain that the known +opinions of the Duke of Wellington, and his ultimately taking office as +the prime minister of the tory party, did lead to the belief that he was +a party man, and directed towards him all those animosities and all that +depreciating rancour which party spirit engenders, and which party +tactics perpetuate; so that during a period of some four or five years +his distinguished reputation as a soldier was obscured in the minds of +many millions of his country, who,--and this remark applies more +particularly to the years 1829, 1830, and 1831,--laid themselves open to +the charge of being guilty of that meanest and basest of all crimes, +ingratitude. + +Happily, within the last ten years, a total change has come over the +public mind. Those ill-grounded animosities are forgotten: the long and +unparalleled services of the Duke are remembered: and a re-action, +produced by a sense of shame acting upon early affections, has made him +more popular, more beloved, more admired than ever he was before. + +Look at the course of business in the House of Lords during the last few +years, and you will observe that the Duke of Wellington has been the +presiding spirit of that assembly. Nothing was done--nothing could be +done without him; for he carries with him the proxies of so many of the +thinking, experienced, far-seeing, influential of his countrymen. + +It has been argued, that the Duke of Wellington possesses all this +influence by virtue of his leadership of a powerful party. Of course +this means that any other leader of the conservatives could possess as +much, or it means nothing. It is a fallacy. The Duke of Wellington's +claims are almost entirely personal. It is to himself alone that all +this silent homage is paid. Even were he to retire from active life +to-morrow, still would he be followed into his retirement by political +pupils, eager to imbibe those distillations of practical wisdom which +his sagacity extracts from his vast stores of experience. + +The fundamental basis of this power is his high military reputation; +though that alone could not have secured it, unless accompanied by his +firm principles and habits of observation. England differs from France +in this respect,--that while our neighbours are more ready to elevate +talent above property than we are, they are less choice as to the degree +of the talent which they exalt. But if the English once know that they +possess a first-rate man, they place him from that hour securely on an +eminence, whence he may look down as from the heavens, upon wealth, +rank, blood, and every earthly distinction. The Duke of Wellington is a +first-rate man; and his countrymen acknowledge it with pride. But his +mind is _sui generis_. His qualities are eminently useful: he could +never have condescended to be brilliant. His mind is that of iron mould +that defies alike warping, meretricious polish, or demolition. + +It is a conviction of the thorough and unflinching honesty of his views +and principles, and of the clear perception, the fruitful experience, +and sound practical sense which regulate his opinions, that makes the +Duke of Wellington the governing spirit in the House of Peers. There is +no man in that house, be his talents or his services what they may, +whose opinion carries so much weight with it; for there is no other man +so independent of party. All the others, however moderate their natures +or honest their intentions, have been compelled to give in at some time +or other to the spirit of party. But the Duke is above party. He entered +the House of Peers with an overpowering reputation, which enabled him +from the first to take high ground. He does not need to curry favour +with any man; nor does he fear to offend even the most powerful of his +supporters, when his cause is just. + +But the Duke's ascendancy in the House of Peers is not to be referred +to the foregoing causes alone. Had he none of that personal influence +derived from services and character to which we have referred, his +abilities and information alone would enable him to take high rank. His +claims in these respects are much, underrated by those who are opposed +to him in politics. His reasoning is so simple, clear and palpable--so +much in the character of what is called common sense--and his style of +speaking so unpretending and free from ornament, that superficial +observers have set him down as a mere blunt soldier, with a few fixed +ideas, and a disposition dogmatically to insist on their adoption. This +is altogether a mistake. The Duke of Wellington has as much of the true +spirit of the statesman as any man who now affects the destinies of this +country. There is scarcely a subject that has come before parliament +since the commencement of his political career into which he has not +fully entered. The character of his mind is to grasp every question. +Less than mastery of it--so far as the formation of a decided opinion +according to the lights afforded to or by his mind--will not satisfy +him. With the exception of one or two questions of high constitutional +principle, the "_cui bono?_" is the view his mind naturally takes. He is +a practical utilitarian, seeking in every measure the utmost quantity of +good of which it is capable; not always as much as he would perhaps wish +to see, but as much as circumstances allow the hope of securing. + +This mode of dealing with subjects is not well calculated for +oratorical display, or for the parade of extensive information, even if +the unaffected character of the Duke of Wellington would allow him to +avail himself of them. They are cast aside, in pursuit of a less +brilliant, but more useful, mode of treatment. Accordingly, the speeches +of the Duke are brief, clear, pointed, and in one sense dogmatical. +After having canvassed details, and brought to bear upon them his long +and varied experience, he states his conclusions, accompanying them with +the general principles that have guided their formation, in a few brief +authoritative sentences. He is very careless about catching stray +listeners, or drawing in his train the prejudiced or the inexperienced; +but rather addresses himself to those whose age and wisdom entitle them +to anticipate consequences, or to those to whom experience of the value +of his opinions may have taught a pre-disposed deference. + +At other times, however--for instance, when making ministerial +statements on matters connected with finance, or foreign policy, or +important changes in the law--this short, abrupt, devil-may-care style +is changed for one eminently adapted to the object. No one can then +complain of a want of the proper information. All the historical facts, +or figures, or principles, or general details, are then marshalled +forward with a regularity and precision only to be equalled by the +military arrangements of the Duke. There is not a word too much or too +little: you are made thoroughly to comprehend the whole bearings of the +question, without being overburthened with the useless details that so +often figure in the speeches of orators of the red-tape school. The +natural superiority of the Duke's mind is never more exhibited than in +the masterly way in which he separates the wheat from the chaff, and +weaves a clear and connected statement from masses of facts, on subjects +so foreign to the military pursuits of his youth and manhood. + +To many, this praise of the Duke of Wellington, in a character in which +he is so little known to the great mass of the public, will appear +exaggerated; but those who have been accustomed to observe him in the +House of Peers, will not be surprised to hear the estimation in which he +is held by his political contemporaries of all parties. Those who have +not heard and seen him in his character of politician and statesman, +will scarcely continue sceptical (even if they are so), after having +read the extracts contained in the following pages. + +Much, however, as the independent spirit of self-reliance of the Duke, +fortified by his character and experience, has secured him sway in the +House of Lords, we must not blind ourselves to the fact, that this +illustrious man has sometimes, in the assertion of his opinions +(unconsciously, we believe, and unintentionally) fallen into a practice +of dogmatising, of calling on the House of Peers and the public to adopt +his views, not so much on account of reasons urged in their support, as +because they are stated by him. Rarely, however, have such instances +occurred, and in extenuation of what, in a country of free discussion, +would justly be deemed a dangerous innovation, we must bear in mind +that where a man's opinions are the result of vary long experience and +very extensive observation, it is not always possible to make the +general mind aware of the process by which particular principles or +views have been arrived at. The greatest men have often been compelled +to content themselves with the simple assertion of opinions not pleasing +to the multitude, and to appeal to time as the only test of their truth. + +The Duke of Wellington looks to the practical common-sense bearing of +every subject brought under his notice. His first aim is the public +good; his next, how to attain that good with the least departure from +established principles of policy. This practical turn of mind, joined as +it is to a far-seeing and prophetic spirit, has contributed to confirm +in the minds of his countrymen the admiration and influence which his +military genius and success first created. They repose the utmost +confidence in his sagacity; he is a party in himself. Whatever is +essential to the national reputation, the welfare of the whole people, +and, above all, to the stability of property, is sure to be originated, +or, at all events, warmly supported by him. + +For this reason a revolution never could have occurred under the +government of the Duke; he has too intense a horror of the evils of +civil contention, ever to have allowed matters to come to that pass. +This, it will be admitted, is a quality rarely to be found in a soldier, +and a soldier, too, of such an inflexible cast as the Duke. Not less +intense is his regard for national faith and honour. He would maintain +the honour of the state at any expense, even of his own personal +prejudices on home politics; for the Duke, like all strong-minded men, +has his prejudices. He has vanquished, and obtained the mastery of the +spirit of change, by showing that he can curb it, while he does not +affect to play the tyrant over it. He knows when to be firm and when to +yield. Many acts of the Duke of Wellington, in the course of his +political career, that have called forth unlimited censure, have been +based upon calculations which only so well-tutored and so well-stored a +mind could have made. + +It is an intellectual treat of the highest order to see the Duke of +Wellington's demeanour in the House of Lords. It is essentially +different from that of every other man there. He is almost the only +unfettered man in the house. Others are fettered by obstacles which they +create for themselves, in various ways, by the too eager pursuit of +personal or party objects. But the Duke of Wellington's high reputation +and standing place him above all such considerations. He can afford to +speak the truth, and he does speak it on all occasions fearlessly. While +other speakers, on either side of the house, have been wasting their +powers in fruitless eloquence (mere personal display), or in perverting +the truth for the purpose, either of unfair attack or unfair defence, +the Duke of Wellington has appeared to be paying not the slightest +attention to the proceedings. He has sat absorbed in thought, or at +least in seeming indifference. You would almost suppose that, overcome +by fatigue, or indisposition, he was sleeping, so perfectly motionless +and silent is he, reclining, with folded arms, his legs stretched out +to their full length, and his hat over his brow. The question has been +discussed, argued, disputed upon for hours. No result seems to have been +come to, and you are as ignorant of the object and scope of the measure +as when the debate began; nor have you any clear idea what will become +of the bill. + +At length, the Duke of Wellington rises, advances abruptly to the table, +wraps the tails of his coat, like a dressing-gown, over his legs, and +plunges at once _in medias res_. There is an undivided attention while +he speaks, indeed, it is sometimes absolutely necessary, for, when +indisposed, he is often with difficulty heard, even by those near to +him, as, indeed, he himself hears with difficulty, from being deaf on +one side. But in a moment you see that his mind is still as vigorous as +ever. His keen intelligence pierces at once to the very core of the +subject; no fallacy can blind or deceive the Duke of Wellington. He +knows why the measure was introduced, what it is, what it will do, and +what will become of it. He grapples with it in the spirit of a +statesman. He is a guardian of the interests of the nation; he is the +parliamentary trustee of the people; he is bound to look to their +interests as a whole, for by the people he understands, not those who +bawl the loudest about their rights, but those also who trust the +maintenance of their privileges and their interests to parliament, in +silent faith. He never forgets the _salus populi_. + +On the other hand, the chap-trap maxims of liberalism, foreign or +domestic, meet from him with just as much credence and attention as +they deserve; he never allows enthusiasm to intrude among political +considerations. He measures the length, breadth, and thickness of the +bill before him; calculates with his unerring precision and practical +wisdom, the effect which it will have, either on the happiness of the +people, or on the social or political constitution of the country. +According to its value for good or for evil, does the Duke of Wellington +support or oppose it; and from that hour its fate is usually decided. +Why? because the unbending unflinching honesty of the man, and his +political sagacity, have created him a character unprecedented in the +annals of his country. + +The Duke's style of speaking is what might be expected from his +character, plain, simple, straightforward. His sentences are short and +pithy, his language clear and lucid; his delivery abrupt. When he makes +a point, it falls on the mind with the force of a sledge-hammer. His +voice reminds one of that of an officer giving the word of command; he +lays emphasis, short and somewhat harsh, on the leading words of the +sentence, and speaks the rest in an under tone. Although, however, in +consequence of his age and the gradual approach of infirmity, his +utterance is not so clear as it used to be, yet you can always +understand immediately his whole meaning. He uses the plainest language +of every-day colloquy. His style is impressive from its doric +simplicity. You never entertain a doubt of his sincerity; and although +you may not always agree with him in opinion, you have, at least, the +satisfaction of knowing that his propositions are the true result of +his feelings or his thoughts; and are not merely put forward to answer +the purposes of party, or to secure a triumph in debate. + +For the same reason, the Duke never attempts to impose on the house a +fictitious enthusiasm, or a pretended excitement. If he gets excited, +(and he will sometimes get into a terrible passion at any infringement +of constitutional integrity or breach of discipline), there is no +mistaking it for a mere prepared climax to a speech; he is completely +possessed by the demon. The only action he ever uses is on such +occasions, and then it is almost convulsive. His arms and legs seem no +longer to be under control, they quiver, and shake, and tremble: and the +clenched fist, violently and frequently struck upon the table, denotes +that some very potent feeling of indignation is, for the time, mastering +the usual calmness of this self-possessed man. + +Yet though at times he is thus carried away by his feelings, his +ultimate judgment of a measure is not impaired by it. He can cauterise +or cut out the cankered part, and yet preserve all that was not +offensive to his sense of right and wrong. + +Those who have read the speeches of the Duke, will have remarked the +intensely British feeling that pervades them. He is like the old Romans +in his admiration and love for his country and her institutions. The +same feeling breathes in all his speeches. The same magnanimous brevity +that marked the public declarations of that haughty people, dignifies +the addresses of the Duke of Wellington. Some of his sayings, as, for +instance, "that a great nation can never wage a little war," will he +embalmed in history. His denunciations are like the alarum of a war +trumpet. The same character of simplicity which marks the Duke's +speeches pervades his whole conduct, public and private. Though no man +is more capable of enjoying the refinements of modern society, luxury +has not enervated his mind or his manners. His dress, his equipage, his +habits, all partake of the same indifference to effect--all have a cast +of the hardy self-denial of the camp. A mattress bed, constant horse +exercise, rising with the lark, not unfrequently remaining up twenty +hours out of the twenty-four, and the daily use of cold shower baths, +winter and summer,--these contradictions to the usual habits of men, +when their age approaches to fourscore, bespeak no ordinary carelessness +of ease, and a singular determination of purpose. Well, indeed, has he +been named the Iron Duke. + + + + +MAXIMS AND OPINIONS OF HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON. + + * * * * * + +INDIA. + +To offer a public reward, by proclamation, for a man's life, and to make +a secret bargain to have it taken away, are very different things; the +one is to be done, the other, in my opinion, cannot by an officer at the +head of the troops. + +_Dispatch, July 8, 1800._ + + * * * * * + +As for the wishes of the people, particularly in this country (India), I +put them out of the question. They are the only philosophers about their +governors that ever I met with, if indifference constitutes that +character. + +_Dispatch, August 20, 1800._ + + * * * * * + +In military operations time is everything. + +_Dispatch, June 30, 1800._ + +Articles of provision are not to be trifled with, or left to chance; +and there is nothing more clear than that the subsistence of the troops +must be certain upon the proposed service, or the service must be +relinquished. + +_Dispatch, Feb. 18, 1801._ + + * * * * * + +_Indignant rejection of a proffered Bribe._ + +You inform me that the Rajah, or Dessaye of Kittoor, has expressed a +wish to be taken under the protection of the British Government; and has +offered to pay a tribute to the company, and to give you a bribe of 4000 +pagodas, and me one of 10,000 pagodas, provided this point is arranged +according to his wishes. + +I cannot conceive what can have induced the Rajah of Kittoor to imagine +that I was capable of receiving that or any other sum of money, as an +inducement to do that which he must think improper, or he would not have +offered it. But I shall advert to that point more particularly +presently. + +The Rajah of Kittoor is a tributary of the Mahratta Government, the head +of which is an ally, by treaty, of the honourable company. It would be, +therefore, to the full as proper, that any officer in command of a post +within the company's territories, should listen to and enter into a plan +for seizing part of the Mahratta territories, as it is for you to listen +and encourage an offer from the Rajah of Kittoor to accept the +protection of, and transfer his allegiance and tribute to the honourable +company's government. In case you should hear anything further upon +this subject from the Rajah of Kittoor, or in future from any of the +chiefs of the Mahrattas on the frontier, I desire that you will tell +them what is the fact, that you have no authority whatever to listen to +such proposals, that you have orders only to keep up with them the usual +intercourse of civility and friendship, and that if they have any +proposals of that kind to make, they must be made in a proper manner to +our superiors. You may, at the same time, inform them that you have my +authority to say that the British government is very little likely to +take advantage of the misfortunes of its ally, to deprive him, either of +his territories or of the allegiance or tribute due to him by his +tributaries. + +In respect to the bribe offered to you and myself, I am surprised that +any man in the character of a British officer should not have given the +Rajah to understand that the offer would be considered as an insult; and +that he should not have forbidden its renewal, than that he should have +encouraged it, and even offered to receive a quarter of the sum proposed +to be given him for prompt payment. I can attribute your conduct on this +occasion, to nothing excepting the most inconsiderate indiscretion, and +to a desire to benefit yourself, which got the better of your prudence. +I desire, however, that you will refrain from the subject with the Rajah +of Kittoor at all, and that if he should renew it, you will inform him, +that I and all British officers consider such offers as insults on the +part of them by whom made. + +_Letter to an officer in India, January 20, 1803._ + +_Principle of Warfare in India._ + +We must get the upper hand, and if once we have that, we shall keep it +with ease, and shall certainly succeed. But if we begin by a long +defensive warfare, and go looking after convoys that are scattered over +the face of the earth, and do not attack briskly, we shall soon be in +distress. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 17, 1803._ + + * * * * * + +_How to avoid Party Spirit in the Army._ + +It occurs to me that there is much party in the army in your quarter; +this must be put an end to. And there is only one mode of effecting +this, and that is for the commanding officer to be of no side excepting +that of the public; to employ indiscriminately those who can best serve +the public, be they who they may, or in whatever service; the +consequence will be that the service will go on, all parties will join +in forwarding it, and in respecting him; there will be an end to their +petty disputes about trifles; and the commanding officer will be at the +head of an army instead of a party. + +_Letter to an officer, Sept. 16, 1803._ + + * * * * * + +_The power of the Sword necessary in India._ + +It is necessary that the political agents at the durbars of the native +princes should be supposed to have a considerable degree of power. In +this part of the world there is no power excepting that of the sword; +and it follows that if these political agents have no authority over the +military, they have no power whatever. + +The natives would soon find out this state of weakness, and the +residents would lose their influence over their councils. It may be +argued if that is the case, the military commanding officer ought to be +the resident, or political agent. In answer to this argument, I say, +that the same reasoning applies to every part of the executive +government; and that, upon this ground, the whole ought to be in the +hands of the military. In short, the only conclusion to be drawn from +all reflection and reasoning upon the subject is, that the British +government in India is a phenomenon; and that it will not answer to +apply to it, in its present state, either the rules which guide other +governments, or the reasoning upon which these rules are founded. + +_Dispatch, Oct. 13, 1803._ + + * * * * * + +_Reason for the ambiguity of Treaties._ + +It is impossible to frame a treaty of peace in such a manner as to find +in it a decision of all questions which can arise between the parties +concerned; particularly when the parties have frequently been at war, +and have preserved a recollection of a variety of contradictory claims +arising out of the events of their wars, which they are ready to bring +forward on all occasions. + +_Dispatch, Jan. 7, 1804._ + +_Foundation of British Power in India in 1803._ + +The British government has been left by the late Mahratta war in a most +glorious situation. They are the sovereigns of a great part of India, +the protectors of the principal powers, and the mediators by treaty of +the disputes of all. The sovereignty they possess is greater, and their +power is settled upon more permanent foundations, than any before known +in India; all it wants is the popularity which, from the nature of the +institutions and the justice of the proceedings of the government, it is +likely to obtain, and which it must obtain, after a short period of +tranquillity shall have given the people time and opportunity to feel +the happiness and security which they enjoy. + +_Dispatch, Jan. 16, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_British "Moderation" in India._ + +I declare that, when I view the treaty of peace,[2] and its +consequences, I am afraid it will be imagined that the moderation of the +British government in India has a strong resemblance to the ambition of +other governments. + +[Footnote 2: After the Mahratta war.] + +_Jan. 29, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Contrast between European and Asiatic Policy._ + +European governments were, till very lately, guided by certain rules and +systems of policy so accurately defined and generally known, that it was +scarcely possible to suppose a political event, in which the interest +and conduct of each state would not be as well known to the corps +diplomatique, in general, as to the statesmen of each particular state. +The Asiatic governments do not acknowledge, and hardly know of, such +rules and systems. Their governments are arbitrary; the objects of their +policy are always shifting; they have no regular established system, the +effect of which is to protect the weak against the strong; on the +contrary, the object of each of them separately, and of all of them +taken collectively, is to destroy the weak; and if by chance, they +should, by a sense of common danger, be induced for a season to combine +their efforts for their mutual defence, the combination lasts only so +long as it is attended with success; the first reverse dissolves it; +and, at all events, it is dissolved long before the danger ceases, the +apprehension of which originally caused it. The company's government in +India, the other contracting party to their alliance, is one bound by +all the rules and systems of European policy. The company's power in +India is supposed to depend much upon its reputation; and although I do +not admit that it depends upon its reputation, as distinguished from its +real force, as appears to be contended by some, I may say that it is +particularly desirable for a government, so constituted as the +company's, never to enter upon any particular object, the probable +result of which should not be greatly in favour of success. + +Besides this, the company's government in India is bound by acts of +parliament not to undertake wars of aggression, not to make any but +defensive alliances, and those only in cases in which the other +contracting party shall bind itself to defend the possessions of the +company actually threatened with hostilities. + +The company's government in India is also connected with his majesty's +government, and, as an Asiatic power, is liable to be involved in wars +with European powers possessing territories in India, whenever his +majesty shall be at war with those powers. + +The picture above drawn of the state of politics among Asiatic powers, +proves that no permanent system can be adopted which will preserve the +weak against the strong, and will keep all for any length of time in +their relative situations, and the whole in peace; excepting there +should be one power, which, either by the superiority of its strength, +its military system, or its resources, shall preponderate, and be able +to protect all. + +_1804._ + + * * * * * + +It is necessary for a man who fills a public situation, and who has +great public interests in charge, to lay aside all private +considerations, whether on his own account or that of other persons. + +_March 2, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +When war is concluded, all animosity should be forgotten. + +_March 12, 1804._ + +_The British character for good faith must be preserved in India._ + +I would sacrifice Gwalior, or every portion of India, ten times over, in +order to preserve our credit for scrupulous good faith, and the +advantages and honour we gained by the late war and the peace: and we +must not fritter them away in arguments, drawn from overstrained +principles of the laws of nations, which are not understood in this +country. What brought me through many difficulties in the war, and the +negociations for peace? The British good faith, and nothing else. + +_Dispatch, March 17, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Civil Government in India must follow immediately on Military +Conquest._ + +I rather think that you and the Governor-General agree in opinion on the +subject of the affairs of Malabar. He says, "examine and report the +state of the province before you commence your military operations; +define the evils, and propose a system of government which shall afford +a remedy, towards the establishment of which system military operations +may be directed." + +It would be useless to commence military operations upon any great +scale, unless the civil officers should be prepared to take possession +of the country, and to re-establish the civil government as the troops +shall conquer it. If the civil government were not re-established in +this manner, the rebels would rise again as soon as the troops would +pass through the districts; and the effect of the operations of a large +body of troops would be much the same as that of a small body. But if +the civil government is to be re-established in this manner, it would be +better to establish that system which is found to be good, and is to be +permanent, than that which is known to be had, and which is intended +should not last. Supposing that the bad system were first introduced, it +must be followed afterwards by the good one; and, supposing that the bad +system did not produce a rebellion of itself (which I acknowledge I do +not think it would, as rebellion in Malabar is to be traced to causes +entirely independent of all systems of civil government, excepting as +they are connected with a strong or weak military force), the change +from the bad to the good system would produce a degree of convulsion, +and, possibly, momentary weakness, which it is always desirable to +avoid. It is particularly desirable to avoid it in this instance, as it +will not be difficult, by an examination of all that has passed in +Malabar, to fix upon the general principles according to which that +province ought to be governed, and to form a system accordingly, in the +time which must elapse before the troops can he employed in settling the +province. + +_March 20, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Principle of Relief to the Poor._ + +The principle, of the mode in which I propose to relieve the distresses +of the inhabitants, is not to give grain or money in charity. + +Those who suffer from famine may properly be divided into two classes: +those who can, and those who cannot, work. In the latter class may be +included old persons, children, and the sick women; who, from their +former situation in life, have been unaccustomed to labour, and are +weakened by the effects of famine. + +The former, viz., those of both sexes who can work, ought to be employed +by the public; and in the course of this letter I shall point out the +work on which I should wish that they might be employed, and in what +manner paid. The latter, viz., those who cannot work, ought to be taken +into an hospital and fed, and receive medical aid and medicine at the +expense of the public. + +According to this mode of proceeding, subsistence will be provided for +all; the public will receive some benefit from the expense which will be +incurred, and, above all, it will be certain, that no able-bodied person +will apply for relief, unless he should be unwilling to work for his +subsistence, that none will apply who are able to work, and who are not +real objects of charity; and that none will come to Ahmednuggur for the +purpose of partaking of the food which must be procured by the labour, +or to obtain which they must submit to the restraint of an hospital. + +_Dispatch, April 11, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Tactics to be pursued against Predatory Troops_. + +I have served a good deal in this part of India against this description +of freebooter; and I think that the best mode of operating, is to press +him with one or two corps capable of moving with tolerable celerity, +and of such strength as to render the result of an action by no means +doubtful, if he should venture to risk one. There is but little hope, it +is true, that he will risk an action, or that any one of these corps +will come up with him. The effect to be produced by this mode of +operation is to oblige him to move constantly, and with great celerity. +When reduced to this necessity, he cannot venture to stop to plunder the +country, and he does comparatively but little mischief; at all events +the subsistence of his army becomes difficult and precarious, the +horsemen become dissatisfied, and they perceive that their situation is +hopeless, and they desert in numbers daily; the freebooter ends by +having with him only a few adherents, and he is reduced to such a state +as to be liable to be taken by any small body of country horse, which +are the fittest troops to be then employed against him. + +In proportion as the body of our troops, to be employed against a +freebooter of this description, have the power of moving with celerity, +will such freebooter be distressed. Whenever the largest and most +formidable bodies of them are hard pressed by our troops, the village +people attack them upon their rear and flanks, cut off stragglers, and +will not allow a man to enter their villages; because their villages +being in some degree fortified, they know well that the freebooters dare +not wait the time which would be necessary to reduce them. When this is +the case, all their means of subsistence vanish, no resource remains +excepting to separate, and even this resource is attended by risk, as +the village people cut them off on their way to their homes. + +_Dispatch, May 27, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of Secresy in Public Affairs_. + +There is nothing more certain than that of one hundred affairs +ninety-nine might be posted up at the market-cross, without injury to +the public interests; but the misfortune is that where the public +business is the subject of general conversation, and is not kept a +secret, as a matter of course, upon every occasion, it is very difficult +to keep it secret upon that occasion on which it is necessary. There is +an awkwardness in a secret which enables discerning men (of which +description there are always plenty in an army) invariably to find it +out; and it may be depended upon that, whenever the public business +ought to be kept secret, it always suffers when it is exposed to public +view. For this reason secresy is always best; and those who have been +long trusted with the conduct of public affairs are in the habit of +never making known public business of any description that it is not +necessary that the public should know. The consequence is that secresy +becomes natural to them, and as much a habit as it is to others to talk +of public matters; and they have it in their power to keep things secret +or not, as they may think proper. + +Remember that what I recommend to you is far removed from mystery; in +fact, I recommend silence upon the public business upon all occasions, +in order to avoid the necessity of mystery upon any. + +_Dispatch, June 28, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +In all retreats, it must be recollected that they are safe and easy, in +proportion to the number of attacks made by the retreating corps. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 12, 1804._ + + * * * * * + +_Neglect of his Services in India._ + +In regard to staying longer (in the Deccan), the question is exactly +whether the court of directors, or the king's ministers, have any claim +upon me, strong enough to induce me to do anything so disagreeable to my +feelings (leaving health out of the question) as to remain, for a great +length of time, in this country. I have served the company in important +situations for many years, and have never received anything but injury +from the court of directors, although I am a singular instance of an +officer who has served under all governments, and in communication with +all the political residents, and many civil authorities; and there is +not an instance on record, or in any private correspondence, of +disapprobation of any of my acts, or a single complaint, or even a +symptom of ill-temper from any one of the political or civil authorities +in communication with whom I have acted. The king's ministers have as +little claim upon me as the court of directors. I am not very ambitious, +and I acknowledge that I never have been very sanguine in my +expectations that military services in India would be considered in the +scale in which are considered similar services in other parts of the +world. But I might have expected to be placed on the staff in India; and +yet if it had not been for the lamented death of General Fraser, General +Smith's arrival would have made me supernumerary. This is perfectly well +known to the army, and is the subject of a good deal of conversation. + +_Jan. 4, 1805._ + + * * * * * + +I mistrust the judgment of every man in a case in which his own wishes +are concerned. + +_Feb. 3, 1805._ + + * * * * * + +_Advice to a Native Ruler in India._ + +Let the prosperity of the country be your great object; protect the +ryots and traders, and allow no man, whether invested with authority or +not, to oppress them with impunity. Do justice to every man. + +_March 2, 1805._ + + * * * * * + +Without distinction of religion every man ought to be called upon to do +service to the state, wherever he is particularly qualified to do that +service. + +_House of Commons, May 11, 1808._ + +_Control of the Navy and Army._ + +The navy is the characteristic and constitutional force of Britain, and +may therefore be governed by regulations of the legislature; but the +army is a new force, arising out of the extraordinary exigencies of +modern times, and from every consideration of expediency and necessity, +must be left under the control of the crown. + +_House of Commons, June 3, 1808._ + + * * * * * + +_The Law-breaker always Wrong._ + +It frequently happens that the people who do commit outrages and +disturbances have some reason to complain; but he who breaks the law +must be considered in the wrong, whatever may have been, the nature of +the provocation which he has received.[3] + +[Footnote 3: This remark, though it applies generally, was made with +respect to Ireland.] + +_Ibid, July 7, 1808._ + + * * * * * + + +THE PENINSULA. + +_The Battle of Vimeiro._ + +The action of Vimeiro is the only one I have ever been in (1808), in +which everything passed as was directed, and no mistake was made by any +of the officers charged with its conduct. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 22, 1806._ + + * * * * * + +_Distinction between Civil and Military Responsibility._ + +There is a great distinction of duty between military and civil inferior +situations. If, in a civil officer, the inferior differs materially from +the superior, he ought to resign, but in military appointments, it is +the duty of the inferior officer to assist his commander in the mode in +which that commander may deem his services most advantageous. + +_Defence of his conduct with regard to the Convention of Cintra. House +of Commons, Feb. 21, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Rapidity of the French Retreats accounted for._ + +It is obvious, that if an army throws away all its cannon, equipments, +and baggage, and everything which can strengthen it, and can enable it +to act together as a body; and abandons all those who are entitled to +its protection, but add to its weight and impede its progress;[4] it +must be able to march by roads through which it cannot be followed, with +any prospect of being overtaken by an army which has not made the same +sacrifice. + +[Footnote 4: Alluding to the rapidity of the French retreat.] + +_Dispatch, May 18, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +I have long been of opinion that a British army could bear neither +success nor failure.[5] + +[Footnote 5: Referring to their habits of plunder.] + +_Dispatch, May 31, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Inefficiency of Spanish Officers._ + +Nothing can be worse than the officers of the Spanish army, and it is +extraordinary that when a nation has devoted itself to war, as this +nation has by the measures which it has adopted in the last two years, +so little progress has been made in any one branch of the military +profession by any individual, and that the business of an army should be +so little understood. They are really children in the art of war, and I +cannot say they do anything as it ought to be done, with the exception +of running away, and assembling again in a state of nature. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Terrorism and Force, not Enthusiasm, enabled the French Revolutionary +Armies to conquer._ + +People are very apt to believe that enthusiasm carried the French +through their revolution, and was the parent of those exertions which +have nearly conquered the world; but if the subject is nicely examined, +it will be found that enthusiasm was the name only, but that force was +the instrument which brought forward those great resources under the +system of terror which first stopped the allies; and that a perseverance +in the same system of applying every individual and every description of +property to the service of the army, by force, has since conquered +Europe. + +_Dispatch, Aug. 25, 1809._ + +_The Spaniards and Portuguese want the true spirit of Soldiers._ + +We are mistaken if we believe that what these Portuguese and Spanish +armies require is discipline, properly so called. They want the habits +and spirit of soldiers--the habits of command on one side, and of +obedience on the other--mutual confidence between officers and men; and +above all, a determination in superiors to obey the spirit of the orders +they receive, let what will be the consequence, and the spirit to tell +the true cause if they do not. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 8, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of good understanding between Negotiating Parties._ + +Half the business of the world, particularly that of our country, is +done by accommodation, and by the parties understanding each other, but +when rights are claimed they must be resisted, if there are no grounds +for them; when appeal must be made to higher powers there can be no +accommodation, and much valuable time is lost in reference which ought +to be spent in action. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 20, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Popular Assemblies unmanageable._ + +I acknowledge that I have a great dislike to a new popular assembly; +even our own ancient one would be quite unmanageable, and in three days, +would ruin us, if the present generation had not before its eyes the +example of the French revolution; and if there were not certain rules +and orders for its guidance and government, the knowledge and use of +which render safe, and successfully direct, its proceedings. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 22, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Distracted State of Spain._ + +I declare that if I were in Buonaparte's situation, I should leave the +English and the Cortes to settle Spain in the best manner they could; +and I should entertain very little doubt but that in a very short space +of time Spain must fall into the hands of France. At the same time I +must agree with you in thinking that affairs are now in so desperate a +situation that they cannot be worse; that there is a real want of men of +common capacity in Spain, in whose hands any form of government, +intended for vigorous action, could be placed with any hope that their +powers could he used to the public advantage; and that the Cortes, with +all their faults, and the dangers attendant upon such an assembly, will +have at least this advantage, that they will have the confidence of the +country, and the prejudices of their countrymen of the lower class in +our favour, and against France; the remark being perfectly well founded, +that there is no prejudice or jealousy of us any where in Spain +excepting by the government. + +But in order to enjoy common safety under such an assembly as the +Spanish Cortes, the rules and orders for their proceedings and internal +government ought to be well defined, and to be, if possible, a part of +the constitution of the assembly. Great care should also be taken in +their formation to protect them from the effects of popular fury in the +place of their sitting; but still with all these precautions I should +prefer a wise Bourbon, if we could find one, for a regent, to the +Cortes. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 22, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +Whatever may be eventually the fate of Spain, Portugal must be a +military country. + +_Dispatch, Sept. 24, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Military Value of an Armed and Friendly People._ + +In respect to the army and armament of the people in Spain and Portugal, +there is no man more aware than I am of the advantage to be derived from +these measures; and if I had not reflected well upon the subject, my +experience of the war in Portugal and in Spain--(in Portugal, where the +people are in some degree armed and arrayed; and in Spain, where they +are not)--would have shewn me the advantage which an army has against +the enemy when the people are armed and arrayed, and are on its side in +the contest. But reflection, and, above all, experience have shewn me +the exact extent of this advantage in a military point of view; and I +only beg that those who have to contend with the French, will not be +diverted from the business of raising, arming, equipping, and training +regular bodies, by any notion that the people, when armed and arrayed, +will be of, I will not say any, but of much use to them. + +_Dispatch, Oct. 11, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Difficulties in the Peninsular War. The Battle of Talavera._ + +You will have heard of all that has passed in this country, and I will +not therefore trouble you with a repetition of the story. The battle of +Talevera was certainly the hardest fought of modern days, and the most +glorious in its results to our troops. Each side engaged lost a quarter +of their numbers. + +It is lamentable that, owing to the miserable inefficiency of the +Spaniards, to their want of exertion, and the deficiency of numbers, +even, of the allies, much more of discipline and every other military +quality, when compared with the enemy in the Peninsula, the glory of the +action is the only benefit we have derived from it. But that is a solid +and substantial benefit, of which we have derived some good consequences +already; for, strange to say, I have contrived with the little British +army to keep everything in check since the month of August last; and if +the Spaniards had not contrived, by their own folly and against my +entreaties and remonstrances, to lose an army in La Mancha about a +fortnight ago, I think we might have brought them through the contest; +as it is, however, I do not despair. I have in hand a most difficult +task, from which I may not extricate myself; but I must not shrink from +it, I command an unanimous army; I draw well with all the authorities in +Spain and Portugal; and I believe I have the good wishes of the whole +world. In such circumstances, one may fail, but it would be +dishonourable to shrink from the task. + +_Letter to Col. Malcome, Dec. 3, 1809._ + + * * * * * + +_Buonaparte's System Hollow._ + +The Austrian marriage is a terrible event, and must prevent any great +movement on the continent for the present. Still I do not despair of +seeing, at some time or other, a check to the Buonaparte system. Recent +transactions in Holland shew that it is all hollow within; and that it +is so inconsistent with the wishes, the interests, and even the +existence of civilized society, that he cannot trust even his brothers +to carry it into execution. + +_Dispatch, April 4, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Military Law the will of the General._ + +Military law, as applied to any persons excepting the officers, +soldiers, and followers of the army, for whose government there are +particular provisions of law in all well regulated countries, is neither +more nor less than the will of the general of the army. He punishes +either with or without trial, for crimes either declared to be so, or +not so declared, by any existing law, or by his own orders. This is the +plain and common meaning of the term military law. Besides the mode of +proceeding above described, laws have been made in different countries +at different times to establish and legalize a description of military +constitution. + +The commander-in-chief, or the government, has been authorized to +proceed by military process--that is, by court martial or council of +war--against persons offending against certain laws, or against their +own orders, issued generally for the security of the army; or for the +establishment of a certain government or constitution odious to the +people among whom it is established. + +Of both descriptions of military law, there are numerous instances in +the history of the operations of the French army during the revolution; +and there is an instance of the existence both of the first-mentioned +description and of the last-mentioned in Ireland, during the rebellion +of 1798, when the people were in insurrection against the government, +and were to be restrained by force. + +_Dispatch, April 19, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Letter to a Portuguese of Rank on the Position and Duties of Persons in +his station._ + +I have received your letter containing a complaint against----, of the +quarter-master general's department, that he had ill-treated one of your +servants, into which I shall make inquiry, and let you know the result. + + +It is impossible, however, for me to interfere in any manner with a +billet, given by the magistrates of Coimbra, for an officer and his +family to be quartered in your house. I must at the same time inform +you, that I am not a little surprised that a person of your rank and +station, and quality in the country, should object to give accommodation +in your house, and should make a complaint of this officer, that he had +asked you for additional accommodation, when it appears by the letter +which you enclosed, and which I now return, that when you objected to +give him this additional accommodation for which he asked, he acquiesced +in your objection, and did not any longer require this accommodation. + +The unfortunate situation in which Portugal is placed, and the desire of +the insatiable enemy of mankind to force this once happy and loyal +people to submit to his iron yoke, to plunder them of their properties +to destroy their religion and to deprive them of their monarch, has +rendered it necessary to collect in this country a large army, in order, +if possible, to defeat and frustrate the designs of the enemy. It is the +duty of those whose age, whose sex, or whose profession, do not permit +them to take an active part in the defence of their country, to assist +those employed in its defence with provisions, lodgings for officers and +troops, means of transport, &c., and at all events not to oppose +themselves to the granting of this description of assistance. These +duties are more particularly incumbent upon the rich and high in +station, who would be the first victims of, and greatest sufferers +from, the enemy's success, unless, indeed, they should be of the number +of those traitors who are aiding to introduce the common enemy into the +country, to destroy its happiness and independence. + +Under these circumstances I am not a little astonished to receive these +frivolous and manifestly unfounded complaints from you, and that you +should be the person to set the example of objecting to give quarters to +an officer, because he is married and has children. + +It is not very agreeable to anybody to have strangers quartered in his +house; nor is it very agreeable to us strangers, who have good houses in +our own country, to be obliged to seek for quarters here. We are not +here for our pleasure; the situation of your country renders it +necessary: and you, a man of family and fortune, who have much to lose, +should not be the first to complain of the inconvenience of our presence +in the country. + +I do everything in my power to alleviate the inconvenience which all +must suffer. We pay extravagant prices with unparalleled punctuality for +everything we receive; and I make it a rule to inquire into and redress +every injury that is really done by the troops under my command, as I +shall that to which I have above referred, of which you complain, in the +conduct of----towards your servant. + +_Dispatch, August 23, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Croaking Spirit in the British Army in Portugal_. + +It appears that you have had a good smart contest with the government +respecting our plan of operations. They will end in forcing me to quit +them, and then they will see how they will get on. They will then find +that I alone keep things in their present state. Indeed the temper of +some of the officers of the British army gives me more concern than the +folly of the Portuguese government. I have always been accustomed to +have the confidence and support of the officers of the armies which I +have commanded; but for the first time, whether owing to the opposition +in England, or whether the magnitude of the concern is too much for +their minds and their nerves, or whether I am mistaken and they are +right, I cannot tell; but there is a system of croaking in the army +which is highly injurious to the public service, and which I must devise +some means to put an end to, or it will put an end to us. Officers have +a right to form their own opinions upon events and transactions, but +officers of high rank or situation ought to keep their opinions to +themselves; if they do not approve of the system of operations of their +commander, they ought to withdraw from the army. And this is a point to +which I must bring some, if I should not find that their own good sense +prevents them from going on as they have done lately. Believe me that if +any body else, knowing what I do, had commanded the army, they would now +have been in Lisbon, if not, in their ships. + +_Dispatch, September 11, 1810._ + +_Note_--This passage from a letter to the British minister at Lisbon is +one of many, which explain the difficulties Lord Wellington had to +encounter from the Portuguese Government, from the opposition and the +press in England, and from the want of proper military spirit in his own +officers. + +_Conduct of the Portuguese._ + +If we are to go on as we have hitherto; if Great Britain is to give +large subsidies, and to expend large sums in the support of a cause in +which these most interested sit by and take no part; and those at the +head of the government, with laws and power to force the people to +exertion in the critical circumstances in which the country is placed, +are aware of the evil, but neglect their duty and omit to put the laws +into execution, I must believe their professions to be false; that they +look to a little dirty popularity instead of to save their country; that +they are unfaithful servants to their master, and persons in whom his +allies can place no confidence. + +_Oct. 28, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_The National Disease of Spain._ + +The national disease of Spain, that is, boasting of the strength and +power of the Spanish nation, till they are seriously convinced that they +are in no danger, then sitting down quietly and indulging their national +indolence. + +_Dec. 2, 1810._ + + * * * * * + +_Apathy of the Portuguese._ + +There exists in the people of Portugal, an unconquerable love of their +ease, which is superior even to their fear and detestation of the enemy. +Neither will they, or their magistrates, or the government, see that the +temporary indulgence of this passion for tranquillity must occasion the +greatest misfortunes to the state and hardships to the individuals +themselves; and no person in the country likes to have his tranquillity +and habits disturbed for any purpose, however important, or to be the +instrument of disturbing those of others. Thus every arrangement is +defeated, and every order disobeyed with impunity. The magistrate will +not force the inhabitants to adopt a measure, however beneficial to the +state and himself, which will disturb his old habits; and the government +will not force the magistrate to do that which will be disagreeable to +him and to the people: thus we shall go on till the end of time. + +_January 3, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Takes no Notice of Newspapers._ + +I hope that the opinions of the people in Great Britain are not +influenced by paragraphs in newspapers, and that those paragraphs do not +convey the public opinion or sentiment upon any subject: therefore I +(who have more reason than any other public man of the present day to +complain of libels of this description) never take the smallest notice +of them; and have never authorized any contradiction to be given, or any +statement to be made in answer to the innumerable falsehoods, and the +heaps of false reasoning, which have been published respecting me and +the operations which I have directed. + +_January 7, 1811._ + +_Indolence of the Natives of the Peninsula._ + +There is something very extraordinary in the nature of the people of the +Peninsula. I really believe them, those of Portugal particularly, to be +the most loyal and best disposed, and the most cordial haters of the +French, that ever existed; but there is an indolence and a want even of +the power of exertion in their disposition and habits, either for their +own security, that of their country, or of their allies, which baffle +all our calculations and efforts. + +_January 16, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Different Constitution of the French and English Armies._ + +It may also be asked why should we spend our money, and why these troops +should not go on as the French troops do, without pay, provisions, +magazines, or any thing? The French army is certainly a wonderful +machine; but if we are to form such a one, we must form such a +government as exists in France, which can with impunity lose one-half of +the troops employed in the field every year, only by the privations and +hardships imposed upon them. Next, we most compose our army of soldiers +drawn from all classes of the population of the country; from the good +and middling, as well as in rank as education, as from the bad; and not +as all other nations do, and we in particular, from the bad only. +Thirdly, we must establish such a system of discipline as the French +have; a system founded on the strength of the tyranny of the government, +which operates upon an army composed of soldiers, the majority of whom +are sober, well disposed, amenable to order, and in some degree +educated. + +When we shall have done all this, and shall have made these armies of +the strength of those employed by the French, we may require of them to +live as the French do, viz., by authorised and regular plunder of the +country and its inhabitants, if any should remain; and we may expose +them to the labour, hardships and privations which the French soldier +suffers every day; and we must expect the same proportion of loss every +campaign, viz., one-half of those who take field. + +_January 26, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Character of the Marques de la Romana._ + +In him the Spanish army have lost their brightest ornament, his country +their most upright patriot, and the world the most strenuous and zealous +defender of the cause in which we are engaged; and I shall always +acknowledge with gratitude the assistance which I received from him, as +well by his operations as by his counsel, since he had been joined with +this army. + +_January 26, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_None but the worst men enter the Army as Privates._ + +In respect to recruiting the army, my own opinion is, that the +government have never taken an enlarged view of the subject. It is +expected that people will become soldiers in the line, and leave their +families to starve, when, if they become soldiers in the militia, their +families are provided for. This is an inconsistency that must strike the +mind of even the least reflecting of mankind. What is the consequence? +That none but the worst description of men enter the regular service. + + * * * * * + +But admitting the truth of the expense, I say that the country has not a +choice between army and no army, between peace or war. They must have a +large and efficient army, one capable of meeting the enemy abroad, or +they must expect to meet him at home; and then farewell to all +considerations of measures of greater or lesser expense, and to the +ease, the luxury, and happiness of England. God forbid that I should see +the day on which hostile armies should contend within the United +Kingdom; but I am very certain that I shall not only see that day, but +shall be a party in the contest, unless we alter our system, and the +public feel in time the real nature of the contest in which we are at +present engaged, and determine to meet its expense. I have gone a little +beyond the question of recruiting; but depend upon it that you will get +men when you provide for the families of soldiers in the line and not in +the militia, and not before. + +_January 28, 1811._ + +_Buonaparte's "disgusting Tyranny."_ + +I am glad to hear such good accounts of affairs in the North. God send +that they may prove true, and that we may overthrow this disgusting +tyranny: however, of this I am certain, that whether true or not at +present, something of the kind must occur before long, and, if we can +only hold out, we shall yet see the world relieved. + +_March 23, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_A French army in England would be the consequence of our withdrawal +from the Peninsula._ + +I shall be sorry if government should think themselves under the +necessity of withdrawing from this country, on account of the expense of +the contest. From what I have seen of the objects of the French +government, and the sacrifices they make to accomplish them, I have no +doubt that if the British army were for any reason to withdraw from the +Peninsula, and the French government were relieved from the pressure of +military operations on the Continent, they would incur all risks to land +an army in his majesty's dominions. Then indeed would commence an +expensive contest; then his majesty's subjects discover what are the +miseries of war, of which, by the blessing of God, they have hitherto +had no knowledge; and the cultivation, the beauty, and prosperity of the +country, and the virtue and happiness of its inhabitants, would be +destroyed: whatever might be the result of the military operations; God +forbid that I should be a witness, much less an actor, in the scene.[6] + +[Footnote 6: At this time the clamours of the opposition regarding the +expense of the war induced a fear that the government might determine to +discontinue it.] + +_March 23, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_The Peninsular Governments must not mind unpopularity._ + +I recommend to them (the Spaniards and Portuguese) to advert seriously +to the nature of the task which they have to perform. Popularity, +however desirable it may be to individuals, will not form, or feed, or +pay an army; will not enable it to march and fight; will not keep it in +a state of efficiency for long and arduous services. The resources which +a wise government must find for these objects must be drawn from the +people, not by measures which will render those unpopular who undertake +to govern a country in critical circumstances, but by measures which +must for a moment have a contrary effect. The enthusiasm of the people +in favour of any individual never saved any country. They must be +obliged by the restraint of law and regulation, to do those things and +to pay those contributions, which are to enable the government to carry +on this necessary contest. + +_April 9, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Coolness in action, not headlong bravery, is required in the Army._ + +The desire to be forward in engaging the enemy is not uncommon in the +British array; but that quality which I wish to see the officers +possess, who are at the head of the troops, is a cool, discriminating +judgment in action, which will enable them to decide with promptitude +how far they can and ought to go, with propriety; and to convey their +orders, and act with such vigour and decision, that the soldiers will +look up to them with confidence in the moment of action, and obey them +with alacrity. + +_May 15, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_The battle of Albuera one of the most glorious in the War._ + +You will have heard of the Marshal's (Beresford) action on the 16th. The +fighting was desperate, and the loss of the British has been very +severe; but, adverting to the nature of the contest, and the manner in +which they held their ground against all the efforts the whole French +army could make against them, notwithstanding all the losses which they +had sustained, I think this action one of the most glorious, and +honourable to the character of the troops, of any that has been fought +during the war. + +_May 20, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Portuguese Troops, better than Spanish._ + +What a pity it is that the Spaniards will not set to work seriously to +discipline their troops! We do what we please now with the Portuguese +troops; we manoeuvre them under fire equally with our own, and have some +dependence on them; but these Spaniards can do nothing but stand still, +and we consider ourselves fortunate if they do not run away. + +_May 25, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Disorganized state of the Peninsular Governments._ + +Those unfortunate governments in the Peninsula have been reduced to such +a state of decrepitude, that I believe there was no authority existing +within Spain or Portugal before the French invaded these countries. The +French invasion did not improve this state of things; and, since what is +called in Spain the revolution, and in Portugal the restoration, no +crime that I know of has been punished in either, excepting that of +being a French partisan. Those malversations in office--those neglects +of duty; the disobedience of orders; the inattention to regulation, +which tend to defeat all plans for military operation, and ruin a state +that is involved in war, more certainly than the plots of all the French +partisans, are passed unnoticed; and, notwithstanding the numerous +complaints which Marshal Beresford and I have made, I do not know that +one individual has yet been punished, or even dismissed from his +office. The cause of this evil is the mistaken principle on which the +government have proceeded. They have imagined that the best foundation +for their power was a low, vulgar popularity; the evidence is the shouts +of the mob of Lisbon, and the regular attendance at their levees, and +the bows and scrapes of people in office, who ought to have other modes +of spending their time; and to obtain this babble the government of +Portugal, as well as the successive governments in Spain, have neglected +to perform those essential duties of all governments, viz., to force +those they are placed over to do their duty, by which, before this time, +these countries would have been out of danger. + +The other evil is connected very materially with the first. The +government will not regulate their finances, because it will interfere +with some man's job. They will not lay on new taxes, because in all +countries those who lay on taxes are not favourites with the mob. They +have a general income-tax, called 10 per cent., and, in some cases, 20 +per cent., which they have regulated in such a manner as that no +individual, I believe, has paid a hundredth part of what he ought to +have paid. Then, for want of money, they can pay nobody, and, of course, +have not the influence which they ought to have over the subordinate +departments. + +In addition to embarrassments of all descriptions surrounding us on all +sides, I have to contend with an ancient enmity between these two +nations, which is more like that of cat and dog than anything else, of +which no sense of common danger, or common interest, or anything, can +get the better, even in individuals. + +_June 12, 1811._ + +To write an anonymous letter is the meanest action of which any man can +be guilty. + +_Dispatch, July 3, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_British Officers, as well at Soldiers, require to be kept in order._ + +I must also observe that British officers require to be kept in order, +as well as the soldiers under their command, particularly in a foreign +service. The experience which I have had of their conduct in the +Portuguese service has shown me that there must be authority, and that a +strong one, to keep them within due bounds, otherwise they would only +disgust the soldiers over whom they should be placed, the officers whom +they should be destined to assist, and the country in whose service they +should be employed. + +_October 1, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_Money in aid of Labour better than Charity._ + +That which would be desirable is, if possible, to aid laborious +exertions to procure a subsistence by small advances of money; and I +propose to keep this principle in view in the distribution of the money +entrusted to me, by which not only it will subsist those to whom it will +be given for a longer period, but it may be hoped that the people will +resume their habits of industry, and that they will soon again be able +to provide for their own subsistence. + +_Oct. 11, 1811._ + +_A General Re-action against Buonaparte predicted._ + +I have, however, long considered it probable, that even _we_ should +witness a general resistance throughout Europe to the fraudulent and +disgusting tyranny of Buonaparte, created by the example of what has +occurred in Spain and Portugal; and that _we_ should be actors and +advisers in these scenes; and I have reflected frequently upon the +measures which should be pursued to give a chance of success. + +Those who embark in projects of this description should be made to +understand, or to act as if they understood, that having once drawn the +sword they must not return it, till they shall have completely +accomplished their object. They must be prepared, and must be forced, to +make all sacrifices to the cause. Submission to military discipline and +order is a matter of course; but when a nation determines to resist the +authority, and to shake off the government of Buonaparte, they must be +prepared and forced to sacrifice the luxuries and comforts of life, and +to risk all in a contest, which it should be clearly understood before +it is undertaken, has for its object to save all or nothing. + +The first measure for a country to adopt is to form an army, and to +raise a revenue from the people to defray the expense of the army: +above all, to form a government of such strength, as that army and +people can be forced by it to perform their duty. This is the rock upon +which Spain has split; and all our measures in any other country which +should afford hopes of resistance to Buonaparte should be directed to +avoid it. The enthusiasm of the people is very fine, and looks well in +print; but I have never known it to produce any thing but confusion. In +France, what was called enthusiasm was power and tyranny, acting through +the medium of popular societies, which have ended by overturning Europe, +and in establishing the most powerful and dreadful tyranny that ever +existed. In Spain, the enthusiasm of the people spent itself in _vivas_ +and vain boasting. The notion of its existence prevented even the +attempt to discipline the armies; and its existence has been alleged, +ever since, as the excuse for the rank ignorance of the officers and the +indiscipline and constant misbehaviour of the troops. + +I therefore earnestly recommend you, wherever you go, to trust nothing +to the enthusiasm of the people. Give them a strong and a just, and, if +possible, a good government; but, above all, a strong one, which shall +enforce upon them to do their duty by themselves and their country; and +let measures of finance to support an army go hand in hand with measures +to raise it. + +I am quite certain that the finances of Great Britain are more than a +match for Buonaparte, and that we shall have the means of aiding any +country that may be disposed to resist his tyranny. But those means are +necessarily limited in every country by the difficulty of procuring +specie. This necessary article can be obtained in sufficient quantities +only by the contributions of the people; and although Great Britain can +and ought to assist with money, as well as in other modes, every effort +of this description, the principal financial as well as military effort, +ought to be by the people of the resisting country. + +_Dec. 10, 1811._ + + * * * * * + +_The French System of Predatory War._ + +In the early days of the revolutionary war, the French, at the +recommendation, I believe, of Brissot, adopted a measure which they +called a _levee en masse_; and put every man, animal, and article, in +their own country, in requisition for the service of the armies. This +system of plunder was carried into execution by the popular societies +throughout the country. It is not astonishing that a nation, among whom +such a system was established, should have been anxious to carry on the +war beyond their own frontiers. This system both created the desire and +afforded the means of success; and with the war, they carried, wherever +they went, the system of requisition; not, however, before they had, by +these and other revolutionary measures, entirely destroyed all the +sources of national prosperity at home. + +Wherever the French armies have since gone, their subsistence, at least, +the most expensive article in all armies, and means of transport, have +been received from the country for nothing. Sometimes, besides +subsistence, they have received clothing and shoes; in other instances, +besides these articles, they have received pay; and from Austria and +Prussia, and other parts of Germany and Italy, they have drawn, besides +all these articles of supply for their troops, heavy contributions in +money for the supply of the treasury at Paris. To this enumeration ought +to be added the plunder acquired by the generals, officers, and troops; +and it will be seen that the new French system of war is the greatest +evil that ever fell on the civilised world. + +The capital and industry of France having been destroyed by the +revolution, it is obvious that the government cannot raise a revenue +from the people of France adequate to support the large force which must +be maintained in order to uphold the authority of the new government, +particularly in the newly-conquered or ceded states; and to defend the +widely-extended frontier of France from all those whose interest and +inclination must lead them to attack it. The French government, +therefore, under whatever form administered, must seek for support for +their armies in foreign countries. War must be a financial resource; and +that appears to me to be the greatest misfortune which the French +revolution has entailed upon the present generation. + +_Jan. 31, 1812._ + + * * * * * + +I consider the Portuguese troops, next to the British, the best in the +Peninsula. + +_May 3, 1812._ + + * * * * * + +It is very difficult to manage the defence of the kingdom of Portugal, +the whole country being frontier. + +_June 11, 1812._ + +_How to establish National Credit._ + +When a nation is desirous of establishing public credit, or, in other +words, of inducing individuals to confide their property to its +government, they must begin by acquiring a revenue equal to their fixed +expenditure; and they must manifest an inclination to be honest, by +performing their engagements in respect to their debts. + +_June 25. 1812._ + + * * * * * + +_The Spaniards cry "Viva!" but don't act._ + +I do not expect much from the exertions of the Spaniards, +notwithstanding all that we have done for them. They cry _viva!_ and are +very fond of us, and hate the French; but they are, in general, the most +incapable of useful exertion of all the nations that I have ever known; +the most vain, and at the same time the most ignorant, particularly of +military affairs, and above all of military affairs in their own +country. + +_August 18, 1812._ + + * * * * * + +_Imbecility of the Spanish Leaders._ + +It is extraordinary that the revolution in Spain should not have +produced one man with any knowledge of the real situation of the +country. It really appears as if they were all drunk, and thinking, and +talking of any other subject but Spain. + +_November 1, 1812._ + +_Evils of uncontrolled popular Legislatures._ + +The theory of all legislation is founded in justice; and, if we could be +certain that legislative assemblies could on all occasions act according +to the principles of justice, there would be no occasion for those +checks and guards which we have seen established under the best systems. +Unfortunately, however, we have seen that legislative assemblies are +swayed by the fears and passions of individuals; when unchecked, they +are tyrannical and unjust; nay, more, it unfortunately happens too +frequently, that the most tyrannical and unjust measures are the most +popular. Those measures are particularly popular which deprive rich and +powerful individuals of their properties under the pretence of the +public advantage; and I tremble for a country in which, as in Spain, +there is no barrier for the preservation of private property, excepting +the justice of a legislative assembly possessing supreme powers. + +_January 29, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +_Ingratitude of the Portuguese to the British Army._ + +I must say, that the British army, which I have the honour to command, +have met with nothing but ingratitude from the government and +authorities in Portugal for their services; and that everything that +could be done has been done by the civil authorities, lately, to oppress +the officers and soldiers on every occasion in which it has by any +accident been in their power. I hope, however, that we have seen the +last of Portugal. + +_July 20, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +Jealousy of the interference of foreigners in their internal concerns, +is the characteristic of all Spaniards. + +_July 12, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +Sound sense is better than abilities. + +_August 8, 1813._ + + * * * * * + +_Basis of military operations against the United States from the side of +Canada._ + +Any offensive operation founded upon Canada must be preceded by a naval +superiority on the lakes. But even if we had that superiority, I should +doubt our being able to do more than secure the points on those lakes at +which the Americans could have access. In such countries as America, +very extensive, thinly peopled, and producing but little food in +proportion to their extent, military operations by large bodies are +impracticable, unless the party carrying them on has the uninterrupted +use of a navigable river, or very extensive means of land transport, +which such a country can rarely supply. + +I conceive, therefore, that were your army larger even than the proposed +augmentation would make it, you could not quit the lakes; and, indeed, +would be tied to them the more necessarily in proportion as your army +would be large.[7] + +[Footnote 7: The letter from the Duke the above is taken was written in +reply to an application by the home government for his opinion. We +frequently find the Duke applied to for his opinion on political matters +at home, while serving in the Peninsula.] + +_February 22, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +_The Morale of an Army important to Discipline._ + +No reliance can be placed on the conduct of troops in action with the +enemy, who have been accustomed to plunder, and those officers alone can +expect to derive honour in the day of battle from the conduct of the +troops under their command, who shall have forced them, by their +attention and exertions, to behave as good soldiers ought in their +cantonments, their quarters, and their camps. + +_March 5, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +English officers are very strictly instructed, and those who mean to +serve their country well must obey their instructions, however fearless +they may be of responsibility. Indeed, I attribute this fearlessness +very much to the determination never to disobey, as long as the +circumstances exist under which an order is given. + +_April 16, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +_French Feelings about the Slave Trade._ + +You (Mr. Wilberforce) judge most correctly regarding the state of the +public mind here upon this question. Not only is there no information, +but, because England takes an interest in the question, it is impossible +to convey any through the only channel which would be at all effectual, +viz., the daily press. Nobody reads anything but the newspapers; but it +is impossible to get anything inserted in any French newspaper in Paris +in favour of the abolition, or even to show that the trade was abolished +in England, from motives of humanity. The extracts made from English +newspapers upon this, or any other subject, are selected with a view, +either to turn our principles and conduct into ridicule, or to +exasperate against us still more the people of this country; and +therefore the evil cannot be remedied by good publications in the daily +press in England, with a view to their being copied into the newspapers +here. + + * * * * * + +I must say that the daily press in England do us a good deal of harm in +this as well as in other questions. We are sure of the king and his +government, if he could rely upon the opinion of his people. But as long +as our press teems with writings drawn with a view of irritating persons +here, we shall never be able to exercise the influence which we ought to +have upon this question, and which we really possess. + +_Letter to Mr. Wilberforce, October 8, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +The real power in Spain is in the clergy. + +_October 20, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +Les choses neuves, surtout quand elles sont compliquees, ne vont pas +bien. + +_Letter to Doumouriex, November 3, 1814._ + +FRANCE. + +_Effects of Buonaparte's Government of France._ + +Ce qu'il y a de pis c'est le mecontentement general, et la pauvrete +universelle. Cette malheureuse revolution et ces suites ont ruine le +pays, de fond en comble. Tout le monde est pauvre, et, ce qui est pis, +leurs institutions empechent qu'aucune famille devienne riche et +puissante. Tous doivent donc necessairement viser a remplir des emplois +publics, non, comme autrefois, pour l'honneur de les remplir, mais pour +avoir de quoi vivre. Tout le monde donc cherche de l'emploi public. + +Buonaparte laissa une armee de million d'hommes en France, outres les +officiers prisonniers en Angleterre et en Russie. Le roi ne peut pas en +maintenir le quart. Tous ceux non employees sont mecontens. Buonaparte +gouvernait directement la moitie de l'Europe, et indirectement presque +l'autre moitie. Pour des causes a present bien develloppees et connues, +il employait une quantite infinie de personnes dans ses administrations; +et tous ceux employes, ou dans les administrations exterieures, civiles, +ou dans les administrations militaires des armees, sont renvoyes, et +beaucoup des ceux employes dans les administrations interieures; a cette +classe nombreuse ajouter la quantite d'emigres, et de personnes rentres, +tous mourant de faim, et tous convoitant de l'emploi public afin de +pouvoir vivre, et vous trouverez que plus des trois quarts de la classe +de la societe, non employee a la main d'oeuvre ou a labourer la terre, +sont en etat d'indigence, et, par consequence, mecontens. Si vous +considerez bien ce tableau, qui est la stricte verite, vous y verrez la +cause et la nature du danger du jour. L'armee les officiers, sourtout, +sont mecontens. Ils le sont pour plusieurs raisons inutiles a detailler +ici, mais ce mecontentement pourra ce vaincre en adoptant des mesures +sages pour ameliorer l'esprit. + +_Letter to Doumouriex, November 26, 1814._ + + * * * * * + +_Re-establishment of the Bourbons necessary to the Peace of Europe._ + +I have frequently told your highness, and every day's experience shews +me that I am right, that the only chance of peace for Europe consists in +the establishment in France of the legitimate Bourbons. The +establishment of any other government, whether in the person of----, or +in a regency in the name of young Napoleon, or in any other individual, +or in a republic, must lead to the maintenance of large military +establishments, to the ruin of all the governments of Europe, till it +shall suit the convenience of the French government to commence a +contest which can be directed only against you, or others for whom we +are interested. In this contest we shall feel the additional difficulty, +that those who are now on our side will then be against us, and you will +again find yourself surrounded by enemies. I am convinced that the +penetration of your highness will have shewn you the danger of all these +schemes to the interests of the emperor, and that you will defeat them +all by adhering to that line of conduct (in which you will find us +likewise) which will finally lead to the establishment in France of the +legitimate government, from which alone can Europe expect any genuine +peace. + +_May 20, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Effects of Waterloo._ + +I may be wrong, but my opinion is, that we have given Napoleon his +death-blow: from all I hear, his army is totally destroyed, the men are +deserting in parties, even the generals are withdrawing from him. The +infantry throw away their arms, and the cavalry and artillery sell their +horses to the people of the country, and desert to their homes. Allowing +for much exaggeration in this account, and knowing that Buonaparte can +still collect, in addition to what he has brought back with him, the 5th +corps d'armee, under Rapp, which is near Strasbourg, and the 3rd corps, +which was at Wavre during the battle, and has not suffered so much as +the others, and probably some troops from La Vendee, I am still of +opinion that he can make no head against us--qu'il n'a qu'a se pendre. + +_June 23, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +Some of the regiments (the new ones I mean) are reduced to nothing; but +I must keep them as regiments, to the great inconvenience of the +service, at great expense; or I must send them home, and part with the +few British soldiers I have. + +I never was so disgusted with any concern as I am with this; and I only +hope that I am going the right way to bring it to an early determination +some way or other. + +_June 25, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Waterloo described to a Soldier._ + +Notre Bataille du 18 a ete une de geans; et notre succes a ete complet, +comme vous voyez. Que Dieu me favorise assez pour que je n'en aie plus, +parceque je suis desole de la perte de mes anciens amis et comrades. + +Mon voisin et collaborateur (Bluecher) est en bonne sante quoique un peu +souffrant d'une chute qu'il a faite d'un cheval blesse sous lui dans la +bataille du 16. + +_Letter to Doumouriex, June 26, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_If Buonaparte is to be put to Death, he will not be his Executioneer._ + +General----has been here this day to negociate for Napoleon's passing +to America, to which proposition I have answered, that I have no +authority. The Prussians think the Jacobins wish to give him over to me, +believing that I will save his life.---- wishes to kill him; but I have +told him I shall remonstrate, and shall insist upon his being disposed +of by common accord. I have likewise said that, as a private friend, I +advised him to have nothing to do with so foul a transaction; and that +he and I had acted too distinguished parts in these transactions to +become executioners, and that I was determined that, if the sovereigns +wished to put him to death, they should appoint an executioner, which +should not be me. + +_June 26, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_The "Pounding Match."_ + +You will have heard of our battle of the 18th. Never did I see such a +pounding match. Both were what the boxers call "gluttons." Napoleon did +not manoeuvre at all. He just moved forward in the old style, in +columns, and was driven off in the old style. The only difference was +that he mixed cavalry with his infantry, and supported both with an +enormous quantity of artillery. + +I had the infantry for some time in squares, and we had the French +cavalry walking about as if they had been our own. I never saw the +British infantry behave so well. + +_Letter to Marshal Beresford, July 9, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Blucher's Vandalism averted._ + +To Marshal Prince Blucher.--Several reports have been brought to me +during the evening and night, and some from the government, in +consequence of the work carrying on by your highness on one of the +bridges over the Seine, which it is supposed to be your intention to +destroy. + +As this measure will certainly create a good deal of disturbance in the +town, and as the sovereigns when they were here before, left all these +bridges, &c., standing, I take the liberty of suggesting to you to delay +the destruction of the bridge, at least till they should arrive; or, at +all events, till I can have the pleasure of seeing you to-morrow +morning. + +_July 8, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +The destruction of the bridge of Jena is highly disagreeable to the king +and to the people, and may occasion disturbance in the city. It is not +merely a military measure, but is one likely to attach to the character +of our operations, and is of political importance. It is adopted solely +because the bridge is considered as a monument of the battle of Jena, +notwithstanding that the government are willing to change the name of +the bridge. Considering the bridge as a monument, I beg leave to suggest +that its immediate destruction is inconsistent with the promise made to +the commissioners on behalf of the part of the army, during the +negociation of the convention, viz., that the monuments, museums, &c., +should be reserved for the decision of the allied sovereigns. + +All that I ask is, that the execution of the orders given for the +destruction of the bridge may be suspended till the sovereigns shall +arrive here, when, if it should be agreed by common accord that the +bridge ought to be destroyed, I shall have no objection. + +_July 9, 1815._[8] + +[Footnote 8: The Duke rarely writes or speaks twice, when once will do. +On this occasion he was anxious; and--successful.] + + * * * * * + +_Summary Justice._ + +To the Sous-Prefet de Pontoise.--J'ai ordonne qu'on vous fasse +prisonnier, parceque, ayant envoye une requisition a Pontoise pour des +vivres, vous avez repondu que vous ne les donneriez pas, sans qu'on +envoie une force militaire assez forte pour les prendre. + +Vous vous etes mis dans les cas des militaires, et je vous fais +prisonnier de guerre, et je vous envoie en Angleterre. + +Si je vous traitais comme l'usurpateur et ses adherens ont traite les +habitans des pays ou ils ont fait la guerre, je vous ferais fusiller; +mais, comme vous vous etes constitue guerrier, je vous fais prisonnier +de guerre. + +_July 13, 1815._ + + * * * * * + +_Characteristic Letter to Marshal Beresford_. + +The battle of Waterloo was certainly the hardest fought that has been +for many years, I believe, and has placed in the power of the allies the +most important results. We are throwing them away, however, by the +infamous conduct of some of us; and I am sorry to add that our own +government also are taking up a little too much the tone of their +rascally newspapers. They are shifting their objects; and, having got +their cake, they want both to eat it and keep it. + +As for your Portuguese concerns, I recommend you to resign, and come +away immediately. It is impossible for the British government to +maintain British officers for the Portuguese army, at an expense even so +trifling as it is, if the Portuguese government are to refuse to give +the service of the army in the cause of Europe in any manner. Pitch them +to the devil, then, in the mode which will be most dignified to +yourself, and that which will have the best effect in opening the +prince's eyes to the conduct of his servants in Portugal; and let the +matter work its own way. Depend upon it, the British government must and +will recall the British officers. + +_August 7, 1815._ + + * * * * * + + +SPEECHES IN PARLIAMENT. + +_Praise of Lord Hastings and the Indian Army._ + +He professed his entire concurrence in the tribute of approbation +bestowed on the Marquis of Hastings, for his conduct of the late war in +India. There could not remain a doubt in the minds of those acquainted +with the facts, but that the wisdom of the plan on which it was +commenced, and the vigour of its execution, merited the highest praise. +The noble Duke said, he was pleased that an opportunity, like the +present, had occurred to do justice to the services and gallantry of our +troops in India, which were often neglected or disallowed. No troops in +the world performed their duty better, or observed a more steady +discipline. They had evinced their good qualities in all their late +transactions, whether acting in great masses or small detachments. In +all situations they had nobly performed their duty. + +_House of Lords, March 9, 1819._ + +_Impossibility of granting Catholic Emancipation._ + +The whole question turned upon the degree of security which could be +given to the Protestant religion as by law established in Ireland. To +consider this, it was necessary to consider how the reformation had been +established in Ireland. It was not necessary for him to recall to their +lordships remembrance that the unreformed religion had been established +in Ireland at the point of the sword, and by means of confiscations. All +this was repeated at the revolution, and was fresh in the recollection +of the people of Ireland. Keeping in view that the Irish Roman Catholic +church, under all oppressions, continued in the same state--the pope +having the same influence over the clergy, the clergy the same power +over the people; in this state of things, he would ask, whether it was +possible that Roman Catholics could be safely admitted to hold seats in +parliament? The influence of the priesthood over the people was fostered +by the remembrance of the events to which he had alluded; and the idea +of unmerited and mutual suffering; and no doubt could be entertained, +from their present feelings, that if the Roman Catholics were admitted +to the enjoyment of political power, their first exertion would be to +restore their religion to its original supremacy; and to recover the +possessions and property of which they had been stripped by the +reformation. It was, however, said, that securities were offered on the +part of the Roman Catholics. + +The pope, it seemed, had in the appointment of bishops, relinquished all +to the crown, except the mere conferring of a spiritual blessing. But +how had that concession been received by the people of Ireland? It had +excited the utmost discontent, and was regarded as an abandonment of the +essential principles of their religion, and an attack on their national +independence. Did that arise from the people of Ireland having a less +clear idea of national independence than other people? No; but they felt +if the executive power possessed any control over the appointment of the +Roman Catholic bishops, some security would be thereby obtained for the +Protestant church. Considering, then, that the whole question turned on +the degree of security which could be given, and looking at the various +securities which had at several times been proposed, he had never yet +seen anything that came up to his notion of that which ought to be +required. As to what had been said of the domestic nomination of +bishops, he did not see how the laws of the country could operate upon +it, so as to make it an adequate security. Then as to the oath of +allegiance which the bishop was to take, of what avail could it be, that +the law required this oath from a bishop, appointed God knows how, or by +whom? When all these circumstances were considered, the state of the +Irish Catholic church, the way in which the reformation had been +effected, the rivalry and enmity between the Catholics and the +established church, and the inadequacy of all securities which had been +proposed, there was in his opinion, enough to decide the question; for, +the first and greatest duty of the legislature was, to secure the +establishments as settled at the revolution. + +_House of Lords, May 17, 1819._ + + * * * * * + +County meetings if properly regulated, are a fair constitutional mode of +taking the sense of the county; but this cannot be the case if they are +attended by a mob for the express purpose of supporting one side. + +_House of Lords, January 26, 1821._ + + * * * * * + +_The Porte our ancient Ally._ + +The Ottoman Porte is the ancient ally of this country. It forms an +essential part of the balance of power in Europe. The preservation of +the Ottoman Porte has been an object of importance not merely to England +but also to the whole of Europe; and the changes of possession which +have taken place in the east of Europe within the recollection of all +who hear me, render its existence as an independent and powerful state, +necessary to the well being of this country. + +In the late war, had it not been for the influence of the councils of +England over the Porte, I may safely say that the disaster which finally +led to the establishment of Europe as it now is, would not have occurred +to the extent it did in 1812. Under these circumstances I think we may +term the Ottoman Porte the "ancient ally" and friend of this country, +even though the treaties upon which our alliance is founded are not of a +hundred years standing. + +_House of Lords, Jan. 29, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Battle of Navarino an untoward Event. Sir E. Codrington acquitted of +all blame._ + +There is one other subject to which I shall address myself, I mean the +sense in which the word "untoward" has been used. It was intended by +"untoward" to convey, that the event referred to was unexpected--was +unfortunate. The sense in which the word was used was this: in the +treaty which is not yet before the house, and which cannot, therefore, +regularly come under discussion, though all of us have read it, it is +mentioned as one stipulation, that the execution of it, if possible, +shall not lead to hostilities; and therefore, when the execution of it +did lead to hostilities, it was a consequence which the government did +not anticipate, and which it has, therefore, a right to call untoward. + +It was hoped by the former government, that the treaty could be executed +without risk of commencing hostilities; and that is rendered quite +indisputable, not merely by the treaty, but by the force which the +contracting parties sent into the Mediterranean to superintend its +operation. + +The late administration entertained hopes that those treaties could be +carried into execution without hostilities, as your lordships must have +perceived from what you have seen of those treaties themselves, as well +as from the nature of the force sent to see them carried into execution; +and when it was ultimately found that hostilities were likely to ensue, +every one must look upon it as an untoward event which could give rise +to such a state of things. + +When the news of the affair which took place at Navarino reached +Constantinople, it was apprehended that a war would ensue, and therefore +every one was justified in looking upon it as an untoward event. + +It is gratifying, however, to find from his majesty's speech, that those +appearances of hostility have ceased to exist, and that hopes are +entertained that no impediment will present itself to an amicable +adjustment of the question; this, however, does not deprive the +transaction of the character of "untowardness" which it originally +possessed. + +But in making this statement, do I make the slightest charge, do I cast +the most distant imputation upon the gallant officer who commanded at +Navarino? Certainly not. That gallant officer, in doing as he has done, +discharged what he felt to be his duty to his country. His majesty's +government have taken that gallant officer's conduct into consideration, +and have acquitted him of all blame; and, therefore, it would ill +become me to cast the slightest imputation on the distinguished action +he performed. It should be recollected, that the gallant admiral was +placed in a situation of great delicacy as well as difficulty. He was +placed in the command of a combined squadron, in conjunction with two +foreign admirals; and his conduct was such, that they placed the most +implicit confidence in him, and allowed him to lead them to victory. My +lords, I should feel myself unworthy of the situation which I hold in +his majesty's councils, if I thought myself capable of uttering a single +syllable against that gallant admiral, admiring, as I do, the intrepid +bravery with which he conducted himself in a moment of much danger and +difficulty. + +_House of Lords, January 29, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Reason for being Prime Minister._ + +When I received his majesty's commands to give my opinion respecting the +formation of a ministry, it was far from my wish to place myself at its +head, or to take any office, other than that which I already held; but +finding, in the course of the negotiation which arose out of the +commands of his majesty, a difficulty in getting another individual to +fill the place, and that it was the unanimous wish of those who are now +my colleagues, that I should take it, I determined to accept it; but +having so determined, I resigned the office of commander-in-chief. + +_House of Lords, January 29, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_The Doctrine of Non-interference._ + +Much has been said here and elsewhere, at various times, on the question +of interference by one state in the affairs of another. I do not admit +the right of one country to interfere with the internal affairs of +another country, except where the law of necessity or great political +interests may render interference absolutely necessary. But I say that +non-interference is the rule, and interference the exception. This is +the ground of the policy on which this country acts. She disdains a +daily interference with the affairs of other countries. + +_House of Lords, February 11, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_No Personal or Political Hostility to Canning._ + +I rise to protest against any such imputation being cast upon me, as +that I ever entertained any personal hostility to Mr. Canning. On a +former occasion I stated distinctly to your lordships, why I did not +think proper to remain in the government of which Mr. Canning was the +head. The communications that passed between me and Mr. Canning have, +unfortunately, I must be allowed to say, been made public enough, and I +defy any man to point out anything like personal feelings in those +communications. It is true, that when I found it necessary to withdraw +from the government, I also thought it my duty to lay down the military +office which I hold; but I beg leave to call your lordships' +recollection to the explanation which I gave at that time, and to my +subsequent conduct. After I left the government, I always met Mr. +Canning in the way in which I had been accustomed to meet him, and did +not depart from those habits which had marked our previous intercourse. +But I will go further and say, that I had no hostility towards Mr. +Canning's government. I did, it is true, propose that a clause should be +added to the corn-bill, but did I not at the same time beg of the +government to adopt that clause, or something like it, and not to +abandon the bill? I must again repeat, that to the day of his death I +felt no personal hostility to Mr. Canning; and that I am equally free +from the imputation of having entertained any political hostility +towards him. To whatever persons the declaration of the right honourable +gentleman (Mr. Huskisson) was intended to apply.[9] I claim to myself +the right of not being included in the number of Mr. Canning's enemies. + +[Footnote 9: Referring to an angry speech of that gentleman in the +Commons.] + +_House of Lords, February 25, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Corn Law of 1828, Principle on which founded._ + +Your lordships are all aware that a variety of opinions exist throughout +the country respecting the introduction of foreign corn; one class of +persons maintaining that its importation should be prohibited; while +others contend for its free introduction into the markets of the +country. I have considered it my duty, and my colleagues also have +considered it theirs, in the measure which they are about to propose to +parliament, to endeavour to steer their course between the two extremes, +and to propose a measure which shall have the effect of conciliating all +parties, be at the same time favourable to the public, and shall be +permanent. Your lordships will recollect, notwithstanding the difference +of opinion which exists on this subject, all parties agree, generally, +that the corn growers of this country ought, in some measure, to be +protected. + +The number of individuals, either in parliament or out of it, who +maintain that foreign corn should be altogether free of duty, are very +few indeed. Some persons, undoubtedly, think that a small fixed duty +ought to be imposed; and I, my lords, should certainly say here, that if +any such fixed duty were imposed, it ought to be a very small one; but I +repeat, that whatever may be the particular doctrines or opinions of one +class of persons or another, all agree that some protection ought to be +afforded to the agriculture of this country. This opinion is founded on +the great burden of taxation upon the country generally, as well as on +the particular burdens on the land; and on the fact that the labouring +classes here are better fed, clothed, and lodged, than the people of the +same class in other countries. It is admitted by those who entertain +this opinion in favour of a low duty, that their expectation and +intention are, that the poorer lands of this country, which have been +brought into cultivation by the application of great labour, and by the +expenditure of large capital, should at once be thrown out of +cultivation; and even the richer lands would become, comparatively, +unprofitable in consequence of the adoption of their system. I will +maintain that this country has been brought to its present high state of +cultivation, and consequent internal wealth, by the fostering protection +which has invariably been given to agriculture, and which has induced +gentlemen to lay out their capital in redeeming waste lands and bringing +them into cultivation. The result of such a system would be--to throw +out of cultivation the land thus redeemed from waste; to reduce the +extent of cultivation of the richer lands, consequently to lessen the +productive power of the country; and finally to throw us for subsistence +and support on the resources of foreign nations. My lords,--I will not +exaggerate the effects likely to be produced by the pursuing of a system +such as that to which I have alluded; but I beg your lordships to +reflect on the consequences which must result, if the powers, from whose +dominions these resources are generally drawn, should think proper to +lay a heavy tax on the export of such corn, or that it should be subject +to such an operation by any other state, in its transit to this country. +I entreat your lordships to consider what must be the consequences of +such a measure in its results to this country; a measure, too, in which +I may say, that foreign states might, from circumstances, be highly +justified. But supposing such moderation on the part of those states, +that they should continue to allow us to draw our supplies from their +dominions; supposing we could be supplied from other countries--America, +for instance; yet I entreat your lordships to observe, that this +country would be constantly, under the proposed system of fixed duty, +placed in the state in which it found itself in years of famine and +scarcity, which occurred in both the last and present century, and would +of consequence be exposed to the highest possible prices for wheat. +This, my Lords, I say, would be the inevitable consequence. + +The cost of production, in Poland, for instance, would not be increased; +but the prices would be regulated here, not by the prices of that +country, but by the scarcity price of this country, and by the profits +of all those who might be, directly or indirectly, concerned in the +contemplated importation of corn, in such a state of things as that to +which I have alluded. Under these circumstances, a low duty would not be +productive of a reduction in price; indeed, so far from diminution, I am +confident it would produce an enormous increase. But, my Lords, I would +ask, even supposing it were otherwise, whether it would be proper to +adopt such a measure, in reference to its probable effect in other +respects? My Lords, look to Ireland, and consider what must by the +inevitable consequence if agriculture is not to be encouraged in that +country--a country, which, during the last year supplied England with +more than 2,000,000 quarters of grain. The quantity of wheat alone +imported from Ireland last year, was no less than 400,000 quarters. I do +therefore, beg your Lordships to consider what must be the consequence +of cutting off from that country nearly the only source of industry--the +only manufacture, with one exception, which is established in that +country. No man, whether connected with that country or not, can for a +moment think of imposing such a sacrifice on that country. On the +contrary, I am disposed to think, that many of your Lordships will be +ready to make considerable sacrifices to procure for the people of +Ireland a share of that plenty their industry affords us. But, my Lords, +I speak not only with reference to Ireland, but with reference to this +country. I am ready to state that the gentlemen of this country have, by +the extent of their capital, and the labour which they have employed on +their estates, raised the agriculture of this kingdom to its present +prosperous condition; and nothing would be more unjust than to take from +them that protection by which they have been enabled to bring +cultivation to the state in which it now is, and to deprive them of +those profits which are so justly their due, on account of the capital +laid out by them. + +I will say, that the merchant, that the manufacturer, the poor, and the +whole public, are interested in the maintenance of the independent +affluence of the nobility and gentry of this country,--that the +Government are interested in supporting their influence, on account of +the assistance which has always been derived from them in every branch +of internal government, and on account of the support which they have +afforded to Government under every circumstance. If it were in my power +to make corn cheaper by diminishing the protection which the landed +gentry have always received, I would not do it at the expense of +Ireland, and of all the evils which the measure must inflict upon the +essential interests of this country. + +My Lords, having expressed my opinion upon the system of importation at +a low duty, I will now offer a few observations with respect to the +other system,--that of entire prohibition; and which, I must say, has +been greatly and justly complained of. The truth is, that such a system +could not be carried into execution without exposing the country to the +greatest possible evils:--first of all, from want--next from high +prices, and also from a superabundance of corn, arising from the +introduction of a greater quantity of wheat than required being in the +country at a period when the scarcity might have been relieved by an +abundant harvest; and, lastly, from the depression of prices, affecting +not only the producers of corn in this country, but also the importers +of foreign grain. My Lords, evils like these can only be relieved by the +illegal interference of the Government, or by ministers coming to +Parliament, in order to induce it to consent to a suspension of the law. + +Such, my Lords, is the history of the corn question as regards +prohibition; and there is not the least doubt that the system has +produced all the evils to which I have alluded at one period or another. + +_March 31, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Reason for repealing the Test and Corporation Acts._ + +I fully agree that the security of the Church of England, and the union +existing between it and the state, depend neither on the law about to be +repealed by the present bill, nor upon the provisions of this measure +itself. That union and security, which we must all desire to see +continued, depend upon the oath taken by his Majesty, to which we are +all, in our respective stations, parties, and not only on that oath, but +on the Act of Settlement, and the different acts of union from time to +time agreed to; all of which provide for the intimate and inseparable +union of church and state, and for the security of both. + +The question is, what security does the existing system of laws, as they +now stand, afford the church establishment? My lords, I am very dubious +as to the amount of security afforded through the means of a system of +exclusion from office, to be carried into effect by a law which it is +necessary to suspend by an annual act, that admits every man into office +whom it was the intention of the original framers of the law to exclude. +It is perfectly true it was not the intention of those who brought in +that suspension law originally, that dissenters from the church of +England should be permitted to enter into corporations under its +provisions. The law was intended to relieve those whom time or +circumstances had rendered unable to qualify themselves according to the +system which government had devised. However, the dissenters availed +themselves of the relaxation of the law, for the purpose of getting into +corporations, and this the law allowed. What security, then, I ask, my +Lords, is to be found in the existing system? So far from dissenters +being excluded by the corporation and test acts, from all corporations, +so far is this from being the fact, that, as must be well known to your +Lordships, some corporations are absolutely and entirely in the +possession of dissenters. Can you suppose that the repeal of laws so +inoperative as these, can afford any serious obstacle to the perfect +security of the church, and the permanent union of that establishment +with the state? The fact is, that the existing laws have not only failed +completely in answering their intended purpose, but they are anomalous +and absurd--anomalous in their origin, absurd in their operation. + +If a man were asked the question, at his elevation to any corporate +office, whether he had received the sacrament of the church of England, +and if he said "No," he lost every vote that had been tendered on his +behalf, and there was an end of his election, but if, on the contrary, +by accident or design, he got in without the question relative to the +sacrament being put to him, then the votes tendered for him were held +good, and his election valid; so that no power could remove him from the +office which he held. I ask, is there any security in that? My noble +friend says, that the original intention of the framers of these acts, +was that the sacrament should not be taken by dissenters; but the law +requires that a man, on entering into any corporation, shall receive the +sacrament, without regard to his religious belief. Thus an individual +whose object it is to get into a particular office, may feel disposed, +naturally enough, to take the sacrament before his election, merely as a +matter of form, and thus a sacred rite of our church is profaned, and +prostituted to a shameful and scandalous purpose. I confess my Lords, I +should have opposed this bill, if I thought it calculated to weaken the +securities at present enjoyed by the church. However, I agreed not to +oppose the bill; though I consented in the first instance to oppose it, +in order to preserve the blessings of religious peace. I was willing to +preserve the system which had given us this peace for forty years, for +during that time the name and the claims of the dissenters not been +heard of. But now they have come forward, and their claims are approved +of by a great majority of the House of Commons, and the bill has come up +to this house. If it be opposed by the majority of this house, it is to +be feared, now that the claims are made, that such an opposition will +carry hostility throughout the country, and introduce a degree of +rancour into every parish of the kingdom, which I should not wish to be +responsible for. + +_April 17, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Additional reasons for repealing the Test Act._ + +I have not called on your lordships to agree to this bill because it has +been passed by the House of Commons; I merely assigned that as one of +the reasons which induced me to recommend the measure to your Lordships. +I certainly did allude to the feeling in favour of the bill which has +for some time been growing up in the House of Commons, as a good reason +for entertaining it in your Lordships' house,--but other reasons also +operated on my mind. Many individuals of high eminence in the church and +who are as much interested as any other persons in the kingdom in the +preservation of the Constitution, have expressed themselves as being +favourable to an alteration of the law. The religious feelings of those +venerable persons disposed them to entertain this measure, because they +felt strong objections to the sacramental test. Under these +circumstances, wishing to advance and preserve the blessings of +religious peace and tranquillity; conceiving the present a good +opportunity for securing to the country so inestimable an advantage,--I +felt it to be my duty to recommend this measure to your Lordships. It is +on all these grounds that I support the bill, and not on the single +ground, the circumstance of its having been carried in the House of +Commons, as a noble Lord has stated. I am not one of those who consider +that the best means of preserving the constitution of this country, is +by rigidly adhering to measures which have been called for by particular +circumstances, because those measures have been in existence for two +hundred years; for the lapse of time might render it proper to modify, +if not to remove them altogether. + +I admit my Lords, that for about two hundred years, the religious peace +of the country has been preserved under these bills; but, when +Parliament is discussing the best means of preserving the constitution +of the country, it is surely worth while to inquire whether any and +what changes, in what have been deemed the securities of the church, can +safely be made, so as to conciliate all parties. + +All I hope is, that your Lordships will not unnecessarily make any +alteration in the measure, that would be likely to give dissatisfaction; +that your Lordships will not do anything which may be calculated to +remove that conciliating spirit which is now growing up,--a spirit that +will redound to the benefit of the country, and which, so far from +opposing, we ought, on the contrary, to do everything to foster and +promote. + +_April 21st 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Emancipation.--Will oppose it, (April 1828,) unless he sees a great +change in the government_. + +There is no person in this house, whose feelings and sentiments, after +long consideration, are more decided than mine are, with respect to the +subject of the Roman Catholic claims; and I must say, that until I see a +very great change in that question, I certainly shall continue to oppose +it. + +_April 28th, 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_State of the Poor in Ireland._ + +I am thoroughly convinced that no part of his Majesty's dominions so +imperiously requires the constant and particular attention of his +Majesty's servants as Ireland does. A noble earl has stated that there +are in Ireland 8,000,000 of people, the situation of 6,000,000 of whom +demands inquiry. He has told your Lordships likewise, that all the +wealth of Ireland is not sufficient to give employment to those people. +Now, certainly, I cannot but think that this is an exaggerated statement +on the part of the noble earl. + +It cannot be supposed that there are 6,000,000 of the Irish population +who require employment--I cannot admit that the whole of those people +are unemployed. It is not true that they suffer this distress at all +times,--it is not true that they suffer the same degree of distress in +different years; but it is unquestionably true, that they do suffer +great distress at various periods, owing to the casualties of the +seasons, and to the particular species of food on which they subsist. +Such is the plain fact. The noble earl has stated, that the people are +able to procure that sort of food on which they chiefly live, at the +rate of three-farthings a stone. Now, really, if those people do not +suffer distress, except that which is occasioned by the untowardness of +the seasons; if those 6,000,000 of people can get provisions at the +price mentioned by the noble earl, in favourable seasons,--it does +appear to me that the case hardly calls for inquiry, except at a time +when their food has failed in consequence of an unproductive season. But +then the noble earl has asserted that the distress arises from want of +work, and that it would take more than all the wealth of Ireland to +procure employment for the people. "Let us then," said the noble earl, +"relieve the sick, the lame, the aged, and the impotent." The noble earl +has said, that one of the great evils of Ireland is want of capital; but +I must beg leave to tell the noble earl, that profusion of capital alone +will not prevent the existence of a numerous body of poor, and to prove +the fact let the noble earl look to the situation of England. There is +no want of capital in this country; the noble earl has told your +lordships that there are invested here L9,000,000 of capital belonging +to Ireland alone; and yet, with all this capital, the support of the +poor required last year amounted to no less than L7,000,000 of rates. + +_May 21st. 1828._ + + * * * * * + +_Catholic Emancipation._ + +A noble friend of mine has stated to the house, that the proposed +measure is inconsistent with the constitution, as established at the +revolution; and another noble lord has concurred in that statement. If I +had been going to propose a measure which would introduce a predominant +Catholic power into Parliament, I should then be doing that which is +clearly inconsistent with the constitution. But I am not going to do any +such thing. There are degrees of power at least. Will any man venture to +say, that Catholic power does not exist at present, either here or in +Ireland? I will address myself more particularly to the noble Lords who +have so pointedly opposed me, and I will ask them whether Roman Catholic +power was not introduced into Ireland by measures of their own? Did not +some noble lords exert their influence to the utmost to produce that +very power, which has rendered a measure like that which I have +announced to Parliament absolutely necessary? As such is the case, I +implore noble Lords to look at the situation of the country, and the +state of society which it has produced. Whether it has been brought +about by the existence of these disabilities, or by the Catholic +Association, I will not pretend to say; but this I will say, that no man +who has looked at the state of things for the last two years, can +proceed longer upon the old system, in the existing condition of +Ireland, and of mens' opinions on the subject, both in that country and +in this. My opinion is, that it is the wish of the majority of the +people, that this question should be settled one way or other. It is +upon that principle, and in conformity to that wish, that I and my +colleagues have undertaken to bring the adjustment of it under the +consideration of Parliament. + +_February 5, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Defence of his Conduct with respect to Emancipation._ + +I have repeatedly declared my earnest wish to see the Roman Catholic +question settled. I believe nothing could ever have been more distinct +or explicit than my expression of that wish; and is it a matter of +surprise that the person entertaining it should avail himself of the +first opportunity of proposing the adoption of that which, over and over +again, he declared himself anxiously to wish? On this particular +question I had long ago made up my mind, as a member of this house, to +take a particular course. It may be thought peculiar as a matter of +taste; but, for many years, I have acted upon the determination never to +vote for the affirmation of this question until the Government, acting +as a Government, should propose it to the legislature. My noble relation +(Lord Longford) knows, that ever since the year 1810, the several +successive Governments of this country have been formed upon a principle +which prevented their ever proposing, as a Government, the adoption of +any measure of relief in regard to the Catholics. In order to the +formation of a cabinet which, acting as a Government, could propose this +measure, it was, in the first place, necessary to obtain the consent of +that individual, the most interested by his station, his duty, and the +most sacred of all obligations, of any individual in the empire. It was +necessary, I say, that I should obtain the consent of that individual, +before the members of the Government could consider the question as a +Government one. Now, under such circumstances as these, would it have +been proper in me to have breathed a syllable on the subject, until I +had obtained the consent of the illustrious personage to whom I have +alluded?[10] I call upon my noble relative to answer this question, if +he can, in the negative. I beg of my noble relative to ask himself this +question, whether I was wrong in having kept secret my views, since the +month of July or August, not talking to any man upon the subject, until +I had the consent of that exalted personage, to form a Government upon +the principle of taking the question to which I have alluded into +consideration? My noble relative ought to place himself in my +situation--he ought to see what was expected of me; and then, instead of +blaming me for acting as I have done, he would see that, if I had acted +otherwise, I should have been highly blameable. When the question had +been decided--when I received the permission, so as to be enabled to +make the declaration--on not having made which, alone the accusation of +surprise can be founded--the opening of the session was so near, that it +was impossible to make known what had occurred earlier, or in any other +manner than by the speech from the Throne. + +[Footnote 10: Lord Longford had accused him of concealment.] + +_February 10, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_The Emancipation Bill not the result of Fear._ + +He would positively reject the charge which had been so positively made, +that those measures had been suggested to his Majesty's ministers, or +that their minds had been at all influenced by the fear of anything that +would occur in this or any other country. He totally denied the truth of +such an assertion. There never was a period during the last twenty years +in which, looking to the circumstances and relations of this country, +there was a more total absence of all cause for fear than the present; +and whatever might be the consequences of this measure, he would +maintain, that the period at which it was introduced, showed +sufficiently that its introduction did not proceed from fear; and that +such was the fact, he was ready to prove to any man upon the clearest +possible evidence. But, though these measures had not been suggested by +fear nor by intimidation, it would be found, when they were brought +forward, that they were founded upon the clear and decided opinion, that +this question ought to be settled, and that considerable sacrifices had +been made by himself and his colleagues in this, and in the other House +of Parliament, with a view to the final adjustment of it. In doing so, +he begged the noble Lord on the cross bench to believe, that not the +least considerable or the least disagreeable sacrifice on his part, was +the necessity imposed on him of differing from the noble lord on this +subject. But he would not talk of his own sacrifices--they were +trifling, when compared with the sacrifices which had been made by some +of his noble friends near him, and by his right honourable friend in +another place. He could not conceive a greater sacrifice than must have +been made by his right honourable friend, to bring his mind to the +determination of carrying this measure. It was obvious that nothing but +an imperious sense of duty had induced his right honourable friend to +make such a sacrifice; but the inconveniences and dangers which had +arisen from the present state of things in this country and in Ireland, +had left no alternative but the adoption of this measure; and now that +he had adopted it, he would use his best endeavours, in concert with his +colleagues, to carry it into effect. Under such circumstances, he would +entreat their lordships to wait until the whole question should have +come before them. When the measure should have been well considered by +them, they would then see whether it would be attended with the +dangerous consequences ascribed to it--and whether the carrying it would +not place the Protestant Constitution of these realms upon a better +footing than it had been since the union with Ireland. He would not now +enter into the discussion, whether the consequences of this measure +would be injurious to that Throne, for the maintenance of which he was +ready to sacrifice his life, or whether the measure was likely to +produce those effects which were apprehended by his noble friend on the +cross bench. Of this he was certain, that the existence of the dangers +which some noble lords seemed to apprehend from the adjustment of this +question, they were never able to establish; and whenever the discussion +of the measure came before their lordships, he would be ready to prove, +that the Protestant institutions of this country were exposed to more +dangers at present, than they would be exposed to after the adoption of +the measure that would be proposed. + +_February 16, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Former Associations in Ireland could not be put down.--Mr. Pitt for +Emancipation._ + +He must say, he apprehended from the number of persons in the habit of +attending that Association, the nature of the speeches there delivered, +and the measures to which all alike appeared parties, that the people +of Ireland at large had been parties to the Association. + +He proposed the present bill as a preliminary measure; the necessity for +which was founded on the statements already made to their Lordships. He +considered any other mode of proceeding as inconsistent with the dignity +of the Crown, and of Parliament; and as absolutely necessary, in order +to reconcile to the ulterior measure which he intended to propose, the +good and worthy men in this country, who viewed with dismay and disgust +the violent and unconstitutional acts of the Association. He entreated +their Lordships to consider, that the eyes of all Europe were upon them; +and that they should do nothing which could give any man ground to +believe that, in the steps they were about to take, they were guided by +any other motive than that of expediency and good policy. + + * * * * * + +If they looked to the state in which the Roman Catholic question stood +in Parliament, from the period of the Union down to the present, they +would see the prevalence of a growing opinion in its favour. Mr. Pitt +had, in his time, considered it necessary to admit, that the laws +enforcing eligibility upon Catholics ought to be reviewed, for the +purposes of modification; and, under the repeated assurances of +different eminent statesmen, a Roman Catholic influence had undoubtedly +grown up in Ireland, which it was high time to satisfy by a reasonable +change of policy. For some years after this subject had attracted +parliamentary attention, there were reasons of a highly creditable +nature, both to individual ministers and to Parliament, why it would +have been improper and impolitic to have brought the measure forward as +a measure of government; but, since the year 1811, these particular +reasons had not been in full operation; and the subject, notwithstanding +the divided state of the Cabinet upon it, had been constantly discussed, +and during all that time, had been gaining ground. He was not prepared +to describe here the mode in which the principle of a divided government +had operated upon the Catholic question; but he defied any member of the +government, at the period to which he referred, to deny that, whether +the question before them was one of education for Ireland, one for the +alteration of the Criminal Law, or one for the regulation of tithes, +this division was felt to affect one and all of these topics; in fact, +that none of them could come to be discussed, without some reference to +the great subject which was so long in agitation. The time had, he +hoped, now arrived, when Parliament was prepared to settle it. + +_February 19, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Unparalleled State of Ireland in 1829._ + +From all he had seen and read relative to Ireland, during the last two +years, he was forced to arrive at this conclusion, namely, that he did +not believe there was on the face of the globe any country claiming the +denomination of a civilized country, situated as that country now was, +under the Government of his Majesty and the Imperial Parliament. + +_February 19, 1829._ + +_The Roman Catholic Association dangerous._ + +The true description of this Association was, in his opinion, to be +found stated in the speech which had been delivered from the Throne, on +the first day of the session. In that speech, after observing that the +state of Ireland had been "the object of his Majesty's continued +solicitude," it was further observed, "his Majesty laments that in that +part of the United Kingdom, an association should still exist which is +dangerous to the public peace, and inconsistent with the spirit of the +Constitution--- which keeps alive disorder and ill-will amongst his +Majesty's subjects, and which must, if permitted to continue, +effectually obstruct every effort permanently to improve the condition +of Ireland." The speech proceeded to say--"His Majesty confidently +relies on the wisdom and on the support of his Parliament; and his +Majesty feels assured, that you will commit to him such powers as may +enable his Majesty to maintain his just authority." Such was a just +description of the recent state of the Roman Catholic Association; but +he believed he was justified in stating, that in the original +institution and formation of the society, on the subject of which it was +his duty to address their lordships, there was nothing strictly illegal. +The illegality subsequently complained of, and which it was the object +of this, as well as of a former bill, to suppress, proceeded from its +acts. Those acts consisted principally in levying a tax upon certain of +his Majesty's subjects, called Catholic Rent; and this, by means and +acts of extreme violence, which occasioned constant heart-burnings and +jealousies amongst his Majesty's subjects--by appointing persons to +collect the rent--by appointing other individuals to be treasurers of +it; farther, by adopting measures for organising the Catholic +population--by appointing persons to superintend that organisation--and +by assuming to themselves the government of the country, and still more, +affecting to assume it. Besides, they expended this rent in a manner +contrary to, and utterly inconsistent with, all law and order, and the +Constitution of the country. But this was not the least material part of +the danger occasioned by the Catholic Association. Part of the money +thus improperly obtained was spent for election purposes. And here he +called the attention of the noble and learned lord, to acts proving the +existence in Parliament of a Roman Catholic influence, and of an +influence directly derived from this Association. He would not discuss +that subject further at the present moment; but he begged noble lords +not to forget it, in discussing the details of a measure which he should +have to propose hereafter for their Lordships' adoption. Besides the +money spent in elections, there were other sums (also arising out of the +rent) spent in endeavours to contravene the due administration of +justice in Ireland. When he made this observation, he fully and freely +admitted the right, and, indeed, duty of every man, to watch closely and +vigilantly the administration of law and justice in this country; but, +at the same time, he was prepared to maintain, that that right and duty +could not be conveniently and justly exercised by the members of a +self-elected Association, having large sums at their command, and +employing the money which they possessed for the purpose of exciting a +spirit of litigation and dissatisfaction among his Majesty's +subjects--employing it for the purpose of defending some +individuals--for the purpose of prosecuting others--- for the purpose of +prejudicing the first inquiries in cases of criminal procedure, and +unduly interfering with the administration of justice by the magistracy. + +_February 10, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +The people were insidiously led to believe that the proposed measures +were for the establishment of popery, and the destruction of the +protestant establishment of the country; and, acting very properly on +this unfounded delusion, petitioned against them. But while he admired +and rejoiced in the excellent motives which induced the people of this +country, in many places, to protest against the intended measures of +government; he hoped that when they saw that those measures were not of +the dangerous nature ascribed to them, and that they tended, so far from +establishing popery, to check and prevent its growth, and to promote the +influence of the protestant religion in Ireland,--he hoped, he said, +the people of England would, in their conduct, evince that loyalty to +the crown, whence the recommendation of the measure had emanated, and +that confidence in the wisdom of parliament, which had ever honourably +distinguished them. Indeed, he was convinced, that when the people of +England saw there was no fear of the extension of popery from the +measure which ministers felt it to be their duty to recommend to their +sovereign, but that, on the contrary, they would tend to strengthen the +protestant interests of the state, they would hail those measures as +beneficial to all classes.[11] + +[Footnote 11: This, and the foregoing extracts on the subject of +Catholic Emancipation, are from short speeches made by the Duke in the +House of Lords after the intentions of the government had been made +known, but before the Emancipation Bill came up to that house. Although +the Duke earnestly deprecated these preliminary discussions, he was +called up almost every night by some peer or other.] + +_March 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_No Compact with Rome would add to the security of the church of +Ireland._ + +I know that there are many in this house, and many in this country, who +think--and I am free to admit that I was formerly of the same opinion +myself--that the state ought to have some security for the church +against the proceedings of the Roman Catholic clergy, besides the oaths +imposed on them by the Act of Parliament I confess that on examining +into the question, and upon looking more minutely than I had before +leisure to do, at the various acts of Parliament by which the church of +England is constituted, and which form the foundation on which it rests, +I can think of no sort of arrangement capable of being carried into +execution in this country which can add to the security of the +established church. I beg your Lordships to attend for a moment whilst I +explain the situation of the kingdom of Prussia with respect to the +Roman Catholic religion. The King of Prussia exercises the power which +he does over the Roman Catholic church, in her various dominions, under +different concordats made with the Pope: in Silesia, under a concordat +made by Buonaparte with the Pope; and in the territories on the right +bank of the Rhine, under the concordat made by the former sovereigns of +those countries with the Pope. Each of these concordats supposes that +the Pope possesses some power in the country, which he is enabled to +concede to the sovereign with whom the concordat is made. That is a +point which we can never yield to any sovereign whatever. There is no +sovereign, be he who he may, who has any power in this country to confer +upon his majesty. We must keep our sovereign clear from such +transactions. We can, therefore, have no security of that +description,--not even a veto, on the appointment of a Roman Catholic +bishop, without detracting, in some degree, from the authority and +dignity of the sovereign, and without admitting that the Pope has +something to concede to his Majesty. + +Now let us suppose another security. Suppose it were arranged that his +Majesty should have the nomination of the Catholic bishops. If he +nominated them, he must also give them a jurisdiction--he must give them +a diocese. I should like to know in what part of Ireland or England the +king could fix upon a spot where he could, consistently with the oath he +has taken, nominate a Catholic bishop, or give him a diocese? The king +is sworn to maintain the rights and privileges of the bishops, and of +the clergy of this realm, and of the churches committed to their charge. +Now, consistently with that oath, how could the king appoint a bishop of +the Roman Catholic religion; and would not the Established church lose +more than it gained by the assumption of such a power on the part of his +Majesty? Then, my Lords, there is another security, which some noble +Lords think it desirable to have,--namely, the obtaining, by government, +of copies of all correspondence between the Catholic clergy and the +Court of Rome; and the supervising of that correspondence, in order to +prevent any danger resulting to the Established church. Upon that point +I must say I feel the greatest objection to involve the government of +this country in such matters. That correspondence, we are told, turns on +spiritual affairs. But I will suppose for the sake of argument, that it +turns on questions of excommunication. Is it, then, to be suffered, that +the Pope, and his Majesty, or his Majesty's secretary of state acting +for him, should make law for this country? for that would be the result +of communications between the Catholic clergy of this realm and the Pope +being submitted to his Majesty's inspection, or to the inspection of +his Majesty's secretary of state. Such a security amounts to a breach of +the constitution, and it is quite impossible that it could be made +available. It would do more injury to the constitution and the church, +than any thing which could be done by the Roman Catholics themselves, +when placed by this bill in the same situation as dissenters. + +With respect to communication with the Court of Rome, that has already +been provided against and prevented by laws still in existence. Your +Lordships are aware that those laws, like many others regarding the +Roman Catholic religion, are not strictly enforced, but still, if they +should be abused,--if the conduct of those persons whose actions those +laws are intended to regulate should be such as to render necessary the +interference of government, the very measure which is now before your +lordships will enable government to interfere in such a manner as not +only to answer the object of its interference, but also to give +satisfaction to this house, and to the country. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Anticipation of success for the Measure. The parallel case of the +Scotch Church instanced._ + +When I recommend this measure to your Lordships attention, you have, +undoubtedly, a right to ask what are the reasons I have for believing +that it will effect the purpose for which it was intended. + + +Note--The above extract and those which follow of the same date, are +from the Duke's speech in introducing the Catholic Relief Bill. + +My Lords, I believe it will answer its object, not only from the example +of all Europe, but from the example of what occurred in a part of this +kingdom on a former occasion. If I am not mistaken, at the time of the +dispute between the Episcopalians and the Kirk of Scotland; the state of +society in Scotland was as bad then as the state of society in Ireland +is at the present moment. Your Lordships know that abroad, in other +parts of Europe, in consequence of the diffusion of civil privileges to +all classes, the difference between Protestant and Catholic is never +heard. I am certain I can prove to your Lordships what I stated when I +said, that the state of society in Scotland, previous to the concession +of civil privileges to the Episcopalians, was as bad as the present +state of society in Ireland. + +I hope your Lordships will give me leave to read a petition which has +been sent to me this day, and which was presented to the Scottish +Parliament at the period when those concessions were about to be made, +and your Lordships will perceive that the petition is almost a model of +many petitions which have been read in this house respecting the +question under discussion. I am, therefore, in expectation that should +the present bill pass this house, there will be no longer occasion for +those complaints which have been expressed to your Lordships, and that +the same happy and peaceful state of things which has for the last +century prevailed in Scotland will also prevail in Ireland. I will, with +your Lordships' permission, read the petition I have alluded to, and I +think that after you have heard it, you will be of the same opinion as I +am with respect to the similarity it bears to many petitions which have +been presented to your Lordships on the Catholic question. The petition +states, that "to grant toleration to that party (the Episcopalians) in +the present circumstances of the Church, must unavoidably shake the +foundation of our present happy constitution; overthrow those laws on +which it is settled, grievously disturb that peace and tranquillity +which the nation has enjoyed since the late revolution, disgust the +minds of his Majesty's best subjects; increase animosity; confirm +discord and tumult; weaken and enervate the discipline of the church; +open the door to unheard of vices, and to Popery as well as to other +errors; propagate and cherish disaffection to the government, and bring +the nation under the danger of falling back into those mischiefs and +calamities, from which it had lately escaped by the divine blessing. We, +therefore, humbly hope, that no concessions will be granted to that +party which would be to establish iniquity by law, and bring upon the +country manifold calamities and disasters, from which we pray that +government may preserve the members of the high court of Parliament." + +I sincerely hope, that as the prophecy contained in this petition has +not been fulfilled, that a similar prophecy respecting the passing of +the present bill, contained in many petitions presented to your +Lordships, will not be fulfilled. But, my Lords, I have other grounds +besides those which I have already stated for supposing that the +proposed measure will answer the object in view. There is no doubt, that +after this measure shall be adopted, the Roman Catholics can have no +separate interest as a separate sect,--for I am sure that neither this +house, nor the other house of parliament, will be disposed to look upon +the Roman Catholics, or upon anything that respects Ireland, with any +other eye than that with which they regard whatever affects the +interests of Scotland, or of this country. For my own part, I will +state, that if I am disappointed in the hopes which I entertained that +tranquillity will result from this measure, I shall have no scruple in +coming down and laying before Parliament the state of the case. I shall +act with the same confidence that parliament would support me then, as I +have acted in the present case. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Abolition of the Jesuits and other Monastic Orders._ + +Another part of this bill has for its object, the putting an end to the +order of the Jesuits and other monastic orders in this country. If your +Lordships will look at the act passed in the year 1791, you will +probably see that at that time, as well as in this, it was possible for +one person to make laws through which another might drive a coach and +four. My noble and learned friend (Lord Eldon) will excuse me for +saying, that notwithstanding all the pains which he took to draw up the +act of 1791, yet the fact is,--of which there cannot be the smallest +doubt,--that large religious establishments have been regularly formed, +not only in Ireland, but also in this country. The measure which I now +propose for your Lordships adoption will prevent the increase of such +establishments, and, without oppression to any individuals, without +injury to any body of men, will gradually put an end to those which have +already been formed. There is no man more convinced than I am of the +absolute necessity of carrying into execution that part of the present +measure, which has for its object the extinction of monastic orders in +this country. I entertain no doubt whatever, that if that part of the +measure be not carried into execution, we shall very soon see this +country and Ireland inundated by Jesuits and regular monastic clergy, +sent out from other parts of Europe, with means to establish themselves +within his Majesty's kingdom. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Rationale of Roman Catholic Exclusion._ + +My Lords in the Bill of Rights there are some things permanently +enacted, which I sincerely hope will be permanent; these are, the +liberties of the people, the security for the Protestantism of the +person on the throne of these kingdoms, and that he shall not be married +to a Papist. There is an oath of allegiance and supremacy to be taken by +all those of whom that oath of allegiance is required, which is also +said to be permanent; but it contains no declaration against +transubstantiation. There is also an oath of allegiance different from +that which is to be taken by a member of Parliament. I beg your +Lordships will observe, that although this oath of allegiance was +declared permanent, it was altered in the last year of King William. +This shews what that "permanent" act was. Then, with respect to the +oaths to be taken by members of Parliament. I beg your Lordships to +observe that these oaths, the declaration against transubstantiation, +and the sacrifice of the mass, are not originally in the act of William +III., they are in the act of 30th Charles II. During the reign of +Charles II. there were certain oaths imposed, first on dissenters from +the church of England, by the 12th or 13th Charles II., and to exclude +Roman Catholics by the 25th Charles II., and 30th Charles II. At the +period of the Revolution, when King William came, he thought proper to +extend the basis of his government, and he repealed the oaths affecting +the dissenters from the church of England, imposed by the 13th and 14th +Charles II. and likewise that affirmative part of the oath of supremacy, +which dissenters from the church of England could not take. That is the +history of the alteration of these oaths by William III., from the time +of Charles II. + +But my Lords, the remainder of the oath could be taken by Dissenters, +but could not be taken by Roman Catholics. The danger with respect to +Roman Catholics, had arisen in the time of Charles II., and still +existed in the time of William III.; but the oath was altered because +one of the great principles of the Revolution was to limit the exclusion +from the benefits of the constitution as far as it was possible. +Therefore we have this as one of the principles I before stated, derived +from the Bill of Rights. The noble Lords state, that what they call the +principles of 1688,--that is to say, these oaths excluding Roman +Catholics, are equally permanent with the Bill of Rights by which the +Protestantism of the crown is secured. If they will do me the favour to +look at the words of the act, they will see that the difference is just +the difference between that which is permanent and that which is not +permanent. The act says that the Protestantism of the Crown shall last +for ever; but, as for these oaths, they are enacted in exclusive words, +and there is not one word about how long they shall last. Well then, my +Lords, what follows? The next act we have is the act of Union with +Scotland; and what does that act say? That the oaths to be taken by the +members of Parliament, as laid down by the 1st of William and Mary shall +continue and be taken till Parliament shall otherwise direct. This is +what is called a permanent act of Parliament, a permanent provision for +all future periods, to exclude Catholics from seats in Parliament. My +Lords, I beg to observe that, if the act which excludes Roman Catholics +from seats in Parliament, is permanent, there is another clause, (I +believe the 10th of cap 8. 1st William and Mary) which requires +officers of the army and navy to take those very oaths previous to the +acceptance of their commissions. Now if the act made in the first year +of William and Mary, which excludes Roman Catholics from Parliament, is +permanent, I should like to ask noble Lords, why the clause in that act +is not equally permanent? I suppose that the noble and learned Lord will +answer my question by saying, that one act was permanent and ought to be +permanently maintained, but that the other act was not permanent, and +the Parliament did right in repealing it in 1817. But the truth of the +matter is, that neither act was intended to be permanent; and the +Parliament of Queen Anne recognised by the Act of Union that the first +act, relating to seats in Parliament, was not permanent; and the noble +and learned Lord (Eldon) did right when he consented to the act of 1817, +which put an end to the 10th clause of the 1st William III., cap. 8. +Then, my Lords, if this principle of exclusion--if this principle of the +constitution of 1688, as it is called, be not permanent,--if it be +recognised as not permanent, not only by the act of union with Scotland, +(in which it was said that the exclusive oath should continue till +Parliament otherwise provided,) but also by the late act of Union with +Ireland, I would ask your Lordships, whether you are not at liberty now +to consider the expediency of doing away with it altogether, in order to +relieve the country from the inconveniences to which I have already +adverted? I would ask your Lordships, whether you are not called upon +to review the state of the representation of Ireland,--whether you are +not called upon to see, even supposing that the principle were a +permanent one, if it be fit that Parliament should remain, as it has +remained for some time, groaning under Popish influence exercised by the +Priests over the elections in Ireland. I would ask your Lordships, I +repeat, whether it is not right to make an arrangement, which has for +its object, not only the settlement of this question, but at the same +time to relieve the country from the inconveniences I have mentioned. I +have already stated the manner in which the organization I have alluded +to, works upon all the great interests of the country; but I wish your +Lordships particularly to attend to the manner in which it works upon +the church itself. That part of the church of England which exists in +Ireland is in a very peculiar situation; it is the church of the +minority of the people. At the same time, I believe that a more +exemplary, a more pious, or a more learned body of men, than the members +of that church do not exist. The members of that church certainly enjoy +and deserve the affections of those whom they are sent to instruct, in +the same degree as their brethren in England enjoy the affections of the +people of this country; and I have no doubt that they would shed the +last drop of their blood in defence of the doctrines and discipline of +their church. But violence, I apprehend, is likely to affect the +interests of that church; and I would put it to the House, whether that +church can be better protected from violence by a government united in +itself, united with Parliament and united in sentiment with the great +body of the people, or by a government disunited in opinion, disunited +from Parliament, and by the two houses of Parliament disunited. I am +certain that no man can look to the situation of Ireland, without seeing +that the interest of the church as well as the interest of every class +of persons under government, is involved in such a settlement of this +question, as will bring with it strength to the government, and strength +to every department of the state. + +The bill before the House concedes to Roman Catholics the power of +holding any office in the state, excepting a few connected with the +administration of the affairs of the church; and it also concedes to +them the power of becoming members of Parliament. I believe it goes +further, with respect to the concession of offices, than any former +measure which has been introduced into the other House of Parliament. I +confess that the reasons which induced me to consider it my duty to make +such large concessions now, arose out of the effects which I observed +following the acts proposed in the years 1782 and 1793. I have seen that +any restriction upon concession has only had the effect of increasing +the demands of the Roman Catholics, and at the same time giving them +fresh power to enforce those demands. I have, therefore, considered it +my duty, in making this act of concession, to make it as large as any +reasonable man can expect it to be; seeing clearly that any thing which +might remain behind would only give ground for fresh demands, and being +convinced that the settlement of this question tends to the security of +the state, and to the peace and prosperity of the country. I have +already stated to your lordships my opinion respecting the expediency of +granting seats in Parliament to Roman Catholics; and I do not conceive, +that the concession of seats in Parliament, can in any manner effect any +question relative to the church of England. In the first place, I beg +your Lordships to recollect, that at the time those acts, to which I +have before alluded,--the one passed in the 30th of Charles II., and the +other at the period of the Revolution, were enacted--it was not the +church that was in danger--it was the state. It was the state that was +in danger; and from what? Not because the safety of the church was +threatened. No; but because the Sovereign on the throne was suspected of +Popery, and because the successor to the throne was actually a Papist. +Those laws were adopted, because of the existence of a danger which +threatened the state, and not of one which threatened the church. On the +contrary, at that period danger to the church was apprehended, not from +the Roman Catholics, but from the Dissenters from the church of England. +I would ask of your Lordships, all of whom have read the history of +those times, whether any danger to the church was apprehended from the +Roman Catholics? No! Danger to the church was apprehended from the +Dissenters, who had become powerful by the privileges granted to them +under the act of Parliament passed at the period of the Revolution. I +think, therefore, that it is not necessary for me to enter into any +justification of myself for having adopted this measure, on account of +any danger which might be apprehended from it to the church. Roman +Catholics will come into Parliament under this bill, as they went into +Parliament previous to the act of 30th Charles II. They sat in +Parliament up to that period, and were not obliged to take the oath of +supremacy. But by this bill they will be required to take the oath of +allegiance, in which a great part of the oath of supremacy is +included--namely, that part which refers to the jurisdiction of foreign +potentates; and, I must say, that the church, if in danger, is better +secured by the bill than it was previous to the 30th of Charles II. The +object for which that act was recognised at the period of the +Revolution--namely, to keep out the house of Stuart from the throne--has +long ceased to exist, by the extinction of that family. It is the +opinion of nearly every considerable man in the country (of nearly all +those who are competent to form a judgment on the question), that the +time has now arrived for repealing these laws. Circumstances have been +gradually tending towards their repeal since the extinction of the house +of Stuart; and at last the period has come, when it is quite clear that +the repeal can be no longer delayed with safety to the state. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_State of Ireland, a Reason for Emancipation._ + +I know that, by some, it has been considered that the state of Ireland +has nothing to do with this question--that it is a subject which ought +to be left entirely out of our consideration. My Lords, they tell us +that Ireland has been disturbed for the last thirty years--that to such +disturbance we have been accustomed--and that it does not at all alter +the circumstances of the case, as they have hitherto appeared. My Lords, +it is perfectly true that Ireland has been disturbed during the long +period I have stated, but within the last year or two, there have been +circumstances of particular aggravation. Political circumstances have, +in a considerable degree, occasioned that aggravation; but, besides +this, my Lords, I must say, although I have no positive legal proof of +the fact, that I have every reason to believe that there has been a +considerable organization of the people for the purpose of mischief. My +Lords, this organization is, it appears to me, to be proved, not only by +the declarations of those who formed, and who arranged it, but likewise +by the effects which it has produced in the election of churchwardens +throughout the country; in the circumstances attending the election for +the county of Clare, and that preceded and followed that election; in +the proceedings of a gentleman who went at the head of a body of men to +the north of Ireland; in the simultaneous proceedings of various bodies +of men in the south of Ireland, in Templemore, in Kilenaule, Cahir, +Clonmel, and other places; in the proceedings of another gentleman in +the King's county; and in the recall of the former gentleman from the +north of Ireland by the Roman Catholic Association. In all these +circumstances it is quite obvious to me, that there was an organization +and direction by some superior authority. This organization has +certainly produced a state of society in Ireland which we have not +heretofore witnessed, and an aggravation of all the evils which before +afflicted that unfortunate country. + +My Lords, late in the year, a considerable town was attacked, in the +middle of the night by a body of people who came from the neighbouring +mountains--the town of Augher. They attacked it with arms, and were +driven from it with arms by the inhabitants of the town. This is a state +of things which I feel your Lordships will admit ought not to exist in a +civilized country. Later in the year still, a similar event occurred in +Charleville; and, in the course of the last autumn, the Roman Catholic +Association deliberated upon the propriety of adopting, and the means of +adopting, the measure of ceasing all dealings between Roman Catholics +and Protestants. Is it possible to believe supposing these dealings had +ceased, supposing this measure had been carried into execution--as I +firmly believe it was in the power of those who deliberated upon it to +carry it into execution--is it possible to believe that those who would +cease those dealings would not likewise have ceased to carry into +execution the contracts into which they had entered? Will any man say +that people in this situation are not verging towards that state, in +which it would be impossible to expect from them that they would be able +to perform the duties of jurymen, or to administer justice between man +and man, for the protection of the lives and properties of his Majesty's +subjects? My Lords, this is the state of society to which I wished to +draw your attention, and for which it is necessary that Parliament +should provide a remedy. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Emancipation claimed as the Price of the Union._ + +I am old enough to remember the rebellion in 1798. I was not employed in +Ireland at the time--was employed in another part of his Majesty's +dominions; but, my Lords, if I am not mistaken, the Parliament of +Ireland, at that time, walked up to my Lord Lieutenant with an unanimous +address, beseeching his Excellency to take every means to put down that +unnatural rebellion, and promising their full support, in order to carry +those measures into execution. The Lord Lieutenant did take measures, +and did succeed in putting down that rebellion. Well, my Lords, what +happened in the very next session? The Government proposed to put an end +to the Parliament, and to form a Legislative Union between the two +kingdoms, for the purpose, principally, of proposing this very measure; +and, in point of fact, the very first measure that was proposed after +this Legislative Union, after those successful endeavours to put down +this rebellion, was the very measure with which I am now about to +trouble your Lordships. Is it possible noble Lords can believe that, +supposing there was a renewal of the contest to which I have +referred--is it possible noble Lords can believe that such a contest +could be carried on without the consent of the other House of +Parliament? I am certain, my Lords, that, when you look at the division +of opinion which prevails in both Houses of Parliament; when you look at +the division of opinion which prevails in every family of this kingdom, +and of Ireland--in every family, I say, from the most eminent in +station, down to the lowest in this country;--when you look at the +division of opinion that prevails among the Protestants of Ireland on +this subject; I am convinced you will see that there would be a vast +difference in a contest carried on now, and that which was carried on on +former occasions. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_No Remedy for the State of Ireland but Emancipation._ + +Neither the law, nor the means in the possession of Government, enabled +Government to put an end to the state of things in Ireland. Therefore, +we come to Parliament. Now let us see what chance there was of providing +a remedy for this state of things by coming to Parliament. My Lords, we +all recollect perfectly well, that the opinion of the majority in +another place is, that the remedy for this state of things in Ireland is +a repeal of the disabilities affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic +subjects. We might have gone and asked Parliament to enable us to put +down the Roman Catholic Association; but what chance had we of +prevailing upon Parliament to pass such a bill, without being prepared +to come forward and state that we were ready to consider the whole +condition of Ireland, with a view to apply a remedy to that which +Parliament had stated to be the cause of the disease? Suppose that +Parliament had given us a bill to put down the Roman Catholic +Association, would such a law as that be a remedy for the state of +things which I have already described to your Lordships as existing in +Ireland? Would it do any one thing towards putting an end to the +organization, which I have stated to your Lordships exists--towards +putting down the mischiefs which are the consequences of that +organization--towards giving you the means of getting the better of the +state of things existing in Ireland, unless some further measure were +adopted? But, my Lords, it is said, if that will not do, let us proceed +to blows. What is meant by proceeding to "blows," is civil war. Now, I +believe that every Government must be prepared to carry into execution +the laws of the country by the force placed at its disposition, not by +the military force, unless it should be absolutely necessary, but by the +military force in case that should be necessary; and, above all things, +oppose resistance to the law, in case the disaffected, or ill-disposed, +are inclined to resist the authority, or sentence of the law; but, in +this case, as I have already stated to your Lordships, there was no +resistance of the law--nay, I will go further, and will say that I am +positively certain that this state of things existing in Ireland, for +the last year and a half, bordering upon civil war (being attended by +nearly all the evils of civil war), might have continued a considerable +time longer, to the great injury and disgrace of the country, and, +nevertheless, those who managed this state of things--those who were at +its head--would have taken care to prevent any resistance to the law, +which must have ended, they knew as well as I did, in the only way in +which a struggle against the King's Government could end. They knew +perfectly well they would have been the first victims of that +resistance; but knowing that, and knowing, as I do, that they are +sensible, able men, and perfectly aware of the materials upon which they +have to work, I have not the smallest doubt that the state of things +which I have stated to your Lordships would have continued, and that you +would now have had an opportunity of putting it down in the manner some +noble Lords imagined. But, my Lords, even if I had been certain of such +means of putting it down, I should have considered it my duty to avoid +those means. + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Would sacrifice his Life to prevent one Month of Civil War._ + +I am one of those who have, probably, passed a longer period of my life +engaged in war than most men, and principally in civil war; and, I must +say this, that if I could avoid, by any sacrifice whatever, even one +month of civil war in the country to which I was attached, I would +sacrifice my life in order to do it. I say, there is nothing which +destroys property, eats up prosperity by the roots, and demoralizes the +character, to the degree that civil war does; in such a crisis, the hand +of man is raised against his neighbour, against his brother, and against +his father; servant betrays master, and the whole scene ends in +confusion and devastation. Yet, my Lords, this is the resource to which +we must have looked--these are the means which we must have applied, in +order to have put an end to this state of things, if we had not made the +option of bringing forward the measures, for which, I say, I am +responsible. But let us look a little further. If civil war is so bad, +when it is occasioned by resistance to the Government, if it is so bad +in the case I have stated, and so much to be avoided, how much more is +it to be avoided, when we are to arm the people, in order that we may +conquer one part of them, by exciting the other part against them? + +_April 2, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_Defence of the Government from the Charge of Inconsistency._ + +Another subject to which I wish to advert, is a charge brought against +several of my colleagues, and also against myself, of a want of +consistency in our conduct. My Lords, I admit that many of my +colleagues, as well as myself, did on former occasions, vote against a +measure of a similar description with this; and my Lords, I must say, +that my colleagues and myself felt, when we adopted this measure, that +we should be sacrificing ourselves, and our popularity to that which we +felt to be our duty to our sovereign and our country. + +We knew very well that if we put ourselves at the head of the Protestant +cry of "No Popery," we should be much more popular even than those who +have excited that very cry against us. But we felt that, in so doing, we +should have left on the interests of the country a burden, which must +end in bearing them down; and further, that we should deserve the hate +and execration of our countrymen. The noble Earl on the cross bench +(Winchelsea) has adverted particularly to me, and has mentioned in terms +of civility the services which he says I have rendered to the country; +but I must tell the noble Earl that be those services what they may, I +rendered them through good repute, and through bad repute, and that I +was never prevented from rendering them by any cry which was excited +against me at the moment. Then, I am accused by a noble and learned +friend of mine, (the Earl of Eldon) of having acted with great secresy +respecting this measure. Now I beg to tell my noble and learned +friend--and I am sorry that, in the course of these discussions, +anything has passed which has been unpleasant to my noble and learned +friend,--I beg to tell him, I say, that, he has done that to me in the +course of this discussion which he complains of others having done to +him;--in other words, he has, in the words of a right honourable friend +of his and mine, thrown a large paving stone, instead of throwing a +small pebble stone. I say, that if my noble and learned friend accuses +me of acting with secresy on this question, he does not deal with me +altogether fairly. He knows, as well as I do, how the Cabinet was +constructed on this question; and I ask him, had I any right to say a +single word to any man whatsoever on this measure, until the person most +interested in the kingdom upon it had given his consent to my speaking +out? I say, that before my noble and learned friend accused me of +secresy, and improper secresy too, he ought to have known the precise +day upon which I received the permission of the highest personage in +this country; and he ought not to have accused me of improper conduct, +until he knew the day on which I had leave to open my mouth upon this +measure. There is another point also upon which the noble Earl accused +me of misconduct, and that is that I did not at once dissolve the +parliament. Now, I must say, that I think noble Lords are mistaken in +the notion of the benefits which they think they would derive from a +dissolution of parliament at this crisis. I believe that many of them +are not aware of the consequences and of the inconveniences of a +dissolution of parliament at any time. But when I knew, as I did know, +and as I do know, the state of the elective franchise in Ireland in the +course of last summer,--when I knew the consequences which a dissolution +would produce on the return to the house of commons, to say nothing of +the risk which must have occurred at each election,--of collisions that +might have led to something little short of civil war,--I say, that +knowing all these things, I should have been wanting in duty to my +Sovereign, and to my country, if I had advised his Majesty to dissolve +his parliament. + +_April 4, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_No Danger to the Church from the Emancipation Bill._ + +It has been repeatedly assumed by many of your Lordships in the course +of the discussion, but particularly by the right reverend Prelates who +have spoken, that the church of Ireland (or, as I have recently been +reminded, the church of England in Ireland) is in danger. I call on +those who apprehend that danger to state clearly whether that danger, on +this particular occasion, is more to be expected as resulting from +legislation, or from violence. If they say it is resulting from +legislation, I answer that their apprehensions are puerile. It is +impossible to suppose that a small number of persons admitted into this +house, and a small number admitted into the other house, while we have a +Protestant Sovereign upon the throne, should be productive of +legislative danger to the church of England in Ireland. I beg to +observe, with respect to the point relating to the union of the two +countries, that a fundamental article of the union is the junction of +the two Churches, called the United Churches of England and Ireland. It +is impossible, therefore, that any mischief can occur to the Church of +Ireland, without a breach in the union of the two countries. There is +another point to which I beg leave to advert for a moment. Although it +is true that we do admit into parliament members of the Roman Catholic +persuasion, yet, at the same time, by another measure brought forward +with it, and on which we equally rely, we propose regulations which will +have the effect of destroying the influence of the Catholic priesthood +in the election of members of parliament. We have carefully examined the +measure, and do expect that it will give additional security to all the +interests of the state. + +_April 4, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_English Soldiers respect the Religion of other Nations._ + +Although I have served in my profession in several countries, and among +foreigners, some of whom professed various forms of the Christian +religion, while others did not profess it at all; I never was in one in +which it was not the bounden duty of the soldier to pay proper deference +and respect to whatever happened to be the religious institutions or +ceremonies of the place where he might happen to be. We soldiers do not +go into these foreign countries to become parties to the religious +differences of the people, or to trouble ourselves with their notions +upon matters of faith. We go to perform a very different kind of +duty,--one which is purely military, and has no reference to the +people's religion. I confess I never heard, however, that it was our +custom to take any part in their religious rites, nor do I believe we +have taken any such part. Indeed, I have never heard of anything like +any co-operation by our soldiers of military parade, except at Malta, +where I know it has long been the practice of the garrison to direct +some artillery officers to cause a few small guns to be fired, as some +particular procession passes the platform. And I know that certain +officers of the artillery, or military, three of them, I believe, +thought proper on military grounds, and not upon religious scruples, to +refuse to fire, according to the usual order of their commandant--for +such refusal they were brought to a court-martial, and sentenced to be +cashiered, not because they would not form a part of any religious +procession to which they were hostile--not because they would not +conform to the rites of the natives, and worship any relic that was +honoured by them; but for this plain and intelligible reason,--that they +had taken upon themselves to refuse obedience to the orders of the +commander-in-chief on the spot. + +_April 8, 1829._ + + * * * * * + +_The real meaning of Irish Agitation._ + +If you glance at the history of Ireland during the last ten years, you +will find that agitation really means something just short of rebellion; +that, and no other, is the exact meaning of the word. It is to place the +country in that state in which its government is utterly impracticable, +except by means of an overawing military force. + +_May 4, 1829._ + +_Theory of a Metallic Currency._ + +The restoration of the currency, my Lords, has, in truth, but little to +do with the distress of the country. Since the restoration of the +currency, the revenue has risen to the amount which has been stated to +your Lordships, notwithstanding the repeal of taxes to the amount of +27,000,000 l., since 1814. The fact is, that at the present moment, the +revenue produces, in real currency, much more than it produced when the +war was terminated. Is not that circumstance alone, I ask your +Lordships, a proof of the increasing prosperity of the country? But, my +Lords, I did not rest my argument on that fact only. Notwithstanding, +there is, at present, much distress, still, in the last year, there was +an increase of produce in every branch of manufacture, in every branch +of industry, beyond what was apparent in the three preceding years. +Under these circumstances, your Lordships must ascribe the distress of +the country to something else, rather than to the alteration of the +currency. My opinion is, that the people, during the lengthened war +which existed previously to the peace of 1815--during that period, when +there was an enormous expenditure--acquired habits which they cannot +readily throw aside. During that time, any man, of whatever description +of credit, could obtain money, or the semblance of money, to carry on +any speculation. The people then employed a fictitious wealth; they +proceeded on a system, which could not be continued, without mining and +destroying the country; and that system having been destroyed, that +fictitious wealth having been removed, they cannot immediately come down +to those quiet habits, which are required from them under that state of +things now prevailing in the empire. That, my Lords, is the real cause +of the distress under which they are at present suffering. Besides, your +Lordships will recollect, that the population of the country has +enormously increased; and it should also be taken into the calculation, +that the power of production by machinery has increased in an +incalculable degree. As much can now be produced in one year, as +formerly could be produced in five years; and the produce of one year +now amounts to more than can be taken off our hands in a year and a +half, or even two years. Distress, therefore, has occurred, +notwithstanding that the utmost exertions have been made to repel it; +and notwithstanding the great and general prosperity of trade throughout +the world. My Lords, the plain fact is, that owing to the alterations of +trade--a great demand at one time, and a want of demand at another--the +manufacturers, and those engaged in commercial pursuits, must sustain +considerable distress at different periods. It has been recommended as a +remedy, that Government should go back to the system of the circulation +of the notes. Now, my Lords, with respect to the one-pound bank +notes--it will be well to recollect what has been the proceeding of +Parliament on that subject. In 1826, Parliament having seen the facility +with which speculations could be undertaken by persons possessing no +capital, in consequence of the circulation of those one-pound +bank-notes--looking to the evils that resulted from those speculations, +and finding that a great number of banks in the country had failed in +consequence of such speculations--thought proper to pass a law to +prevent the circulation of this species of paper, after the lapse of +three years. A noble Lord has said, that this measure of Parliament +occasioned the failure of a great number of country bankers. But, I beg +the noble Lord's pardon, he has not stated the fact correctly. Most of +the banks which about that period failed, it ought to be recollected, +broke previously to the meeting of Parliament. The fact is, that it was +the breaking of the banks which occasioned the measure, and not the +measure the breaking of the banks. But we have now accomplished the +measure adopted in 1826; that measure is now carried into execution; the +currency of the country is now sufficient; bank notes, 5l., and above +5l., in value, are in circulation; and I will assert this fact, that +there is at present more of what I may call State currency in +circulation--more notes of the Bank of England and sovereigns--a greater +quantity of circulating medium of those two denominations, than there +has been at any former period before the late war, or before the Bank +Restriction Act was passed. I beg leave, my Lords, to ask, what want is +there of any additional circulation, when the circulation is at present +greater than it ever was? Is it necessary to have a more extended +circulation, to afford the means of procuring loans of money to those +who have no capital and no credit? I contend that this is a state of +things that ought not to exist in any country. Persons who really +possess credit, can raise money at the present moment with every +facility that is reasonable or proper. But, undoubtedly, those who have +no credit, are deprived of the facilities of borrowing money, which they +formerly enjoyed, because there is no longer a large class of persons +dealing in one-pound notes, to assist them in carrying on their +speculations. This is the real state of the case. It was this situation +of affairs that gave rise, and justly gave rise, to the measure of +1826--a measure which, I trust, that Parliament will persevere in, for +the purpose of placing the country in a proper state. It has been said +truly, that nothing is so desirable as to see the country carrying on +its mercantile transactions with a paper currency founded on, and +supported by, a metallic basis. Now, your Lordships must be aware, that +is exactly the sort of currency which the country has got at present; +and, in proportion as the country goes on conquering its +difficulties--the existence of that currency still being continued--we +shall see prosperity daily revive, and we shall see mercantile +transactions carried on as they ought to be, without any mixture of +those ruinous speculations, to which so much of the prevailing distress +must be attributed. But, my Lords, the noble Lord in tracing out the +sources of this distress, has omitted one of the great causes of it. He +has not adverted to the immense loss of capital which has been sustained +by the country during the last six or eight years, in consequence of +loans to foreign powers--of which neither principal or interest has been +paid, nor ever will, in my opinion, be paid. The noble Lord has not +adverted to the effect which that loss of capital must have produced, +with respect to the employment of industry in all parts of the country. +In the next place, the noble Lord has not adverted to the effect which +those loans must have had on the trade and manufactures of the country, +in consequence of the glut in foreign markets, occasioned by the forced +exportation of goods on account of such transactions. In most instances, +my Lords, no returns were made on account of those goods, and even when +returns were made, they were of the most unsatisfactory description. The +noble Lord has not adverted to the fact, that these returns, when any +were received, came home in the shape of interest, and did not, of +course, require any demand or export from this country. Surely all these +things should be considered, when the noble Lord speaks of the distress +the country is labouring under. That distress has fallen not only on the +manufacturing and commercial interests, but also on those who have +encouraged and embarked in the various schemes and speculations which +have done the country so much mischief. + +_May 26, 1829._ + + * * * * * + + +_Extended Currency means unlimited creation of Paper Money by +Individuals._ + +I will now say a few words upon the remedy proposed by the noble Lord +(the Earl of Carnarvon), who has totally misunderstood the argument of +the noble Viscount (Goderich). My noble Friend stated that the revenue, +in 1815, was 80,000,000 l. sterling, in paper currency; that taxes were +first of all repealed to the amount of 18,000,000 l., and afterwards to +the amount of 9,000,000 l., making in all 27,000.000 l.; and he says that +the revenue now produces, in a sound currency, as great an amount as it +produced in a depreciated currency; that is to say, that it produces now +a sum, in sound currency, which, in paper currency, would amount to +80,000,000 l. sterling. Those persons who consume the articles which +produce the revenue, must be able to purchase them, or the revenue could +not exist. The increase of the revenue is a proof, then, that +consumption has increased full one-third since the time when the taxes +were reduced. It is utterly impossible that a country in which, within a +period of fifteen years, the revenue has risen one-third, can be +suffering universal and unexampled distress. The noble Lord has thought +proper to refer the distress to a deficient circulation, and he +recommends a system which he thinks would remedy the evil. Now, I will +tell the noble Earl that the largest amount of currency in circulation, +at any time during the Bank Restriction Act, was 65,000,000 l. sterling. +The Bank of England notes were 20,000,000 l.; country bank paper, +23,000,000 l.; gold, 4,000,000 l.; and, silver, 7,000,000 l. But, in 1830, +the amount of Bank of England paper in circulation is 19,900,000 l.; and, +of country bank paper, 9,200,000 l.; of gold, 28,000,000 l.; and, of +silver. 8,000,000 l.; making a total of 65,000,000 l. It is certain, +therefore, that there is more money in circulation now, than there was +at any period of the Bank restriction. There can be no want, therefore, +of more currency. The noble Earl says he wants an extended currency; but +what he, in fact, wants, is not an extended currency, but an unlimited +currency. He would give an unlimited power to certain individuals, not +to the Crown, to coin as much money as they please. The noble Lord wants +to give them the power of lending capital to whomsoever they might think +proper thus to indulge. That is what the noble Lord recommends, but that +is what, I say, cannot be allowed, without bringing the country again to +the brink of ruin, from which it was extricated in the year 1826. + +The noble Lord tells you that, heretofore, a farmer, with a good stock, +was able to borrow capital to carry on his business; but that now, let +his corn-yard be ever so full, he cannot borrow a shilling, because the +banker has not the power of giving him one-pound notes. The noble Lord +says--the banker gets no interest upon his own capital, and therefore +will not lend it. My Lords, the banker who lends his capital to a +farmer, or trader, does obtain interest for the use of it, in the shape +of discount upon the bill, or other security, which the borrower gives +him. The question with him, at present, is one of security, and not of +profit. If the banker should lend, under existing circumstances, he must +lend his own real capital, and not a fictitious capital in the shape of +one pound notes, created for the purpose. He must be certain that the +security given to him is good and available, as it ought to be; and if +he is not satisfied with the profits arising from the use of his +capital, it is because he thinks the risk is so great as not to be +covered by the profits. The noble Lord would wish to pledge your +Lordships, by your votes this night, to give the country bankers +additional profits, by enabling them to coin money, or to create +fictitious paper to any extent, and thus to create a fictitious capital. + +_February 4, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Taxes reduced under a Metallic Currency._ + +In answer to all the declamations we have heard this night respecting +the evils resulting from a metallic currency, I beg leave to remind the +House of some facts; since the year 1815, and principally since the Bank +restriction was taken off, measures have been adopted to relieve the +country of taxes to the amount of 27,000,000 l. sterling; and measures +have been also adopted which have reduced the charges of the national +debt between 3,000,000 l. and 4,000,000 l. a year, that being the interest +on nearly 100,000,000 l. sterling. I beg your Lordships will bear this +circumstance in mind; and let me tell you, that all the advantages of a +so-called equitable adjustment will never equal the advantage already +obtained from an adherence to the principles of justice and good faith. + + +_February 4, 1830._ + +_Causes of Manufacturing Distress._ + +I wish to know whether the competition of machinery and the universal +application of steam which has been generally introduced since the +peace, have not occasioned a decrease in the demand for labour, and have +not lowered the wages of labour in manufactures? Must we not take into +consideration the general spirit of manufacture abroad, the competition +of foreign nations in foreign markets, and the universal use of +machinery worked by steam? How can we control the subjects of foreign +powers? We must seek foreign markets for our surplus produce. How can we +prevent steam from creating competition abroad in the sale of that +produce, as well as a fall in the wages of manufactures, and thus +occasioning a part of the distress complained of? + +_Feb. 4, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Distress exaggerated._ + +If the exports of Great Britain have gone on increasing for some +years--if they were greater last year than in any former year--if the +amount of our exports is now greater than ever it was,--I say, not only +that these are the strongest symptoms of the prosperity of the country +increasing, but that the distress cannot be so great and unexampled as +the noble Earl (Carnarvon) would make it. There is not a rail-road, or a +common road, or a canal in the country, on which the traffic has not +increased every year during the last few years, and particularly in the +last year. It may be true that there is a diminution of profit in +commercial transactions in general; but profit there must be, or men +would not devote themselves for years to these pursuits. Money would not +be laid out in the conveyance from place to place of the produce and +manufactures of the country. The traffic being greater than ever it was +before, it is impossible but what it must be to the advantage of +somebody. The distress then cannot be so universal as represented. The +profit and advantage may not be so great as they were some years back; +but still advantage there is. + +There are other circumstances well worthy the attention of the House in +the consideration of this subject. The retail dealers are a very +numerous body in this country. Consider of their profits. Look at nearly +every market town in the kingdom, and many villages in progress towards +being rebuilt. Who pays the money for re-building these houses? Who pays +the increased rents for them? Are the people ruined who require and can +pay for these new houses? My Lords, these are facts which do shew that, +notwithstanding the existing distress which every man must deplore, the +country, in spite of the pressure upon it, is upon the whole, rising. + +_Feb. 4, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Proofs of National Improvement in 1830._ + +Among other topics of accusation, I have been arraigned for my +assertion on the first day of the session, that the distress of the +country was not of that magnitude which some persons have affirmed. The +noble Lord (Stanhope) is quite at liberty to indulge in such invectives +if it pleases him to do so, but if he supposes I do not feel for the +distresses of the people, he is utterly mistaken, as I can sincerely +aver that I have as strong sympathies on the subject as any noble member +of this house. But I am resolved to tell plainly and honestly what I +think, quite regardless of the odium I may incur from those whose +prejudices my candour and sincerity may offend. I am here to speak the +truth and not to flatter the prejudices and prepossessions of any man. +In speaking the truth, I shall utter it in the language that truth +itself most naturally suggests. + + * * * * * + +I request your Lordships to look at the state of the savings banks. A +measure was sometime back adopted to prevent the investment of money in +these banks beyond a certain amount for each person, in order that the +parties not entitled to it should not derive the advantage which is +intended for the poorer classes. Large sums were drawn out of those +banks soon after; but they have since revived in some degree. Whence has +the money come? From the lower classes. This cannot be considered as a +proof of general distress. Your Lordships ought likewise not to omit +from your consideration the increased traffic carried on the railroads +and canals in the country. The noble Earl (Roseberry) has told your +Lordships, that I have availed myself of the increased traffic upon the +roads and canals by merchants and manufacturers--in despair seeking a +market--in order to represent the country in a state of prosperity; +whereas it is an additional symptom of distress. My Lords, I said that +this traffic had been increasing for years; and that it had, in some +cases, doubled in ten years. In one of the recent discussions in this +House, upon the currency, the noble Marquis opposite (the Marquis of +Lansdowne) very truly remarked,--that a large quantity of currency might +be found in a country in which there should be little riches and +prosperity; and that the facility and rapidity of the circulation of the +currency were signs of the prosperity of a country, rather than the +quantity of that currency. I entirely concur in the truth and justice of +this observation. But I would beg to ask the noble Marquis whether it is +possible that transactions can increase and multiply as they have done +in this country, in the last few years, without giving fresh scope for +the circulation of the currency of the country, fresh employment for +labour, and occasioning, in some degree, the augmentation of general +prosperity. + +_Feb. 25, 1850._ + + * * * * * + + +_Causes of Manufacturing Distress, over which Parliament can have no +Control._ + +There can be no doubt that there has been, of late years, a great +increase of manufactures and manufactured produce in this country. It is +true, that this produce has given to the manufacturer but little +profit, and that the wages of the manufacturing labourer are low; but, +as I will show presently, the circumstance, equally with the cause of +the agricultural distress, is beyond legislative control. + +My Lords, it is impossible to consider this branch of the subject +without adverting likewise to the state of the commerce of the country. +The produce of the manufactures of the country is greater than the +country can consume; and, consequently, the price and the reward of the +labourer must depend upon the foreign demand, as well as upon the demand +at home. + +In respect to the distress felt by manufacturing labourers, there can be +no doubt that the wages of manual labour have been lowered by the +successful application of steam to the movement of machinery for the +purpose of manufacture. Here, my Lords, is a cause of distress over +which the Legislature has no practical control. As I go further in my +observations upon the speech of the Noble Earl (Stanhope) who made the +motion,[12] I will point out other causes of distress equally beyond the +control of the Legislature. + +[Footnote 12: For an inquiry into the state of the nation.] + +My Lords, let me beg to call to the recollection of the House the state +in which the world was at the end of the war in the years 1814 and 1815. +Europe was absolutely overrun with armies, and had been so for about +twenty years. There was absolutely nothing but armies in the world, and +nothing was thought of but the means of sustaining them. Except in +France and this country, there were but few manufacturers in Europe; but +when the peace took place, all the world became manufacturers. I have +already stated, that the country manufacturing more than it consumes, is +under the necessity of resorting to foreign countries, and foreign +markets with its produce, where this produce necessarily comes in +competition with the manufactured produce of foreign countries, brought +there by cheaper labour, and by machinery worked by steam. The prices in +those foreign countries, of necessity, govern the prices in this +country. Here again is a cause of the existing distress, over which it +will be admitted, that the Legislature can have no control. Nothing that +it is in our power to do, will raise prices abroad; and till these +prices shall be raised, the prices of our produce must continue low, and +profits and wages must be low likewise. + +But, my Lords, low as the prices of our produce are, compared with those +of former years, those of other countries have fallen in a still greater +proportion. My Lords, I will read, from a paper I hold in my hand, a few +extracts of prices in different parts of the country, since the peace of +1814. Raw cotton in England, in 1814 and 1815, sold at 2s. 2d. the +pound, or with duty included at 2s. 4d. In 1816 and 1817 it sold at 1s. +8d1/2., and in 1829, at 6d. This was a fall in price greater than had +taken place in any other article. Silk, in 1814, sold for 1l. 4s., or +with duty included, 1l. 9s.; whilst in 1829 it sold for 8s. 10d., or +with the duty, 8s. 11d. the pound. Spanish wool, in 1814, sold for 8s. +2d., or with the duty, at 8s. 3d.; whilst in 1829 it sold for only 2s. +3d., or with the duty at 2s. 4d. Another article, that of fir-timber, +fell in proportion. It was then 3l. 14s. 11d. the load, and with the +duty, 10l. 5s.; it is now 2l. 5s., and with the duty, 4l. 19s. This fall +in the price of foreign produce, and in our domestic manufactures, added +to the advantage which the master manufacturers derived from the use of +machinery moved by steam, and from the lowness of wages, have given them +a greater advantage; and have enabled them to make a profit, +notwithstanding the fall of prices of the produce of their manufactures +since the war. + +On articles of manufacture the prices are still lower than those of corn +and other agricultural produce. Cotton yarn, which sold for 4s. 4-1/2d. +the pound in 1814, in 1830 sells for 1s. 5-1/2d.; and cotton +manufactured goods have altered in price within the same period from 1s. +5d. to 1s. 8d. and 2s. 0-1/2d., to 6-1/4d., 8-3/4d., and 8-1/2d., or +nearly a third. Irish linens have fallen from 1s. 7d. to 1s. 0-3/4d.; +woollen cloths in the same proportion. Other articles have been reduced +enormously in price by the competition with foreigners. In those +articles in which there is no competition with foreigners, prices have +been reduced, but not in the same proportion; such, for instance, as in +the iron, the pottery, and other trades. Here, then, are causes +evidently beyond the control of Parliament. Parliament cannot raise the +price of manufactured goods--the thing is impossible. + +_February 25, 1830._ + +_Principle of Reduction in the Public Service._ + +When offices become vacant, the Government always consider whether the +public service could not go on without their being filled up; the next +point is, to consider whether the place could not be filled up by some +persons who already receive half-pay or pensions, so that the half-pay +or pension might be saved to the public. We have tried to reduce the +list of pensions of the army and navy, by keeping men in the service the +full time they ought to serve, according to the original institutions of +the army. I should deceive the House by saying that savings could be +beneficial if made at the expense of individuals who must be thrown on +the public as soon as they were made. + +_February 23, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_The Corn Law of 1828 worked well._ + +The measure of 1828 has worked well to promote the objects which the +Legislature had in view in passing it, by preventing the price of corn +from rising so high in a season of scarcity as to be injurious to the +country at large, and particularly to that part of the population +engaged in manufacture; whilst, both in that season and the season which +followed, the price has been sufficient to give the agriculturist a +fair value for his commodity. In the second year of the existence of +that law, a greater import of corn took place than ever, to the extent +of 5,000,000 of quarters, of which 2,500,000 were from Ireland, and the +prices have not been lowered in this country, beyond what is deemed a +remunerating price to the agriculturists. With reference to another +branch of Agriculture, I have means of proving that the prices received +for other articles of agricultural produce, such as meat, timber, &c. +are equal to what they were in times when the country paid a very large +amount of taxes, and the Bank Restriction Act was in force. + +_Feb. 26, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +I am convinced the corn laws cannot be repealed without injury to the +country. + +_Feb. 25, 1830._ + + * * * * * + + +_Establishments necessary to maintain the National Honour._ + +It is perfectly true, that this island is but a small portion of the +globe, yet its interests are extended over all the world, and must be +maintained, though at a great expense. Now the expense necessary for the +maintenance of the honour and interests of this country (and over that +alone have we any control), is at present only 12,000,000 l. of money; +for there has been a decrease, in the present and last sessions of +Parliament of not less than 2,000,000 l. on this part of the +expenditure; and your Lordships must know that there are other portions +of the national expenditure, which cannot be touched at all. With +respect to that part which cannot be touched, his Majesty's Government +have effected all that they possibly could. Having said this, I must +claim for myself and my colleagues in office, credit for an anxious +desire to do everything in our power to diminish the expenditure. With +respect to the amount of expenses incurred on account of our Colonies, I +believe that the number of troops in the old colonies and places +occupied by a military force previously to 1792, is now reduced lower +than it was in that year. This country, however, in the course of the +last war, made very considerable conquests; those conquests require for +their maintenance large bodies of men, and, consequently, create a great +additional expense. They require for their protection very nearly as +many troops as the old colonies. Before the war we were not masters of +the Cape of Good Hope, of the Mauritius, or of Ceylon. In the +Mediterranean, we had no station, unless Gibraltar can be deemed one, +which is not the case now. My Lords, it is obvious, that all the new +stations which we have acquired, demand a larger force for their +protection. These things considered, it appears to me, that the military +establishment has been reduced as far as it can be reduced, a proper +regard being had to the interests of the empire. + +_March 4, 1830._ + +_Difficulty of Legislating on the Poor Laws._ + +It should be recollected that some of the greatest men that ever lived +in England--including Mr. Pitt and Mr. Whitbread--attempted to deal with +the difficult subject of the poor laws, and failed. It is a subject +equally important, difficult, and complicated. The system, as far as +local practice and arrangements go, varies in almost every parish of +England more or less; and, I repeat, it is almost impossible to deal +with it successfully. We ought not to enter into the subject of the poor +laws hastily, or at an inopportune period like the present. It will be +better to wait till the country is restored to a state of complete +prosperity, and then investigate the subject with a proper degree of +attention. + +_March 18, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_The Home Market is the best._ + +The greatest difficulty is experienced by our manufacturers in exporting +their manufactures. In some countries there is a total prohibition of +them; in others there is an extremely high duty; and in all there is +much competition and jealousy. The Government, in every one of those +foreign countries, seems to do everything in its power to prevent the +sale of British manufactures. I am convinced, if we went to the +Continent, and purchased all the corn in Poland, not an additional +article should we be able to force into France, Germany, Prussia, or +Russia, If the merchants of this country were allowed freely to purchase +grain, foreign subjects would get as much for their corn as they +possibly could; but their rulers would not allow a single article of our +manufactures to be imported in consequence of our being obliged to buy, +or in return for our buying the grain of those countries. There is, +undoubtedly, a certain quantity of manufactures in this country more +than the population itself can consume, which it would be very desirable +to get rid of. But, my Lords, is it exactly true, that taking foreign +corn would have the effect of enabling other countries to purchase them? +And even if such were the case, what are we to do with our own corn? + +Now, my Lords, if the buying corn of the Pole, the Russian, or the +Prussian, enable them to give high prices for our manufactures, why do +not you give the same advantages to those nearer home? For my own part, +I believe, after all, that the home market is our best resource, and +that there we dispose of the greatest proportion of our manufactured +articles. It has, and I think with truth, been stated, that two-thirds +of the whole quantity of our manufactures are disposed of in this +country. The whole of our woollen and the whole of our silk manufactures +are consumed here; and of iron and other manufactures, a very +considerable portion. I ask, then, if such profits are to be derived +from an exchange with a foreign market, why do you not cultivate the +home, which is admitted to be decidedly the best market of all. I think +the more this matter is discussed, the more will the country see that +the interests of one class of the community involve the interests of +all. We are not to look merely to the interests of the cotton +manufacturers, or of the iron manufacturers. That which we are bound to +consider is the benefit of all; and, in my opinion, the common good will +be most effectually secured, by getting the greatest quantity of +provisions for the whole community,--by giving a proper remuneration to +those who produce such provisions,--and thus encouraging them to do that +which is most beneficial to the community at large. + +_March 29, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_How far the principle of Equitable Adjustment should be carried._ + +The noble Lord (Viscount Goderich), speaking with his usual candour on +the subject of the equitable adjustment, admitted the existence of an +increase of price during some years of the war generally, and +consequently of public expense and of debt, to the amount of 20 per +cent, in consequence of the depreciation of the currency; and he has +made a calculation of a supposed equitable adjustment, founded upon his +estimate of the expense of the war for some years, and of the debt +created by the excess of price. It is true that there was a very large +increase of prices in England during the war; that this increase of +prices increased the expense of the war; and the amount of debt +successively raised. But it is not true that the excess of prices was +occasioned solely by the paper currency. Many other circumstances +occasioned it; and in my opinion, my noble friend has admitted too much +in admitting that the annual payment on account of the debt has been +increased to the amount of 3,500,000 l. in consequence of the paper money +circulated during the war. + +Having frequently heard of an equitable adjustment, which, however, is +absolutely impracticable as a measure to be applied solely to the +national creditor, it has always appeared to me, that such an +arrangement could be calculated only on the foundation of the difference +between the currency, or the market price of gold, and the mint price of +gold, at the period at which the Bank restriction was repealed, or in +the year 1812. That difference was at that period about 4 per cent; or +the difference between 3l. 17s. 10-1/2d., and 4l. 1s. The annual payment +on account of the debt at that time, amounted to about 30,000,000 l. +sterling; upon which what is called an equitable adjustment might, at +that time, have been made to the amount of 5 per cent., or 1,200,000 l. +In making this supposed equitable adjustment, we should have betrayed +the honour of the country; we should have destroyed its credit and +reputation for fair dealing, justice, and honesty; and, for this paltry +diminution of the annual expense of the debt in 1819, we should have +lost the advantages since acquired, as detailed to the House by my noble +friend, amounting to a diminution of the annual charge of the debt, not +of 1,200,000 l., but nearly of 5,500,000 l. or the interest of +150,000,000 l. of capital at 3 per cent. This is a fair calculation of +the comparative advantage of what has been done, and what might have +been done, by a supposed equitable adjustment. + +_May 6th, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_The Shipping Interest has not been Neglected._ + +These reciprocity treaties were adopted with a view to decrease the +price of freight in this country to our merchants, and with a view to +their taking in abroad, and bringing home, their commodities at a +cheaper cost of transit. These treaties were, my Lords, framed with a +foresight of the state of commerce which was likely to ensue in the +world in future times which were then immediately before us. We were, +therefore, to diminish the expense of shipping to meet the new +contingencies; and to enable those engaged in commerce to carry on their +trade under all the difficulties of a new situation; and the object of +those laws was to lower the price of commodities for that purpose. What +was the result?--profits upon specific articles became reduced; but +since the year 1814 the trade in them has nearly doubled. What the +shipping interest then lost in the reduced amount of freight per +tonnage, they regained in the greater number of voyages which commerce +opened to them. + +_May 13th, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on George IV._ + +My lords, our late Sovereign received the best education which this +country affords. He had, also, the singular advantage of having passed +all the earlier period of his life, and the greater part of his manhood, +under the superintendence of the King, his father, and subsequently in +the society of the most eminent men whom this country possessed; and he +likewise enjoyed the society of the most distinguished foreigners who +resorted to this country. His Majesty's manners accordingly received a +polish, his understanding acquired a degree of cultivation, almost +unknown in any other individual. My Lords, he carried those advantages +to the Government to which he was afterwards called, first as a Regent, +and afterwards as reigning sovereign. During the whole course of his +government no man ever approached him without having evidence of his +dignity, his condescension, his affability, and his fitness for the +exalted station which he occupied. But these advantages, which shewed so +conspicuously the polish of manner which he possessed, were not only +observed by persons immediately around him, for I appeal to many of your +Lordships who have transacted the business of the country which required +an interview with the sovereign, whether his Majesty did not upon every +occasion display a degree of knowledge and talent not to be expected of +an individual holding his high station, and a profound acquaintance with +public business even in its most minute details. But this is not all, he +was a most munificent patron of the arts in this country and the whole +world. He possessed a larger collection of the eminent productions of +his own country's artists, than any individual, and it is as an +individual, of him I here speak. The taste and judgment he displayed in +these collections have never been excelled by any sovereign. + +I would also beg to call to your Lordships' recollection the situation +in which he found England and Europe in the year 1810, when he became +Regent, and the situation in which he has left Europe and this country. +If your Lordships look upon the great and stirring events of his reign, +under what circumstances it commenced and terminated, I think you will +agree with me in the sentiment, that we have reason to feel proud of +such a sovereign. + +_June 29th, 1830_ + + * * * * * + +_Principle of advances of Money for Public Works._ + + +A noble Lord has cited an opinion of mine with respect to the advance of +money for public works; to the principle laid down in the letter to +which he alludes, I still adhere,--that no money should be advanced as a +grant, for works of that description, even though they may be very +useful; but, my Lords, I repeat, that there is a great distinction +between on advance of money and a loan. The application of the +proprietors of the Thames Tunnel, was for an advance of money, and not a +loan; the parties, there, were not in a condition to pay the interest +even of the money to be advanced, and therefore the application was +refused, but my Lords, in the present case the money is advanced on the +security of the tolls payable on a canal; yet even on that ground it +would not be advanced, unless it were shown that the work will be of +advantage not only to the province, but to the empire at large. + +_July 2nd, 1830_ + + * * * * * + +_Declaration against Parliamentary Reform._ + +I now come to another point touched upon in his Majesty's speech, from +which, as well as the allusions to it to-night, I have experienced +considerable pain; I allude to the state of the public mind in Kent. +Upon this point I cannot help agreeing in what fell from the noble +Marquis, (Camden) the Lord Lieutenant of that county, who spoke early in +the evening, namely,--that it is not to be exactly attributed to the +distress prevailing there. It certainly does appear, from all I have +heard, that the outrages are carried on by two different sets of people; +one of which attack machinery, which they think interferes with their +labour; and the other of which are engaged in burning and destroying +property. What the immediate cause of these disturbances is, the +government know no more than the magistrates and gentlemen of the +county. We shall do all in our power in concert with these magistrates, +and the Lord Lieutenant, to discover it; and, in the mean time, we shall +afford them aid to put the law in force in order to prevent them. + +This brings me to the recommendation which the noble Earl (Grey) has +made, not only to put down these disturbances, but to put the country in +a state to meet and overcome the dangers which are likely to result from +the late transactions in France, namely,--the adoption of something in +the nature of parliamentary reform. The noble Earl has stated that he is +not prepared, himself, to come forward with any measure of the kind; and +I will tell him that neither is the government. Nay, I will go farther, +and say, that I have not heard of any measure, up to this moment, which +could in any degree satisfy my mind, or by which the state of the +representation could be improved or placed on a footing more +satisfactory to the people of this country than it now is. + +I will not now enter upon the discussion of this subject, as I dare say +we shall have plenty of opportunities for doing so; but I will say, that +I am thoroughly convinced that England possesses, at this moment, a +legislature which answers all the good purposes of a legislature, in a +higher degree than any scheme of government that ever has been found to +answer in any country in the world;--that it possesses the confidence of +the country--that it deservedly possesses that confidence--and that its +decisions have justly the greatest weight and influence with the people. +Nay, my Lords, I will go yet farther and say, that if, at this moment, I +had to form a legislature for any country, particularly for one like +this, in possession of great property of various descriptions, although, +perhaps, I should not form one precisely such as we have, I would +endeavour to produce something which would give the same +results--namely, a representation of the people, containing a large body +of the property of the country, and in which the great landed +proprietors have a preponderating influence. + +In conclusion I beg to state, that not only is the government not +prepared to bring forward any measure of this description, but that as +far as I am concerned, whilst I have the honour to hold the situation I +now do amongst his Majesty's councillors, I shall always feel it my duty +to oppose any such measures when brought forward by others. + +_November 2, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_Irish Absenteeism deprecated._ + +I can assure your Lordships that there is not any man, either there or +here, who is more aware of the poverty of Ireland, and the dangers to +the empire from the state of the lower orders, than he who has now the +honour of addressing you. But I would have noble Lords to observe that +it is not by coming here to talk of the poverty of that country that we +can remove it. If noble Lords will endeavour to tranquilize the country, +and persuade those who have the means to buy estates and settle there; +by holding out to them a picture of industry and tranquility with its +other advantages, they will soon find the country change its aspect, and +complaints of the dangers arising from its poverty will no longer be +heard. The influence of the presence and fortunes of the proprietors of +land in Ireland spent in that country, would do more to serve it than +any legislative enactment parliament have it in their power to pass. + +_November 2, 1830._ + +_Repeal averted by Emancipation._ + +The repeal of the union is opposed by the noble Duke opposite (the Duke +of Leinster) and all his friends in Ireland: it is opposed by all the +proprietors in Ireland, by the great majority of the Roman Catholics, by +nearly all the Protestants of Ireland, and with one exception by the +unanimous voice of the other House of Parliament. + +Such is the present state of this question, but how would it have stood +had not that other to which he alluded been carried two years ago? And +how did that one then stand? Why, the noble Duke and all his friends, +and a large proportion of the Irish people, were anxious that that +question should be carried. Such, also, do we know to a certainty was +the desire of the majority of the other House of Parliament, whilst at +the same time there was in this House a minority in its favour, daily +acquiring greater strength; and at present, I presume, no one will deny +that a large body of the best informed people of this country were also +decidedly for conceding this point. We do not now stand on worse ground +on the question of the repeal of the union than we should have done had +not the Catholic question been carried. I do not see the advantage, +therefore, of repeating reproaches against me for having given way on +that occasion from fear. I gave way because I conceived the interests of +the country would be best answered by doing so; I gave way on the +grounds of policy and expediency, and upon those grounds I am at this +moment ready to justify what I did. The noble Lord must forgive me for +saying that the state of irritation which has continued to exist in +Ireland since that question was carried must not be attributed to the +King's Ministers: they have done every thing in their power to +conciliate, and heal the divisions which distracted that country for so +many years previously to the settlement of that question. It is not my +duty, any more than my inclination, to cast imputation on any man; but +this I will say, that if the King's Ministers had been supported as +strongly as they have been opposed in their endeavours to heal those +divisions, Ireland would have been in a very different state from what +it now is. + +_November 2, 1830._ + + * * * * * + +_Magistrates should be appointed by Lords Lieutenant._ + +Lords Lieutenant of counties are generally chosen in consequence of +their possessing large properties, and from their weight and +consideration in the counties over which they preside. They must, +therefore, be the most highly interested in selecting proper persons, +and a proper number of persons, whom they know will do their duty well +as magistrates. + +In choosing magistrates, in my opinion, it is essentially necessary that +local knowledge should operate. Before any man should venture to +recommend another to be appointed to the commission, he should have +knowledge of his character, and of other circumstances, which can only +be discerned by local knowledge. + +_Nov. 29, 1830._ + +_The Agrarian Outrages of 1830._ + +It appears to me that the outrages which have taken place in the country +are of two descriptions--the first is that open description of outrage, +which there is no doubt, may be got the better of by the operation of +the ordinary process of law; the second is that description of +crime--the destruction of property by fire,--of the perpetrators of +which Government have not hitherto been able to discover any trace +whatever. I do not know what information the Noble Earl may have +received on the subject within the last week, but up to that period we +had discovered no traces whatever of these incendiaries. + +It is supposed by some noble Lords, that the perpetrators of the second +description of crime--the destruction of property by fire--are +foreigners, and that they are following the example set in another +country. I believe, however, there is no evidence whatever that +foreigners have been engaged in the perpetration of those crimes. It is +certain that they have been effected by a conspiracy of some kind or +other; but whether the conspirators are foreigners or Englishmen, I +believe that no man can at this moment possibly say. As to foreigners +being in gaols, I can only say, that with reference to one county--the +county of Hants--in which outrages of the most flagrant kind have +occurred, there is not one foreigner among the persons with whom +Winchester gaol is filled. + +_Nov. 29, 1830._ + +_Our Portuguese Relations affected by the State of Ireland._ + +In reference to Ireland, it is of great importance that we should be on +good terms with Portugal. Unfortunately, the great measure which I had +the honour to prepare three years ago, has not answered so as to +produce--I will not say all the advantages I expected from it, as I was +never sanguine in my expectations, but the amount of advantage which +some of your Lordships and part of the public expected. To use a vulgar +expression, a new hare has started, and we must probably look to a +length of time ere the agitation excited in Ireland by the new question +shall have subsided. Now, I want to know, whether Portugal will not be +as important to us during the agitation of that question as it has been +previously? Will not our reception in the Tagus, and friendly occupation +of it, be as important to England now, as it has been heretofore? I do +not now wish to discuss the claims of Don Miguel and Donna Maria--this +is not the occasion for it--I only mean to convey my decided opinion, +that the friendship of Portugal is necessary to this country. If we +deprive Portugal of the advantages of this wine trade for a revenue of +100,000 l., putting political economy and commerce out of the question, +we shall make the greatest political blunder that has been seen for a +long time past. + +_Feb. 21, 1831._ + +_How is the Government to be carried on after the Reform Bill?_ + +With respect to another subject (Reform) which must occasion discussion, +I quite agree in the determination which has been adopted of postponing +all discussions upon it till a future period; but when that period shall +arrive, I hope that his Majesty's ministers, who, upon their own +responsibility, have brought the question under discussion, will be so +kind as to explain to the House in what manner, and by what influence, +they propose that the Government of this country--the Monarchical +Government of this country--shall be carried on, according to the +principles and practice established at the Revolution. + +_March 3, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Downfall of the Constitution predicted as the Consequence of the +Reform Bill._ + +It is far from my wish to impute to the noble Earl (Grey) or his +colleagues any desire to introduce revolutionary measures into +Parliament; but, I must say this, that having looked at the measure +which has been brought into the other House of Parliament under their +auspices, I cannot but consider that it alters every interest existing +in the country,--that in consequence of its operation, no interest will +remain on the footing on which it now stands, and that this alteration +must lead to a total alteration of men--of men intrusted with the +confidence of Parliament. I am of opinion that this alteration must have +a serious effect on the public interests,--an effect which, I confess, I +cannot look at without the most serious apprehension. I do not charge +the noble Earl and his colleagues with a desire to overturn the +institutions of the country, but I cannot look at the alterations +proposed by the bill without seeing that those alterations must be +followed by a total change of men, and likewise by a total change of the +whole system of Government. Why, I ask--for what reason--is all this to +be done? I will not now enter into the question of what is the opinion +of the other House of Parliament--but I will say again, as I have said +before, in the presence of your Lordships, that I see no reason whatever +for altering the constitution of Parliament. + +It is my opinion that parliament has well served the country, and that +it deserves the thanks of the country for a variety of measures which it +has proposed, particularly of late years. I see no reason for the +measure now proposed, except that stated by the noble Earl--namely, his +desire to gratify certain individuals in the country. It is possible +that a large number, nay, even a majority of individuals, in this +country may be desirous of this change, but I see no reason, excepting +that, for this measure being introduced or adopted. + +Whilst I thus declare my sentiments, I beg your Lordships to believe +that I feel no interest in this question, excepting that which I have in +common with every individual in the country. I possess no influence or +interest of the description which will be betrayed by the measure now +proposed. I am an individual who has served his Majesty for now, I am +sorry to say, nearly half a century; I have been in his Majesty's +service for forty-five years--for thirty eventful years of that period I +have served his Majesty in situations of trust and confidence, in the +command of his armies, in embassies, and in his councils; and the +experience which I have acquired in the situations in which I have +served his Majesty, enables me, and imposes upon me the duty, to say, +that I cannot look at this measure without the most serious +apprehensions, that from the period of its adoption, we shall date the +downfall of the constitution. + +_March 24, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Under the Reformed System, how is the King's Government to be carried +on?_ + +I have, myself, examined the bill, with reference to its effects on the +county of Southampton. In that county there are several +towns--Winchester, Christchurch, Portsmouth, Southampton, and the +borough of Lymington. Several boroughs in that county are struck out of +the representation by the bill, and there are, besides, a vast number of +considerable towns left unrepresented, but the voters of these places +are to come into the county constituency. According to the old system, +the voters of the towns had votes for the county; now, copyholders and +50l. householders are to vote for the county. In the towns, these two +classes are, for the most part, shopkeepers. + +I am convinced that there are no less than 4000 or 5000 such inhabitants +of towns in Hampshire, who will have votes for the county, as well as +the freeholders. Now, of whom does this class of electors consist? As I +before stated, they are shopkeepers--respectable shopkeepers--in the +towns. I beg to ask, are they fit persons to be the only electors to +return county members to a Parliament, which Parliament is to govern the +affairs of this great nation, consisting of 100,000,000 of subjects, and +so many various relations, foreign, domestic, colonial, commercial, and +manufacturing? Men of the description I have mentioned, with their +prejudices and peculiar interests, however respectable as a body, cannot +be fit to be the only electors of members of the House of Commons. But, +I beg to say that, however respectable this, or any other class of +electors may be, there is a strong reason against any uniformity of +system in the representation of the country. I have heard already of the +establishment, in this town, of a committee formed for the purpose of +recommending candidates for the representation to the different towns +throughout the country. I confess, I do not believe that this committee +has been established more than a few days; but I beg to say that, taking +into consideration the means of combinations, and the facilities of +communications in the country, such a body is dangerous. I know that +such committees, in other countries, have been found to be effectual in +putting down the Government. And I ask whether you should allow such a +uniform system of election--it matters not in whose hands it is +placed--that a committee, sitting in London, shall have the power to +dictate what members shall be returned for Leeds, or for Manchester, for +instance? I wish to know what security noble Lords have for their seats +in this House, if such a committee as this should exist at the first +general election of a reformed Parliament? But, my Lords, these are not +all the objections which I entertain to this measure; I have others, +founded upon facts, which I know to have existed in other countries. I +was in France when the law of election was passed, in the year 1817; and +this circumstance deserves your Lordships' attention, because the +situation of the two countries is not dissimilar. At that period there +were, in each department 300 persons, who, paying the highest amount of +taxes, were chosen to manage the representation. The King and Government +altered this, and gave the power of choosing representatives to persons +paying taxes to the amount of 300 francs. Two years afterwards, they +were obliged to alter the law again, and form two classes of electors. +Since then, there have been two general elections, one more unfavourable +than the other to the Government; and the matter ended in the formation +of a Parliament, the spirit of which rendered it impossible for a +Government to act. + +My Lords, I do not mean here to justify the Government of Charles X.; +and I trust the noble and learned Lord (Lord Brougham) will allow me, on +this occasion, to declare that I never wrote to Prince Polignac in my +life (much as I have been accused of encouraging the proceedings of that +person), and I have never written to Charles X. from the time that +monarch lost his son, and his grandson was born. In fact, I have never +corresponded with any French minister without the knowledge of my +colleagues. The noble and learned Lord on the woolsack may rely on it, +that I had no more knowledge of Prince Polignac's proceedings, than the +noble and learned Lord himself; or, most probably, still less. I am not +the apologist of Prince Polignac; but, I say, that things had been +brought to that state in France, that it was impossible but there should +be a revolution. + +When I see a similar mode of election established in this country--when +I see the adoption of a uniform system of election--when I see the +election placed in the hands of shopkeepers in boroughs all over the +country--I think that we incur considerable danger, and put the country +in such a situation as that no minister can be certain that any one +measure which he brings forward will succeed, or that he will he enabled +to carry on the Government. The circumstances of France and England are, +in many particulars, alike, and we ought to take warning by the dangers +of the neighbouring country. + +I wish the House to advert to what the business of the King's Government +in Parliament is. It is the duty of that Government to manage +everything. I heard the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, in a +speech of admirable eloquence and knowledge, propose a new judicial +system at the commencement of the Session; but I tell him, that it is +impossible for the Government ultimately to decide on that question; and +that if a Parliament be constructed on the new plan, it will be too +strong for Government on that question. So, also, in matters affecting +commerce and manufactures, Government would depend entirely upon +Parliament. + +I want to hear how Government is to carry any measure, on the +appointment of a new Parliament? There is a great question now before +the House of Commons on the subject of tithes. How is any Government to +meet that question? A Government may submit to the will of a majority +opposed to its own view on other questions, but on the question of +tithes and the Church, the duty of any Government is clearly pointed +out--the King's Coronation Oath, and the Acts of Union with Scotland and +Ireland, guaranteeing the integrity of the Church Establishment, and the +protection of the estates and prosperity of the Church. But I want to +know how Government is to maintain the safety of the Established Church, +after placing Parliament on the footing proposed. I really do not wish +to carry this argument farther than it will go; but, looking round, and +considering the operation of the proposed measure in towns, as well as +in counties, and forming the best judgment I can on affairs so +complicated, I must infer, from every thing I see, that the +Constitution of the country cannot be carried on as hitherto, if this +plan be adopted. In such an event, you would alter your whole system of +Government. I do not say the Crown cannot last. You may still permit the +King's interference in the management of the army, the navy, and the +ordnance; and the rest of the Government may he carried on by the House +of Commons. Things may go on under such a system; but this will not be +the British Constitution. It will not be the same England, which has +been, for so many centuries, prosperous and glorious under our present +Constitution. + +_March 28, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Unreformed House a complete Legislative Body._ + +As to the present House of Commons, I maintain that it is as complete a +legislative body as can be required; and that the House of Commons, +since the peace particularly, has shown itself to be the most efficient +legislative body that ever existed in any country in the world, not +excepting this. I say, that it has rendered more services than any +Legislature ever did in the same period--I say, it has continued those +great services up to the present moment, and that those services have +only been interrupted by the introduction of this discussion upon the +Reform Bill. + +_March 28, 1831._ + +_Reasons why the Duke resigned Office in November, 1830._ + +It is quite true, that when the late Government brought forward the +Catholic question, they were supported by many noble Lords who were +usually opposed to the Government; but it is not correct that the +disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders was made a _sine qua +non_ to ensure the support of the noble Lords to the Relief Bill. I +certainly had the misfortune, on that occasion, to lose the support and +regard of a great number of friends, both here and in the other House of +Parliament--a misfortune I have never ceased to lament; yet I have the +consolation of knowing, that in what I then did, I did no more than what +my duty required of me; and I was not justified in relinquishing that +measure by any intimidation, or by any imaginary circumstance of +danger--which I had no right to apprehend. But I own that things were +going on in Ireland which induced me to think they might lead to a civil +war, in the event of our continuing to refuse the settlement of the +question; and I am satisfied that I should have been wanting in duty, +both as a man and a Minister, if I had hesitated to give up those +opinions which I had previously entertained with regard to that measure. +I afterwards had some difference with a noble Earl opposite (Earl Grey), +but notwithstanding I felt called upon to retain the position I held in +the Government as long as I enjoyed the approbation of my Sovereign, and +the confidence of the Legislature. + +Then came the Revolution in France, followed by that of Belgium; and +like the former revolutions of Naples and of Spain, they naturally +excited a strong sensation here; that excitement, increased by speeches +made in various parts of the country, created a strong desire for +Parliamentary Reform. But I did not think then, any more than I think +now, that that desire was irresistible. If Parliament should see reason +to decide that the proposed alteration in the Constitution is not +necessary, and ought not to be made, I am confident the country will +acquiesce in that decision. I believe that the wish for reform is strong +and growing; but if the people see that the subject is fairly discussed, +and honestly determined here, I am sure they will submit without a +murmur. Already the sensation produced by the French and Belgian +Revolutions has subsided; the natives of the country have seen the +deplorable results by which those commotions have been followed, and are +wisely warned by the sufferings of their neighbours. + + * * * * * + +Upon the defeat on the Civil List, finding I had the misfortune no +longer to enjoy the confidence of the House of Commons, I thought proper +to resign the situation which I held in his Majesty's service. Upon that +occasion, the question of Parliamentary Reform had no more to do, as far +as I was concerned, with the resignation which I tendered to his Majesty +on the day following the defeat on the Civil List, than anything else +in the world. I admit I resigned next morning, because I did not wish to +expose his Majesty and the country to the consequences that might result +from the Government going out on the success of the question of +Parliamentary Reform. This is the truth; but, to say I resigned on +account of Parliamentary Reform, is wrong; I resigned upon the ground +before stated; and I resigned at that particular moment on the Tuesday, +because I did not choose to expose his Majesty and the country to the +consequences that might ensue from the occurrence of the case just +mentioned. This is the real fact of the story. But the noble and learned +Lord has said, that the late Ministry gave up the principle of +Parliamentary Reform by their resignation; no such thing--we resigned +because we did not possess the confidence of the House of Commons, and +we thought that the same majority which defeated us on Monday on the +Civil List, might defeat us Tuesday on Reform; and then we should have +sacrificed (as the noble Lord says), the principle of Parliamentary +Reform in the Commons. We did not think it worth while to make any +farther struggle in order to retain office a day or two longer. + +_March 28, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Civil List principle, on what arranged._ + +My Lords, the principle on which I and my colleagues drew up the Civil +List, was always directed to enable the Sovereign, so far as was +practicable, to defray all the expenses necessary to be incurred in +supporting the dignity, splendour, and comforts of the Crown, without +mixing them up with the other expenses of the Government. For this +purpose, it was formerly the practice to grant a considerable sum for +those various, but necessary expenses. Certainly, the Crown enjoyed +great advantage in supporting its dignity, influence, and efficiency, as +long as the system of supporting itself on its hereditary revenues +remained in practice. That system, my Lords, was departed from at the +commencement of the reign of Geo. III.; and a further departure from it +has since taken place, into which I shall, with your Lordships' +permission, examine presently, and compare that departure with those +proposed by the late Government. From the accounts I have seen of the +hereditary revenues enjoyed by Geo. II., I have reason to believe that +were they now enjoyed by our Sovereign, and employed in defraying the +civil expenses of the Government, and sustaining the dignity and +splendour of the Crown, they would amount to a sum larger than would be +necessary to meet those expenses, notwithstanding the increase which has +been made in them by the increased salaries of the judges, the increased +number of the public officers, and the vast increase of the royal family +of England. I say, my Lords, that these hereditary revenues would be +more than adequate to defray all these charges. I believe that these +revenues, independent of droits and West Indian duties, amount, at the +present moment, to 850,000 l. a-year; and these revenues, my Lords, I +consider as much the King's property, as I hold the possessions of your +Lordships to be yours. I make this statement, because it is important +that your Lordships should recollect it, and the public should know that +notwithstanding the magnitude of the expenses of the Sovereign, the +Sovereign has as much right to the sum which I have mentioned, as any of +your Lordships to your own estates. The system of giving the Sovereign +the amount of certain taxes to defray the expenses of the civil +government, was first departed from at the commencement of the reign of +Geo. III., when a fixed sum was appointed, instead of that mode of +payment, for its support. In process of time the expenses of the civil +government increased, and the Civil List became a debt. The consequence +was, that in the year 1815, an inquiry was instituted into the +circumstances which had caused this increase of charges upon the Civil +List, up to the period of the Regency. What was the course then adopted +by Parliament? Why, it was to bring certain charges--as, for instance, +the charges for ambassadors and ministers abroad--under the annual vote +of Parliament; and the immediate object was to avoid thereby the fixing +of any fresh debt, for which no estimate could be previously made, upon +the Civil List. In 1820 it was determined that nothing whatever should +be brought before Parliament, in connexion with the Civil List, that was +a casual expense, or for which a regular vote could not be submitted. + +The original system, I have already stated, had been departed from in +the reign of George III., and the late Government in presenting their +civil list made a still further departure from it, and upon this +principle;--wherever a part of a salary was to be paid out of the civil +list, and part out of the consolidated fund, it was resolved to pay all +out of the consolidated fund. The course was adopted with regard to the +salaries of the Judges, the Lord Chancellor, and the Speaker of the +House of Commons, and also of various other offices, some of which have +been since abolished. This was thought a less objectionable mode than +that of subjecting those salaries to an annual discussion in the +Committee of the House of Commons. We wished my Lords to place those +salaries upon the consolidated fund, in order to prevent the possibility +of the country being left without a proper and efficient administration +of public affairs. We did not wish to leave the Government to the chance +of being impeded by a small majority, in the House of Commons, which, +according to other proposed plans, might diminish the salaries of public +officers at pleasure. If my Lord we look to the period of the Revolution +we shall find that there were long discussions respecting the right of +the crown to its hereditary revenues, which ended in a concession of the +principle that these revenues did belong to the crown. At that time +nobody ever dreamed of separating the expenses of the crown from those +of the civil government, and of making a separate provision for the +support of the state and dignity of the crown, which should be subject +to the controul of parliament. The plan of separation, my Lords, is one +of modern invention altogether, and I totally dissent from it. Because, +let us look to the situation in which the crown is placed under the +operation of such a system, and we must observe that it will place the +crown in a situation such as it ought not to be reduced to; namely that +it will render it liable to be deprived of the assistance--say of a +public officer, whose salary may be lost by a single vote in a committee +of supply. + +_April, 19th, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Expenses of Ministers ruinous, unless they have large Private +fortunes._ + +With respect to the reduction in the salaries of the great officers of +state, I have only to observe, that even under the existing rate of +salaries, unless a First Lord of the Treasury, (and the remark will +apply to the other state officers) possesses a large private fortune, he +must be ruined in consequence of the heavy expences entailed on him by +his situation, and the inadequacy of the sum allowed by the public for +the maintenance of those expenses. In proof of this, I may instance the +case of three prime ministers--Mr. Pitt, Mr. Percival, and Mr. +Canning,--all of whom were almost ruined by their being in office. I +took upon myself to propose a provision for the family of Mr. Canning in +consequence. + +_April, 19th. 1831._ + +_The Roman Catholic Relief Bill settled the question of the Repeal of +the Union._ + +It is not my intention at present to enter into the question, as to the +expediency of granting the Roman Catholic claims; for I hope that +question is for ever set at rest. The former government of this country +derived some advantage from the settlement of that question; and I +believe that this advantage will at least be admitted to have flowed +from it,--that now there is no question either in this or the other +House of Parliament, or among the public, respecting the necessity or +expediency of repealing the Union. When I introduced the Catholic Relief +Bill, I stated that political power already existed in the hands of the +Roman Catholics, and that was a statement, generally admitted by noble +Lords on both sides of the House. What the Bill effected was to give the +capacity of enjoying political power to the higher classes of the Roman +Catholics, and to take it out of the hands of those of the lower classes +who did not exercise it themselves for their own purposes, and according +to the suggestion of their own sentiments, but at the dictation of a +body among the Catholic people, who, it will be admitted by everybody, +ought not to possess any political power whatever,--I mean the Roman +Catholic priesthood. + +_April, 21st. 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_If the Reform Bill be passed, it will be impossible to preserve +inviolate the Union with Ireland._ + +My opinion is, that your Lordships will find it difficult, indeed, +after having passed the Bill under discussion of the other House of +Parliament, to maintain inviolate that Union which now exists between +the two countries. I mean to say, that in the event of that bill +passing, it would be impossible to maintain that article of the Union +which recognises the Church of England as a branch of that Union, and +which guarantees its safety. I beg to call to your Lordships' +recollection, that his Majesty is sworn to maintain that Union +inviolate; and that, in adopting the Reform measure, the Parliament do +actually expose his Majesty to the risk of consenting to a bill +calculated to break down the Church Establishment in Ireland. This is +the impression I have always entertained--and it is an impression which +I cannot remove from my mind; and, I must confess, that when I heard the +other night the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) +assert that the Reform Bill had put down agitation in Ireland, on the +subject of a Repeal of the Union, I was much surprised. + +_April 22, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of Portugal to England._ + +There is no country in Europe whose alliance is so important to England +as Portugal; there is no country, the preservation of whose independence +is so important to us, as that of Portugal. + +_July 26, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_A preventive Police checks Crime._ + +In all foreign countries there exists a preventive police,--but there +is no such thing in England,--which preventive police has the effect of +checking crime in a very great degree. We have nothing of the sort in +England, neither can there be, according to the principles of our law +and constitution. Such being the case, your Lordships must use great +caution in drawing comparisons between convictions in this and foreign +countries; if that is not done, the most erroneous conclusions will be +arrived at. + +_September 6, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_A War of Opinions the worst of Wars._ + +The truth is, that the government of Portugal has, for the last ten +months, been looked upon with inimical feelings and with passion by the +King's servants; and this measure[13] is not brought forward with any +view to revenue, but for the purpose of opposing and embarrassing the +existing Government of that country. The noble Lords opposite do not +like the situation of the Government of Portugal; it is not to their +mind; and they are anxious, either by revolutionary measures, or any +other, to overthrow it. Let them, however, look well at the +responsibility they are incurring. Let them consider the frightful +consequences in which their planning may involve this country, and the +whole of Europe. If their designs even met with a temporary success, +they would inevitably lead to a war of opinion, to a war of +religion--the worst of wars, and the most deplorable consequences for +all Europe would ensue. + +_September 30, 1831._ + +[Footnote 13: The Wine Duties Bill; for regulating the tariff as +regards Portugal.] + + * * * * * + +_The Duke's Declaration against all Reform._ + +But, my Lords, if I wanted an example of the value of the House of +Commons, I should find it in the opinion of the noble Earl (Grey) the +last time, I believe, the last time that he spoke of the House of +Commons. In the month of February, 1817, the noble Lord said, +"constituted as it now was, he, in his conscience, believed that the +House of Commons was, of all other institutions, in all the other +countries of the world, the institution best calculated for the general +protection of the subject. Supported by the people, in temperate and +firm claims for redress, it was not only able, but certain to remedy +every wrong. It was capable of acting as the most efficient control upon +the executive, by diminishing the means of consumption, and reducing the +pressure of a severe and grinding taxation." That was the opinion of the +noble Earl himself, in 1817; and what, I would ask, has the Parliament +done, subsequently, to deserve the disapprobation of the noble Earl? +What had it done between 1817 and the moment when I pronounced that +approbation of Parliament, of which my noble friend (Earl Winchelsea) +and the noble Earl (Grey) have so much disapproved? When the noble Earl +quoted what I said not quite a twelvemonth ago, he might, I think, quote +it correctly. What I said was, that Parliament had done its duty by the +country, and enjoyed its confidence. I said, that if I had to create a +constitution of Parliament, I could not create that which now existed, +because I did not believe the art of one man could invent such a system; +but I said, that I would do my endeavour to establish one like it, in +which property in land should be preponderant. That was what I said; and +I afterwards had the satisfaction to hear the noble Marquis (Lansdowne) +deliver a similar opinion. He stated that, in any system of +representation which he could support, property and learning must be +preponderant. I said that I should consider it my duty to resist the +adopting of any plan of reform that should be brought forward. I spoke +as a minister of the Crown; I meant to resist reform. The noble Lords +say, that this statement of mine caused great enmity to me, and created +that spirit of reform which has since pervaded the whole country. I beg +the noble Earl's pardon; but the spirit of reform in this country was +the consequence of the French revolution. It is true, that ever since +the American war, a desire for Parliamentary Reform has been manifested, +particularly when any disturbance or insurrection has occurred in any of +the neighbouring foreign countries--above all, since the French +revolution; and when there has been any extraordinary distress or +difficulty in the country. At the same time, I believe that, from year +to year, the manifestations of such a desire have been less frequent. I +have, indeed, the authority of those most friendly to reform for saying +that the manifestations of the desire for reform were less frequent, +till the period of the revolution of July, 1830, than they had formerly +been for a number of years. + +_October 4, 1831._ + +_Electoral Pledges Unconstitutional._ + +It is on the ground of the dissolution, and of the Speech from the +Throne,[14] that I charge the noble Lords with having excited the spirit +which existed in the country at the period of the last general election; +and with having been the cause of the unconstitutional practice, +hitherto unknown, of electing delegates for a particular purpose to +Parliament--delegates to obey the daily instructions of their +constituents, and to be cashiered if they should disobey them, whatever +may be their own opinion; instead of being, as they have been hitherto, +independent members of Parliament, to deliberate with their colleagues +upon matters of common concern, and to decide according to the best of +their judgment, after such deliberation and debate. This is an evil of +which the country will long feel the consequences, whatever may be the +result of these discussions. + +[Footnote 14: The Whig ministry dissolved the Parliament in April, 1831. +A new Parliament met in June; and, on the 21st of that month, the King +made the speech alluded to. In the interval there had been great +excitement in the country.] + +My Lords, this measure, thus delegated by the people, and thus brought +forward by the Government in Parliament, for the decision of members +thus delegated to give it the force of a law, alters every thing; and +requires, as the noble Secretary of State (Lord Melbourne) says, new +powers, in order to render it practicable to carry on the Government at +all. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_A Democratic Assembly of the worst description will be elected under +the Reform Bill._ + +Throughout the whole of the empire, persons of the lowest condition of +life, liable to, and even existing under, the most pernicious +influences, are to have votes; or, in other words, are to exercise +political power. Persons in those stations of life do exercise political +power already; but, in a few places, in large masses; preponderating +over the influence of other classes of society. What must we expect when +these lower classes will preponderate everywhere? We know what sort of +representatives are returned by the places I have described. What are we +to expect, when the whole will be of the same description? + +We hear, sometimes, of radical reform; and we know that the term applies +to universal suffrage, vote by ballot, annual parliaments, and their +consequences. But, I declare, that looking at these changes pervading +every part of the representation, root and branch, destroying or +changing everything that has existed, even to the relative numbers of +the representatives from the three kingdoms fixed by treaty, I should +call this a radical reform, rather than reform of any other description. + + * * * * * + +I cannot but consider that the House of Commons returned by it will be a +democratical assembly of the worst description; that radical reform, +vote by ballot, and all the evil consequences to be expected from the +deliberations of such an assembly, must follow from this establishment. +I entreat your Lordships to pause before you agree to establish such a +system in your country. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The popular Will no ground for conceding Reform._ + +But we are told that the people wish for this measure; and when we +express our sense of the danger which attends it, on account of the +democratical power which it tends to establish, an endeavour is made to +calm our apprehensions, by the assurance that the people are attached to +the Government of King, Lords, and Commons. + +If we are to rely upon that feeling of the people--if we are to adopt +this measure because it is the pleasure of the people, and because they +are attached to the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, why do we +not, at once, adopt the measure which we know the people prefer--I mean +radical reform; that is to say, universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and +annual parliaments? If we are to make a change, there can be no reason +for not going the full length that the people wish, if we can be sure +that the measure will not injure the Government--that to which they are +attached--of King, Lords, and Commons. + +_October 4, 1831._ + +_Necessity of the Influence of Property in the House of Commons._ + +But before we go further, it is desirable that we should examine what is +the Government of King, Lords, and Commons, as established in this +kingdom. In this Government the King is at the head of everything. All +the power is in his hands. He is the head of the Church, the head of the +law. Justice is administered in his name. He is the protector of the +peace of the country, the head of its political negociations, and of its +armed force--not a shilling of public money can be expended without his +order and signature. But, notwithstanding these immense powers, the King +can do nothing that is contrary to law, or to the engagements of himself +or his predecessors. + + * * * * * + +Every act of the Government, or of the King, is liable to be brought +under discussion in, and is in fact controlled by, the House of Commons; +and for this reason alone, it is important that we should consider of +what description of men the House of Commons is likely to be composed, +when we are discussing a question of Parliamentary Reform, in order +that we may be quite certain that they will exercise their high function +with wisdom and discretion. + +It was on these grounds, that I, some time ago, called upon the noble +Earl (Grey) to state by what influence he intended to carry on the +King's Government in Parliament, according to the principles fixed at +the period of the Revolution, and in practice from that period to this, +when this Reform Bill should be passed. The noble Lord answered +immediately--not by means of corruption. I am aware of that, my Lords. I +am convinced that the noble Lord is incapable of resorting to such +means, as I hope he believes that I am incapable of resorting to them. I +did not consider this any answer to my question, which I repeated in a +subsequent discussion, on the motion of my noble friend, the noble Baron +behind me (Lord Wharncliffe). The noble Earl said, that the Government +had nothing to do with such questions; that Parliament was to decide for +itself; and that there was no necessity for the interference of +Government. + +I beg your Lordships to consider what are the questions which in every +week, and on every day, are brought under the discussion of the House of +Commons--questions affecting the honour, the interests, the rights, the +property, of every individual in the country, which the King is bound by +his oath to protect, and in the protection of which, all are equally +interested. They are questions regarding the proceedings of Courts of +Justice, regarding the use of the public force, and hundreds of others, +which occur daily, in which every individual is interested. I put +legislation out of the question; but can the King from that Throne give +to his subjects the necessary protection for their rights and property? +No, my Lords. It is only by the influence of property over the election +of Members of the House of Commons, and by the influence of the Crown +and of this House, and of the property of the country upon its +proceedings, that the great powers of such a body as the House of +Commons can be exercised with discretion and safety. The King could not +perform the duties of his high station, nor the House of Lords, if the +House of Commons were formed on the principle and plan proposed by this +bill. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_The Sacrifice of the Established Church will follow the Reform Bill._ + +There is one institution which would become peculiarly liable to attack +in such a House of Commons, to which I wish to draw the attention of the +Right Reverend Bench, and that is, the Establishment of the Church of +England in Ireland. This Church is the object of a fundamental Article +of the Treaty of Union between the two countries, and is secured by Acts +of both Parliaments; and the King is, besides, sworn to maintain its +right and possessions: can any man believe that, when the +representatives for Ireland come to be elected in the manner proposed by +the bill, the Church of England in Ireland can be maintained? + +I have already shown that these representatives must be elected under +the influence of the Roman Catholic hierarchy. Who are those who now +show the greatest hostility to the Church, its rights, and +possessions?--the Members for populous places. The reason is, that the +deprivation of the Church of their property is one of the popular +objects of the day. The object of the bill is, and its effects will be, +to increase the number of this description of Members in Parliament, and +to render the influence of this party predominant and irresistible. + +I believe that the noble Earl (Grey) has already found the Members +returned by Ireland, under this influence, very inconvenient to himself, +upon more than one occasion; and it appears, that the right honourable +Gentleman who conducts the affairs of Ireland in the House of Commons, +was under the necessity, very lately, of giving up a measure which he +thought important for the benefit and peace of Ireland, because the +Members from Ireland, of this party, were opposed to it. How can the +noble Lord suppose, that the Church of England can be protected, or even +the Union itself preserved in a Reformed Parliament? There is no man, +who considers what the Government of King, Lords, and Commons is, and +the details of the manner in which it is carried on, who must not see, +that Government will become impracticable, when the three branches shall +be separate--each independent of the other, and uncontrolled in its +action by any of the existing influences. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Danger of a Democratic House of Commons._ + +A noble earl (the Earl of Winchelsea) who has spoken on this side of the +House, has made an observation to your Lordships, which well deserves +your attention. The noble earl has told you, that if you increase but a +little the democratic power in the state, the step can never be +withdrawn. Your Lordships must continue in the same course till you have +passed through the miseries of a revolution, and thence to a military +despotism, and the evils which attend that system of government. It is +not denied, that this bill must increase beyond measure the democratic +power of the state--that it must constitute in the House of Commons a +fierce democracy: what must be the consequences, your Lordships will +judge. + +I will not detain your Lordships by adverting to the merits of the +system of government which has existed up to the present moment, upon +which my opinion is by no means altered. No man denies that we have +enjoyed great advantages; that we have enjoyed a larger share of +happiness, comfort, and prosperity, for a long course of years, than +were ever enjoyed by any nation; that we have more riches, the largest +fortunes, personal as well as real, more manufactures and commerce, than +all the nations of Europe taken together; the richest, most extensive, +most peopled, and most prosperous foreign colonies and possessions, that +any nation ever possessed. There is not an important position in the +world, whether for the purpose of navigation, commerce, or military +defence, that does not belong to us. + +If this democratic assembly should once be established in England, does +any one believe that we should continue to enjoy these vast advantages? +But a democracy has never been established in any part of the world, +that it has not immediately declared war against property--against the +payment of the public debt--and against all the principles of +conservation, which are secured by, and are, in fact, the principal +objects of the British constitution, as it now exists. Property, and its +possessors, will become the common enemy. I do not urge this argument as +one in which your Lordships are peculiarly interested: it is not you +alone, nor even other proprietors, who are interested in the protection +of property; the whole people, middling classes as well as the lower +orders, are interested in this subject. Look at the anxiety prevailing +in every part of London, in respect to the great revolution to be made +by this bill. My noble friend, the noble baron (Lord Wharncliffe) has +been ridiculed for adverting to the opinions of tradesmen in Bond-street +and St. James's-street. Those in Bond-street consist of more than 200 +respectable persons, who are well able to form an opinion of the effect +of this bill upon the resources of themselves, the middling classes, and +the poor, as they supply the luxuries of persons in easier +circumstances, residing in that quarter of the town. Anything which can +effect the resources of their customers, must be interesting to them, +and they do feel that this bill must affect property, private +expenditure, and the resources of themselves, and of those whom they +employ. A noble lord on the other side, who adverted to this topic, +greatly underrated the wealth of these tradesmen. I know of one, +residing in Bond-street, who employs at all times from 2,000 to 4,000 +workmen, whose trade depends, as well as the employment of this body of +people, upon the expenditure of his customers: is he not interested in +upholding the public faith, and the system of property now established +in England? Are not the people, of all classes and descriptions, down to +the lowest, interested in the maintenance of our extensive manufactures +and commerce, in the conservation of our enormous dominions abroad, and +the continued respect of all nations? + +If I am right in thinking that this fierce democracy will be established +in the House of Commons, does any man believe that that harmony can +continue between the king and his government and the House of Commons, +so necessary to insure to both general respect, and to the king's +government the strength which is necessary to enable his Majesty to +protect and keep in order his foreign dominions, and to insure the +obedience of their inhabitants? We shall lose these colonies and foreign +possessions, and with them our authority and influence abroad. + +There is no instance of any country having maintained its strength or +its influence in its foreign possessions, or the respect of foreign +nations, during the existence of internal troubles and disturbance; and +there is no case of the existence, without such troubles, of a +Government consisting of King, Lords, and Commons, independently of each +other, and the members of the latter depending solely upon the popular +choice, and being delegates of the people. We have had an example in +England of a House of Commons which was independent of the influence of +the Crown; and of this House, turning the Spiritual Lords out of it, +murdering their Sovereign, and voting the House of Lords useless. I will +read your Lordships the account given by a man, who was knowing in his +time (Oliver Cromwell), of what this House became. + +"The parliament, which had so vigorously withstood the encroachments of +the royal power, became themselves too desirous of absolute authority; +and not only engrossed the legislative, but usurped the executive power." + +"All causes, civil and criminal, all questions of property, were +determined by committees, who, being themselves the legislature, were +accountable to no law, and for that reason their decrees were arbitrary, +and their proceedings violent. Oppression was without redress, unjust +sentence without appeal; there was no prospect of ease or intermission. +The parliament had determined never to dissolve themselves." + +"At length the army interfered. They soon perceived that, unless they +made one regulation more, and crushed this many-headed monster, they had +hitherto ventured their lives to little purpose, and had, instead of +assuring their own and their country's liberty, only changed one kind of +slavery for another." + +This is the account of the state of a house of Commons acting +independently of all influence; and of the state to which it brought the +country. + +_October 4, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Contempt of intimidation by popular meetings._ + +I do not deny that I always felt strongly the attempts that were made to +intimidate your Lordships by public meetings. For all such meetings, I +feel the greatest contempt; and I am perfectly satisfied that the house +is superior to any intimidation founded on the proceedings of any such +assemblages. I feel no concern for all those threats, whether proceeding +from Birmingham or elsewhere. I have always thought, and I think still, +that the law is too strong to be overborne by such proceedings. I know +further, that there does exist throughout this country a strong feeling +of attachment to the government of the country, as by law established. I +know that the people look up to the laws as the best means of +protection, and those laws they will not violate in any manner to +endanger the government of the country, or any of its established +institutions. I am afraid of none of these, but I will tell your +Lordships what I am afraid of, I am afraid of revolution, and of +revolutionary measures, brought in and proposed by his Majesty's +government. I assert, and I believe that history will bear me out in the +assertion, that there has been no revolution in this country, or any +great change, which has not been brought about by the parliament, and +generally by the government introducing measures, and carrying them +through by the influence of the Crown. I would therefore entreat your +Lordships to do all you can to defeat this measure--use every means of +resistance which the just exercises of your privileges will warrant; and +trust to the good sense of the country to submit to the legal and just +decision you come to. + +_October 5,1831._ + + * * * * * + +_Comparison of the Finance Administration of the Wellington with that of +the Grey government._ + +I believe we find ourselves in this singular situation: we have an +increased expenditure, (increased within this year,) and have, at the +same time, a reduction of taxation, and no overplus whatever (or one not +amounting to more than 10,000 l.) of revenue. I say we are in that +peculiar situation, because I put out of the question those occasions on +which ministers of the crown have thought it their duty to propose and +effect loans, to carry on the public service of the country. Even in +these cases, those who have made such propositions have thought it their +duty to provide a surplus over revenue, in order to meet the unforeseen +casualties in the amount of revenue, which every man knows must occur +in so large a revenue as this country has the happiness to boast of. +This principle of having a surplus revenue over the expenditure, has +been considered advantageous with a view to the diminution of the +national debt. I am aware that this is a part of the subject on which a +difference of opinion exists. I am aware that many great authorities are +of opinion that no surplus is necessary for the express purpose of +reducing the national debt, and I perfectly agree with them that it is +not desirable that a surplus should be created by borrowing, and thus +creating new liabilities for the purpose of getting rid of the old. But +I cannot look to what has taken place of late years, even in my own +time, when I filled the situation of first Lord of his Majesty's +Treasury,--cannot look to what took place then without seeing the +advantage of having an overplus of income over expenditure, such as +would tend to the gradual diminution of the public debt. + +I am considerably within the truth when I state, that since the peace +the interest of the public debt has been decreased by an amount more +than sufficient to pay the interest of 100,000,000 l. of stock; and your +Lordships will therefore see that some surplus of revenue, in order to +lead to a diminution of the public debt, is highly desirable. I think it +is a principle of the financial policy of this country that there should +be such a surplus, and that it should be so applied. Besides, much of +the revenue of this country depends on the seasons, and almost all on +consumption; and the amount of consumption depends upon taste and +fashion; and the change of taste and fashion, and other circumstances +over which no man can have control, and which are liable to variations, +may tend to a variation in the amount of the revenue, which nothing can +provide against except a surplus revenue. It is on this principle that +the government to which I had the honour to belong proceeded. + +We should not think that an individual provided for his expenses who +should leave a part of them to be paid within a future period, neither +can we think all the expenditure of the country is provided for, leaving +a part to be paid for in the next year. The sum expended for the service +of the year is the sum to be paid, whether within the year or at any +other period, for this sum provision ought to be made within the year, +or debt is incurred. It is a new principle introduced into the financial +system of this country; it is a principle which at any other time than +the present, would never have been listened to, much less tolerated by +parliament for a moment. + +_October 17, 1831._ + + * * * * * + +_King Leopold must be independent of Foreign Powers._ + +I entertain the highest respect for Prince Leopold, and I trust that +that Prince will take upon himself the character of an independent +sovereign, and I know that that illustrious person possesses all the +talents and disposition calculated to form a great and excellent +sovereign; but I must say, that in order to be so, he must be not only +independent of this country, and of the Germanic states, but above all +he must be independent of France. + +_January 26, 1832._ + +_The Grey policy tends to War, Foreign and Domestic._ + +I say that the foreign policy of his Majesty's ministers is more likely +to produce war abroad than any other system; and in the same manner +their domestic policy is of all others, the best calculated to produce +war at home. + +_January 26, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Irish Agitation deprecated._ + +My Lords, the main cause of the present excitement is the encouragement +given in Ireland to agitators to disturb the country. I can tell the +noble Earl, (Grey), that so long as encouragement is given to agitators, +you may double and treble the regular army in Ireland,--you may heap +measures of severity upon measures of severity, but you will not succeed +in putting down agitation upon this question, or upon any of the others +which may follow it. + +_February 27th, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Tithes the most sacred kind of property._ + +A noble Lord, the other night, in discussing the question of tithes, +observed that the people of Ireland are ready to pay that for which +they receive value, to pay their rent, and to pay all the taxes on the +land, and that they wished not to deprive any man of his property. I say +then my Lords, is any property held so sacred by our laws as tithes? In +the first place, the King is sworn--his Majesty was sworn a few months +ago--to protect the property and rights of the clergy, above all classes +of men. I desire also, to bring to your Lordships' recollection, that in +two recent Acts of parliament, in which we conferred notable advantages +on the Dissenters from the Church of England, we endeavoured as far as +we might by oaths, to secure the property of the church. If any +principle, indeed, can secure property to any portion of his Majesty's +subjects, the property of the church ought to be safe. It is a principle +of the constitution that tithes, above all other property, should be +secured to the owner. + +_February 27th, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The Grey Government charged with encouraging Political Reform._ + +My Lords, I never have made, and I never will make, a charge which I am +not ready to repeat, and able to substantiate, and I will forthwith +prove that which the noble Earl calls upon me to explain. In doing this +I beg leave to remind your Lordships, that some months ago I suggested +to the noble Earl, (Grey) that an Act of Parliament, which had been +passed for the purpose of suppressing illegal associations in Ireland, +was about to expire, and I asked him, if he intended to propose a +renewal of that act. The noble Earl replied that he did; but my Lords, +you will recollect that parliament was dissolved without any further +notice of the act, and of course it expired. The result of this was, +that the noble Earl stated in the House, when it met again, that the +noble Marquis at the head of the Irish Administration felt that he could +carry on the government of that country without any additional powers; +and the consequences of the noble Earl having declined to apply to the +legislature for any authority beyond the existing laws were, that +agitation began again, and that meeting after meeting has been held, +from that time to the present moment. This is not all, my Lords; the +great agitator, the prime mover of the whole machinery, escaped the +execution of the sentence of the law in consequence of the expiration of +the Act of Parliament to which I have referred. Well my Lords, what has +since taken place. This very person, the great agitator, whom the +government had prosecuted to conviction, was considered to be a person +worthy of the honours which the crown could bestow, and he received the +highest favour which any gentleman of the Bar ever received from the +hands of the noble Earl and his government; he received a patent of +precedence, which placed him next the Attorney General, and above a +gentleman who was once Attorney General, but was still a member of the +same Bar. If this was not a premium given to that gentleman to continue +his course of disturbing the country, I do not know what else could be +so considered. I feel that no more effectual mode could be found to +encourage agitation than to reward the promoter of it. But it is not +alone in this respect that his Majesty's Government has encouraged +agitation. What was the meaning, I ask, of the friends of government +taking the course they have taken out of doors, with reference to the +Reform Bill? What was the meaning of the letter of the noble Lord in +another house, addressed to the Political Union of Birmingham, in which +that noble Lord designated the sentiments of noble Peers on this side of +the House as the "whisper of a faction?"--What was the meaning of two +friends of government collecting a mob in Hyde Park, and the Regent's +Park, on one of the days on which the House of Lords was discussing the +Reform Bill? What was the meaning of those individuals directing the +line of march of the assembled multitude upon St. James's, and +publishing their orders in the papers devoted to government? And what +was the meaning of the publications in the government newspapers, +libelling and maligning all those who opposed the Bill? What was the +meaning of all these deeds being allowed by government, and why did they +tolerate and abet them, unless they calculated upon some advantages to +themselves in encouraging such agitation? I don't accuse the noble Earl +of instigating those mobs--I do not mean to say, that he was delighted +at seeing my house assailed, or any other work of destruction +committed; but I say some of his colleagues, and some of the friends of +government, have encouraged and incited the people to works of violence. +I must say, I have long felt on this subject very strongly. I feel that +the country is in a most dangerous state. I find the country is in a +most dangerous state, on account of government not taking the proper +measures to put a stop to confusion and agitation; and on the contrary, +in place of putting a stop to such scenes, allowing some Lords of his +Majesty's household, to encourage and instigate the people to lawless +acts. + +_February 27th, 1832._ + +[Earl Grey had risen and denied that the Government had encouraged +agitation upon which the Duke made the previous short but energetic +speech.] + + * * * * * + +_Mr. O'Connell ought not to have had a Patent of Precedence._ + +It has been urged, that professional honours should not be withheld from +a gentleman who is entitled to them, on account of political offences. I +beg to set the noble Lord right on that point. The offences of which Mr. +O'Connell was convicted, were not political or professional, but legal +offences. They were pronounced such by the law of the country; and it +was to an individual who had been convicted of such offences, that his +Majesty's Government thought it right to give a patent of precedence in +Ireland. + +_February 27, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinion of the "National" System of Education in Ireland._ + +I agree in opinion with the noble and learned Lord (Plunkett), who has +declared that opinion with so much eloquence, that any system of +education, to succeed, must be founded on religion; and that it cannot +stand on any other foundation. The noble and learned Lord has truly +said, that this is to be desired, not simply from the advantages to be +derived from religious instruction, but for the promotion of those +habits of obedience and discipline which it is necessary to instil into +the mind of youth. I admit that the system proposed by Ministers is +founded on, and justified by, the reports of the commissioners and of +committees of the other House of Parliament; but the doubt I entertain +is this--whether the system laid down in the reports, and in the letter +of the Right Honourable Secretary for Ireland, is a system which would +inculcate those habits of discipline and obedience which are required by +the noble and learned Lord, and which would alone satisfy my own mind, +that in adopting it we should be doing that which we ought to do: this +is my apprehension. What I feel is this--that there is much doubt +whether the new system of education in Ireland will apply to the +education of nearly 500,000 persons, in the same advantageous way as is +now the case with the existing Societies--the London Hibernian Society, +the Sunday School Society, and the Kildare Place Society. What I would +say is, that there is already going on a system of religious education, +extending its operation to nearer 500,000 than 400,000 persons--a system +of real religious education, founded on the Scriptures, which can be +interfered with by nobody--neither by priest nor by any other man--and +which is so directed by this Kildare Place Society, as not to give +offence to anybody; and now, when the Government is about to establish +another system, (which I have admitted they are justified by the reports +in doing), I doubt much whether it will not be attended with less +advantage than that which already exists. + +I am, myself, by no means satisfied that the system which is to be +substituted is as good as that which it is proposed to abrogate. If the +system is to be changed, I consider that it would be better, perhaps, to +have separate schools for the Protestants and Roman Catholics. Although +I allow that this would be attended with many inconveniences, still I am +inclined to think it would be better than the scheme proposed. + +I really cannot see the difference between public and private education; +or why causes of dispute should arise between two classes of persons, if +educated by favour of public grants, rather than between the same +classes if educated by private means. All classes of persons who are +educated together, here, by their private means, agree quite well +together, as Englishmen; and I do not see why they should not in like +manner agree, if they happen to be educated by public grants. + +_February 28, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Character of the Irish Agitation._ + +The present state of things in Ireland is to be attributed to the system +of agitation, established by persons who will never be quiet as long as +the noble Lord at the head of the Government shall permit them to +proceed. It is not, I repeat, to be attributed to the practices or +conduct of the clergy, or to the Tithe Corporation Act, or even to the +want of enforcing that Act, but to that system of agitation, combined in +the most artful manner, and carried on with a perseverance unequalled on +any other occasion; and the noble Lords may rely upon it, that the state +of things which now prevails in Ireland[15] will continue to exist even +after this measure shall have been adopted, if that system of agitation +is not put an end to. + +[Footnote 15: Resistance to the payment of tithe.] + +_March 8, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Protection, not Free Trade, the Principle of our Commercial Law._ + +Nothing can be more absurd, than to assert that there is free trade in +this country; there is no such thing--there can be no such thing. Our +manufactures and our produce have been at all times protected. We have +always given protection to the productions of our own soil, and +encouragement to our domestic labours; and we have, therefore, rather +discouraged, than otherwise, the rivalry of other countries. That has +been our system; and I should be sorry to see any measure adopted by +this House, opposed to that system under which this country has so many +years thriven and prospered. We have always proceeded on the principle +of protecting our manufactures and our produce--the produce of our +labour and our soil; of protecting them against importation, and +extending our home consumption; and on that universal system of +protection it is absurd to talk of free trade. + +_March 9, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The Lord Chancellor's Patronage. Its Private Disposal Defended._ + +My noble and learned friend (the Earl of Eldon) has been attacked for +having, in the exercise of the patronage of his office, not overlooked +the interests of his own family. To be sure he did not, and he ought not +to have done so; if he had, he would only have been departing from the +practice of all his predecessors. Let me remind your Lordships, that for +at least a century and a half back, the Lord Chancellor and Judges have +invariably dispensed the patronage attached to their offices in favour +of their own immediate relations; so that my noble and learned friend, +in providing for his own family as well as he could, was only acting +according to the uniform and acknowledged practice of all his +predecessors. The fact is, that the office of Lord Chancellor would be +very inadequately remunerated, unless the individual filling it procured +the means of providing for his family; and I believe it will be found +out ere long, what with this inadequate remuneration, and what with +stripping off so much of the Chancellor's patronage, and what with the +surrendering up so much of his bankruptcy fees,--that the remuneration +will be so inadequate to the labour and change of habits, and expense +consequent upon the assumption of the office,--that few eminent +gentlemen at the bar will, in future, be disposed to accept of it. + + * * * * * + +For the reason by which I justified my noble and learned friend, I will +say that the noble and learned lord opposite, (Lord Plunkett) was +justified in the exercise of his official patronage. That noble and +learned lord has a large family, and was perfectly right in placing them +in those situations to which their abilities and pretensions were +adequate. The only blame in such a case would be if he placed them in +situations to which their abilities were not equal. I will therefore say +that the learned lord was perfectly justified in the course he has +pursued; and I will say more, that his high office and his great +intellectual influence, fully entitled him to expect that the +government, of which he was a member, should give his family a +preference in filling up any situations to which, as I have stated, +their abilities were equal. I agree with the noble Earl at the head of +his Majesty's government, in hoping that this will be the last we shall +hear of this senseless outcry against public men for this mode of +disposing of the patronage of office. The time of the house is but ill +spent with such discussions; indeed, I am sure that nothing can tend +more to injure its character in public estimation, than these +investigations of the family affairs of men in high stations; at all +events, they tend more to lower the house than benefit the public, and +the sooner we put an end to them the better. + +_March 12, 1832._ + +_Peace with France desirable, but difficult to maintain._ + +There does exist in the minds of the people of France, a sentiment, +which their government at the present day are but too prone to flatter. +I allude to that morbid desire of extended conquest, which, at least for +the last forty years, has so much influenced the character and +proceedings of that people. + +There is no man who would be more ready than I should in taking every +step calculated to promote a good understanding between that country and +this. I consider quite as much as the noble Earl (Grey) opposite can +possibly do, that every measure tending to that end is a measure of +necessity--is a measure of such urgency and importance, that I consider +it second only to the honour and interests of this country,--those I +take to be the very first objects to which a British Minister should +direct his attention, regardless of every consideration which might +interfere with them. Well then, admitting as fully as any noble Lord can +desire, that it must be at all times a leading object with this country +to preserve peaceful relations with France, I will tell the noble Earl +opposite, that if he would remain at peace with France, peace must be +preserved by this country in union with the other powers of Europe, and +not by this country singly. I tell him that the affair at Ancona is but +a trifling warning of that which will soon follow, unless a constant +system of precaution be kept up. I tell him that if that affair be +passed over without notice, new attempts will be made, every one of them +more and more dishonourable and disadvantageous to this country. When I +am told that we should not utter remonstrances against the French +government lightly, nor too readily impute a disposition to disturb the +amicable relations at present subsisting between the two countries, I +answer that no one more earnestly desires peace than I do. There is no +one entertains a higher estimate than I do of the resources--the +immensity of the resources--possessed by that country both in peace and +in war--no man living estimates more highly than I do the wisdom of her +statesmen and the skill of her generals--no man is more ready than +myself to concede to the French people the possession of a large amount +of talent and of virtue, of physical and of moral resources, and of all +that renders a state respectable or formidable in the eyes of other +nations. But in proportion as we admit these facts, we are bound to +watch closely that nothing be done or said derogatory from British +honour or injurious to British interests. + +_March 16, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinion of the Reform Bill, 1832._ + +I beg your Lordships to recollect that this is the point which the +House will have to consider:--the question is not whether alterations +have been made in this part or that part, or in many parts of the bill +which your Lordships objected to last session, but the question you will +have to consider is this--Whether this bill, if passed and accompanied, +let it be recollected, with the other bills at present in the other +House of Parliament, will afford to the country a prospect of having a +government under which the country can go on--under which it will be +practicable that this or any other can be governed--or which, in the +words of the noble Earl who addressed your Lordships first this evening +employed last session--if practicable, would not be pernicious. That is +the question which your Lordships will have to consider, when you come +to the second reading of the bill. The principle of this measure is not +reform, but the disfranchisement of some places and the enfranchisement +of others, and also the granting of votes to large bodies of persons on +a new qualification. The total alteration of the representation of this +country, coupled with an alteration of the representation of Scotland, +amounting there to a complete revolution, and the overthrow in Ireland +of all the measures which were adopted in that country three years +ago--these, and not reform, are what your Lordships must consider as the +principles of the bill. I entertain the same opinion as the noble earl +near me as to the necessity of reform. My opinion on this point is now +as it was originally. But how comes the question now before your +Lordships? it has been altered considerably, and is no longer what it +was before. + +The noble Earl has thrown out some imputations with respect to party +motives--if the noble Earl meant them to apply to me he is much +mistaken, I have no party views to serve. I believe there is scarcely an +individual in this house, or in the country, who has so little to do +with borough interests or county interests, or any sort of Parliamentary +interests as I have. I have the same interest in the country as any +other individual, that is to say, I wish to see the representation +established on such a basis as will give the country a prospect of a +practicable system of government. + +If the bill should go into committee, I will lend my best assistance to +render it as consistent with the true interests of the country as it can +be made, keeping in view always this great point--that on the nature of +the representative system depend the character and form of government. + +_April 10, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The House of Commons that carried Reform was an Assembly of Delegates._ + +The noble Baron, (Lord Wharncliffe) in a memorable speech delivered to +this house in the month of March, 1831, previously to the last general +election, stated to this house, in the strongest terms, that the result +of that election must be to secure the return to the House of Commons of +delegates of the people; not members of the House of Commons to +consider de Adrias Regni, but to decide upon a measure of parliamentary +reform proposed to them in a moment of excitement, and the result would +be, to place this house in the situation in which it was placed last +year, and in which it stands on the present occasion. + +My Lords, is all to be lost, because the noble Lords opposite have taken +this course? Is this House to be destroyed? Or is it to lend its aid to +destroy the constitution, because Ministers persevere in this course? +Would it not be more wise to call upon his Majesty to place things as +they were, previous to this unfortunate and ill-advised revolution of +parliament; to advise his Majesty to remove his ministers from his +confidence, in order that things might be placed in the same situation +in which they stood before, and that this house and the country might +have an opportunity, if possible, of having a fair discussion on the +measure of reform. What! my Lords, is it to be said that the country is +to be tied down to be governed by a system which no man can say is +practicable? and can any body deny that the House of Commons, which +consents to such a proposition, is a delegated House of Commons? All the +arguments regarding the decisions of the House of Commons must come to +the same end. There would, no doubt, be ten decisions of the same kind, +if it were left to the same house, because the house is pledged and +returned for the purpose. But the country is not to be abandoned on this +account.[16] + +[Footnote 16: This and the other succeeding passages on the subject of +Reform, were delivered on the second reading of the final reform bill, +after the Earl of Harrowby and other Tory peers had resolved on giving +way to the House of Common and the Crown.] + +April 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Means by which the Reform Fever was excited and kept up._ + +There can be no doubt whatsoever that there was no opinion existing in +the country, in the year 1829, and the beginning of 1830, in favour of +parliamentary reform. I believe this is a fact which was fully admitted +in the discussions of the House of Commons at that time. Then my Lords, +came the French Revolution, which occurred at the period of the +commencement of the elections of 1830, followed by the insurrection in +Belgium; and there can be no doubt that these events occasioned a very +great excitement at the elections of members of parliament. There were +many declarations in favour of parliamentary reform; and all that passed +on the subject of parliamentary reform on that occasion, was calculated +to influence, and did very considerably influence, the opinions of that +parliament upon that question. The noble Lords opposite then came into +power, and I will say, my Lords, that they met a parliament ready to +pass a measure of moderate parliamentary reform. But the noble Lords +opposite thought proper, instead of carrying such a measure, to dissolve +that parliament, and a new parliament was called under a degree of +excitement in the public mind such as had never before been witnessed. +The excitement has continued, to a certain degree, ever since, and it +has been kept up by the strong opinion put forward and entertained, that +it is the King who wishes for parliamentary reform in the manner +proposed by this bill. Now, my Lords, I say it is no such thing; for my +part, I do not believe one word of any such assertion. My opinion is, +that the King follows the advice of his servants; but I believe that it +is the idea thus engendered which renders it difficult that there should +not be some reform. It is not, however, to be supposed that the King +takes any interest in the subject. I entertain no doubt that the cause +of the great excitement upon this subject is, that it is the King's +opinion that the bill ought to be carried. The noble Earl would find the +country cool upon the subject if the King's mind were altered. He would +not be able to pass this bill; and indeed, I am sure, from experience, +that if ministers, on any great constitutional question, were not +convinced that the King would go through with them, it would be +impossible for any set of ministers to carry any such measure. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_The best part of the Public do not wish the Reform Bill_. + + +The opinion of the gentlemen of the country,--I speak from my own +knowledge with respect to the southern counties, and from sure report as +to other counties generally,--but I do say that the opinion of the +gentlemen, of the landed property, and of the learning of the country, +is against this bill. The bill is, on the other hand, supported by the +noble Lords opposite, and by their adherents, certainly not a numerous +class; it is also supported by all the dissenters from the church of +England, and by all who wish it should pass, as a means of their +obtaining votes, but I will repeat, that it is, in fact, opposed to the +sentiments of all the real English gentlemen, of the yeomanry, and of +the middle classes throughout the country. Yes, my Lords, I will say, +that there is a change of opinion, and that the best part of the public +are not desirous for the bill, but are, on the contrary, apprehensive of +its effects. But the noble Lords will say;--"We hear none of this." No +my Lords; and why do we hear none of this? Because there is scarcely a +gentleman in the country who can believe that, if he were to attend a +public meeting for the purpose of expressing his sentiments on this +question, he would be secure or protected from the attacks of the mob. + +_April_ 10, 1832 + + * * * * * + +_No Compromise_. + + +My Lords, I must now advert to what has fallen from another noble Earl +(Harrowby), who opposed the bill strongly last year, but who last night +came to a different conclusion, and asked if there was no hope of +effecting a compromise? and he particularly called upon me to come to +such a compromise. My Lords, these noble Lords have been trying a +compromise for the last six months; if they have made no progress in +effecting a compromise, what encouragement can they hold out to me and +others to follow them upon this occasion. We know the evils of this +bill; we know that it will consign the country to evils from which it +cannot recover. Agree to a compromise! Why, he has not been enabled to +advance one single step from last October up to the present moment. He, +and his noble Friends who act with him, have remained perfectly +stationary. If this be the case, I hope that those who intend to act +with my noble Friends, will understand that there is no more chance of +compromise on the present than on the last occasion; and that if they +agree to the second reading, they agree to a bill with which the country +cannot be governed. I beg then that the noble Lords will look to the +responsibility they take upon themselves, in giving support to this +bill. The Government are now decidedly responsible for that bill--they +are responsible for the election of the House of Commons, that passed +it--they are responsible for the excitement which caused these +events--and they are, moreover, responsible for any evil consequences +which may occur, if this House reject it. But when noble Lords change +their sentiments, and are followed by many who voted against it last +time, I beg them to recollect, that they will partake of a large portion +of this responsibility, and that the country will look to them as +responsible for whatever may occur.[17] + +[Footnote 17: The bill was soon after carried by a species of +compromise, Peers staying away from the division.] + +_April_ 10,1832. + + * * * * * + +_Revolutions may be effected by Laws as well as by Violence._ + +The noble earl (Grey) yesterday challenged me with saying that this bill +is revolutionary. What I have always said is, that it has a +revolutionary tendency; and I think it has a tendency so strong in that +way that it must lead to revolution. The noble earl has said there is no +violence; but, my Lords, revolutions may be effected by laws as well as +by violence. I know there is no violence. Why, my Lords, there can be no +violence,--the King's Government and the House of Commons are leagued +with those who call out for change,--and there can be no occasion for +resorting to violence. But, my Lords, this is not the only objection. +One of the great and leading objections in my mind to this measure is, +that it is one which goes to destroy that most invaluable principle of +our existing constitution, the principle of prescription, which +sanctions the descent and secures the possession of all kinds of +property in this country. + +_April_ 10,1832. + + * * * * * + +_The Demagogue will drive the Gentleman from the Representation._ + +The noble Earl has told us, that men possessing property in these +boroughs will continue to possess their just influence in them--that +they will have political influence in the elections--that it will +continue, and that it ought to continue. But I would appeal to your +Lordships, whether your own experience, in matters of this description, +confirms the correctness of this statement? It is true that, in some of +these boroughs, noblemen possessing large properties in the +neighbourhood will still possess a great and paramount influence; and, +indeed, in some places, in consequence of the effect of the double +franchise, the influence of the great proprietors in the vicinity may be +raised greatly beyond what it is at present. But in those towns in +general, it will be the demagogue, and not the nobleman or gentleman of +property, who will possess the influence over the elections there. The +latter cannot command such an influence, unless through the means of a +constant expenditure which it would be impossible for any one to +support. The demagogue will obtain his influence by other means, and +will ultimately drive the gentleman out of the field. I beg your +Lordships to observe what will be the effect of such a state of things +in the constitution of the House of Commons; and I beg to ask whether, +with such men the representatives of those boroughs, it will be possible +to carry on anything like a government or a steady system of policy, +through the means of this assembly. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Prophetic Contrast of the New with the Old System._ + +I know that according to the constitution of this country, a member of +the House of Commons when he goes there is a member for all parts of +England, and not a representative for the particular town or place for +which he is elected; he is in fact looked upon as a member for all the +Commons of England. This was hitherto the meaning which was attached to +the character of a Member of the Commons House of Parliament. But the +case will be widely different should this Bill be passed, and should +Members of Parliament be subjected to a system of instruction on the +part of their constituents. That system, however, already exists in +parts of England, and more especially in the Metropolis, and in the +Borough of Southwark. Your Lordships will remember that an honourable +and gallant officer, formerly connected with the noble Lords opposite, +was obliged to retire from the representation of Southwark, last summer, +because he happened to differ with his constituents; and also that a +worthy Alderman was in a similar manner reprimanded by his constituents +in the city of London, for a similar offence. What then, I would ask +your Lordships, is to be expected hereafter, should the system laid down +in this Bill be established in this country? Why every member of the +House of Commons would become the mere delegate of his constituents, +instead of representing the people at large. It has been observed that +such representatives would in every case merely consult the wishes of +their respective constituents, instead of looking to the advancement of +the interests of all classes. I have before me a letter written by a +gentleman to some of his constituents in this neighbourhood, in which he +desires not only that the electors shall direct the votes of their +representatives, and point out the course which they should pursue in +parliament, but goes much further. The letter, which is directed to the +parishioners of St. Georges in the East, says, "there ought to be an +union formed in every parish between the middle classes and the +operatives,--first for the protection of person and property; and +secondly, to be ready to express the opinion of the parish on any public +measure, and in case the minister or the House of Commons are lukewarm +in the cause of the people." The extract which I have just read is taken +from a letter written by a great advocate of the Reform Bill, not for +the sake of the Reform Bill itself, but because it would lead to +something further. This letter affords a proof of the kind of system +which will be put into operation with respect to the members of the +House of Commons, should this Bill be passed. Let your Lordships, then, +for a moment, compare the system this Bill would establish, with the +system of representation which has so long existed in this country, and +under which this country has been raised to such an eminence of glory, +and power, and prosperity. + +We have, under the existing system, the county representation, and the +representation in cities and boroughs. The county representation +consists principally of freeholders, and the members for counties +represent not only the lower classes, but the middle and higher orders. +The representatives for the great maritime towns, and for the larger +description of towns in the interior of the country, represent likewise +the lower and middle classes. The representatives for the pot wallopping +boroughs, for the scot-and-lot boroughs, and for the single borough of +Preston, where the franchise is vested in the inhabitants at large, +represent the lowest orders of the people; and in this manner this +borough representation represents all classes and descriptions of +persons, who have any thing to do with the business transacted in the +House of Commons. Instead of this system, which has raised this country +to its present elevation, we are called upon to establish by this Bill a +system of elections which will be confined to one single class of the +community; and as the county representations will be no check upon this +class of persons, the voters in the counties being mostly of the same +description, and as the united representation of Scotland, and of +Ireland, will be a check upon them, such a system will tend at once to a +complete democracy. This, then, is the system which we are called upon +to establish in the place of that which at present exists, and under +which all classes and interests of the country are represented in +Parliament, and it is under such a system as this that it is pretended +the general business of the state can be carried on, and the government +maintain sufficient power to preserve existing institutions. + +_April_ 10,1832. + +_Popular tendency of the Old System of Representation._ + +I would call the attention of your Lordships to the changes which have +taken place in the government of the country during the last twenty +years,--to go no further back,--and to the improvements which have taken +place in what is called the popular sense. A noble friend of mine, last +night, truly stated that the influence of the Crown was decreasing from +the period of the revolution up to the year 1782; and that it has been +still further diminishing from that period up to the present time, till +at last there are not more than fifty persons in the House of Commons +holding public offices. In that period, and more especially in latter +years, the influence of the crown in this respect has been greatly +diminished. First of all, there has been a large reduction of all such +kinds of offices; and in the next place, in consequence of the different +constitution and regulations of the customs and excise, and other public +departments; and thus the influence formerly possessed by the Crown has +gradually passed away. + + * * * * * + +With the influence of the Crown, then, thus diminished, if a Bill of +this description should pass, to make such an extensive change in the +constitution of this House, it would be impossible to carry on the +government of the country. But there has also been another most +remarkable alteration with respect to the constitution of Parliament +within the last four years. In the year 1828, the Test Act was repealed; +and this I beg your Lordships to recollect, that the effect of the +repealing this Act was immediately to bring into operation a large body +of electors, who must of course have had considerable influence in +subsequent elections. Again, in the following year, the disabilities of +the Roman Catholics were removed, which made another important +difference in the constitution of Parliament. Has sufficient time been +given to those measures to ascertain their effect? Is it not reasonable, +is it not right, that we should try the effect of those measures on the +constitution, before we proceed further, before we adopt a measure which +will effect such extraordinary changes as this proposed Reform Bill? +There can be no doubt but that those measures to which I have alluded, +must have had considerable effect in the elections which have since +taken place, and more especially when any measure of Parliamentary +Reform has been adopted, of the same extensive character as that +contemplated in the Bill. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Gradual Reform Recommended._ + +There can be no doubt that there is a general desire in the country,--- +I do not deny the existence of it, for it is stated in all the +addresses and all the petitions on the subject;--that there is a general +desire in the country that some Reform in Parliament should be taken +into consideration, to do away with the abuses in the system of +elections of Members of the House of Commons. Without enquiring into the +cause, if the fact be as I have stated, which I believe no one will +dispute, it is the duty of Parliament to proceed steadily and gradually +in making amendments in the representation. We should consider maturely +every step that we took,--we should not proceed all at once to do every +thing, we should go on gradually and deliberately; and thus in process +of time, we might arrive even at the measure which has been recommended +by the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's government; but this must +be in process of time. After a considerable length of time had elapsed, +and after we had maturely considered every step that we had taken, it +would be only after we had done all that, that we could adopt a measure +to the extent of that recommended by the noble Earl. This we must do, if +we desire to maintain the venerable monarchy under which the country has +flourished for so long a time. The effect of this measure, if carried +now, will be to establish such a government as exists elsewhere, (in +France) which the noble Earl has described as a government which no man +could think fit for the administration of affairs in this country. + +_April_ 10,1839. + + + * * * * * + +_Effect of Agitation on Business_. + +I believe that as soon as this Bill was proposed, and as soon as the +excitement which it occasioned was apparent, all expenditure of all +descriptions ceased,--men ceased to lay out money in great +enterprises--and those who expended their incomes to the full amount, +began to consider whether it was not expedient to make provision for a +future day, for a period of trouble and difficulty, which might be +anticipated from these changes. It is to these circumstances that I am +induced to attribute the want of commerce and trade in the country. If +your Lordships look to the situation of our neighbours it will appear +that the same causes have produced precisely the same effects, and that +these causes have proceeded further amongst them, than they have with +us, because they have existed for a longer period of time. Among them +popular delirium has been carried nearly to its full extent; among us it +has only begun. I particularly complain of the system of agitation which +now prevails in England, for this reason, that it falls upon the poorest +and lowest classes of the community. The expenditure of the rich gives +comfort and ease to the middle classes, but it gives subsistence to the +poor; and it is for want of this subsistence and comfort for the lower +classes, that agitation has been carried to such an extent. + +_April_ 10, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Military Force will be required to Govern the Country if the Reform +Bill is carried._ + +The noble Viscount, one of his Majesty's Secretaries of State, who spoke +yesterday upon the subject, admitted that he did not expect that the +Reform measure would relieve any of the distresses of the country. It +certainly does appear most extraordinary, that a Minister, particularly +a Secretary of State, should say of a measure, which he is supporting +himself, and which he knows must have such extensive consequences as the +measure now proposed, that he does not believe that it will tend to +relieve any of the existing distresses of the country. But I say not +only that it will not relieve any of the distresses of the country, but, +on the contrary, that it will deeply aggravate them. But let us go a +little further, and see whether this system is good; and whether the +system of cheap government, which it is to introduce, is likely to +produce good to the country. And here, again, I would wish to call the +attention of your Lordships to what is passing in another country. If +your Lordships will take the trouble of examining what has passed in +France in the course of the last two years, you will see that, during +that period, that country has expended 50,000,000 l. sterling beyond its +usual expenditure. Its ordinary Budget, notwithstanding every +description of saving that could be made from the Civil List, and in +other establishments, which have been cut down as low as possible--still +its ordinary Budget exceeds the Budget of the former reign--the +extravagant reign of the Bourbons--to the amount of 10,000,000 l. +sterling; and, including those laws for two years, there is the +extraordinary expenditure of 50,000,000 l. in that space of time. To say, +then, that popular excitement tends to cheap government, is monstrous +and absurd, and it is impossible for any man who regards these facts to +arrive at that conclusion. We are called upon to adopt a system which is +to lead to these results. I ask, then, whether such a system can be more +effectual in this country, than that under which we have so long +prospered? I ask, whether the Civil Government will have more +power--whether it is possible that the Government can be carried on with +a smaller proportion of the army? I beg your Lordships to observe the +transactions which have occurred at Paris within the last two years, and +you will see that, while Louis XVIII, and Charles X. were able to +maintain the peace and tranquillity of the capital with a gendarmerie of +from 500 to 1000 men,--since the period of the revolution of July, 1830, +the Government has not had less than 60,000 once a month put into +requisition to maintain the peace of the city. I say once a month, upon +an average, not to exaggerate the facts; being convinced that upon not +less than twenty-four occasions the army has been under arms. + +If the system now proposed to your Lordships is adopted, will any man +tell me that it will be possible for any Government to be carried on, as +the Government of this country has hitherto been, by a civil power, +aided by a small military force? In the course of this last summer, +events of a fearful character occurred, nearly at the same time, in this +country and in France. I allude to the disturbances at Bristol and at +Lyons. The riots at Bristol were put down by ninety men, as soon as an +officer was found who would employ the force entrusted to him. But what +happened at Lyons--were the disturbances there so easily quelled? The +events at Lyons--a larger town, I admit, but not much larger than +Bristol--required 40,000 troops to be brought against the town, under +the command of a Marshal of France, the present Minister-at-War, and a +Prince of the Blood, before tranquillity could be restored. I entreat, +then, your Lordships to consider well, first of all, the causes of this +difference,--to see that it is the sovereignty of the people that you +are called upon to establish in this country,--and whether it is +possible to carry on the civil Government of England, as it has hitherto +been, under such a Government as you would establish, if you pass this +Bill. + +_April_ 10,1832. + + * * * * * + +_Fiscal Regulations for the Extinction of Slavery not defensible._ + +I can hardly bring myself to believe that any Government can think of +forcing the Colonies to adopt Orders in Council, by holding out, at +once, promises and threats; by saying that those Colonies which adopted +them should not pay taxes, and that those which did not adopt them +should continue to pay them. Did any man ever before hear of taxes +being imposed, for any purpose whatever, excepting to supply the +necessities of the State? If taxes be necessary for the purposes of the +State, in the name of God let them be paid; but, if they be not +necessary, they ought not to be imposed at all, nor allowed to continue. +Parliament is not justified in imposing taxes for a specific purpose of +punishment. + +_April_ 17, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_West India Property not to be Sacrificed to the Fancies of +Abolitionists._ + +It is really desirable that this question should be well understood in +this country. West Indian property is as much entitled to protection as +any other property which exists in Great Britain. Petitions are sent up +from all parts of England, praying for the immediate abolition of +slavery; and the execution of that measure is urged as a duty incumbent +upon us. Those persons who take a part in these proceedings, forget the +enormous amount of property belonging to his Majesty's subjects which is +involved in the question; and it is necessary to bring back their +attention to the consequences which will result, not only to the +colonists, but to the public, from the annihilation of that property, by +the prosecution of any of their fancies respecting the abolition of +slavery. In truth, it is absolutely impossible to derive any advantage +from that property except through the medium of slavery; and through +slavery alone can the individuals interested in the occupation of that +property be sustained in life. + +_April_ 17, 1832. + +_Speech explaining the Negociations, in May, 1832, for the formation of +a Tory Government on the principle of Moderate Reform._ + +My Lords, I have the honour to present to your Lordships a petition from +the inhabitant householders of Cambridge against the Reform Bill; and, +as this is the first time I have had occasion to address your Lordships +since I have been charged by his Majesty with a most important +commission, I conceive that your Lordships, or, at least, some of you, +may be desirous that I should avail myself of this, or some other early +opportunity, to explain the nature and termination of the transactions +in which I have been engaged; and I confess, my Lords, that having been +exposed to extreme misrepresentation, and having been vilified in the +most extraordinary manner, in respect of these transactions, by persons +in another place, who, with the exception of their conduct in this +instance, have some claim to be considered respectable, I am anxious to +take the first opportunity of stating to your Lordships, and the +country, the nature of the transactions in which I have been engaged, +and the grounds on which I have proceeded. Your Lordships will +recollect, that in the course of the last week--I think it was on +Wednesday--his Majesty's ministers informed your Lordships that they had +offered certain advice to his Majesty in reference to the important +subject of the Reform Bill; and, as his Majesty had not thought proper +to follow that advice, they had considered it their duty to tender their +resignations to his Majesty, and which resignations his Majesty was +pleased to accept. His Majesty was graciously pleased, on that day on +which he was so left entirely alone by his ministers, to send for a +noble friend of mine--a noble and learned Lord (Eldon), who had held a +high place, as well in the service as in the confidence of his Majesty, +to inquire whether, in his opinion, there were any means, and if so, +what means, of forming a Government for his Majesty on the principle of +carrying into execution an extensive reform in the representation of the +people. Thus it appears that when his Majesty had the misfortune of +disagreeing with his servants, respecting the advice which had been +tendered to him, he happened to have had so little communication with +other men, and was so little acquainted with their opinions on public +affairs, that he felt it necessary to send for my noble and learned +friend, who was out of the immediate line of politics, in order to +obtain his assistance, and to seek for information at his hands. My +noble and learned friend came to me, and informed me of the difficulty +of his Majesty's situation, and I considered it my duty to inquire from +others what their opinions were, because, I confess to your Lordships, +I was equally unprepared with his Majesty for the consideration of such +a question. + +Upon inquiry, I found that a large number of friends of mine were not +unwilling to give confidence and support to a government formed upon +such a principle, and with the positive view of resistance to that +advice which was tendered to his Majesty. Under these circumstances I +waited on his Majesty on Saturday, and submitted to him my advice. That +advice was not to re-appoint his late ministry, nor was it to appoint +myself. I did not look to any objects of ambition. I advised him to seek +the assistance of other persons well qualified to fill the high +situations in the state, expressing myself willing to give his Majesty +every assistance, whether in office or out of office, to enable his +Majesty to form an administration to resist the advice which had been so +given to him. My Lords, these were the first steps of the transaction; +and if ever there was an instance in which the Sovereign acted more +honestly by his former servants--if ever there was an instance in which +public men kept themselves most completely apart from all intrigues, and +from all indirect influence--using only those direct and honourable +means of opposition, of which no man has reason to be other than proud, +this is that instance. And when I came to give my advice to his Majesty, +instead of advising him with a view to objects of personal ambition, as +I have been accused of doing upon high authority,--I gave that advice +which I thought would best lead to another arrangement, and I stated +that I was ready to serve his Majesty in any or in no capacity, so as +best to assist him in carrying on a government to resist the advice +which had been given him by his late ministers. And here, my Lords, I +beg your Lordships to examine a little what was the nature of the advice +which was tendered by his Majesty's ministers to his Majesty, which his +Majesty thought proper not to follow, and which I considered it my +bounden duty to enable his Majesty to resist. I do not ask any man to +seek any further explanation of this advice, than that which was given +by the ministers themselves. It was neither more nor less than this. The +Government, feeling some difficulty in carrying the Reform Bill through +this House, were induced to advise his Majesty to do--what?--to create a +sufficient number of peers to enable them to carry their measure, to +force it through this House of Parliament. Now, my Lords, before I go +further, let me beg you to consider what is the nature of that +proposition? Ministers found, in the course of last session, that there +was a large majority in this House against the principle of the bill. +Now, my Lords, what is the ordinary course for a minister, under such +circumstances, to pursue? My Lords, it is to alter the measure, to +endeavour to make it more palatable to that branch of the legislature +which was opposed to it. Such is the usual course; but, in this case, +the minister says "no. I will next session bring in a bill as efficient +as that which has been rejected." And what did he do? My Lords, I have +no hesitation in saying that, notwithstanding the opposition of this +House, he brought in a measure stronger and worse than any of the +measures before introduced; and this measure he wishes to force upon the +House by a large creation of peers. How many peers, it is not necessary +to state--it has not even been stated, by the noble Lords opposite: it +is enough to say, a sufficient number to force the Reform Bill through +the House. It is only necessary for me to state the proposition. If this +be a legal and constitutional course of conduct--if such projects can be +carried into execution by a minister of the crown with impunity--there +is no doubt that the constitution of this House and of this country is +at an end. I ask, my Lords, is there any body blind enough not to see +that if a minister can, with impunity, advise his Sovereign to such an +unconstitutional exercise of his prerogative as to thereby decide all +questions in this House, there is absolutely an end put to the power and +objects of deliberation in this House--an end to all means of decision; +I say, then, my Lords, thinking as I do, it was my duty to counsel his +Majesty to resist the following of this advice; and, my Lords, my +opinion is that the threat of carrying this measure of creation into +execution, if it should have the effect of inducing noble Lords to +absent themselves from the House, or to adopt any particular line of +conduct, is just as bad as its execution; for, my Lords, it does by +violence force a decision on this House--and on a subject, my Lords, on +which this House is not disposed to give such a decision. It is true, my +Lords, men may be led to adopt such a course, by reflecting, that if +they do not adopt it, some 50 or 100 peers will be introduced, and thus +deliberation and decision in this House be rendered impracticable; or +men may be led to adopt it with the view of saving the Sovereign from +the indignity of having so gross an alternative imposed upon him. But I +say, my Lords, that the effect of any body of men agreeing publicly to +such a course, will be to make themselves parties to this very +proceeding, of which I say, we have so much reason to complain. The only +course of proceeding at this eventful crisis, worthy of the men with +whom I have the honour to be connected, was to advise his Majesty--was +to counsel his Majesty--to resist the advice which had been given him, +if he could find means of carrying on the government of the country +without acceding to it. But this part of the transaction, my Lords, +requires particular explanation upon my part--his Majesty insisted that +some "extensive measure of reform" (I use his own words) "in the +representation of the people" should be carried. I always was of +opinion, and am still of opinion, that the measure of reform is +unnecessary, and will prove most injurious to the country. But on the +last occasion when I addressed your Lordships,--in the committee on +Monday se'nnight,--I stated my intention to endeavour to amend the bill +in committee, and to do it honestly and fairly. Still, however, I +thought that, amend it as we might in committee, it was not a measure +which would enable the country to have a government capable of +encountering the critical circumstances and serious difficulties to +which every man must expect this country to be exposed. This was, my +Lords,--this is, my opinion. I do not think that, under the influence of +this measure, it is possible that any government can expect to overcome +the dangers to which this country must be exposed. But my Lords, this +was not the question before me; I was called on to assist my Sovereign +in resisting a measure which would lead to the immediate overthrow of +one branch of the legislature--a measure which would enable the ministry +to carry through this house the whole bill unmodified, unimproved, and +unmitigated. I had then, my Lords, only the choice of adopting such part +of that bill as this house might please to send down to the House of +Commons, suffering the government hereafter to depend upon the operation +of that part of the bill rather than upon the whole bill, or else of +suffering the whole bill to be carried, and the House of Lords to be +destroyed. My Lords, my opinion is not altered; no part of the bill is +safe; but undoubtedly, a part of the bill is better, that is to say, +less injurious, than the whole bill; and, certainly, it must at least be +admitted that it is better than the destruction of the constitution of +the country by the destruction of the independence of this house. Under +these circumstances, my Lords, I gave my consent to assist his Majesty +in forming a new government. I know many may be of opinion that I should +have acted a more prudent part if I had looked to anterior +circumstances, and if I had regarded the opinions and pledges I had +given, and if, placing my attention exclusively upon the desire of +acting a consistent part in public life, I had pursued a different +course, and refused my assistance to his Majesty, I should have done +better and more wisely. + +I do not mean to detract from the merits of those who thought proper to +pursue a course contrary to mine upon the occasion. I am grieved that it +should have been my misfortune to differ with some right honourable +friends of mine, with whom I have been for many years in habits of +cordial union, co-operation, and friendship, and from whom I hope this +momentary separation will not dissever me. Nay, my lords, their position +was different from mine. I was situated in a position very different +from that in which they felt themselves to stand. They regretted that +they could not take the same course with me; but for myself, my Lords, I +cannot help feeling that, if I had been capable of refusing my +assistance to his Majesty--if I had been capable of saying to his +Majesty, "I cannot assist you in this affair, because I have, in my +place in parliament, expressed strong opinions against a measure to +which your Majesty is friendly," I do not think I could have shewn my +face in the streets for shame of having done it--for shame of having +abandoned my Sovereign under such distressing circumstances. I have, +indeed, the misfortune of differing from many noble Lords, but I cannot +regret the steps I have taken. If I have made a mistake, I regret it; +but I am not aware that I have made any mistake. It was impossible that +I could shrink from his Majesty in the distressing circumstances under +which he was placed. I will not detain your Lordships longer with a +detail of the circumstances which led to the dilemma in which we are now +placed. But, my Lords, if you will only look back to the commencement of +those transactions--if you look to the speech which his Majesty made +from the throne to this and the other house of Parliament, in June +1831,--if you recollect that his Majesty stated, in very strong terms, +that that important question should receive the earliest and most +attentive consideration, saying, "--Having had recourse to that measure +for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of my people on the expediency +of a reform in the representation, I have now to recommend that +important question to your earliest and most attentive consideration, +confident that, in any measure which you may propose for its adjustment, +you will carefully adhere to the acknowledged principles of the +constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the authority of +both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people, +are equally secured." + +Now, my Lords, I ask, could it be believed, at the time his Majesty made +this speech, that the rights of this house--the power of deliberating +and deciding independently upon such a question as this--would be +destroyed by a creation of Peers, and by a creation to an extent which +could not be much less than one hundred? If any man at the time foretold +this, it would have been said he was dreaming of things that were +impossible. But to this state, my Lords, have we been brought by this +measure. When I first heard of this bill being proposed to be carried by +a creation of Peers, I said it was absolutely impossible. I could not +believe that any minister of England would be led by any considerations +whatsoever to recommend such a measure to his Majesty. The first time, +indeed, I heard the matter mentioned with any degree of authority, was +when a Right Rev. Prelate thought proper to write upon the subject to +some people in a town in the county of Sussex. I could appeal to those +sitting near me if this be not the fact--if I did not uniformly declare +that the thing was impossible--that the very idea of it ought not to be +mentioned. That it should never be imagined that any minister could be +found who would recommend such an unconstitutional--such a ruinous--such +an unjust exercise of the prerogative of the crown; for, my Lords, I do +maintain that the just exercise of the prerogative of the Crown does by +no means go to the extent of enabling his Majesty to create a body of +Peers with the view to carry any particular measure. Under the +circumstances, then, I think your Lordships will not think it unnatural, +when I consider his Majesty's situation, that I should endeavour to +assist his Majesty to avoid the adoption of such a recommendation. But, +my Lords, when I found that in consequence of the discussions on Monday +in another place,--which by the way proved so clearly what the +sentiments of the leading men then were, that Peers should not be +created for such a purpose:--when I found from these discussions that it +was impossible to form a government from that house, of such a nature as +would secure the confidence of the country, I felt it my duty to inform +his Majesty that I could not fulfil the commission with which he was +pleased to honour me, and his Majesty informed me that he would renew +his communications with his former ministry. + +_May 17, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_The state of Ireland under Lord Grey, a Conspiracy against Law and +Government._ + +The noble Lords at the head of the Irish government have a most +particular objection to these extraordinary measures, adopted to enable +the government to afford protection to the lives and property of his +Majesty's subjects. If I do not mistake--and I am sure that I am in the +recollection of many noble Lords present--I myself reminded the noble +Earl that the association act would terminate at the end of the session +of Parliament of 1831; and the answer of the noble Earl was, that it was +intended to bring in a bill to continue that act. My Lords, Parliament +was dissolved unfortunately, and the association act was not only not +continued, but the convictions which had already taken place under it +were not carried into execution. + +It might naturally be supposed that, when the Lord Lieutenant found that +he could not give protection to his Majesty's subjects even when he had +the association act, it would, at least, have been continued. No such +thing. When Parliament reassembled, the question was again put by one of +the noble Lords near me, whether it was intended to propose a renewal of +that act; and the answer was, that the noble Lord at the head of the +Irish government thought that he would tranquillize the country without +having recourse to extraordinary measures. From that day to this there +has been no security to property--no security for person; there has been +no enjoyment of peace or tranquillity in Ireland. That is the state in +which it has continued from that time to the present. Now, my noble +friend stated most truly that this is the result of a conspiracy; I say +the same; and before I sit down, I will prove that it is a conspiracy, +and nothing but a conspiracy, which tends to deprive a large class of +his Majesty's subjects of their property,--which renders their lives +insecure,--a conspiracy which tends to the overthrow of all government, +if they do not adopt some measure to put it down. On this ground alone I +address your Lordships; I wish to warn the people and the government of +the real nature of that which exists in that part of the United Kingdom. +We have heard of an attempt, which was lately made by a clergyman, to +avail himself of a sale under a distress, for the purpose of obtaining +payment of a part of what was his due. A body of troops were assembled, +by direction of the magistrates, for the purpose of protecting the sale. +It appears, from an account of a nature usually tolerably accurate, +that, on the first day appointed for the sale, an assemblage of 20,000 +people collected together; on the second day the number was 50,000; and +on the third it amounted to 100,000. I will take an unit from each of +these numbers, and even then I defy any man to shew me how that body +could have been assembled but by a conspiracy. Who led them there? My +Lords, the Priests. I have seen a letter from an officer who commanded +one of the bodies of troops employed on the occasion, in which such is +stated to be the fact. + +When, my Lords, I know that that conspiracy exists, and that it goes to +prevent a large proportion of his Majesty's subjects from enjoying their +property--when I know that the same conspiracy may be applied to any +other description of property--to any man's life, to his house, to his +honour, or to anything else that is most dear to man, I do say, it +becomes the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government to adopt +some measures, in order to do that which Government can do, to get the +better of that conspiracy. It must not be said that, under the British +Constitution, there is no power to prevent such a conspiracy: I say, +there is a power, and that power resides in Parliament, which can give +the Government, under this best of all Constitutions, the means which +shall at the same time protect the property and the liberty of every +individual in the state. Yes, my Lords, Parliament possesses the power +to bestow on the Government the means of putting down this conspiracy--a +conspiracy not against the Government itself, but against those whom the +Government is bound in honour to protect. I take this question of tithes +to be one of the most serious questions that can be brought under the +consideration of Parliament. I do not object to the noble Earl's +measure--indeed, I really do not know what that measure is--but what I +say is, that the noble Earl is bound, and the King is bound by his oath, +to protect the property of the Church--yes, his Majesty is sworn +especially to protect that property. But it is not the property of the +Church alone--what do you say of the lay impropriator? Is a man to be +robbed and ruined, because he possesses property in tithe? + +There is no public grievance in Ireland. Tithes are no public grievance. +Tithes are private property, which a deep laid conspiracy is attempting +to destroy. The noble Lord knows that he cannot get the better of it. I +tell the noble Lord that he will be, at last, obliged to come to +Parliament for a measure to enable him to put down the conspirators. I +recollect the famous affair at Manchester; and remember perfectly well +to have heard a most able and eloquent speech made by the noble and +learned Lord in another place, upon the subject of collecting large +numbers of persons together; and I well remember his able and eloquent +justification of the magistrates for the part they assumed upon that +occasion. I want to know why the magistrates at Carlow and at Cork did +not obtain the same support when pursuing a similar course? I know I +shall be told in answer to this, that I am a person very desirous of +spilling blood. My Lords, I am not recommending the spilling of blood; I +want to save human life by Legislative means. I do not want to have +recourse to arms against crowds and mobs of people; but what I want is, +that the real conspirators should be got the better of, and not that the +mere instruments and victims of their wicked work should be punished. +But if the course pursued at Manchester against the collection of large +bodies of armed people was correct--if the attack was rightly made upon +those armed people--I want to know why the same was not done at Cork and +at Carlow, where the troops stood in the midst of the people three days, +who at last were suffered to carry off the distress, without the +clergyman being able to satisfy his claim? + +The noble Lord has said, that Ireland is in a state of great +tranquillity. Now, I certainly must say, that as far as I have heard, I +cannot believe in the existence of that tranquillity. It may be +perfectly true, by moving a large body of troops from the country into a +particular district, together with a great number of police and +magistrates, that, for a moment, tranquillity may be restored to that +district; but there is no gentleman in the country feels himself in a +state of security. There is, however, one test, to which I wish to +bring the noble Secretary of State. I want to know this--has he, in any +one case, carried into execution the provisions of the Tithe Act? Is +there a single instance of any tithe having been collected by Government +under that Act? If the clergy are to be paid out of the Consolidated +Fund, and that Act is not to be enforced, I must say that the noble Lord +may make what boast he pleases as to the state of Ireland; but there is +no man who will believe one word about the tranquillity of Ireland, +until the noble Lord can produce evidence of the collection of some +tithes under that Act. + +What I want to see is, the affording of some security to property--some +protection to life; and that some assurance should be given to the peace +of the country being established and preserved. + +_July 3, 1832._ + + * * * * * + +_Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of Ireland._ + +I come now, my Lords, to that part of the subject which is certainly +very painful to me, because I conceive it to be that in which I may say +the Government has been much to blame; and that is, their treatment of +the Protestant Church of Ireland. My opinion is, that in the treatment +of that Church they have certainly thrown the Protestants of Ireland +entirely aside. There is no doubt whatever that the Protestants, who, +like other classes of men, were more or less divided amongst themselves, +are now nearly unanimous in their opinions upon the subject of the +Government. They are nearly all of them, at the present moment, opposed +to the Government--irritated by a strong sense of the injury done to +them, and the insecurity of their situation, which is certainly most +painful to everybody who wishes well to the union between the two +countries. + +_July 3, 1832._ + +_The Church should Educate the People._ + +We have the Established Church--we have the Established clergy; and the +whole law of the country is, that the clergy of the Established Church +should have the charge of the education of the people, particularly of +Ireland. But, under the proposed system, the schoolmaster is simply to +teach the obligations which are due to society from every individual, +and the pupil is not to refer to divine authority for those +obligations--he is not without permission to refer to that alone which +can render those obligations binding. + +July 3,1832. + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Wellington's Government opposed to the Appointment of Otho +as King of Greece._ + +The late government were no parties to the selection of Prince Otho; on +the contrary, he was a person to whose appointment they had objected, as +appears on the face of the protocols; and the objection exists at the +present moment, though not to such an extent as it did, a year and a +half having elapsed since it was first made. I object to the +arrangement now, because the interests of this country have been +essentially altered in the Mediterranean. His Majesty has now essential +duties to perform in the Adriatic. When I see France remaining in +possession of Algiers, notwithstanding the provisions of the treaty, and +when I observe what has been done by her at Ancona, I must say the +interests of this country have been grossly neglected in that quarter. +July 18, 1832 + + * * * * * + +_The giving the Town-franchise to the Catholics, will lead to the +Destruction of the Protestant Church._ + +The reason assigned for getting rid of the freemen is, because they +would support the Protestant interest in towns. Now, I have no +hesitation whatever in stating, that the interest connected with the +Church and the Protestant institutions of the country must give way it +the franchise is transferred into the hands of the Roman Catholic +population. It is easy to say that there ought to be no difference +between Roman Catholics and Protestants. I wish to God it could be so; +but the circumstances of Ireland are such as to render it necessary, +that a counterpoise should be given to counteract the influence which +the Roman Catholics will acquire by the bill. I wish to carry the +principles of 1829 into effect, and that can not be done if both parties +are placed upon an equal footing. I think it most unfair to give the +Catholic population of towns the power of returning Roman Catholic +Members of Parliament; and I shall, therefore, seeing that the rights of +freemen are to be abolished, object to the 40s. freeholders being +retained. + +July 20, 1832 + + * * * * * + +_The Albocracy._ + +In this country (India), as in all others, there are certain established +qualifications for justices of the peace and for jurymen, and no +disqualification, in any part of the world, is equal to that of colour. +The white man has an influence which the black man has not. This +distinction prevails most in those countries in which a liberal system +of Government has been established, as in the United States of America, +and the various states existing in the southern portion of that +continent. Indeed, a term has been invented to designate it in Columbia, +in which express laws have been made for the support and maintenance of +the "Albocracy." + +_August_ 14, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_Effect of the Savings of the Grey Government_. + +I give the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government full +credit for the diminution in the expenses of the country which has been +effected by the Government, but I cannot help thinking that such +diminutions will prove to be generally detrimental to the country, +inasmuch as they are effected merely for the purpose of meeting a +deficiency in the revenue for the moment. But the fact is, that many of +these reductions are applicable to the army, to the navy, to the +militia, and other most essential services of the country, which, +although not estimated for this year, must be provided for at a future +period. For instance, one branch of these savings is that for training +the militia; the saving, under this head, is 190,000 l.; but it is quite +clear that this sum must again be expended when the militia shall be +trained in future years. Another saving is that of freight, transport, +and provisions of soldiers from one part of the world to another. Now, +it is very true, that during the present year this reduction may be +made, because it does not happen that the change of regiments in the +West India colonies and India takes place; but such will not be the case +in another year, and the expenditure of 45,000 l. on that head, which +does not appear in these estimates, must again occur. + +Another item of reduction is in the purchase of timber for the navy +service, which amounts to the very considerable sum of 400,000 l. It is +evident that the magazines of this country must be kept up, and all that +is really done by this apparent saving, is to throw the burden, to this +extent, on future years. With a view to a secure and adequate supply, +and to the proper seasoning of stores, and with a view to the +probability that it may become necessary for his Majesty's service to +make some great exertion, it is impossible that less than double the +amount of the estimate of the present year under this head, can +permanently suffice. Now, it is impossible to look upon these savings in +any other light than as temporary, and I will go so far as to say that +it would have been a much better principle of economy to spend this +money than to save it, if the distressed state of the finances had not +absolutely required the reduction of the expenditure. But I cannot help +taking another view of the subject. It is necessary for the country, and +essential to the character of the Government, that they should look +beyond a mere balance of income and expenditure, with a view to be +prepared for unforeseen emergencies which may arise. Can any body say, +that the Government is now left in the situation in which it ought to be +left with respect to finances? This is the last session of the present +Parliament. A reformed Parliament will meet next session, and it is +impossible for any man to say what will be the conduct of that +Parliament with respect to finance. But this is not the only ground on +which it is desirable that the finances of the country should be in a +more satisfactory state. + +I say, my Lords, that I regard these financial difficulties with the +greater apprehension, when I remember that occasions may arise, and are +in fact, likely to arise, in which it may be necessary for his Majesty +to call forth all the resources of the country. When I look to the state +of Ireland, when I turn my attention to our foreign relations, and above +all, when I call to mind the present condition of the Peninsula, I find +it impossible to shut my eyes to the alarming truth, that events are on +the eve of occurring, which may call forth to the utmost, every +exertion which Englishmen are capable of making, and may demand, as I +have said before, all the resources of the empire. + +_August_ 15, 1832. + +_Policy of the Wellington Administration towards Portugal_. + +The noble Earl (Grey) has stated, that the late government was the cause +of the usurpation of Don Miguel. Now that is a mistake in point of time; +for it will be found that Don Miguel was brought to Portugal, when the +noble Viscount opposite, (Viscount Goderich) was at the head of the +government. It is true that I was in office when Don Miguel landed in +Portugal, and when he usurped the government over which he was placed as +Regent. The noble Earl has stated, that at that time the British army +was there, and might have prevented the usurpation. I deny the fact; the +British Army had been withdrawn before the usurpation. It is true that, +before the army was withdrawn, Miguel had dissolved the Chambers, and +had given indications that it was not his intention to carry into effect +the constitution of the country; but he had given no indication of a +resolution to usurp the Sovereign power; and that usurpation was +occasioned by a decree of the Cortes, acquired for that purpose. In +point of fact the army was withdrawn; and even if it had not been +withdrawn, what was its force? Why it only amounted to 5,000 men, which +would not have been enough to effect anything. I deny therefore, that +the government has been the cause of the usurpation. When Don Miguel did +usurp the sovereign authority, the late government did all they could; +they ceased their diplomatic relations with Portugal, and then brought +away the minister from thence. + +Then the noble Earl says, that the state of things just mentioned +existed when he came into office; and that the late government was +willing to recognize Don Miguel, provided he would grant a general +amnesty. The noble Earl has omitted to state all. It would have been +fair, had the noble Earl stated what had previously occurred. The first +thing we did was to advise a reconciliation between the two branches of +the House of Braganza, and we referred the question to Brazil. The +Emperor of Brazil was perfectly ready to go to war if we would make war +for him, but he would not go to war himself, because, in fact he had no +resources of his own to do so. What then became our duty? Our duty was +to place Portugal in the society of nations as soon as we could, and to +endeavour to induce Don Miguel to do that which would have the effect of +attaining that object. For that purpose, we called on Don Miguel to +reconcile the country to him, by some act of grace towards those who had +been connected with the former government of the country. But it is not +true that we desired to impose any condition with respect to that act +of grace. The principle on which we invariably acted was to make an act +of amnesty be given without any condition whatever, because it was our +wish not to interfere in any manner whatever with the government of +Portugal; and it would have been interfering, had we made any condition +which we might have been afterwards called upon to enforce. We would not +make ourselves responsible for that amnesty. We urged him repeatedly to +grant it, and if he had done so, he would most undoubtedly have been +recognized; and we fully expected, when that paragraph was inserted in +the King's Speech, that he would have given the amnesty, and have +enabled us to recognize him. I have no hesitation in saying, that I was +exceedingly anxious at that time to recognize this Prince, not because I +disputed the claim or right of the other branch of the House of +Braganza, nor because I ventured to decide upon that right, but I wanted +to do that which was done by the government of this country in a similar +case with respect to France,--I wanted to recognize the authority of the +king _de facto_, in order to enable him to carry on the government of +the country with advantage, not only to himself, and his country, but +also to Europe. If I had remained in office much longer, I would have +done it in order to remove from that country, and from Europe, the +inconveniences which have resulted from the existing state of things in +Portugal. It was not done before, because the amnesty was not given. + +Much has been said about the cruelty of this Prince, and the hatred +borne towards him by the people of Portugal; but I think there has been +some extraordinary exaggeration upon that subject. The noble Earl states +that we left things in this state when he left office. It is perfectly +true; but we have, over and over again, pressed upon the noble Earl the +necessity of taking Portugal out of the state in which it was placed, +and of recognizing that government, with a view to prevent that state of +affairs which has since come to puss. The Emperor of Brazil has no power +to enter into a war in favor of his daughter, nor can she be put in +possession of Portugal, except by revolutionary means,--namely, by +employing bands of adventurers, collected in various quarters, and paid +by God knows whom. + +_August_ 15, 1832. + + * * * * * + +_The Civil War in Portugal fomented by Earl Grey's Government_. + +I believe if there be any country in the world in which it is both the +duty and interest of England to prevent the existence of hostilities, +that country is Portugal. We are bound by treaties to defend her, as she +is, in case of need, to defend England. It is affirmed that we are under +engagements to preserve a strict neutrality towards the two Princes now +opposed to each other in Portugal; but we are bound in honour and good +policy to protect that country, in which his Majesty's subjects have +such interests invested, and with which they carry on such extensive +commerce: yet the present government have hazarded all these interests +by permitting this war to be carried on there by a foreign power. The +king, in his speech, calls it, indeed, a "civil war." My Lords, it is a +revolutionary war--a war carried on by means furnished in this town, and +for the advance of which the inducement is the hope of plunder. It is +carried on by persons who have no interest in the war excepting plunder. +Yet this is the war which his Majesty has been advised by his servants +to call, upon the assembling of his parliament, "a civil war between the +two branches of the house of Braganza in Portugal." The king is made, by +his Ministers, to declare that he is anxiously desirous to put an end to +this war. "I shall not fail to avail myself of any opportunity that may +be afforded me to assist in restoring peace to a country with which the +interests of my dominions are so intimately connected." Now, I know +something of war, and I know something of war in that country; and I +will tell noble Lords how they can put an end to it at once. Let them +put forth a proclamation recalling his Majesty's subjects from the +service of both parties engaged in the contest,--let them, at the same +time, carry into execution the law of the country; let them, when the +commissioners of the customs, in the execution of their exclusive duty, +seize vessels carrying out troops, ammunition and officers, who, I am +able to prove, are at this moment serving in those armies, leave the +adjudication of such seizures to the proper tribunals; and let not the +King's ministers interfere, and let them employ the British fleet in the +Levant, and other places, to which the attention of his Majesty's +government ought to be directed, instead of being employed in watching +the shores of the Douro and the Tagus--let them do all this, and they +will soon find that peace will be restored to Portugal without any +further sacrifice. But I am sorry to say these are not the measures +adopted by his Majesty's government, nor is the law carried into +execution by that government. My Lords, I engage to prove, that though +the commissioners of the customs did, in the autumn of 1831, detain +certain vessels in the Thames, having on board the very troops, +ammunition, and arms which have been since employed in this war; and +although these commissioners are, by the act of parliament, the persons +appointed to carry it into execution,--they were ordered, by a superior +power, not to interfere. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Don Miguel de facto King of Portugal_. + +Don Miguel having been appointed Sovereign by the Cortes, it was not the +business of the British government to offer any opposition to their +choice; and as long as we continued in office, we were seeking for the +means of recognizing Don Miguel as Sovereign, _de facto_, of Portugal. +In point of fact, I have no doubt, if we had remained in office a +fortnight longer, we should have effected that recognition; for it was +never intended to make the proposed amnesty an indispensable condition +of that step. Our object in recognizing him, was to prevent those +disasters which I apprehended must arise from the conflict of extreme +opinions in the Peninsula. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + +_The Catholic Oath is a Principle_. + +His Majesty has sworn to maintain the established Church of England in +Ireland; and secondly, that in the very last arrangements made to remove +the disabilities, as well of the Dissenters from the church of England +as of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, words were inserted in the oaths +to be taken by them, for the security of the Protestant establishment. I +consider those oaths as principles; and that we ought not to run counter +to them in any manner whatever. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +The Protestants of Ireland are the friends of order in Ireland, and they +are the natural friends and connections of England. I entreat you never +to lose sight of this important truth. + +_February_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_The Game Laws increase Poaching_. + +Since the passing of the Game Act, poaching has enormously increased. It +is consistent with my own knowledge, also, that as regards my own +estate, until this law passed, there was little or no poaching upon it, +but that evil has greatly increased since that period. In fact, not long +since, I lost a servant in an affray with poachers, and I at once +determined to give up preserving game; but I was induced to relinquish +my intention in consequence of learning that the keeper, whom I was +about to discharge, could not get employment in any other part of the +country. This, alone, is the reason why I still preserve my game. I am +thoroughly convinced that, in the neighbourhood in which I reside, +poaching has increased threefold since the passing of the present Act. I +think that result is entirely owing to the circumstance that the person +who is in possession of the game is entitled to carry it away and sell +it, and cannot be questioned as to the manner in which it came into his +possession. + +_May 31, 1833._ + + * * * * * + +_Importance of Portugal to England._ + +If there be any nation in the world for which more than another this +country feels--and justly feels--an interest, it is Portugal. The +alliance between this country and Portugal is among the most ancient to +be found in the history of nations; it is an alliance repeatedly +recognised by all Europe; it is one from which this country has derived +advantage almost from a period beyond memory; and for the preservation +of which, in better times than these, and in order to rescue that +country out of the hands of her enemies, she has expended her best blood +and treasure. + +_June 3, 1833._ + + * * * * * + +_The Emancipation Act of 1833 a Premature Measure_. + +In the discussions on the abolition of the slave trade, it was more than +once declared by the advocates of that measure, that they had no +intention of following it up by an attempt at the abolition of slavery; +but, on the contrary, those who contended most strenuously for the +abolition of the slave trade, declared that it was not intended that it +should be followed up by the abolition of slavery in the colonies, but +that their intention was, by means of the abolition of the slave trade, +to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, and improve the state of +society in the colonies. But I will not believe, from all that I have +heard and read, that even the most earnest advocates of the abolition of +the slave trade intended, immediately, to follow up the amelioration of +the condition of the slave, by the total abolition of slavery. That men +should look forward to the abolition of slavery in the colonies as +consequent on the improvement in the state of society, and the state of +slavery, is probable; and there is no doubt that a great improvement has +resulted from the abolition of the slave trade, coupled with the +measure, but that the one step should be considered as an immediate +consequence of the other, I altogether deny; and I appeal with +confidence to the discussions which formerly took place. + + * * * * * + +In all countries, where it is proposed to make large bodies of slaves +free, the first thing that is described as necessary to be considered +is, whether the country is in a condition to bear the change; the +second, whether the slave whom it is proposed to constitute a freeman, +will work for hire? These are points with respect to which it has always +been considered necessary to have full and convincing proof before +emancipation should be granted. The noble Earl tells us that, in this +instance, there is no proof to the contrary. I think that there is proof +to the contrary. We have heard of the adoption of a measure of this +nature within the province of Colombia. But supposing it to be true, +that 100,000 liberated negroes have shewn a disposition to labour, or +have actually laboured for hire in Colombia, still I contend that that +circumstance affords no proof whatever that the same results would +follow from the liberation 700,000 or 800,000 negroes in the British +possessions. But I by no means concur with the noble Earl as to the +sufficiency of the case of Colombia, as a case in point. I have the +authority of a very intelligent person, who was resident in Colombia at +the time that the transaction took place, and who, in writing upon the +subject, states positively that the experiment was a most dangerous one; +and that although the liberated negroes laboured for awhile, yet that a +few years afterwards, they could not be got to work at all. This is +further proved by the fact, that in the course of four or five years it +was found necessary to introduce a measure for the promotion of +agriculture, which measure, it was admitted, was called for, in +consequence of the great difficulty that was found in getting the free +negroes to work. + +_June_ 23, 1833. + +_Difficulty of preventing free labour in the Colonies anticipated_. + +Look at our own colonies in tropical climates, and see whether you can +find any disposition in the free negro to work in the low grounds. If +you look at Surinam, or any other of the tropical climates, where free +negroes are to be found, you will find a total absence of any +disposition, on their part, to work for hire, or for any other +consideration whatever. But says the noble Earl, "the negroes work in +Africa;" of that fact, begging the noble Earl's pardon, I do not think +he can produce any proof; but even supposing that he could, I contend +that the fact does not bear upon this question--the question here is not +whether the negro, in a state of freedom, will work in Africa, but +whether, being made free, he will voluntarily labour in the low grounds +in our possessions within the tropics? I say, that there is no proof of +such labour on the part of negroes, in any part of the world. In one +quarter of the globe, in which I have some knowledge, I am certainly +aware that men do labour very hard for hire in low grounds within the +tropics; but those men are in a condition but little removed from +absolute slavery, because they are the lowest in a state of society, +which from them upwards is divided into the strictest castes. But in our +West India possessions the case is very different; there, this +difficulty from the moment of their first discovery, to the present +hour, has always existed; a difficulty arising from the circumstance, +that in those tropical climates, a man instead of working for hire, +works only for food,--and having obtained that food, which he can +procure by very little exertion, he thinks of nothing save the luxury of +reposing in listless idleness beneath the shade. That is the great +difficulty which surrounds this question. + +_June_ 25, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Depressing the West India Colonies will lead to the Introduction of +Foreign Slave Grown Sugar_. + +Supposing that the growth of the sugar should, from the causes I have +mentioned, fail in the West Indies, where are we to get sugar? We must +get it no doubt from the colonies of other countries, where it is +produced by the labour of slaves. What then, will those who are so +anxious for the abolition of slavery say, if, in consequence of this +measure, the slave trade should be revived, with all the added horrors +of its being carried on in a contraband manner; and if, instead of +decreasing the amount of slavery in the world, we should increase it, in +Cuba, and in the other foreign West India possessions, over which we +have no control, and into which it would be impossible for us to +introduce any measure, regulating or ameliorating the condition of the +slave. + +At this moment we consume more of sugar, even excluding Ireland, than +all the rest of Europe put together; and I leave it to your Lordships to +consider whether it would be possible, under any circumstances whatever, +that this country could go on without a supply of that article. How can +that supply be furnished, supposing that the production in our colonies +should fail, except by the produce of slave labour from the colonies of +other countries? + +_June_ 25, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_East India Company; Eulogium on its Administration_. + +Having been so long a servant of the East India Company, whose interests +you are discussing, having served for so many years of my life in that +country, having had such opportunities of personally watching the +operation of the government of that country, and having had reason to +believe, both from what I saw at that time, and from what I have seen +since, that the Government of India was at that time, one of the best +and most purely administered governments that ever existed, and one +which has provided most effectually for the happiness of the people over +which it is placed, it is impossible that I should be present when a +question of this description is discussed, without asking your +Lordships' attention for a very short time whilst I deliver my opinion +upon the plan which his Majesty's ministers have brought forward. I will +not follow the noble Marquis who opened the debate, into the +consideration of whether a chartered company be the best, or not, +calculated to carry on the government or the trade of an empire like +India, that is not the question to which I wish now to apply myself. But +whenever I hear of such discussions as this, I recall to my memory what +I have seen in that country--I recall to my memory the history of that +country for the last fifty or sixty years. I remember its days of +misfortune, and its days of glory, and call to mind the situation in +which it now stands. I remember that the government have conducted the +affairs of--I will not pretend to say how many millions of people,--they +have been calculated at 70,000,000, 80,000,000, 90,000,000, and +100,000,000--but certainly of an immense population, a population +returning an annual revenue of 20,000,000 l. sterling, and that +notwithstanding all the wars in which the empire has been engaged its +debt at this moment amounts only to 40,000,000 l., being no more than the +amount of two years revenue. I do not say that such a debt is desirable; +but at the same time I contend that it is a delusion on the people of +this country to tell them that that is a body unfit for government, and +unfit for trade, which has administered the affairs of India with so +much success for so many years, and which is at length to be put +down,--for I can use no other term,--upon the ground that it is an +institution calculated for the purposes neither of government nor trade. + +My Lords, there is a great difference between the East India Company +governing India, and carrying on their trade with China as a joint-stock +company, and carrying on the same trade as monopolists. It was my +opinion, and the opinion of those who acted with me, that we ought, in +the first instance, at all events, to have endeavoured to have prevailed +upon them to continue trading with China as a joint-stock company. If at +this moment, they had chosen to have continued to trade as a joint stock +company, I would have allowed them; I would have adopted measures for +the purpose of inducing them to do so, and to carry on the government of +India. It is perfectly true, my Lords, that the people of this country +were, and are, desirous of participating in the trade to China; but I am +not aware that they ever expressed a desire to see the company deprived +of any branch of that trade. But then, my Lords, the noble Lord asks, +"how would you secure to them their dividends?" Why, my Lords, their +dividends, supposing the trade had turned out so ill as the noble Lord +expects it would have done, would have been secured to them, as they +must be at present, by saving all unnecessary expense in India--those +dividends would have been secured to them, as they still will be, and as +under all circumstances they must be, by bringing down the whole +expences of the Government of the country. But we had another +resource--we might have relieved the East India Company, trading to +China no longer as a monopolist, but as a joint stock company, from a +part of the burden of the provisions of the Commutation Act. I cannot +help thinking, if that course had been adopted--or even supposing, +according to the calculations of my noble Friend behind me, we had been +obliged to abandon that course, by desiring the East India Company to +withdraw from trading with China--that they still would have been in +possession of their capital, which might have been disposed of for their +advantage, and they might have been continued in the Government of +India. I entreat your Lordships to observe, that such an arrangement +would have been attended with this advantage, that they would not have +had to draw their dividends from India. One of the greatest +inconveniences attending this arrangement is, in my opinion, the +increased sum which must be annually brought home by remittance to this +country from India, to such an amount that the inconvenience is very +great, so great, that I very much doubt whether the process can be +carried on; and it must be most prejudicial to the commerce of the +country. + +_June_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Reform un fait accompli_. + +Now that the Reform Bill has become the law of the land, I have +considered it my duty not only to submit to it, but to endeavour to +carry its provisions into execution by every means in my power. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Repudiation of the Holy Alliance_. + +I have passed part of my life in the foreign service of my country; but +I most sincerely protest, that I never did join with any holy alliance +against the liberties of Europe. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Expediency and Principle_. + +If the world were governed by principles, nothing would be more easy +than to conduct even the greatest affairs; but, in all circumstances, +the duty of a wise man is to choose the lesser of any two difficulties +which beset him. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Protestantism to be supported_. + +It is our duty, in every case, to do all we can to promote the +Protestant religion. It is our duty to do so, not only on account of the +political relations between the religion of the Church of England and +the Government, but because we believe it to be the purest doctrine, and +the best system of religion, that can be offered to a people. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Importance of preserving the authority of the East India Company_. + +The noble Lord who spoke last, quoted the opinion of Sir John Malcolm. +My Lords, I wish the noble Lords opposite had taken the advice of Sir +John Malcolm, upon the subject of forming an independent body in London, +representing the interests, and carrying on the concerns, of India. My +Lords, it is persons of this description who interpose an efficient +check upon the Government. I say, therefore, that it is much to be +lamented, that instead of placing that body in the state of independence +in which they were heretofore placed, they are to be reduced to a +situation in which they will lose a very considerable portion of their +power and influence. It is of the utmost importance that the greatest +possible care should be taken to preserve the authority of the company +in relation to their servants. Depend upon it, my Lords, that on the +basis of their authority depends the good government of India. + +_July_ 5, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_After Emancipation, the Protestants of Ireland ought to have been +conciliated_. + +The noble and learned Lord (Plunkett) said, that many of the evils that +afflicted Ireland, and for which the Church Temporalities Bill was +intended as a remedy, were occasioned by the delay of the measure of +Emancipation, after the year 1825. Why, I ask, by its delay after the +year 1825? I beg to know from that noble and learned Lord how long the +system of agitation existed in Ireland both before and after the year +1825? Why, my Lords, it has existed ever since the commencement of the +discussion of the Roman Catholic Question--that is to say, ever since +the days of the restrictive regency. From that period to the present +moment, there has been nothing but agitation, except during parts of the +years 1829 and 1830. Agitation commenced in Ireland upon the conclusion +of events in Paris, and in Brussels. Those events occasioned such +agitations and discussions as obliged the noble Duke, who was then at +the head of the Government in Ireland, to carry into execution the +Proclamation Act. Then came a change in the administration, and the +noble Earl assumed the reigns of power. He immediately chose for the +Lord Lieutenant (Lord Wellesley) a nobleman for whom I entertain great +respect but who certainly was nearly the last person who ought to have +been selected for that office. After the Roman Catholic Question was +settled, what ought the government to have done? Most certainly they +ought to have done everything in their power to conciliate--whom? The +Protestants of Ireland. Everything had already been granted to the Roman +Catholics which they could possibly require; and the object of the +government ought to have been to conciliate the Protestants. But, +instead of that, the noble Earl sends over to that country, as Lord +Lieutenant, the noble Marquis, who was the very last person that ought +to have been appointed; because, when holding that situation previously, +and on receiving information that his Majesty's government entertained +views favourable to the emancipation of the Catholics, he did, +immediately, before his departure for Ireland, issue a sort of +proclamation to the people that agitation should be continued for the +purpose of obtaining the desired boon. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Irish Agitation Characterized_. + +Now, my Lords, in order to enable your Lordships to understand what +this "agitation" is, I beg leave just to describe it to your Lordships. +It is, first of all, founded upon a conspiracy of priests and demagogues +to obtain their purpose--whether justifiable or not, is not the +question--by force and menace, and by the use of terror and of mobs, +wherever that terror and those mobs can be used to produce an effect +upon his Majesty's Government favourable to their views. This agitation +they have maintained by orations, harangues, and seditious speeches at +public meetings--by publications through a licentious press--by +exaggerations--by forgeries--and by all other means which it is in the +power of that description of persons to use, in order to excite the +multitude; and then, when they are excited, to make them appear in large +bodies to terrify and over-awe the people. If, my Lords, any person +ventures to oppose himself to these proceedings, he is either +immediately murdered or his house is destroyed, his cattle or other +property carried off, and combinations are formed to prevent resistance, +or the discovery of the guilty. In short, all measures are adopted which +go to, and which are intended to, destroy the Constitution of this +country. This, my Lords, is what is called the system of "agitation." + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_What constitutes a Blockade_. + +To constitute an effective blockade, it is unnecessary to say that the +port in question must be actually blockaded; and, further, that notice +must have been given of such a blockade. No capture could be made +without previously warning off vessels. There are various modes of +notice; but the most authoritative manner of giving notice is through +the Government of the power to be so warned. It should never be +forgotten, however, that there should be certain means in existence to +enforce the blockade at the time of notice. + +_July_ 19, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Objection to the reduction of the Number of Irish Bishops_. + +I object to the proposed reduction of the number of Bishops in Ireland, +and I totally dissent from the argument upon which the propriety or +expediency of that reduction is founded. I am willing to admit that if +we were now, for the first time, establishing the Protestant Church in +Ireland. I might be inclined to think that twenty-two Bishops were more +than was necessary to the supervision of some 1000 clergymen; but when I +take into account, besides the fact that the higher number has been in +existence for centuries--when I consider the importance of the +Protestant Church in Ireland in relation to the political ties of the +two countries--when I consider, as a Right Reverend Prelate has +remarked in the course of the debate, that wherever a Protestant Bishop +is removed, there a Catholic Prelate will remain, who, doubtless, will +possess himself of the palace, and perhaps the church property, of the +reduced Protestant See; and when, above all, I consider the peculiar +circumstances of Ireland, so different from those of this country, and +which may make the episcopal superintendence of thirty or forty +benefices in the former country a matter of more trouble and anxiety +than the 600 or 1000 benefices which an English Prelate may control, I +cannot but object to the proposed reduction. Besides, there is another +circumstance which is worthy of attention in the discussion of this +subject, and that is, that the Bishops of England have the assistance of +their Deans and Archdeacons, which their Irish brethren have not. The +twenty-two Bishops of Ireland have personally to perform all the duties +which the Bishops of this country perform through their Deans and +Archdeacons. + +_July_ 19,1835 + + * * * * * + +_The Jews' Right to Citizenship denied._ + +The noble and learned Lord (Brougham), and the most reverend Prelate +(Whately), have both stated that they cannot understand the distinct +principle upon which the opponents of this measure rest their opposition +to the admission of the Jews to seats in the legislature. Now I beg the +noble and learned Lord, and the most reverend Prelate, to recollect that +this is a Christian country and a Christian legislature, and that the +effect of this measure would be to remove that peculiar character. Your +Lordships have been called upon to follow the example of foreign +countries, with respect to the Jews; but I think that, before we +proceed to legislate on such a subject as this, it is indispensable that +the necessity for the introduction of the measure should be shown. I +ask, what case has been made out to shew a necessity for passing this +measure? When your Lordships passed the bills for the removal of the +Roman Catholic disabilities, and for the repeal of the Test and +Corporation Acts, the reason assigned was, that it was unnecessary to +keep up the restriction on the classes of Christians affected by those +acts. But there is a material difference between the cases of the +dissenters and Roman Catholics, and the Jews--the former enjoyed all the +benefits and advantages of the constitution before the restrictions were +imposed. Was that the case with the Jews? Were the Jews ever in the +enjoyment of the blessings of the English constitution? Certainly not. +The Jews were formerly considered as alien enemies, and they were not +allowed to live in this country,--I think from the time of Edward I. to +the period of the Commonwealth. It cannot, therefore, be said that the +question of the Jews can be put on the same ground as the claims of any +class of Christians in the country. + +_August 1,1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Jews have no Right to Civil Equality._ + +The noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack (Lord Brougham) has referred +to a certain Act of Parliament which passed, giving certain privileges +to the Jews, and which he said, was in the very form of words proposed +in this bill. It is true that this Act conferred benefits on the Jews, +but then it must be recollected that it was confined in its operation to +certain of the colonies; in the first instance to Canada, and +subsequently to Jamaica and Barbadoes, and others of the West Indian +colonies. But then, was there not a very good reason for this? European +inhabitants were much required in the colonies at the time the act +passed; and this was to give encouragement to the Jews to go thither and +settle. No such necessity exists now, with regard to this country,--we +do not wish Jews to come and settle here. Not one word has been said to +shew that any necessity exists for passing this measure. The noble Lord, +who addressed your Lordships early in the debate, adverted to the state +of the Jews in France, I entirely agree with the illustrious Duke near +me, and the right reverend Prelate, that this country is not bound to +follow the example of foreign nations in legislating for any portion of +the community. But it ought not to escape attention, that Buonaparte, in +legislating for the Jews, did not go the full length of this bill; and +before he did anything for them, he ordered a strict inquiry into their +case to be made. I ask, are your Lordships prepared to assent to this +bill, without any inquiry being instituted as to its necessity, or +without any reason being assigned? This bill is not the result of +inquiry, but it has been introduced on a very different +principle,--namely, because it suits the liberal opinions of the day. + +The noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, has endeavoured to shew +that, by retaining the words--"upon the true faith of a Christian," in +the Statute Book, you encourage men who have no regard to the obligation +of an oath, and thus maintain hypocrisy, while it operates as a +restriction on conscientious persons. "You admit," says the noble and +learned Lord, "men like Mr. Wilkes, Lord Shaftesbury, or Lord +Bolingbroke, but you shut out conscientious men who will not take the +oath." I am prepared to allow that there are some men whom no oath or +affirmation can reach; but this is no reason why we should give up every +test and oath. Are we on this account to throw aside every guard for the +maintenance of Christianity in the country? The Right Reverend Prelate +has stated very clearly and plainly the reason why we should not pass +this bill--namely, that this is a Christian country, and has a Christian +legislature, and that therefore, the Parliament, composed as it is, of +Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, cannot advise the Sovereign, +as the head of the Church, to sanction a law which will remove the +peculiar character of the legislature, I say that we cannot advise the +Sovereign on the throne to pass a law which will admit persons to all +offices, and into the Parliament of the country, who, however +respectable they may be, still are not Christians, and therefore ought +not to be allowed to legislate for a Christian Church. The noble +Marquis, for whom I entertain the highest respect, seemed surprised that +I should smile when the noble Marquis spoke in somewhat extravagant +terms of the distinctions which have been acquired by these persons in +foreign countries. I must apologize to the noble Marquis for having +smiled at that moment, but it certainly appeared to me that the noble +Marquis was rather extravagant in his praise; and, I may be allowed to +add, that I have never been so fortunate as to hear of those persons +being in the stations which he described. The noble marquis stated that +there were no less than fifteen officers of the Jewish religion at the +battle of Waterloo; I have not the least doubt that there are many +officers of that religion of great merit and distinction--but still I +must again repeat they are not Christians; and, therefore, sitting as I +do in a Christian legislature, I cannot advise the sovereign on the +throne to sanction a law to admit them to seats in this house and the +other house of parliament, and to all the rights and privileges enjoyed +by Christians. The noble and learned lord on the woolsack said, that +when the observation is mode that Christianity is part and parcel of the +law of the land, it is meant that that Christianity is the Church of +England. Now, I have always understood that it was the Christian +dispensation, generally; and I believe that when Christianity is talked +of as part and parcel of the law, it means the Christian dispensation, +and not the doctrines of the Church of England. + +_August_ 1, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_Defence of a Metallic Currency_. + +I always have maintained, and I always shall maintain, that the only +proper basis of our money system is a solid gold circulation. Upon that +basis I considered our monetary system fixed since the measure of 1819, +followed up as that was by improvements in 1826: I really think the +principle of those measures the best that can be applied to our +circulation. Detailed payments being made in gold, the larger payments +might be made in paper, and depend on credit; the true support of the +credit of whatever paper might be in circulation being, that it was +liable to be paid in gold on demand at any time, at the bank of England, +or at the branch-banks of the bank of England; so that, if any man chose +not to give credit to the bank of England, he had only to demand gold +for his paper; or any creditor might, at once, demand from his debtor +payment in solid coin. That however will, to a certain extent, not be +the case under this bill. I am aware that, eventually, the holder of the +paper can repair to the bank of England and demand gold as heretofore; +and must, therefore give credit to somebody for the amount. That I +consider a depreciation of the paper of the bank of England. It is a +depreciation to which if I had been a bank director, I would never have +consented; indeed, I cannot understand why the bank agreed to this +proposition. I am persuaded that, ere long, great inconveniences will +occur from the provision; and those inconveniences will be felt in a +depreciation of bank paper. What is the object of the arrangement? It is +either intended to give the bank a power of issuing paper which, under +the existing system, it does not possess, or to facilitate credit +generally throughout the country, and enable the country banks to +undertake operations which they could not otherwise attempt. It is +evident that the noble earl himself sees that the consequence will be to +facilitate and increase the issues of the country banks. That will +augment all transactions; and the result must be a great increase of +prices, and the ruin of many individuals. Nothing of this kind would +happen, if the present system were continued; namely, if the bank of +England continued to issue the number of its notes which the necessity +of the public might seem to require; and by the regularity of its +proceedings give such a check to the issues of the country banks, as +should be calculated to establish a sound and healthy circulation. Under +the existing system, the bank would proceed so as to prevent the country +banks from giving credit, except in cases which justified the +accommodation, and the circulation and commerce of the country would +continue in a wholesome state. + +_August_ 23, 1833. + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Wellington's reasons for supporting the Poor Law Amendment +Bill_. + +I concur with the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, and with the +noble lord opposite, as to the necessity of this measure. I agree, first +of all, in the existence of grievances consequent upon the existing +administration of the poor-laws, but I do not concur in the opinion +expressed by the noble and learned lord (the Lord Chancellor) in +disapproving of the provisions of the statute of Elizabeth; but I do +disapprove of a system of administration which differs in each and +every of the 12,000 parishes in this country, and in each of which +different and varied abuses have crept in. I maintain that it is +impossible for parliament to frame any law that can by possibility +remedy or apply to the abuses which prevail at the present +moment--abuses which are as varied in their character as they are +numerous. It is their general existence all over the country--it is +their existence in a different shape in every parish of the +kingdom--which renders the appointment of a central board absolutely +necessary, with powers to control the whole of the parishes in the land, +and to adopt such remedies as will secure a sure administration of these +laws throughout the country. If my noble friend, who has spoken in +opposition to this measure, had recently attended to parliamentary +business more assiduously than he has done, he would have found that the +subject has been submitted to the house by several noble lords, and has +also been under the consideration of every administration that I have +known; but no plan has ever been suggested, or scheme proposed, to +remove and remedy the evils of the existing laws, which in my judgment +at all equalled the present, and for it I must return the noble lord +opposite, with whom it has originated, my sincere thanks. The present +remedy for the evils of the existing laws is most unquestionably the +best that has ever been devised; at the same time I must observe, that +as the central board of commissioners must necessarily have very +extraordinary and full powers, it will be necessary that they should +keep such a record of their proceedings as shall render them liable to +the actual control at all times of the government and parliament of the +country. I doubt much whether the provisions of this bill give such a +controul to the government as will afford a full knowledge to the +parliament at all times of the course pursued by the commissioners; but +in committee on the bill, I shall consider whether some alteration is +not necessary, in order to make that control more active. There are +several other clauses in the bill which require much alteration and +modification. I entirely approve of the removal of the allowance system, +which is one of the greatest evils arising from the existing poor-laws; +but I am of opinion that it ought gradually and slowly to have been +destroyed, and without a fixed day for its termination being specified +in the bill. I would recommend that this clause should be left out, and +that power should be given to the commissioners to carry gradually such +alterations in this respect into effect, as to them may seem meet. + +_July 81,1834_. + + * * * * * + +_Tests no Security to Religion_. + +The noble duke, amongst other matters, has adverted to the union between +church and state, with respect to which he has made some observations +which are undoubtedly worthy of consideration, but to which I do not +intend, on this occasion, to offer any answer. I will, however, just +observe, that I apprehend what is generally meant by dissevering the +union of the church and state is, that there should be no established +religion. To that proposition, I trust it is superfluous for me to say +that I am a most decided opponent. It is, however, a subject which I +cannot now pretend to discuss. It is my opinion, that to leave religion +to rest upon the voluntary efforts of the people, is a notion which we +are not at present in a situation competent to entertain. It is so very +great a change, and so totally different from all that we know and +observe, that we are absolutely precluded, from want of experience, from +entering upon the consideration of the question. It is not a just +criterion, by which to form a judgment, to refer to the experience of +other nations--such as the existence of Christianity in Rome before it +became the established religion of the empire, or the existence of +religion in a country so distant and so unlike our own, in all its +circumstances, as the United states of North America. That, my lords, is +the opinion I entertain, and therefore I will no longer occupy your +lordships by any further discussion on this subject. I belong to the +church of England, and am a friend of that church, from feeling and from +conviction. I do not say that I have examined all her doctrines, or that +I am master of all the grounds upon which her rites and ceremonies +stand--I do not say that I am able to discuss with my noble friend those +one thousand questions, which Bishop Law said arose out of the +thirty-nine articles, but I believe her doctrines to be scriptural, and +I know her principles to be tolerant. But, my lords, I beg leave to say, +that I adopt those doctrines upon another ground, which perhaps may +expose me, with some in the present day, to censure. My lords, I espouse +those doctrines because they are the mode of faith delivered down to me +by my forefathers; and because they are the mode of faith which I find +established in my country. I am not prepared to remove the basis upon +which is founded (though it may be apart from) the structure of the +religion of my country. I do not think that such is the wish of the +majority of the dissenters; but, at all events, it seems to me a course +calculated to lead only to a state of general scepticism and universal +suspension of religion among the people. But while I say this for +myself--while I claim to found my attachment to my religion upon +principle, it is necessary that I should say precisely the same thing +for that great body of men who may be called the dissenters of England. +Their consent is rarely contemporaneous with the establishment of the +church of England herself. The dissenters from the church of England are +those who thought that the Reformation did not proceed far enough. Their +dissent did not show itself against the established church when in power +and prosperity; but the dissenters from that church grew up first when +the Roman Catholic religion was dominant in this country, and when both +the members of the new church of England and the dissenters were alike +suffering under persecution; therefore, it is a dissent founded on +principle. Considering the weight which dissent has in this country, and +considering the extent to which it prevails, many attempts have been, +from time to time, made, as we all know, at a religious comprehension of +all denominations of Christians in the body of the church. Such attempts +have been made by some of the greatest prelates that the church has +ever known. These attempts have all failed; but, surely in our days, it +may be thought wise to attempt at least a general civil comprehension of +all classes, by admitting them, if it be possible to do so, to those +benefits which are to be derived from the public institutions of the +country. + +I will not go into the foundations of the universities. I am not for +raising any quibble on that subject. I apprehend that they have grown +up, as all other institutions have done, very much from a series of +accidents, and the force of chances. One college has been founded by one +individual, and one by another; but, however they have grown up, they +have, in fact, become, and are now considered, as the national +seminaries of education. I would reserve to them, in every respect, +their corporate rights. I would respect them as places where the +religion of the country is taught, and professed; but undoubtedly I +would if possible, for the sake of general peace and union, and for the +sake of bringing together those who are now divided, try, with the +sanction and approbation of the universities themselves (and we know +perfectly well that most of their distinguished members are of opinion +that this can be done); I would, I say, try whether we could not open +the gates of these universities to that great body of this country, who +unfortunately dissent from the doctrines of the church of England. I +would not do so, however, rashly, nor with any violence to honest +prejudices, or to those well-intentioned feelings which some persons are +found to cherish. + +The noble duke has said that tests are no securities against the +admission of atheists or schismatics, and that a man may take them who +dissented from them, if he chose to stifle all his feelings of right and +wrong. But, my lords, I beg leave to say that tests are no security +against any man. It is impossible ever to have looked at the history of +religion in any state, or at any period, and not to feel that the test +laws have been the weakest ground upon which any faith could stand. Were +tests any security for the heathen religion against the vital spirit of +the heaven-descended energy of Christianity? Yet we are aware that every +act of the life of a heathen was in itself a test. He could not sit to +his meat, he could not retire to rest, he could not go through the most +simple transactions of life, without some act of acknowledgment offered +towards some heathen deity. Unless these observances were attended to by +the Christians, they were subject to the most cruel punishments, and yet +such means failed to preserve the dominant faith. In fact, it is well +known that one of the most violent persecutions of the Christians, +instituted by the Roman emperors, was followed, as it were, almost +immediately by the establishment of Christianity as the dominant +religion of the empire. Were tests any security to the Roman Catholic +religion, against the growing light and energy of the Protestant faith? +Tests of various kinds were adopted at the very moment the new doctrines +showed themselves, but it was soon found that they were vain and fragile +against the light and strength of the new doctrines. Were tests any +security to these very universities themselves? I have not looked very +deeply into this subject; I have no doubt that if I were to look closer +into it, I should find more instances of the sort; but I find that about +fourteen years after the establishment of King's College, in the +university of Cambridge, a decree was sent down there by King Henry VI., +admonishing the scholars, that is to say, in the language of the present +day, the fellows of that college, against the damnable and pernicious +errors (so it styled them), of John Wickliffe and Richard Peacock, and +denouncing the pains of expulsion from college, and perjury, against +those of them who should show any favour to those doctrines. Yet, in two +years after this, this very king's college became what, at that time was +called the most heretical, but which now, in our time, would be called +the most Protestant college in the university; and we know that these +doctrines thus fiercely denounced, and strongly guarded against by +tests, about fifty or sixty years afterwards became, by law, the +established religion of this country. It is upon her native +strength--upon her own truth--it is upon her spiritual character, and +upon the purity of her doctrines, that the Church of England rests. Let +her not, then, look for support in such aids as these. It is by these +means, and not by tests and proscriptions, that protestantism has been +maintained; let her be assured of this. + +_August 1, 1834._ + + * * * * * + + +_Cause of the dismissal of the Melbourne Administration in November, +1834._ + +I am not responsible for the dissolution of the late government. The +late government was dissolved from the absolute impossibility of its +going on any longer. When a noble earl (Spencer), whom I do not now see +in his place, was removed from the House of Commons, by the necessity of +taking his seat in this house, it was impossible for the late government +to go on. I will just desire your lordships to recollect that it was +stated by the noble earl (Grey), who so worthily filled the situation of +prime minister for nearly four years, when his noble colleague (Lord +Althorp), in the House of Commons, thought proper to resign, "that he +had lost his right hand, and that it had thus become absolutely +impossible for him to continue to carry on the government, or to serve +the Crown with honour or advantage." Not only did the noble earl make +this declaration of his inability to go on upon the retirement of his +noble colleague from his majesty's councils, but the noble viscount +opposite, himself, when he afterwards came to form his government, +stated that the noble earl (Spencer), having consented to retain his +office and position in the House of Commons, he was prepared to +undertake to preside over his majesty's councils, and carry on the +business of the country. But this was not all; for I happen to know +that, when the noble viscount found that he was likely to be deprived of +the services and assistance of that noble lord in the other house, he +felt that his administration would be placed in circumstances of the +greatest difficulty and embarrassment. Besides that, it was perfectly +well known to his majesty, that the influence of that noble lord in the +other house of parliament was the foundation on which the government to +which he was attached, reposed; and, that that support being removed, it +must fall. When, therefore, his majesty found that it was fairly put to +him whether he would consent to arrangements for the late government +proceeding as it best could, or whether he would consent to steps being +taken for the formation of another administration, it was surely natural +for his majesty to consider his own situation, and the situation in +which the late government was lately placed by the death of the late +Earl Spencer. + +_February 24, 1835_. + + * * * * * + +_Why the Duke of Wellington held so many offices_, ad interim, _in +November_, 1834. + +I gave his majesty the best advice which, under the circumstances of the +case, it appeared to me practicable to give. I advised his majesty to +send for that right hon. gentleman (Sir R. Peel), a member of the House +of Commons, who seemed to me to be the most fit and capable person to +place at the head of the new administration, as first lord of the +treasury. That right honourable gentleman was then in another part of +the world, and some time must necessarily elapse before it would be +possible that he could return to this country. It appeared to his +majesty and to myself, however, to be essentially necessary that, in the +meantime, the government should be taken possession of and +administered. This step I considered to be absolutely necessary, and I +also felt it to be absolutely necessary that, whoever might exercise the +authority of government in the interval, should take no step that might +embarrass or compromise the right honourable baronet on his return. It +was only on that ground that I accepted, for the time, of the offices of +first lord of the treasury, and secretary of state for the home +department. + +The noble viscount has made a little mistake in alleging that I was +appointed to three departments at once. He makes it a matter of charge +against me that I exercised the authority of the three secretaries of +state; but the noble viscount knows very well that the secretary of +state for the home department is competent, under certain circumstances, +to do so. It was for the public service, and the public convenience, and +no other reason whatever, that I, my lords, consented to hold, for a +time, the situations of first lord of the treasury, and secretary of +state for the home department. But I want to know whether this was, as +the noble viscount insinuates, an unprecedented act? When Mr. Canning +was secretary of state for the foreign department, he was appointed +first lord of the treasury. The latter office Mr. Canning received on +the 12th of April, and he did not resign the seals of the foreign +department until the 30th of that month. During the whole of that period +Mr. Canning discharged the duties both of secretary of state for foreign +affairs, and first lord of the treasury. My lords, I am quite aware +that there were at that period, two other secretaries of state, but the +fact is as I have stated it, that Mr. Canning exercised at the same +time; the functions both of first lord of the treasury, and secretary of +state for the foreign department. The transaction in my case was, +therefore, not unprecedented; and I must also say, that when the noble +viscount thought proper to blame me, as he did, he was bound to show +that my conduct, in that respect, had been attended with some evil or +inconvenient result. Now, it does not appear that it has been attended +with any such result. The fact is, that during the whole of the time +that I held the two offices. I cautiously avoided taking any step which +might be productive of subsequent embarrassment or inconvenience, and +when my right honourable friend took possession of his office, I can +undertake to say that he did not find himself compromised by any such +act. + +_February_ 24,1835. + + * * * * * + +_Lord Londonderry's appointment to the Embassy at St. Petersburgh._ + +My lords, having learned that it would not be disagreeable to my noble +friend to be employed in the public service, I did concur in the +recommendation, or rather, my lords, I did recommend to my right +honourable friend, Sir Robert Peel, that my noble friend should be +appointed ambassador to the court of St. Petersburgh. I made this +recommendation, founded as it was on my own personal knowledge of my +noble friend for many years past,--on the many great and important +military services he has performed, and on the fitness he has proved +himself to possess for such an appointment in those various diplomatic +employments he has filled during a long period of time; more +particularly at the court of Vienna, where for a period of nine years, +he performed most important services to the entire satisfaction of the +ministers who employed him, up to the last moment of his employment. He +returned from the discharge of that office, my lords, with the strongest +testimony of the approbation of the then secretary of state for foreign +affairs. I was aware, my lords, of the peculiar talents of my noble +friend in certain respects, for this particular office, and of his +consequent fitness for this very description of diplomatic employment, +especially on account of his being a military officer of high rank in +the service of this country, and of distinguished reputation in the +Russian army. I knew the peculiar advantages that must attach to an +individual conducting such an embassy on that account. Under these +circumstances, I was justified, my lords, in recommending my noble +friend, and I was glad to find that my right honourable friend concurred +in that recommendation, and that his majesty was pleased to approve of +it. I may also add, that the nomination of my noble friend having been +communicated in the usual manner to the court of St. Petersburgh, it was +received with approbation at that court. For all these reasons, my +lords, it was with the greatest regret I learned that this +nomination,--for it had gone no further than nomination,--was not +approved of in another place; for it is in consequence of that +expression of disapproval that my noble friend, with that delicacy of +feeling which belongs to his character, has declined the office. + +_March_ 16,1834. + + * * * * * + +_Prerogative of the Crown in appointing Ambassadors._ + +There can be no doubt whatever that there is no branch of the +prerogative of the crown greater, or more important, than that of +sending ambassadors to foreign courts; nor is there any branch of that +prerogative the unrestricted use of which ought to be kept more +inviolate. But, my lords, the ministers of the crown are responsible for +these nominations. They are also responsible for the instructions under +which my noble friend, or any other noble lord so nominated, is bound to +act. They are, moreover, responsible for the proper performance of these +duties on the part of those whom they select--to the other house of +parliament, and to the country at large. It is impossible, therefore, +for me to believe that the House of Commons would in this case proceed +so far as to interfere with that peculiar prerogative, and to say that +an individual who has been already nominated by the crown should not +fill the situation; inasmuch as, by so doing, the House of Commons would +not only be taking upon itself the nomination of the officer, and the +direction of the particular duties to be discharged by him--but would +also be relieving the minister from the constitutional responsibility of +the appointment. I do not think that sentiments of such a description, +on a subject of this delicacy and importance, are very general; and I +cannot bring myself to believe that a vote affirming such a violation of +the royal prerogative would have passed the House of Commons. + +_March 15,1835._ + +I + +_The Roman Catholics interested in maintaining the Established Church._ + +The great bulk of the Roman Catholics are as much interested as the +Protestants of the established church in maintaining the safety of the +established church. + +_June 10, 1835._ + + * * * * * + +_Defence of the Thirty-nine Articles._ + +I conceive that there is no cause to complain of the subscription to the +thirty-nine articles, as practised in Oxford. The explanation given by +the most reverend prelate is entirely borne out by the statues of the +university, and by the practice that prevails there; and this +explanation agrees entirely with that given by a right reverend prelate, +who was formerly head of one of the colleges at Oxford. It might, +perhaps, be desirable that some other test should be adopted to prove +that the individuals to be matriculated are members of the church of +England; the most important point is, that Cambridge and Oxford should +be filled only by members of the Church of England--upon that I consider +the whole question to rest. The noble earl said, in the course of the +discussion, that I advised your lordships not to consent to the bill +introduced last session; because, if you did, you would have to carry +to the foot of the throne a measure which would tend to subvert the +union between church and state. My meaning in so doing was neither more +nor less than this--that it was absolutely necessary that the +universities, founded as they are, should educate their members in the +religion of the church of England. Your lordships could not go to the +king, and ask his consent to a bill which had for its object to +establish in the university a system of education different from that of +the church of England, without attacking the very foundation of the +principle of the connexion between church and state. But the noble lord +says, the church herself does not exact subscription to the thirty-nine +articles from each individual. It is very true that the church of +England does not require subscription from her members, nor would the +university of Oxford require it, but as a proof that the person +subscribing was a member of that church, or of the family of a member +thereof. + +The noble earl stated that individuals might obtain admittance to the +universities both of Oxford and Cambridge, notwithstanding that they +were dissenters; but there is a great deal of difference between +casually admitting dissenters, and permitting them to enter into the +universities as a matter of right. I see no objection to the admission +of the few now admitted, who must submit to the regulations and +discipline of the university, and of its several colleges; but I do +object to the admission of dissenters into the universities by right; +and my reason for making this exception is, that I am exceedingly +desirous that the religion taught there should be the religion of the +church of England; and I confess I should be very apprehensive that, if +dissenters of all denominations were admitted by right, and they were +not under the necessity of submitting to the rules and regulations of +the several colleges, not only would the religion of the church of +England not to be taught there, but no kind of religion whatever. I +state this on the authority of a report which I have recently received +of the proceedings of an institution in this country for the instruction +of children of dissenting clergymen; from which it appears absolutely +impossible, for any length of time, to adhere to any creed, or any tenet +or doctrine in these seminaries, in which every doctrine is matter of +dispute and controversy. I was rather surprised to hear the noble +viscount opposite--a minister of the crown--express his preference for +polemical disputations in the universities. I should have thought that +he would have felt it to be his inclination, as well as duty, by all +means to protect the universities from such disputes, and from a system +fruitful in such controversies; and probably to end in a cessation of +any system of religion or religious instruction whatever, on account of +the different opinions of the members. + +_July_ 14,1835. + + * * * * * + +_University Tests rendered necessary by Toleration._ + +The tests in our universities are the children of the Reformation, which +the system of toleration wisely established in this country has +rendered still more necessary, if we intend to preserve the standard of +the religion of the church of England. If we open the door wide and say +"We will have no established religion at all--every man shall follow the +religion he chooses"--if, in a word, we have recourse to the voluntary +system,--then we must make up our minds to take the consequences which +must follow from the enactments of the bill and the polemical and other +controversial agitations to which it must lead. But, supposing the +object of the noble lord, to put an end to these tests, to be desirable, +I can conceive no mode of effecting this object so objectionable as the +interference by parliament with the privileges of the universities, +secured to them by charter and repeatedly acknowledged and confirmed by +parliament. + +_July_ 14 1835 + + * * * * * + +_Irish Clergy--their Depression by the Melbourne Government_. + +I do say that the Protestant people and clergy of Ireland have great +reason to complain of the want of protection to their rights and +properties manifested on the part of the government of this country; and +this is the cause of those disputes and those circumstances which the +noble lord opposite (Lord Melbourne) has complained of in the few words +he has addressed to the house on the subject. Far be it from me to wish +for the renewal of any dissensions in Ireland; and, God knows, I would +go any length, and do any thing in my power to put them down in the +extent to which they now exist; but we are mistaken if we suppose that +they can be put down by oppressing one party, or allowing one party to +oppress another, or by extinguishing--an extinction which for the last +three or four years you have attempted and are now about to +complete--that description of property in Ireland allotted to the +payment of the clergy. This is the circumstance which occasions the +present dissensions in Ireland, and which has induced the present +discussion in this house. The noble lord opposite cannot lament the +cause of such discussions more than I do; but if he be determined to do +his duty, let him give the protection of his majesty's government to the +Protestant clergy and people of Ireland, as he does not hesitate to do +in the case of other classes in that country; and the evils which he so +much deplores will soon cease to exist. + +_July_ 16, 1835. + + * * * * * + +_A Power of Revising Railway Acts ought to be Reserved by the +Legislature_. + +I certainly have a very strong feeling on the subject of all these +railways to be traversed by the aid of steam. I sincerely wish that all +these projects could prove successful; but, in proportion as they may be +successful, in the same proportion is it desirable that there should not +be a perpetual monopoly established in the country. Under these +circumstances, I have a strong feeling that it is desirable to insert in +all these bills some clause, to enable the government or the parliament +to revise the enactments contained in them at some future specific +period. I conceive that, by carrying these measures into execution, a +very great injustice is often done to many landed proprietors in the +country; and they are forced either to submit to great inconvenience, or +to contend against that inconvenience by incurring a very large expense, +both in this and the other house of parliament. If some measure of the +description to which I allude be not adopted, and if these railroads are +to become monopolies in the hands of present or of future proprietors, +we shall hereafter be only able to get the better of such monopolies by +forming fresh lines of road, to the farther detriment of the interests +of the landed proprietors, and at a great increase of expense and +inconvenience. These circumstances have most forcibly struck my mind. I +have had the subject under consideration for some days; I have conversed +with others respecting it; and it appears to me that some plan ought to +be devised in order to bring these railroads under the supervision of +parliament at some future period. I therefore am anxious that the +further proceedings in all these bills[18] should be suspended for a +short time, in order that I may propose some clause, or introduce some +measure, to meet the object to which I have referred. I think it is a +subject the consideration of which ought not to fall on any individual. +It is, I conceive, a matter which the government should take into its +especial consideration. I am, however, perfectly ready to share with the +government the responsibility of proposing such a measure to the house. + +[Footnote 18: Some railway bills before the Home of Lords.] + +_June_ 3,1836. + + * * * * * + +_Moderation of the Opposition in the House of Lords towards the +Melbourne Government_. + +From my own experience, I must take the liberty of observing, that I +consider the conduct pursued by noble lords on this side of the house, +throughout the present session, to have been marked with the utmost +moderation. For myself, I think I am correct in stating, that since the +address to the throne in answer to the king's speech, with the exception +only of one occasion, when I requested the noble viscount to postpone +the Corporations (Ireland) Bill till after the Easter holidays, I never +entered the house till after Easter. Since that period, I have certainly +taken part in the proceedings that have been going forward in the house, +and I have felt it my duty to oppose some of the measures of government; +but I think I shall be borne out when I say that I have accompanied the +vote which I have given with observations expressed in terms of great +moderation. I have acted on all occasions to the best of my opinion, and +in a way which I thought most calculated to be beneficial to the +country. The noble viscount has been pleased to taunt us for not having +addressed the king with a view to obtain his and his colleagues' removal +from the situations which they hold. If the noble viscount would look at +the manner in which they were appointed to office, if he would look at +the whole history for the last twelve months I think he would find +sufficient reason for our not having adopted that course of proceeding. +The noble viscount knows very well upon what ground he stands, and +knowing that, it would have been just as well in him if he had avoided +his taunts against us for not having asked the king to remove him from +office. I would take the liberty to recommend the noble viscount to +consider himself not as the minister of a democratic body in another +place, but as the minister of a sovereign in a limited monarchy, in a +country, great in point of extent, great in its possessions, and in the +various interests which it comprises; and that considering these +circumstances, he should, in future, concert such measures as he has +reason to think may pass with the approval and suit the general +interests of all,--meet the good will of all,--and not of one +particular party in one particular place only. If the noble viscount +will but follow that course for some little time, he will find no +difficulty in conducting the business of government in this house, but +will find every facility afforded him in forwarding measures of the +above description. I would beg the noble lord to recollect one fact, in +regard to the church of England, whether in England or Ireland. Let him +recollect that the avowed policy followed by this country during the +last three hundred years, has been to retain inviolable the church +establishment. We are called here to consult particularly for the good +of the church; and if the noble viscount brings forward any measures +relating to that subject, let him recollect that all measures of such a +kind must be discussed by us with that particular object in view. This +is not only the old feeling of this house of three hundred years' +standing, but it is that on which we acted no longer than eight or nine +years ago, when we had occasion to review the safeguards and general +landmarks whereby the church establishment of this country was defended. + +_August_ 18, 1836. + +_The Quadruple Treaty. Effects of our Intervention in Spain_. + +It is well known to your lordships that I was one of those who objected +to the treaty called the "Quadruple Treaty." It is perfectly true that I +was afterwards instrumental in carrying it into effect; because it was +my duty, in the situation in which I was placed at that time, to carry +into effect those treaties which his majesty had entered into, whether I +had originally approved of them or not. I cannot, therefore, now, +disapprove of the due execution of the quadruple treaty by others; nor +will I refuse my assent to the proposition that the measures which his +majesty has adopted in execution of the treaty are satisfactory as far +as we have any knowledge of them. If any measures should have been +adopted, not already provided for in the treaty, it will be our duty to +consider them calmly and dispassionately. Much discussion has taken +place in other countries with respect to the course pursued by other +members of this alliance, in the execution of this treaty. I must say, +that so far as I am enabled to form a judgment of the treaty, (and I +know nothing more than what appears on the face of the treaty itself) it +seems to me that it has been fairly executed by all the parties who +subscribed it. When I had the honour of serving his majesty in 1834, I +was called upon to state whether the treaty in question would be carried +into execution. I then stated what I understood was the meaning and +scope of the treaty;--viz. that there should be no armed intervention in +the internal affairs of Spain, which should tend to affect the +independence of that country. That was my sense of the treaty at the +time--it is my sense of the treaty at the present moment--it was so +understood by the other parties to the treaty. It was the understanding +of all parties that there should he no military intervention in the +internal affairs of Spain. This was the understanding of the treaty, and +in the month of November, 1834, this explanation was communicated and +was satisfactory to the Spanish government. + +I consider that the attempt by his majesty's government, aided even by +the strongest power in Europe, to force upon Spain any form of +government, must fail. Those who should make the attempt must take upon +themselves not only the expenses of their own army in a most expensive +contest, but those of the civil and military government of Spain; and +they must hold their position in Spain, and defray their expenses till +the new government should be settled and submitted to, and tranquillity +established in the country. I should like to see how the Commons House +of Parliament, or the Chamber of Deputies, would treat a proposition +that should call upon them to agree to a vote of money for any such +operation, for the purpose of forcibly imposing a liberal government on +Spain, or on any other country. I contend my lords, that this scheme is +absolutely impracticable. His majesty's ministers may rely on it, that +they have undertaken that which they never can perform; and that the +sooner they place themselves on the footing on which they ought strictly +to stand with reference to the quadruple alliance, the sooner will the +pacification of Spain, which we must all of us anxiously wish for, be +accomplished. I feel, for one, the strongest objection to anything like +interference with the internal affairs of the Peninsula. I object to it, +not only on account of the vast expense it must inevitably entail upon +this country, but still more so on account of the injury which it +inflicts on the parties existing in that state. Of my own certain +knowledge I can state, that the individuals composing these parties in +Spain, have actually been ruined, their properties confiscated, their +fortunes sacrificed, by the course which his majesty's government have +pursued. Acting under the assurances of his majesty's government, +individuals have adopted a certain line of conduct. They followed his +majesty's government, as a party in the state. His majesty's government, +thus acting, is obliged to move forward with the democratic movement The +unfortunate persons I have alluded to have, in consequence, been +abandoned, their fortunes sacrificed, and their prospects blighted for +ever. Events like these, my lords, which affect the character as well as +the influence of the country, inclined me to be more adverse to such +interference than I should be on the mere score of expense. I do not +mean to oppose the address, but in taking this course, I beg to be +clearly understood as not holding myself bound to approve of the +employment of any force beyond that stipulated for by the quadruple +treaty, which treaty parliament has recognised. + +_January_ 30,1837. + +_The Poor Law Act has surpassed his expectation_. + +My lords, I supported the bill while it was in this house; and having +given that support to the bill from being a witness to the evils, and +being apprehensive of the consequences likely to have attended the +former system, I conceive it to be my duty to come forward on this +occasion, and to state that this bill has surpassed any expectation +which I had formed of the benefits likely to result from it. The bill, +my lords, may require amendment in certain parts, and it appears that +his majesty's government have taken measures to ascertain what points in +the bill so require amendment. I, for one, am ready to pay the greatest +attention to the points which may be brought under the consideration of +this house. But I must say that I approve of the measure as far as it +has gone hitherto, and I have witnessed its operation. I do not talk of +what I have seen generally, I talk of the details of the management of +the bill, from having witnessed that management in different workhouses, +in different parts of the country in which I have resided; and I must +say that it has been practically beneficial, and particularly in cases +such as these. First of all, it has put the workman and his employer +upon a true and friendly footing of confidence. Then it has connected +the man of property, the man of the highest rank in his country, with +the lowest class, with the labouring class, by admitting such to the +board of Guardians. I can mention some noble lords, who are ornaments to +this house, and who constantly attend at the weekly meetings of the +guardians, being elected guardians by the parishes in the neighbourhood +in which they reside. No measure could be attended with better results, +and being convinced that it will effect still greater benefits, +sincerely thinking so, I should be ashamed if I did not step forward, +and at once avow my sentiments respecting it. I avow at once that I +supported the bill at the time his majesty's ministers proposed it--that +I do not repent of what I did on that occasion in so supporting it--but, +on the contrary, that I rejoice in the part I then took; and I now +congratulate his majesty's ministers on its success. + +_April_ 7, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_The Universities--their Education System the admiration of the World._ + +The working of all these colleges and of the system on which they are +regulated, is for the benefit of the public; and in each and every +college the object is to carry into execution the will of the founder, +just as it would probably have been had he lived to this period. In +every case the great object of the governing authorities is, to benefit +the public by the education of the youth who resort to these +institutions. The noble viscount (Melbourne) could not help admitting +that these institutions have worked well, and that latterly a great +improvement has taken place in the system of education pursued under +their auspices. The noble viscount has also spoken of the great +improvement in the system of education pursued in the new university of +Durham, and in other new universities elsewhere. But, nevertheless, the +noble viscount could not help admitting that the old universities of +Oxford and Cambridge possess the merit of having established in England +an excellent system of education, which is, in point of fact, the envy +and admiration of the world. + +_April_ 11, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_The Quadruple Treaty condemned_. + +My lords, I must confess that I did not approve of the original +Quadruple Treaty. I considered it inconsistent with the ancient +principle and the policy and practice adopted in this country with +regard to Portugal, to avoid to interfere in the disputes between the +two princes of the House of Braganza, which had been the policy of this +country for many years. It sanctioned the introduction of Spanish troops +into Portugal, which measure was inconsistent with our defensive +relations with Portugal, and which had been objected to and prevented in +that very contest between the rival princes of the House of Braganza. +Yet it gave no fresh assistance to bring the contests in Portugal to a +conclusion, excepting the promise to give the aid of this country by the +employment of a naval force in co-operation with the Spanish and +Portuguese troops, which aid was not necessary. Another objection which +I entertained to the Quadruple Treaty was, that it mixed up France and +this country in the offers and promises made to Don Carlos and Don +Miguel, in the fifth and sixth articles of the treaty. These powers +became, in fact, guarantees for the performance of these engagements, as +well as for the performance of the engagements made under the same +articles of the treaty to the subjects of Portugal and Spain. It is +impossible to describe the inconvenience of such articles; they require +the interference of government in hundreds of little questions. I have +felt the inconvenience of those articles since their adoption; I stated +my objections to them at the time, and I have seen no reason, since, to +alter the opinions I then formed. + +_April_ 21, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Effects of the Additional Articles to the Quadruple Treaty._ + +By the first of the additional articles to the treaty, the King of the +French obliged himself to take such measures in those parts of his +dominions which adjoined to Spain, as might be calculated to prevent +succours of men, arms, and warlike stores being sent from France into +Spain; and the King of Great Britain engaged, under the second of the +said additional articles, to furnish such arms and warlike stores as her +majesty the Queen of Spain might require; and further to assist her +majesty with a naval force if necessary. The Duke of Braganza was to +give his best assistance to serve her majesty, that he might be called +upon to render. So that those additional articles were essentially +different from the terms and provisions of the original treaty, by which +the removal of the two princes from Portugal was effected. I do not mean +to say, that, in the preamble to that treaty, allusion is not made to +the affairs both of Spain and Portugal, but there still is a remarkable +difference between the words used in the treaty and the additional +articles; and moat particularly in relation to the part to be taken by +this country. + +_April_ 21, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_The Legion and the Stock Exchange.--Impotency of our interference_. + +I contend, as I have before contended in this house, that his majesty's +present ministers (Lord Melbourne's government) ought not to have +departed from the position which the previous administration had +established while they were in power. I will not pretend to say what +would have been the result of their following out that course, but this +I do say, that the course pursued by his lordship's government has not +benefited the military or the financial affairs of Spain, or promoted +the peace of that country or the general tranquillity of Europe, or +attained any of the political advantages which the noble viscount boasts +have been attained by his departure from that position which the +previous government had occupied and left to their successors. But, my +lords, it did unfortunately happen that certain parties in this country +had been connected with the Spanish finances; and it was important to +those parties that the red coats should make their appearance in Spain, +and that the name of "Great Britain," and of the British legion, should +be mixed up in the operations of the war. Money was raised in this +country to defray the expense of the equipment of the "Legion," as it +was called, of 10,000 or 12,000 men, and also of their pay, their food, +and maintenance, for a certain number of months; and the noble lords, in +order that this scheme might be carried into execution, gave their +consent to the order in council for the suspension of the Foreign +Enlistment Act. The corps gathered in this country, and went to Spain, +in the spring of the year 1835, nearly two years ago. Their first +operation upon their arrival at St. Sebastian, was a march over the very +same ground to the very spot which was the scene of the late disaster. +My lords, up to that moment, the Eliot convention, as it is most +honourably and justly called, had been carried into execution. It was on +that day departed from on both sides, and from that day to this, I +firmly believe, from all I have seen and read,--and I have read much on +the subject within the last few days--there has been no certainty in the +execution of that convention. Not only has there been no certainty in +the execution of that convention, but, notwithstanding the millions of +money that Spain has expended,--notwithstanding the blood which has been +shed and the number of lives that have been lost,--I will venture to +say, that the military affairs of the Queen of Spain are in a worse +condition now than they were in the month of May, 1835. + +The whole of the policy of the British government, therefore; all the +operations of the British legion, backed by the British squadron; have +effected nothing more nor less towards putting an end to the war, and +giving peace to Spain and to Europe, than the removal of the blockade of +St. Sebastian from one point to another, so as not to come within the +liability of being affected by the 68-pounders of the British steamers, +under the command of Lord John Hay. + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Uselessness of the operations of the Legion, and Lord John Hay's +Squadron, at St. Sebastian_. + +If the noble lord supposes that the safety of St. Sebastian had been +more or less endangered by the blockade, I can assure him that he is +much mistaken; for, from what I know of that fortified town, which is +one of the first or second order in Europe, I can take upon myself to +say that the Carlists might have been left in their original position +without any danger whatever to the town, because they could not make an +attack upon such a fortress. In the whole course of the war they have +not, to my knowledge, taken by an attack any fortified post; or even any +open town of any magnitude, prepared for its defence. They could not +have distressed St. Sebastian for provisions, because its communication +with the sea could not be prevented. I say, it could not be prevented, +even if the whole British fleet were blockading it, instead of being +there to relieve it. The amount of inconvenience felt in the town from +the Carlist force being in the neighbourhood, was neither more nor less +than the unpleasantness of ladies and gentlemen, residing there, being +prevented taking their evening walks in the neighbourhood. This is the +whole amount of the inconvenience from which the town was relieved. This +was the whole amount of the service rendered. + +_April_ 21,1837. + +_Strictures on General Evans_. + +My lords, I will go a little further. I will say, that I firmly believe +that the connexion between the legion and the fleet has been injurious +to the military operations of the queen of Spain's generals. That is my +decided opinion, founded upon my knowledge of the nature of the country, +and of the position of both parties. My lords, there is one point to +which I refer; that is, the want of communication between the Queen of +Spain's generals, which can be relied upon. If corps of the size of +those now employed are not actually joined, there must be a certain +communication between them; for, without communication there can be no +co-operation; and any attempt at co-operation would, in my opinion, in +all probability, lead to disasters such as have recently taken place at +Hernani. How are these troops situated? General Evans's troops are at +St. Sebastian; General Saarsfield is at the other side of the Borunda, +at Pampeluna; and Espartero, with his army, is at Bilboa. It is +impossible that there can be any communication between these three, +except by the French frontier, and by sea from Socoa, or by the Ebro. An +arrangement is made for an attack, and a day named. What was the +consequence? General Evans made an attack, but General Saarsfield, at +Pampeluna, does not attack; there is a frost or snow, or rain, or some +physical impediment which prevents a movement on the part of Saarsfield. +General Evans cannot be informed in time, and the enemy has opportunity +and leisure to throw his whole force upon General Evans; who, even if +the troops had behaved well, would have been compelled to retire. The +position, therefore, of the legion at St. Sebastian, in order to +co-operate with the British squadron, that there might be something like +British co-operation, was not an operation of war, it was one of +stock-jobbing. My lords, it is a matter of much surprise to me, that +General Evans, who, having acquired the confidence of his majesty's +government, and that of the Queen of Spain, I presume must be an able +man--it is, certainly, a surprising circumstance, that having had +experience of the difficulties of carrying on communication in that +country, and having met with a check in the month of January, 1836, for +want of communication, he should not have felt the danger of his +position, and should have omitted to put himself in communication to a +certainty with corps in whose co-operation he was to act, instead of +keeping himself at a distance, in order that he might carry on +operations in concert with his majesty's fleet. + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Undisciplined state of the Legion_. + +The noble lord has stated that he will not recall the marines. I would +beg to remind your lordships, and the noble viscount in particular, of +this fact--that the marines are properly the garrisons of his majesty's +ships, and that upon no pretence ought they to be moved from a fair and +safe communication with the ships to which they belong. The noble lord +states, that he is responsible, and that he will take upon himself the +responsibility. I have commanded his majesty's armies, and have incurred +as many risks, and faced more difficulties than, I hope, the noble lord +will ever have to encounter. I have been engaged in hostilities of this +description, where co-operation was carried on upon the coast; and +though I certainly would do as much for the service, and I believe I may +say, have done as much for the service, as the noble lord, yet I would +not venture, and have never ventured, to put any corps whatever in +co-operation with the Spaniards, or in any situation whatever in which +the detached troops could not communicate with the corps from which they +were detached; and, above all, upon the sea-coast, where the troops +detached could not hold communication with the ships. The first order to +each of these detachments was, to keep the communication with their +ships. The loss of 400 or 500 marines may not materially involve the +honour of this country, but the lives of the men ought not to be +endangered, as they must be, if care be not taken that they should have +a communication with a point of safety, without some very extraordinary +cause. We hear of the operations of the marines with the Austrians. But +the Spanish troops, and particularly the British legion, are not the +Austrians. I cannot consider this corps of General Evans to be in a +state of discipline and subordination, such as a body of troops ought to +be in, with which his majesty's marine forces ought to be connected. +They have suffered very considerably; their losses have been great, and +have affected their subordination, their good order and discipline, +particularly in the presence of an enemy. A disaster or panic may occur +among the best troops; but among such, order can be re-established. It +does not appear that these are in the state in which they ought to be, +to render it safe to co-operate with them. No efforts of their officers +can, in such cases, have any effect upon them. + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Intervention, if at all, should be on a National Scale_. + +The noble viscount says that we are carrying on these operations with +the object of maintaining the peace of Europe; and these objects are, +more especially, put forth in a pamphlet which is attributed to a +colleague of the noble viscount, who has applauded his opinions, if he +has not gone further, and adopted them as his own. Is the noble lord +desirous, in accordance with the policy so set forth, to press upon the +nation the adoption of the system of a general combination of the powers +of the west, upon principles offensive as well as defensive, against the +powers of the north and east of Europe? If so momentous an affair and +such a course are seriously contemplated, they should not be commenced +by stealth, but in a manner worthy of the character of a great nation +like Great Britain. It is not by allowing Spain to raise a legion here +in the first instance, and afterwards by sending a few hundred marines, +that any really important object can be accomplished. But if the noble +lords are in earnest, a message should be sent to parliament, and the +support of the country should be called for, to this new scheme of +policy; and a commanding force should be sent, in order to carry it into +execution. But I recommend the noble viscount well to consider the +length of time which must elapse before these operations can be brought +to a conclusion; the expense which must, in the first instance, be +incurred; and the lengthened period which must elapse before the troops +can be withdrawn, and the other expenses can be discontinued, which must +be incurred if this scheme be undertaken. The noble lord must establish +a government in Spain; he must have the assistance of a Spanish army; +and he must pay, equip, and provide for, not only his majesty's troops, +but every Spanish officer and soldier employed in the settlement of the +government of the country. It may be said, that there are financial +resources in Spain; but I am much mistaken, regarding the state of the +Spanish military establishments and Spanish finances, if there are not +non-effective establishments, such as pensions, retired allowances, +expenses of garrisons, and others, which will consume the whole of the +pecuniary resources of Spain, however well managed, even without +including the interest of the existing debt. I think that, if this +country should have this matter fairly brought under its view, it would +not be thought advisable to enter upon the scheme proposed in this +pamphlet. But we are told that France ought to act this part; and that +we ought to give France our moral support. France act! At whose expense? +France would have the same difficulties--nay, greater difficulties--than +this country. Is it intended that we are to subsidise France? No such +thing; we are to assist with our ships and marines on the coast, but it +is France that is to carry on the operations in the interior, and pay +this expense. Is it believed that Louis Philippe has lost his senses? If +we cannot expect that France will pay all this expense, what is to +become of the integrity of the Spanish dominions, and the independence +of the Spanish government, after the operations shall he concluded? + +_April_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Necessity of Conciliating the Protestants of Ireland_. + +My anxious wish, my lords, has always been--and I have frankly stated it +more than once in my place in this house--that the Protestants of +Ireland should be on the best terms with the government of this country, +and that the government should give them every protection and support in +its power. My firm opinion is, that the safety of this country in +connection with Ireland, the safety of the union, the permanence of the +union, and, indeed, the honour of the empire, all depend, in a great +measure, if not entirely, on the good understanding which may subsist +between the government and the Protestants of Ireland. I am also certain +that the prosperity of the Protestants in Ireland, and the safety of +their persons, of their riches, and of everything dear to men, depend on +their being on terms of good understanding with the government; but that +things will not go on as they ought to go on, until government induces +the Protestants of that country to return to that good understanding. +That has been my opinion ever since the commencement of these +unfortunate dissensions, seven years ago; and I should be sorry to say, +this evening, one word which might be calculated to increase the +irritation now existing between both these parties. The noble viscount +(Melbourne) has admitted that the Protestants of Ireland have great +reason to feel the awkwardness of their present position, and to +entertain jealousy of the government; and I must own that the noble +viscount, instead of aggravating that description of feeling which he +admits the Protestants of Ireland ought to have, should use, as I +conceive, every exertion in his power to conciliate them, and to make +them feel that they may depend upon the government for the protection of +their lives and property, and that they will not be sacrificed to those +who are preaching up sedition against the institutions of their country, +and insurrections against the persons and property of her people. These +Protestants are in number not less than 2,000,000. I believe they hold, +my lords, about nine-tenths of the property of Ireland; and I am sure +that they are persons of the best education and of the best conduct in +that country. I believe that the province in which they reside is as +well cultivated and as well conducted in every respect as any portion of +England; and the inhabitants of it deserve on every account all the +protection which the government can afford them. Let us see, my lords, +whether they have not reason to feel jealousy of the government in +consequence of the transactions of the last few years. Look at the total +destruction of the property of tithe--look at the treatment of their +church--look at the various occurrences which have taken place, and see +whether they have not reason to apprehend that there is a latent +intention of putting down the Protestant livings in Ireland, and of +substituting a voluntary system in place of their present church +establishment. Do you suppose that men of their description do not +calculate on the events which are likely to happen? Do you suppose that +they do not read the history of past times? We have heard the noble +viscount talking of the history of the year 1782, and of the year 1798, +and of various other transactions. Let us look at the letters of Henry +Lord Clarendon, formerly chief governor of Ireland; and, having looked +at them, let any man ask himself whether the Protestants of Ireland have +not a right to conceive that matters are advancing rapidly to the state +described by that noble personage, and whether the same description of +power is not now growing up which exercised so enormous an influence on +the government of his day. I consider that the statements made by the +different peers who have spoken to night from this (the conservative) +side of the house ought to have, and I trust they will have, a powerful +effect on the Protestant mind of this country. At the same time that +these statements are brought forward, and the facts are made known to +the public, showing that neither property nor life is secure in Ireland, +his majesty comes down to parliament with a speech, in which he says, +"Ireland is in a state of tranquillity;" and yet there is not one +gentleman residing in Ireland who was not aware, when that speech was +delivered, that a general association had been formed and was in +existence in Dublin for the sole purpose of agitation--of that agitation +which, as Lord Wellesley told the country, was the cause of disturbances +as undoubtedly as any one circumstance ever was the cause of another. Do +your lordships suppose that the Protestants of Ireland are not aware of +that fact? + +_April_ 28,1837. + + * * * * * + +_Lord Normanby's Gaol Deliveries_. + +What was the next step of which the Protestants of Ireland complained? +The lord lieutenant, they say, went into the country, from place to +place, without having any communication either with the judges or with +the magistrates;--and that is a fact on which I greatly rely--the lord +lieutenant, they say, released at every county gaol which he visited a +certain number of prisoners. I have said, that the Protestants of +Ireland have a very peculiar interest in the impartial administration of +the law, and in the tranquillity of the country, because they form the +great body of its landed proprietors. They must look at such a +transaction with jealousy; and if there had been no circumstances +connected with such a transaction save those which have been stated this +evening, it must, I think, be admitted, that if the conduct of the lord +lieutenant was not without precedent (and I believe that no precedent +can he found for it) it has yet been still of such rare occurrence that +it ought never to be repeated. I do not mean to say that this power of +enlarging prisoners has never been exercised, but I maintain that it had +never previously been exercised in such a manner. I do not pretend to be +acquainted with the technicalities of the law on this subject; but it +occurs to me that several of the persons who have been released in this +peculiar manner by the lord lieutenant, had surely been guilty of +felony. I do not know exactly what the state of the law is, at present, +upon this subject, but I apprehend that persons who have been found +guilty of felony ought to have some document conveying their pardon, or +in default of its production they become, I believe, liable to certain +fines and forfeitures. But in the present case persons guilty of felony +have been enlarged without any writing at all, at the simple order of +the lord lieutenant, I must say, that a proceeding of this sort is +highly irregular, and that it is such an exercise of power as a lord +lieutenant in the ordinary discharge of his duty ought not to repeat; +and further, that this was an exercise of power which was most likely to +produce a very pernicious effect on the minds of the Protestants of +Ireland. + +_April_ 28, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Objections to the Irish Corporations Bill of 1837_. + +I stated, on a former occasion, that these corporations existed in +their present shape, and were brought to their present state, +principally with a view to the support and protection of the religion of +the Church of England established in Ireland. Whatever may be done with +respect to these corporations for the future, in my opinion that object +ought never to be lost sight of. It may be doubted, from what has lately +occurred in this country, whether that opinion is so unanimously adopted +as it was in former years; but I may venture to say, the support of the +Church of England in Ireland is still the policy of this country--the +policy which his majesty is sworn to maintain--the policy which this +house is called, by writs of summons, to uphold--the policy which every +member of this, or the other house of parliament, is sworn to uphold by +the oaths which he has voluntarily taken. Under these circumstances, I +think I may safely say that, according to the ancient constitution, +according to the modern constitution, according to the uniform policy of +this country for the last 300 years, the maintenance of the Church of +England in Ireland forms a prominent and important point of legislative +concern. Looking to this bill now under consideration, in relation +principally to that policy, it goes undoubtedly to establish a very +large number of corporations in Ireland, the mode of their formation +being to give votes to the very lowest class of the population of the +towns in which these corporations are to be formed. This is to be done, +not upon evidence of their possessing property--not, as in England, upon +residence, upon the payment of rates, or on the evidence of their +possessing anything in the nature of property; but simply on the +condition that the parties possess a 5l. or a 10l. qualification, made +up of all kinds and descriptions of property put together, and this +without any proof whatever, excepting the oath of the parties +themselves, of their possessing even that qualification. It is well +known to your lordships that a system of perjury prevails in all parts +of Ireland, with a view to establish franchise of this description. I +have recently seen accounts of enquiries before select committees in +certain parliamentary elections which have taken place in that country, +and it is impossible to glance at them without being impressed with the +conviction that, if any description of franchise depend solely on the +oaths of the holders, every species of enquiry will be nugatory; and it +will be just as wise to establish at once a system of universal +suffrage, as to establish a system of franchise in such a manner. These +corporations, thus formed by persons holding a franchise of this +description, acquired solely by their own swearing, and without any +evidence whatever of their possessing any property except their own +oaths, establish a system upon which no reliance can be placed, and on +which no establishment whatever can safely depend. If your lordships +want any proof of the danger to the church of Ireland by the +establishment of corporations of this description, I will refer your +lordships to the declarations, I would not say of those who are the +declared enemies, but I must say, the strongest opponents of the church, +and who are found, on every occasion, making the greatest possible +exertions against the church in Ireland, These persons are heard +declaring publicly and repeatedly, almost under the very view of the +government--"Give us but this corporation bill, and all the rest must +follow." If there be any doubt about it, I beg to say, I shall not be +disposed to listen to the threats of any man; but when my own senses +convince me that such must be the result, I mean danger to the +establishment, I do say it is my duty to attend to warnings of the +description to which I have adverted. + +_May 5, 1837._ + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on King William the Fourth._ + +I have served his late majesty in the highest situations; I have been in +his council as well as the noble viscount (Melbourne). I, indeed, did +not serve him so long as the noble viscount, or even under any such +prosperous circumstances as the noble viscount; but I have had +opportunities of witnessing, under all these circumstances, the personal +advantages of character so ably described by the noble viscount. It has +fallen to my lot to serve his majesty at different periods, and in +different capacities; and, while I had the happiness of doing so, upon +all those occasions I have witnessed not only all the virtues ascribed +to him by the noble viscount, but likewise a firmness, a discretion, a +candour, a justice, and a spirit of conciliation towards others,--a +respect for all. Probably there never was a sovereign who, in such +circumstances and encompassed by so many difficulties, more successfully +met them than he did upon every occasion on which he had to engage +them. I was induced to serve his majesty, not only from my sense of +duty--not alone from the feeling that the sovereign of this country has +the right to command my services in any situation in which it might be +considered that I might be of use--but from a feeling of gratitude to +his majesty for favours, for personal distinctions, conferred upon me, +notwithstanding that I had been unfortunately in the position of +opposing myself to his majesty's views and intentions when he was +employed in a high situation under government,[19] and in consequence of +which he had to resign that great office which he must, beyond all +others, have been most anxious to retain. Notwithstanding that, my +lords, he employed me in his service; and he, as a sovereign, manifested +towards me a kindness, condescension, and favour, which, so long as I +live, I never can forget. I considered myself, then, not only bound by +duty, and the sense I felt of gratitude to all the sovereigns of this +country, under whom I had lived, but more especially towards his late +majesty, to relieve him from every difficulty I could, under any +circumstances. + +[Footnote 19: William the Fourth, when Duke of Clarence, was under the +necessity of resigning the office of Lord High Admiral, while the Duke +of Wellington was premier.] + +_June_ 22, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Agrarian Disturbances in Ireland are earned by Political Agitation_. + +The noble earl opposite has stated, that the tranquillity mentioned in +her majesty's speech from the throne, on opening the present parliament, +was not intended to mean judicial or agrarian tranquillity, but +political tranquillity. And what is the sort of political tranquillity +existing in Ireland? I believe that a very few days before the speech in +which the word tranquillity is used was delivered, the association which +was assembled in the capital of Ireland, under the eyes of the noble +earl opposite, was dissolved; but, at the same time, her majesty was +given to understand, that she was not to have the choice of her +ministers, but that they must be selected by the gentleman who was the +founder and the head of that association. Now, to talk of +tranquillity--political tranquillity--in any part of that country, +looking at the situation in which it is placed, is vague and idle. The +noble earl has said, that the agrarian disturbances in Ireland are not +to be attributed to political agitation. Now, one of the greatest +authorities that ever appeared in this or any other country--a noble +relation of mine--stated, that "agrarian disturbances in Ireland were to +be attributed to political agitation, and to nothing else, as much as +effect was to be attributed to cause in any instance whatever." I say, +then, that in Ireland they have agrarian disturbances because they have +political agitations. + +_November_ 27, 1837. + + * * * * * + +_Principle of Imprisonment for Debt_. + +One of the causes of debts being incurred in this country is, in a great +degree, the power which creditors at present possess to arrest their +debtors upon _mesne_ process; and I still further believe that it is the +facility which is thus given of obtaining credit, that has been the +cause of the great mercantile prosperity of the country. The enormous +transactions upon credit are such, that both individuals and the public +generally, require further means of recovering debts than exist in +other countries. + +_December_ 5,1837. + +_The Case of Dr. Hampden_. + +The late king was advised to appoint that gentleman to be Regius +Professor of Divinity in the university of Oxford. There can be no doubt +that the general opinion of the university was, that that gentleman's +theological tenets were not exactly orthodox, or consistent with the +articles of the church of England,--an opinion which the publication of +certain works by that gentleman has tended to establish. + +Several persons in the university considered it their duty to petition +his majesty, praying, if the appointment had not been completed, that he +would not make it. I believe that another address was presented to his +majesty, entreating his majesty not to sanction that appointment, which, +however, was made, contrary to the views of the university at large; and +a short time afterwards, Dr. Hampden thought right, in his inaugural +lecture, to state that he then felt it his duty to explain the opinions +which had been complained of. I do not pretend to be a judge either of +those opinions or that explanation; but this I will venture to say, and +I believe your lordships will concur in the opinion, that in proportion +as Dr. Hampden found it necessary to give an explanation of his +sentiments, in the same proportion were those justified who thought +proper to disapprove of them. I believe it will be admitted that, if a +clergyman who published certain opinions, not being orthodox, thought +proper to come forward and explain those opinions, at least they who +were opposed to such opinions had some justification, on their being +repeated, for the course they had taken in disapproving of them. This is +all I wish to say respecting the opinions and explanation of Dr. +Hampden. His appointment having been made, notwithstanding the petition +of a vast number of the clergy of Oxford, and the general opinion +expressed there that it should not be made, a request was preferred to +the heads of houses that they would propose some measure to the +convocation which would have the effect of marking the disapprobation on +the part of that body of the opinions and appointment of Dr. Hampden. +The noble earl has alluded to the act of convocation excluding Dr. +Hampden from being one of those to appoint the select preachers, and +also from sitting at the board of heresy. I am not disposed to say +anything against Dr. Hampden; but this I must say, that, considering the +whole transaction, my opinion is, the convocation did as little upon +that occasion as it was possible to do, consistently with the necessity +which existed of taking some notice of that gentleman, his opinions and +conduct. Since that period, I really believe that the university, and +the bishops of the church of England, and all the persons who have any +influence on this question, have done everything in their power to put +it down, and prevent it becoming a subject of discussion, even in the +university or elsewhere. For myself, I can say, I have invariably +pursued that course, it being my object to prevent any discussion on the +matter; and I never should have mentioned it, here or elsewhere, +publicly, if the noble earl had not forced it upon me on the present +occasion. I certainly lament the transaction, principally because I +consider it is likely to produce a schism in the church; and I have been +as anxious as any man can be in my situation, to prevent the university +from proceeding on the subject in such a manner as may, by possibility, +lead to that result. + +The noble earl adverted to the conduct of a gentleman who is now +vice-chancellor of the university, and who has, in his capacity of head +of a house, prohibited the attendance of the students in divinity upon +the lectures of the Regius Professor. I do not at all pretend to be +competent to mark the difference between the private and public lectures +of the Regius Professor; but I certainly do not approve of the course +taken by that gentleman. In my opinion, the question is not one to be +considered by the head of a house; for, in fact, no ordination can be +conferred by him or the Regius Professor of Divinity. Ordination can +only be conferred by the bishops of the church; and whether the students +attend the lectures of the Regius Professor of Divinity, or those of the +Margaret Professor, or of any other professor, I will say, it is the +duty of the bishops of the church to consider who are the persons coming +for ordination, and whether they are qualified or not, without taking +into consideration the certificates of the Regius Professor of Divinity, +the head of a house, or any other individual. It is, I contend, the +duty of the bishops to examine into the subject themselves, without +reference to the certificate of any individual whatever. I must observe, +however, with regard to the course adopted by the vice-chancellor, that +I am thoroughly convinced, not only from what that gentleman has stated +to me, but from my knowledge of that gentleman's conduct, and his +character for candour and fairness, that he had the very wisest motives +in pursuing that course, from which he departed as soon as he found that +the bishops of the church had determined upon observing a different +line, conceiving that he was then relieved from all charge and +responsibility in the situation which he held. Such is the history of +that transaction; and I have only to say, with respect to that +gentleman, and with respect to others of the university of Oxford, that +it was their anxious wish and desire to avoid taking any step in +reference to Dr. Hampden, lest it should, in any manner whatever, lead +to what they would consider the greatest possible misfortune--a schism +in the church. + +_December_ 21,1837. + + * * * * * + +A great country cannot wage a little war. + +_January_ 16, 1838. + + * * * * * + +_Conduct of the Canadian Leaders._ + +I differ entirely from the noble and learned lord in thinking that the +act of 1831 established the British constitution in Canada, for it is +not consistent with the British constitution to leave the civil +government of the country--and especially to leave the judges of the +land--to be provided for by an annual vote of the parliament. I say, my +lords, that the British constitution, for the last hundred and fifty +years at least, has made a fixed and not uncertain provision for +supporting the dignity of the crown, for meeting the expenses attendant +on the administration of the civil government, and most particularly for +the independence of the judges of the land. But is that the state of +things in Lower Canada? No. I maintain that the act of 1831 did not +establish the British constitution in the colonies of Upper and Lower +Canada, but something quite distinct; for it gave to the people a +popular representation, which, in my opinion, is the cause of all the +disputes that have followed, and of the insurrection which has taken +place. It gave individuals the power to create prejudices in the minds +of the people, to weaken the loyalty of the Canadians, and to raise them +in hostility against her majesty's crown and government. And what has +been the object of these individuals in the course which they have +pursued? They have supposed that, by creating dissatisfaction amongst +the people, they could thereby throw off the authority of the crown; +and, by gathering the people around them, overturn the government +established in the colony. Such have been the objects of those +individuals who have been seen running off to the neighbouring +territories of the United States as soon as they found their own persons +exposed to danger. This turned out to be the real state of the case; for +the would-be leaders left the unfortunate people in a state of rebellion +against her majesty's government, and ran off themselves, letting the +unlucky inhabitants return to their houses as best they could; and +forcing them to submit, with the best grace they might, to the mercy of +her majesty's government. + +_January 18, 1838._ + +_Evils of popular Rights_. + +I warned the noble lord against endangering the establishments of the +country, by giving anything like an authority to a popular assembly to +withhold the funds necessary for carrying on the civil government; for +nothing is more needful to a country than to uphold the civil power, and +the independence--as well pecuniary as political--of the judges of the +land. And let noble lords learn, from the events in Canada, and other +dominions in North America, what it is to hold forth what are called +"popular rights," but which are not popular rights either here or +elsewhere; and what occasion is thereby given to the perpetuation of a +system of agitation which ends in insurrection and rebellion, and the +coming to blows with her majesty's troops. + +_January_ 18,1838. + + * * * * * + +_Importance of reducing the Canadian Rebels_. + +I confess, my lords, that I have a feeling for the honour of my country, +and I cannot but believe that if, by any misfortune, we should fail in +restoring peace in Lower Canada, at an early period of time, we shall +receive a blow, with respect to our military character, to our +reputation, and to our honour, of which it will require years to enable +us to remove the effects. + +_January_ 18,1838. + + * * * * * + +_An Elective Legislative Council in Canada deprecated_. + +My lords, there is one topic which has been adverted to by the noble and +learned lord (Lord Brougham), upon which I think it necessary to say a +word, although it is not alluded to in the address, and will more +properly form a subject of the discussion on the bill which is to be +brought in upon some future day--and that is the establishment in Lower +Canada of an elective legislative council. The noble and learned lord, +with all his knowledge of Lower Canada, has not, in my opinion, +sufficiently adverted to the fact of the difference of the two races of +inhabitants in that country. My lords, it may be easy to talk, here, of +establishing an elective council, but if the noble and learned lord will +look into the discussions which have taken place upon that subject, and +to the opinions that have been delivered upon it by the different +parties, in that colony, he will find that British inhabitants are to +the full as much opposed to that arrangement as the French are in favour +of it, he will find that in point of fact, they would be in a state of +insurrection against that arrangement, in the same degree as the French +are now supposed to be in a state of insurrection in favour of an +elective legislative council. I will likewise beg the noble and learned +lord, and I would entreat the noble viscount opposite, and every member +of her majesty's government, to attend to this fact, that an elective +legislative council is not the constitution of the British monarchy; +that a legislative council appointed by the monarch is the constitution +of this country; that this was so stated in the discussions upon the +bill passed in the year 1791, by all the great authorities who discussed +that measure, amongst others by Mr. Fox himself. That gentleman said, +"that a legislative council, appointed by the monarch, is an essential +part of the British constitution." + +_January_ 18, 1838. + +_Concessions to Democracy cannot be rescinded._ + +Your lordships ought also to recollect that, since the passing of the +reform bill, the taxes required from householders paying 10l. of yearly +rent have been greatly reduced, and I believe that the poor-rates have +also been diminished. These reductions have afforded great relief to +that particular class of persons, greater than has been given to any +other portion of society; and I think that, under the circumstances, the +amount of qualification ought not to be further diminished, for, if it +be, a worse description of electors will be the inevitable consequence. +I perfectly recollect that a noble friend of mine, whom I do not now see +in his place, warned your lordships, on a former occasion, of the danger +of making any approach to democracy in a measure like this; and he told +your lordships that, if once such a measure was adopted, you could never +turn back from it. If it be found, when carried into operation, to act +ever so injuriously--if its tendency be found to be ever so destructive +to the peace and well-being of society--still you cannot fall back on +the point from which you started; for, if once granted, the measure must +be permanent. + +_March 8, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Short-sighted Conduct of the West Indian Colonists._ + +There is no man in this house, or in the country, who has been more +anxious than myself, that the measure passed for the abolition of +slavery should be entirely successful. I have, however, conceived from +the first, that the only chance of its success would arise from the +colonial legislatures acting with good faith, and carrying the measure, +after it had passed the imperial parliament, into strict execution; for +which measure they have received what they acknowledge, by their +adhesion to the principle of the bill, a competent compensation. It +appears, however, to be beyond doubt, that they have not carried the new +system into execution as they ought to have done; and some two or three +years ago, your lordships were under the necessity of consenting to a +bill, rendered necessary in consequence of the legislature of Jamaica +having refused, under not very creditable circumstances, to enact a law +which it had positively promised to pass. Under these circumstances, +considering that we are now approaching to within a couple of years of +the period when a new state of society is to be established in all the +British possessions where slavery has ever existed, I must say, I think +parliament ought not to hesitate about adopting some measure of the +description now proposed, for the purpose of carrying into full and +complete execution the object which the imperial legislature had in view +when the emancipation act was passed. It appears to me, that if the +legislatures of the colonies had acted as sensible men ought to have +done, in the circumstances in which they were placed four years ago, +they would have had before them, and the British parliament would have +had before it, a very different prospect from that which, I fear, +exists at the present moment. + +_March_ 13, 1838. + +_Lord Melbourne's Government Inimical to the Church._ + +It appears that the policy of her majesty's government is--I will use +the mildest term that can be employed--not to encourage the established +church. I am afraid that it will appear from what passed in another +place, in the last session of parliament, and even in this, that the +church of England--the established church of England--is not to be +encouraged by her majesty's government. I am sure that those who +recollect what has occurred in parliament, during the last few years, +will admit that no great encouragement has been shown by ministers to +the church of Ireland, that branch of the established church of England +which is stationed in the latter country. I say therefore, my lords, +that this is the policy of the government of this country; and, I must +own, also, it is most sincerely to be lamented by every friend of the +constitution, and of the peace, order, and happiness of the community. + +_March 30, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_A Free Press in Malta deprecated._ + +Now, in regard to this matter of a free press in Malta, I crave your +lordships' attention to the facts of the case for a moment, and I beg +the house to bear them in mind. What is Malta? It is a fortress and a +seaport--it is a great naval and military arsenal for our shipping and +forces in the Mediterranean. We hold it by conquest. We hold it as an +important post, as a great military and naval arsenal, and as nothing +more. My lords, if these are the facts, we might as well think of +planting a free press on the fore deck of the admiral's flag-ship in the +Mediterranean, or on the caverns of the batteries of Gibraltar, or in +the camp of Sir John Colborne in Canada, as of establishing it in Malta. +A free press in Malta in the Italian language is an absurdity. Of the +hundred thousand individuals who compose the population of Malta, +three-fourths at least speak nothing but the Maltese dialect, and do not +understand the Italian language. Of the one hundred thousand inhabitants +of the island, at least three-fourths can neither read nor write. What +advantages, then, can accrue to the people of Malta from the +establishment of a free press? We do not want to teach our English +sailors and soldiers to understand Italian. A free press will find no +readers among them either. Who, then, is it for? These gentlemen say, +that, unless the government support a free press in Malta, it cannot +exist of itself, and they suggest an expense of L800 a year in its +favour. They have done nothing more than this that I am aware of since +their appointment, and it is plain, that the savings spoken of by the +noble baron as having been effected by their recommendation are +completely swallowed up by the project of a free press. My lords, I +cannot help thinking that it is wholly unnecessary and greatly +unbecoming of the government to form such an establishment, of such a +description, in such a place as Malta; and the more particularly, as the +object for which it is made, must be both of a dangerous tendency to +this country, and fraught with evil to others. The free press which they +propose, is to be conducted, not by foreign Italians, but by Maltese, +subjects of her majesty, enjoying the same privileges as we do. Now, +what does this mean? It means that the licence to do wrong is unlimited. +If it were conducted by foreign Italians, you could have a check upon +them if they acted in such a manner as would tend to compromise us with +our neighbours--you could send them out of the island--you could prevent +their doing injury in that manner by various ways. But here you have no +such check--you have no check at all--your free press in that respect is +uncontrollable. If the free press chooses to preach up insurrection in +Italy from its den in Malta, you have no power of preventing it. Were +the conductors foreign Italians you could lay your hand on them at once, +and dispose of them as aliens; but you cannot do that with the Maltese +subjects, enjoying the same right and possessing the same freedom as +ourselves. I did hope, that we should have been cured by this time of +our experiments on exciting insurrection in the other countries of +Europe--in the dominions of neighbouring princes--in the territories of +our allies. I did think that we had received a sufficient lesson in +these matters to last us a long time, even for ever, in the results +which have taken place through such interference in Portugal, Spain, +Italy--ay, and in Canada too--and that they had put an end to our +dangerous mania for exciting insurrection in foreign countries. Such, my +lords, I assert is the object of a free press in Malta--to excite +insurrection in the dominions of our neighbour and ally, the King of the +Two Sicilies, and in the dominions of the King of Sardinia--and I +confess that I am ashamed of the government, considering the results +that have taken place, from the doctrines promulgated by it, that they +have not done everything in their power to suppress instead of +encouraging and supporting it; and that they had not sent out their +commissions with full power to do so, rather than instructed them to +call for its establishment. + +_May 3, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_State of Poverty in Ireland._ + +Of all the countries in Europe, Ireland is the one in which it has +appeared to me to be least possible to establish anything in the nature +of the English poor-laws. The opinion delivered by others has been, that +there are no materials to be found in Ireland proper for forming, or if +formed for administering with salutary effect, any system of poor-laws +such as exists in this country; and I, my lords, believe that there is +no doubt whatever of the justice and truth of that opinion, considering +the English poor-laws, as they formerly existed, and as they were +carried into execution up to the year 1834, when the noble lords +opposite introduced the measure which amended them. While, however, I +say this, I am bound at the same time to express my entire concurrence +in the opinion declared by the noble viscount, that there never was a +country in which poverty existed to such a degree as it exists in that +part of the United Kingdom. My lords, I was in office in that country--I +held a high situation in the administration of the government of Ireland +thirty years ago--and I must say, that from that time to this there has +scarcely elapsed a single year in which the government has not at +certain periods of it entertained the most serious apprehensions of +actual famine. My lords, I am firmly convinced that from the year 1806 +down to the present time, a year has not passed in which the government +have not been called on to give assistance to relieve the poverty and +distress which prevailed in Ireland, and owing to circumstances over +which no human power could have any control. One of the circumstances +which has most frequently led to this lamentable state of things, has +been the failure or delay of the potato crops, and there have been known +times when two, three, and even as many as four months have intervened +before these crops, which are used as a subsistence by the people, could +be brought into the market; and such are the social relations in that +country, that the people have no means of coming to market to purchase +like the people of England. My lords, this is a fact that is undoubted, +and one that I believe never existed in any country in the world except +Ireland. + +_May 21, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_The Numbers of a Meeting may render it Illegal._ + +The numbers of a meeting--that is to say, such an assembly of persons as +would create terror in the minds of people living in the +neighbourhood,--would justify the magistrate in taking measures to +disperse it. + +_June 15, 1838._ + +_Real cause of our interference in Spain._ + +The system of interference adopted by his late majesty's government, by +means of the quadruple treaty, was with a view to the contest between +extreme opinions--it was more with a view of aiding these extreme +opinions, than to the arrangement of the mere differences between Don +Carlos, upon the one side, and the queen, or her daughter, upon the +other; to support certain opinions, and not to determine the succession, +was the cause of interference. I regret interference upon that ground; I +object to interference upon that ground; and I say, moreover, that we +were not right in interfering upon that ground. I maintain that, more +particularly on account of the extreme opinions that prevailed, we ought +not to have interfered at all; but most especially we ought not, +according to the common practice of this government, and in accordance +with the declared political principles of the noble lords themselves, to +have interfered in a question involving extreme political opinions. Now +it has unfortunately happened that extreme political principles have +been forced upon a great part of Europe by means of large armies and of +great military forces, and it was consequently expected that the same +thing would succeed in Spain. This, I believe, was the object of our +interference with Spain, and not to determine the Spanish succession. + +_June 19, 1838._ + +_We had no right to interfere against Don Carlos._ + +I say we had no business to interfere in the question of succession. +There might have been some pretext for interference in the question of +succession, if any of the powers of Europe had taken part with Don +Carlos, but that was not the case. The noble baron (Lord Holland) +cheers. I say, confidently, that not one of the powers in Europe had +stirred a finger in support of the pretensions of Don Carlos. I say, +then, that, according to all principles--the principles supported and +acted upon by this country, in the case of the house of Braganza, and +many other cases that I could mention--we ought to have avoided +interference; and we ought to have avoided interference by armies more +particularly, in the contests in Spain. I say, my lords, that not a +sword had been moved in Europe in favour of Don Carlos. When Don Carlos +went to Spain, in the summer of 1834, there were not three battalions in +arms in that country in his favour. This I positively state as a fact. +But, on the contrary, in the space of forty leagues there were forty +fortified posts in possession of the queen's troops. Now, my lords, this +is a positive fact; and I say that, in the year 1835, when the armistice +was negotiated, when the exchange of prisoners was negotiated by Lord +Eliot, Don Carlos had then acquired a superiority over the queen's +forces, who were obliged to take up a position on the right of the Ebro. +That is to say, between the interval of time I have mentioned,--and this +is a positive fact upon which your lordships may rely, and to which I +pledge my word,--between the summer of 1834 and the period at which the +exchange of prisoners was agreed upon in 1835,--that is, in the course +of a very few months,--the superiority had been gained by Don Carlos in +that part of the country, so far that he had forced the enemy to take up +a position on the other side of the Ebro, abandoning all their fortified +posts, except Pampeluna and one other; and, I must add, they had very +wisely abandoned them, because they found they could not march to their +relief through the country. Now, my lords, this is literally and truly a +fact; and it is a fact not to be forgotten, with respect to the present +contest in Spain. I say, then, that it was the business of this +government not to have interfered by force. We ought not to have done +so, according to the noble marquis's principle--that there ought to be +no interference between two hostile parties in a nation like Spain. + +_June 19, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_The Legion a failure._ + +The noble viscount has told your lordships, certainly, that he sent out +an expedition; and the noble marquis has informed us that it has always +been the policy of this country to encourage such expeditions. Now, +without meaning to assert that the result of that expedition was a dire +catastrophe, I must be permitted to say that the legion has been, in my +opinion and conviction, a complete failure. It has cost the Spanish +government an enormous sum of money. Great expectations were raised +respecting it, not one of which has been fulfilled. When the legion went +to Spain, the Queen of Spain's army was in all the provinces, with the +exception of Biscay and Navarre. Her government was established in all +parts of Spain, excepting these places. Excepting them, all other places +might be said to be in a state of tranquillity. But it appears the Queen +of Spain could not carry on the war, unless she got ten thousand Isle of +Dogsmen--a legion from England, and another from France. If the Spanish +government had asked for officers, or for arms, or for money, or for +artillery, I should not have been surprised, as I know well the manner +in which the Spanish arsenals are supplied. But asking for 10,000 men +from England to destroy Don Carlos, who was shut up in the mountains, +was a matter really not to be seriously thought of. The object was not +to bring 10,000, or 15,000, or 20,000 men into action, but to bring the +red coats and the blue coats, the French and English troops, into the +contest; that was the object, and the view was, to produce a moral +effect. But the government ought to have known that that which gave them +the influence on the one side, was fatal to that influence on the other. +Thus was an end put to that moral influence which this country could, +and ought to have exerted, but which can only be effectually exercised +by strict adherence, throughout all her proceedings, to the plain +principles of justice. If this country enter into a treaty, let her +carry it honourably through; but let her not push her interference +further than is necessary for exerting her influence over both parties, +in order to settle existing differences. I have said that the legion was +a failure. Of that there cannot be the slightest doubt. The war is now +in the same state as it was in the year 1835, except that Don Carlos has +more men. + +_June 19, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_The Opposition should give aid to the Government when a war is +inevitable._ + +The noble viscount tells us that we did not object to the appointment of +the Earl of Durham as governor-general of Canada--that we did not object +to the powers confided to him; that we--referring particularly to +me--urged this government by all the means in their power to send out +large forces, and take care to be strong in that part of the world; +advice which, I admit, I did repeat over and over again, until I +fatigued myself and the house by doing so. But why did I not object to +those powers being given to the Earl of Durham? Because, seeing the +government in difficulties--seeing the colony in a state of +rebellion--and seeing that the government possessed confidence in +another place--I thought it was not my duty to excite opposition to +measures which they thought it might be proper to adopt; and therefore I +took them all upon their recommendation. Very possibly I was wrong in so +doing; indeed, it appears that I was wrong; but I took the course which +I then considered it my duty to take. I declared that I would not follow +the example of those who, being convinced of the certainty that the +country would be involved in a war, yet thought proper to oppose all +measures that were necessary for carrying on that war. Neither would I +deny assistance to those who were absent, and who were carrying on the +government to the best of their ability; but I would give the government +a fair support, in order to pacify a country which might be in a state +of war or rebellion. That was the course which I followed on the +occasion alluded to by the noble viscount. With respect to the Earl of +Durham, I am personally unacquainted with him; and I considered that the +noble viscount and her majesty's government ought to have known best who +was the person most qualified to act as governor of Canada. + +_August 9, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Lord Durham's Ordinance[20] a grossly illegal Act._ + +A grossly illegal act has been committed--not a mere technical error, or +one having reference to small or nice points of law, but an illegal act +of great magnitude, and relating to points of the most grave +importance--an act so clearly illegal, that no man capable of +understanding the first principles of justice can doubt of its +impropriety. It is impossible that the people of this country can suffer +any man to be driven into banishment without trial, or that they can +allow him, afterwards, to be condemned to death, without having been +convicted of any crime but that of returning to his own country. + +[Footnote 20: The Earl of Durham, governor-general of the Canadas, had +issued an ordinance, transporting to Bermuda Dr. Nelson and seven +others, guilty by confession of high treason, and subjecting them to +death if they returned to Canada. Lord Brougham, actuated, as was +asserted by some, by personal feeling against Lord Durham, protested +against this act in the face of the country. His speech on the occasion +was one of the most powerful he ever delivered. It is scarcely necessary +to add that Lord Durham immediately and precipitately resigned his +governorship.] + +_August 9, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Inadequacy of our Navy._ + +There is nothing more certain than that, if you come to be entirely +dependent for corn on the countries bordering on the Baltic, you would +have the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Russia (as has been known +before), levying a tax upon the exportation of that article of food to +the Thames, and elsewhere in this country. * * I entirely agree with the +noble and learned lord on the expediency of avoiding any interference +with foreign powers on the subject of commercial matters; but I confess +that I cannot view the state of our commercial relations, and of our +position in the world generally, in connection with these commercial +pursuits, with any degree of unmixed satisfaction. On the contrary, I do +deplore the state in which we find ourselves placed in many parts of the +world, particularly as it has been described in the course of the +evening by my noble friend (Viscount Strangford). What I attribute that +state of our commercial relations to, in a great degree, is, the extreme +weakness and tottering condition of our naval establishments. I do not +mean to complain of the distribution of our naval establishments; +though, at the same time, I by no means intend to unsay what I have said +in respect to the expeditions to Spain, which I cannot approve of; but I +repeat my expression that I consider our naval establishments to be in +too weak and tottering a condition to answer the purpose for which they +were intended, which was to give protection to the commercial interests +of the country in all parts of the world; for the commerce of England +does extend to all parts of the world. There is not a port, not a river, +which is not visited by the ships of her majesty's subjects; and her +majesty's subjects have an undoubted right to protection in whatever +part of the world they may think proper to visit in the pursuits of +commerce. The circumstance of which I complain I do not at all attribute +to neglect upon the part of the admiralty, neither do I include in my +censure the noble earl who is at the head of the admiralty; but those I +do blame are the individuals who have thought proper to reduce the +establishments of the country to such a degree, that protection cannot +possibly be given in all places where it is required. + + * * * * * + +I will remind your lordships that, since the peace, and particularly +within the last twenty years, three great navies have sprung up in +Europe, which are four times as strong as they were at any former +period. Other navies, it is true, are put down; but we remain much the +same. A great deal has been said, by way of comparison, between the +strength of our navy in 1792, and in the years 1814 and 1815; but when +we talk of strength in this case, we ought not to look at the subject +without adverting to the naval establishments of other powers. Now, +although our marine force should even be on the same footing as before, +our commerce is not only tripled, but extended to a degree ten times +greater than it ever was before; and there is not a part of the earth, +from one pole to the other, in which the protection of our navy is not +required for our commerce. I must say that, if we should at any time +incur the misfortune of being involved in another war--which God +forbid!--the only mode of keeping out of the difficulty would be to +maintain such a navy as would give protection to her majesty's subjects +in all parts of the globe. + +_August 14, 1838._ + + * * * * * + +_Neutrality of Belgium._ + +I hope that it never may be lost sight of in this country, that the +original foundation of the independence of Belgium, as a separate +kingdom, was this condition, namely, its perpetual neutrality. That +condition I consider to have been the foundation of that transaction, +and I hope that this will never be forgotten by this country, or by +Europe. + +_February 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Aggressions on Canada from the United States._ + +I must say I should very much wish to see suitable measures adopted to +carry into execution the intentions which her majesty declares in her +speech, of maintaining her rights of sovereignty over Canada. The system +of levying private war which prevails on that continent is not wholly +unknown in other parts of the world. I have read of it as existing in +the deserts of Central Asia; I have heard of its being practised, as a +system, by the Asiatics on the frontiers of the Russian monarchy, where +a perpetual warfare is going on between those tribes and the troops sent +to repress their inroads--a warfare that has been waged in those +countries from century to century. We read also of circumstances of the +same kind occurring in Africa--of wars carried on by barbarous tribes +against the possessions of the British government in Africa, the +contests of savages against a civilized people. But this is a war +carried on by a nation supposed to be considerably advanced in the scale +of civilization--by men governing themselves, electing their servants by +ballot and general suffrage, and living under institutions of that +description. Yet these are the very men who come in at night, and with +fire and torch destroy the property of her majesty's subjects, for no +reason whatever except that they obey her majesty's laws, and carry into +effect her royal commands. Of such a system of warfare there are, I +believe, no examples, except, as I have stated, among the most lawless +of the barbarous tribes of the East and of Africa. It is quite out of +the question that her majesty's loyal subjects, invited to their +habitations, and fixed in them, by her majesty's authority and that of +her predecessors, should not endeavour to retaliate the sufferings thus +inflicted upon them, unless protected by the strong arm of government; +but how can government protect them, except by taking strong measures, +when these persons are found invading her majesty's dominions for the +purpose of plundering and destroying the property of her majesty's +subjects, to intercept them in their retreat, to take them prisoners, +and punish them according to the laws of the country they have insulted? + + * * * * * + +There can be no doubt a civil government in any country is capable of +preventing the collection of a body of troops, and the invasion of the +territory of a neighbouring power. A body of "sympathisers" has been +organised in the States to carry on the plan of invasion; and are we to +sit down quietly and pass unnoticed this unwarrantable interference? + +_February 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Agitation by Authority._ + +I now come to the last paragraph of the speech, in which her majesty +complains, that she has observed with pain the efforts which have been +made, in some parts of the country, to excite her subjects to +disobedience and resistance to the law, and to recommend dangerous and +illegal acts. Now, I really think that this affecting paragraph cannot +have raised very pleasant reflections in the breasts of many noble lords +who are in the habit of supporting her majesty's ministers. It is but +too true that various persons have endeavoured to excite her majesty's +subjects to resist the law; but I am afraid much of this spirit may be +traced to what has taken place in this house on former occasions. I have +heard persons, charged with the highest employments of government, +insisting upon the rights of this people to assemble for the expression +of their sentiments, declaiming against any restriction on that right, +and preaching upon this doctrine without restricting it in the manner +declared by law--namely, that these assemblies must not be in numbers +sufficient to create alarm. It was but very lately that a great officer +of state, travelling about the country, made a speech to the same +purport at Liverpool, and stated those opinions in the most unreserved +manner, at the very moment when men were assembling by torch-light +meetings. We have heard for a number of years past of the extraordinary +tranquillity of Ireland, and as often as I have listened to the phrase, +I have protested against it; but there is a gentleman, high in the +confidence of government, who goes about devising new modes of agitation +every day. That gentleman ought to have a special copy of the speech +sent to him! One time he talks of raising 2,000,000 of men--at another +time of a fund of 20,000 l. sterling, which is deposited in his private +bank, and ultimately to be deposited in his private pocket. In order to +further his new schemes of agitation, that gentleman has declared his +intention of raising 60,000 fighting men for her majesty, though he has +never, that I am aware of, been employed as a recruiting officer. +Sometimes these boasts do not turn out to be true; but if not 60,000 +persons, there may be 6,000, or some force of that description, which +would be a serious inconvenience to the government. + +_February 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Folly of carrying on war with a peace establishment._ + +This country is at war--at war in two quarters of the world--at war in +America and at war in Asia; and what I say is this, that when a country +is at war, I understand that the fleet of that country should be put +upon a war establishment; whereas, these returns are made on a peace +establishment--nay, I believe on one much lower,--on a reduced peace +establishment; and yet we are pretending to carry on war in two +countries of the world with such means! I warned your lordships a year +and a half ago--indeed nearly two years ago, against any such attempt. I +believe that we have been feeling the inconvenience of such an attempt +from that period up to the present time, and I only hope and trust in +God, that we shall not experience still further inconvenience and +disasters from our perseverance in it. A peace establishment, and a +reduced peace establishment, may be very fit and very proper for +carrying on the service of the country in time of peace; but when we +come to carry on war, our peace establishment is not found equal to the +performance of the duties required from the establishment in time of +peace, and still less to those extended duties which must be performed +in time of war. + + * * * * * + +We are carrying on a war in North America, and a most expensive war in +Asia; and both of them require all the force this country can employ in +order to bring them to an early and an honourable termination. We are, +however, engaging in both with a reduced peace establishment, and we are +incurring all descriptions of risks, in every other part of the world, +in order to do this. The noble earl (Minto) has been talking about a +few masts and sails, when the whole force which the country can command +ought to be engaged in the war now waging, in order to bring the contest +to the honourable termination I speak of. I said this about a year and a +half ago, and I now repeat it. + +_March 7, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_The Corn Laws have improved Agriculture._ + +The system which it is the object of the existing law to establish, is +one of encouragement to agriculture--a system which was established at +the termination of the last century, and under which I will venture to +assert, the agriculture of this country has made a progress, and has +risen to a degree of superiority throughout these kingdoms, greater than +exists in any other part of the world, not excepting even the +Netherlands. Under this system of encouragement to agriculture, large +sums of money have been laid out and invested in land, and property +relating to land; and great sums are at this moment in the course of +investment in the same way; and I call on your lordships not to agree to +any resolution, or to any measure of the government (if they should +think proper to propose any such measure), which will have the effect of +withdrawing from agriculture this protection, and thus putting a stop to +those great improvements which are at present in progress, and which, I +say, have had such an influence on agriculture, that the amount of +produce raised in this country is thereby greatly increased. I believe +that the produce of the country has been immensely increased, and +particularly in the valuable article of wheat, the annual production of +which is now nearly equal to its greatest annual consumption. Such is +the supply of wheat that the very lowest order of the people subsist +mostly upon it; which is not, I believe, the practice in any other +country. The practice is not known any where else; it is not known in +France; it is not known in Germany; it is not known in the Netherlands; +nor is it, in short, the case any where else. In fact, the lower orders +live upon wheaten bread in no country of the world except England. I +entreat your lordships to bear this in mind; I entreat you not to break +down a system which has carried cultivation to such a pitch, that an +amount of produce is raised in England, alone, which is found to be +nearly equal to her greatest annual consumption. I think the annual +amount of produce will increase. This is my firm belief; and I am +confident that with the increase of produce there must come, and come +naturally too, a corresponding decrease of price; and it is to that +consequence that I look as being the solution of all the difficulties +which at present attend this question. But, let your lordships +recollect, it is absolutely necessary to keep up this encouragement in +order to arrive at the desired result of the reduction of price. Very +lately, when wheat in this country was at 78s. the quarter, and the duty +on importation was a merely nominal one of 1s. a quarter, was there any +such quantity of foreign wheat introduced as was sufficient to lower the +price? Not at all. The moment the ports were opened, the merchant +importer stood on the same ground as the farmer, and he would not sell +his corn for 1s. less than the price of the day. Did we ever hear of +corn coming in from abroad, and being brought to market at a cheaper +rate than it was selling for in this country? Never. But look to the +operation of the law prevailing in the former part of the war; the +prices varied from 70s. to 150s. the quarter. Did we ever hear of +foreign corn being sold for 1s. less than what could be got for it in +the general markets of this country? It must be sold by the merchant +importer at the very same price as by the farmer. It is all very fine to +say that the price would be exceedingly low, if these laws were +abolished, and corn were allowed to be introduced without restriction. +Why, if the price of corn raised in this country were low, the foreigner +could not get more for his corn here, than the farmer; but if the price +of home grown corn were necessarily high, the introduction of foreign +corn would not reduce it. + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Repeal of the Corn Laws will raise the price of Corn._ + +It is very important to look at this question with reference to the +interests of the commerce of the country, and also to consider the +effect of the abolition of the corn laws on the price of provisions and +on the price of manufactures. Now, if we discourage agriculture to such +a degree that any large body of persons and a great amount of capital +come to be withdrawn from it, the price of native produce must rise; +there would be so much less produce raised than before, that its +price--the price of the native produce I mean--must rise. Now, the price +of the corn imported will be the price of the diminished quantity of the +home-raised corn. Would the manufacturing labourer benefit by this? +Would the manufacturer find any advantage in it, when the diminished +value of their wages was forcing the labourers to raise the market upon +him? Would the merchant exporter gain anything by the change? Would it +not be found that, in proportion as the manufacturer must pay a larger +amount of wages, the prices of his manufactures must be augmented; and +therefore the disadvantages of competition with merchants abroad be +augmented likewise? + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Foreign Governments would Tax the Export of their Corn._ + +There is another view of the question which I beseech your lordships to +take--I mean the question of our dependence on foreign produce for a +great part of our annual consumption, which would be caused by the +abolition of the present law. On looking over the papers which have been +produced on former discussions of this subject, I have seen proofs that +in certain countries duties are paid upon the exportation of corn thence +hither; and that statements are made by the sovereigns of those +countries to this effect:--"As the corn is wanted by Great Britain, and +her subjects can afford to pay the duty, therefore they shall pay it." +This duty must come out of the pocket of her majesty's subjects, and be +taken into account in the price of the goods of the manufacturers. Your +lordships have heard a great deal upon the competition of foreign +manufacturers with our own in foreign markets. I certainly am one who +does not despise the consideration of these subjects; which, on the +contrary, I think of very high importance; but this question is a large +one, and it is necessary to consider it on rather broader grounds. This +very consideration may be material with respect to some countries of +which we have been the creditors; but I do not see how our relations +with those which are not corn countries can be affected by any change in +the corn laws. The power of taxation, which would be thrown into the +hands of foreign powers, in the event of the repeal of the corn laws, +constitutes, in my view, a most important feature of the case. Suppose +we were involved in an arduous competition with Prussian or Russian +manufacturers for the supply of a particular article: if we should make +up our minds to rely solely on those countries for a supply of corn, as +we are called upon to do by the opponents of the corn laws,--and if the +success of our manufactures depends on the abundance and cheapness of +corn among our population--must we not expect, according to the usual +course of such affairs among mankind, that the corn exported from those +countries would be taxed so as to render the food of our manufacturers +as dear as it would be under any other circumstances? If that is likely +to be the case, I would strongly advise you, my lords, to agree to no +measure which may render this country dependent upon others for its +supply of food. Let us persevere in those measures which have been +successful in raising the agriculture of this country and increasing its +produce; let us increase its produce to the utmost possible degree, and +render all the articles of food as cheap as possible; and then let us +see what can be done with reference to commerce and its interests; but +let us, I entreat, begin by securing to her majesty's subjects a supply +of the best food from the produce of her majesty's own dominions. + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_As a public man, stands on public grounds._ + +The noble earl (Radnor) says that I am an advocate for a monopoly; and +he talks about my not assisting the landlords, not assisting the +farmers, and not assisting the labourers. My lords, I know nothing about +landlords, farmers, or labourers, when I am advocating a legislative +question of a public nature in this house. I have nothing to say to them +any farther than as their interests are identified with those of the +community at large. I beg the noble lord to understand, when I come into +this house, I come here upon the public interest. I have no more to say +to landlords, farmers, or labourers, than the noble earl himself; and I +am thoroughly convinced there is not a noble friend near me who does not +look at this question solely on public grounds, and those which he +conceives it to be for the interest of the country to take. + +_March 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Objections to a free press in Malta._ + +I am one of those who have always thought, that if there existed any +part of her majesty's dominions in which a free press was not necessary, +Malta was that part. Our business there is to maintain a garrison and a +great naval station. Malta contains a population of 100,000 persons, for +whom I entertain the highest respect and regard, being convinced that +her majesty has no better or more devoted subjects than they are. It is +the duty of government, and the duty of this house, as far as it can, to +superintend the good government of the people of Malta--a people who +talk the Maltese language, and the Maltese language alone--a people, of +whom not one in 500 can read a line. Surely, of all the institutions of +this country which are the least necessary for men of this description, +and I declare my belief that it is a true description of the people of +Malta, I may venture to assert a free press is that one institution. I +will not dispute that hereafter much good may arise from a free press, +but education is much more necessary for the people of Malta. A free +press cannot be rendered useful to them, much less advantageous, without +that training which they require, and that education which ought to be +given to them. There is a certain liberal set of gentlemen in this +country who think a free press in Malta exceedingly desirable, not for +the sake of any advantage to the inhabitants, but for the sake of the +advantage to be produced on the neighbouring coast of France, and Spain, +and Italy. This is the truth with respect to this free press. * * I +believe that we have now had enough of private wars, and I believe that +we now seek what advantage it would have been, if we had never +undertaken those private wars, not only in other parts of the world, but +also a little nearer home. I must say that the objects of them are +inconsistent with the interests--aye, and inconsistent with the +honour--of this country; inconsistent with the interests of the country, +because, as I always have maintained, and always shall maintain, the +interests of this country must depend, not only on the maintenance of +peace for itself, but on its preventing, if possible, disturbances among +other nations; and inconsistent with its honour, because I will say, +that its honour does depend on not exciting rebellions and insurrections +in other nations, at the same moment that the government here is +ostensibly at peace with those nations. Now, that is the ground on which +I have always objected to a free press in Malta. I object to it, because +I contend that the intention entertained is to have a free press, not +for Malta, but for the neighbouring regions of Italy, France, and Spain; +and if you must have a free press for the Maltese, in the name of God +let it be in the Maltese language! + +_April 30, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Malta. Its riches and resources._ + +I have reason to know something of Malta; I know something of its +resources; and, instead of its being misgoverned, I can only say that in +the course of my intercourse with that island, I was astonished at the +immensity of its resources of all descriptions, and at the readiness +with which these resources were afforded to his majesty's troops and +armies, in order to enable them to carry on war against an enemy. It is +but an act of justice to those noble and honourable persons who have +governed Malta, to say thus much; and I must add that, having known that +island for a period of nearly twenty years, I really believe that, on +the face of the globe there is not a place of the same extent and +population which possesses one thousandth part of its riches and +resources of all descriptions. + +_April 30, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Indifference to Reports._ + +I have served the sovereigns and the public of this country for fifty +years, and throughout the whole of that period I have been exposed to +evil report and to good report, and I have still continued to serve on +through all report, both good and evil, and thus I confess myself to be +completely indifferent to the nature of all reports. + +_May 14, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Personal Attendants of the Sovereign. Their Political Influence._ + +When the noble viscount announced in this house on Tuesday last that he +had resigned his office, the probable consequences of that announcement +occurred to my mind, and I turned my attention in consequence to the +state of the government at the present moment--to the state of the royal +authority--to the composition of the royal household--and to all those +circumstances which were likely to come under my consideration, in case +I were called upon to assist in advising the composition of another +administration. I confess, that it appeared to me impossible that any +set of men should take charge of her majesty's government without having +the usual influence and control over the establishment of the royal +household--that influence and control which their immediate predecessors +in office had exercised before them. As the royal household was formed +by their predecessors in office, the possession of that influence and +that control over it appeared to me to be absolutely necessary, to let +the public see that the ministers who were about to enter upon office +had and possessed the entire confidence of her majesty. I considered +well the nature of the formation of the royal household under the civil +list act passed at the commencement of her majesty's reign. I considered +well the difference between the household of a queen-consort and the +household of a queen-regnant. The queen-consort not being a political +person in the same light as a queen-regnant, I considered the +construction of her majesty's household--I considered who filled offices +in it--I considered all the circumstances attendant on the influence of +the household, and the degree of confidence which it might be necessary +for the government to repose in the members of it. I was sensible of the +serious and anxious nature of the charge which the minister in +possession of that control and influence over her majesty's household +would have laid upon him. I was sensible that in everything which he +did, and in every step which he took as to the household, he ought to +consult not only the honour of her majesty's crown, and her royal state +and dignity, but also her social condition, her ease, her convenience, +her comfort--in short, everything which tended to the solace and +happiness of her life. I reflected on all these considerations as +particularly incumbent on the ministers who should take charge of the +affairs of this country; I reflected on the age, the sex, the situation, +and the comparative inexperience, of the sovereign on the throne; and I +must say that if I had been, or if I was to be, the first person to be +consulted, with respect to the exercise of the influence and control in +question, I would suffer any inconvenience whatever, rather than take +any step as to the royal household which was not compatible with her +majesty's comforts. + + * * * * * + +I cannot but think that the principles on which we proposed to act with +respect to the ladies of the bed-chamber, in the case of a +queen-regnant, were the correct principles. The public will not believe +that the queen holds no political conversation with those ladies, and +that political influence is not exercised by them, particularly +considering who those persons are who hold such situations. I believe +the history of this country affords a number of instances in which +secret and improper influence has been exercised by means of such +conversations. I have, my lords, a somewhat strong opinion on this +subject. I have unworthily filled the office which the noble viscount +now so worthily holds; and I must say I have felt the inconvenience of +an anomalous influence, not exercised, perhaps, by ladies, but anomalous +influence, undoubtedly, of this description, and exerted simply in +conversations; and I will tell the noble viscount that the country is at +this moment suffering some inconvenience from the exercise of that very +secret influence. + +_May 14, 1839._ + +A war carried on by militia, volunteers, and troops of that description, +will infallibly be carried on after the manner of civil wars. + +May 30, 1839. + + * * * * * + +_Reasons for passing the Poor Law._ + +I have been long enough in parliament to recollect that, before the +present law passed, there were not less than half-a-dozen attempts made, +by some of the greatest men this country ever produced, to amend the +system of the poor laws. Among others, the late Mr. Pitt endeavoured to +amend these laws, but failed, and for a reason which I believe +occasioned the failure of every attempt to alter them until that which +was successfully made within these five years, when the present poor law +amendment act was passed, principally by the exertions of the noble and +learned lord (Lord Brougham). The real truth of the matter was +this--that in every parish in the country there existed some abuses, I +will venture to say a hundred times greater than any of those with which +the noble earl (Stanhope) entertains your lordships upon every vacant +day that presents itself. In every parish, I repeat, there were abuses; +and, in each, abuses founded upon a different principle from those +existing in some neighbouring parish; so that no law could be devised to +remedy them; for the measure which would apply to parish A, instead of +removing the abuses existing in parish B, would only have tended to +aggravate and render them intolerable. At length, there was a very +general and searching inquiry into the whole state of the administration +of the poor laws; the result of which was, that the present measure was +arranged and produced to parliament. It passed both houses in a very +short space of time, and, I believe, on the principle there was no +division whatever, and hardly a difference of opinion, in this house; I +believe there was none in the other house of parliament, and very little +difference of opinion was expressed upon any part of the details. With +respect to the administration of the law, I have observed it in +different parts of the country, and I must say that its administration +has been entirely satisfactory, and most particularly to those parties +who are likely to become its more immediate objects. That part of the +law of which the noble earl complains most, namely, the existence of the +poor law commissioners, is, in my opinion, the most important part of +it. The truth of the matter is, that the abuses in the administration of +the poor laws were so numerous, so various, and, at the same time, so +inveterate, that it was absolutely impossible to get the better of them, +without the constitution of some central authority which should +superintend the execution of the law; taking care that it was duly +administered, and that those intrusted with its execution in the country +did not infringe upon its provisions. Such, I believe, was the object of +the institution of those boards of guardians and commissioners. + +_June 18, 1839._ + +_The Ballot and Universal Suffrage dangerous. Open questions a symptom +of weakness in a Government._ + +I fully concur with the noble viscount (Melbourne) in the propriety of +opposing the further extension of the suffrage, and upon the very same +ground, namely, that such extension would be inconsistent with the best +interests of the country. I likewise concur in the sentiments which that +noble viscount has expressed upon the subject of the ballot; that +obnoxious, and, I must say, un-English measure; at the same time I +deeply regret that the noble viscount did think proper to make it what +is called an open question. I had the misfortune to be in office when +there were such questions, and I must say, that I never could consider +them as anything but a symptom of weakness on the part of those who were +carrying on the service of their sovereign--a symptom that they were not +acting together, that they did not agree amongst themselves, and that +there was a division also amongst their supporters. Instead of its being +a matter of satisfaction that an individual question like the ballot +should be left an open question, I regard it as a circumstance most +likely to prove disastrous to the government, and eventually so to the +country. + +June 25, 1839. + + * * * * * + +_The Birmingham Riots in 1839. The town treated worse than if taken by +storm._ + +I have been accused of "exaggeration."[21] That may be a parliamentary +phrase; I will not presume to decide that it is an unparliamentary +term; but I believe that it is a term not much used amongst gentlemen. +It has been employed, however, in a privileged place, that must be +nameless, and I shall advert to it no farther than to notice the +conclusions which may be drawn from the use of such a term in reference +to what I did say. I trust your lordships will excuse me for a few +moments upon this subject, because I really think I have been most +unjustifiably made the subject of a personal attack for what I stated in +this, your lordships' house, with respect to the late riots in +Birmingham. What I stated, my lords, was founded on the same species of +information which, it appears, was in the possession of her majesty's +government; for, neither the noble viscount, nor any of the other noble +lords opposite, knew any more of the subject than I did; they knew +nothing beyond what they had seen in the newspapers; and I stated, at +the time, that I knew nothing beyond that, myself, with regard to the +facts. But I compared the transactions at Birmingham with certain other +transactions, of which, certainly, I have more knowledge than most noble +lords in this house; matters on which I had a certain and positive +knowledge; and I said (and I firmly believe that it was correct, and +that, in making the comparison I did not, in the least degree, depart +from the truth), that the peaceable inhabitants of the town of +Birmingham were worse treated, upon that occasion, than the inhabitants +of any town I had ever known or seen taken by assault. This is what I +asserted; and, it is the fact, according to my opinion. + +[Footnote 21: A member of the House of Commons had used this term as +applied to the Duke's remarks on this subject, a few nights previously.] +* * * * * + +I cannot help thinking that it is extraordinary that, in the year 1839, +after nine years of liberal government,--after nine years' enjoyment of +the blessings of liberal government,--your lordships should be +discussing whether or not the amount of destruction completed within a +peaceful town within her majesty's dominions is equal to the mischief +done to a town which is taken by storm. And yet this has been clearly +demonstrated to be the case. It is clear, my lords, that in peaceful, +happy England, which carried on a war for twenty-two years, and which +made the most extraordinary efforts to maintain that war, as she did, +with circumstances of glory and success attending her arms in all parts +of the world,--in order to avoid as it was hoped, these miseries, and so +that no such disasters as these might ever approach her shores,--in this +same happy and peaceful England, after nine years of liberal government, +here is a town plundered, and its peace destroyed; and yet I am accused +of exaggeration, because I say I never knew any town, taken by storm, to +be so ill-used as this fine town has been. I confess I am not at all +surprised, however, at the conduct of the noble lord who so liberally +applied the term "exaggeration" to what I said, when I reflect who are +the followers and supporters of that noble lord. + +_July 22, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Legal redress against Magistrates._ + +I apprehend that, according to the law of England, any individual is at +liberty to complain of the conduct of a magistrate, and proceed against +him in a court of law. No one has ever doubted that, in this country, +every individual has a right so to complain of, and to proceed against, +the magistrates, when the magistrates misconduct themselves. It is in +accordance only with the _Code Napoleon_,--with the code of laws of that +high priest of liberalism, the Emperor Napoleon,--that the consent of +the council of state should be given, before a justice misconducting +himself can be tried and punished. Hitherto, in this country, the +practice and the law have been different on that head; and I hope we +shall hear no more of such proceedings. But follow out the system laid +down in the letter from the Home Office, and the result will be that no +man--- particularly if he have to complain of the conduct of a +magistrate--will, without the consent of the home secretary, go into a +court of justice to obtain redress. My lords, to such a course I trust I +shall see some check put, before it is further established by +precedents. + +July 22,1839. + + * * * * * + +_Reasons for Supporting the Penny Postage Bill_. + +In the preamble of this bill, it is stated to have for its object the +establishment, in this country, of a low and uniform rate of postage. I +admit the truth of the arguments stated by the noble viscount upon the +expediency, and, indeed, the necessity, of establishing an uniform and +low rate of postage in this country. These arguments have been urged +more than once by my noble friend near me (Lord Ashburton), and by the +noble duke who heretofore filled the office of postmaster general, but +whom I do not see in his place this evening. If, however, the object be +only to reduce the expense of postage, and to establish an uniform rate, +I imagine that the power of the government is already sufficient for +such a purpose, although the power was not granted for that immediate +object; but the object with which the power was given was, for the +purpose of enabling the government to adopt that particular plan which +is called Mr. Rowland Hill's plan, and which, I am certainly disposed to +admit, was, of all plans, if adopted exactly as Mr. Hill proposed it, +the most likely to be successful. At the same time, I must say, I am +afraid the present plan will not be entirely successful. I think, in the +first place, that a great mistake is committed, in the assumption that +the reduction in the rate of postage down to a penny, even to be paid on +the delivery of the letter, would induce any very considerable increase +of literary correspondence. I possessed, for many years, an extensive +knowledge of the degree of advantage attendant upon such a system in the +army; and I can safely assert to your lordships, that it is quite +curious to remark how small an amount of correspondence is carried on by +soldiers, notwithstanding they enjoy the utmost facility for doing so. +One remarkable instance I will mention, just to show that it is not +quite certain that a large increase of correspondence will take place in +consequence of the rate of postage being reduced to a penny. In the case +of a highland regiment, it was positively ascertained that, in the +course of six or seven months, only sixty-three or sixty-four letters +were written. Now this is a fact on which reliance can be placed; and it +certainly demonstrates that the people of this country are not so ready +to correspond, as some suppose, even when they can send letters at the +rate of a penny for the postage. I would beg your lordships to observe +just one point touching the application of this plan to the country +parts of England. It is perfectly well known to you that the post-office +is frequently six or seven miles, and sometimes ten or fifteen miles, +from most of the houses and villages in the neighbourhood. Now, if a man +have to take a letter to the post-office, he may lose half a day's work +in going there; and it cannot be supposed that he would make such a +sacrifice merely because he would only be charged a penny on the +delivery of his letter. Then, again, let us look at the manner in which +the plan will work in large towns. The plan will, no doubt, work +beneficially in London. In London, there are a number of people employed +for the purpose of delivering letters in all parts of the town several +times in the course of the day. But let us take such towns as +Manchester, or Leeds, or Liverpool; the people cannot resort to one +post-office, and post-offices must therefore be established in different +parts of the town for their accommodation; and the consequence will be, +a vast increase in the establishment of the post-office,--of which +increase, I do not think sufficient notice has been taken in the +documents which I have perused. Upon the whole, then, I am very much +afraid that this scheme for a low and uniform rate of postage wilt be +found impracticable on account of the expense, and, also, from the small +amount of profit which will accrue from the carriage of the letters. + + * * * * * + +At the time this subject was first mentioned in this house, and, indeed, +in the other house of parliament, the noble viscount said that his main +object would he to secure the revenue; and I certainly apprehended that +the noble viscount would not adopt this plan, unless he could see some +security for the revenue; and this was the language held, also, in the +other house of parliament, I understand. It seems now, however, that we +have got no security for the revenue. + + * * * * * + +But my lords, notwithstanding I feel so little confidence in this +measure, and notwithstanding that I must continue to lament that it +should ever have been adopted, when all the circumstances of the present +times are considered,--I, nevertheless, earnestly recommend you to pass +it. It is a measure which has been most anxiously looked forward to by +the country; at the same time that it is one as to which there has been +much doubt: but your lordships should bear in mind, that there is not +one clause of this bill upon which you can make an amendment, or in +which you can give a vote, except in the negative or the affirmative, +without committing a breach of those conventional rules which have been +established for the conduct of the business between you and the House of +Commons. On the other hand, my lords, suppose you were to reject this +bill;--the government, supported by the other house, would have the +power to destroy the whole revenue of the post-office; so that all the +evil which this bill could do to the revenue, and which it is your +object to save, might still be done;--and seeing that, at the same time, +the measure of post-office administration, which it is the object of +this bill to effect, and which it is desired should be carried into +execution, must altogether lie over, unless you agree to some such +measure as this;--I say, my lords, under these circumstances, I intend, +though with pain and reluctance, to vote for the bill; and I earnestly +recommend your lordships to adopt it. + +_August 5, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Danger of interfering with the Religion of the Hindoos._ + +My lords, I served in India for a considerable length of time; but I +never saw--I never heard of--anything so revolting in the religious +ceremonies of the natives as has been described by the noble duke and by +the right reverend prelate. The whole army, while I was in India, except +about 50,000 men, consisted of idolaters; but they were as good soldiers +as could be found anywhere. They performed, in the best manner, any +service that was required of them; and certainly, at that time, the +object of the government, and of every man in the service of the +government, was to avoid, not only interference, but even the semblance +of any interference, in any manner, in the idolatrous rites and +ceremonies of the country. I have not read one of the dispatches which +have been alluded to; and I must say that I have seen too much, in my +own experience, to encourage the practice of encouraging documents of +this description. I beg your lordships to recollect, that with the +exception of about 20,000 of her majesty's troops, and, with the +exception of the civil servants of the government, and the few European +residents in the country, there is not a man in India who is not an +idolater, to manage the affairs of that most extensive and important +empire. I would entreat your lordships never to lose sight of that fact. +I know, too, from experience, for I have seen the missionaries at work, +the little progress which they make; and I know at the same time that +their labours create a good deal of jealousy. I warn the government not +to go too far in their measures against the idolatry of India; for the +Indian empire is one of great importance, and they must not expect to +convert 100,000,000 of idolaters to our holy religion by the small means +at their disposal. + +_August 13, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Never said one thing and meant another._ + +I will not make any professions of my own anxiety to put down the slave +trade. I have passed a long life, I trust with honour, in the service of +her majesty's predecessors. I served her majesty's predecessors in +diplomatic situations and in councils, as well as in the army, and I +believe people cannot accuse me of saying one thing and meaning another. + +_August 19, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Impotent Colonial Administration of the Whigs._ + +We have sacrificed 20,000,000 l. of money to terminate slavery in the +British colonies; and we are now calling upon other nations--upon the +United States, upon Spain, upon the Brazils, and upon various powers +which possess slaves--to imitate and to follow our example; but what +have we done to secure the co-operation of those great countries in the +great object that we have in view? We have offered no inducement to +those nations to imitate our example, by the establishment of order and +good government in our West Indian colonies; for nowhere have we +properly or adequately availed ourselves of those advantages which we +have, or of those advantages which we might procure, to give security to +life and property in those islands, and to maintain peace and +tranquillity among their inhabitants. The communities in the West Indies +are all small societies; and there is not a man in any one of them, not +in Jamaica, even, which is the largest of them, who is not within the +reach of authority. The government of each of those islands is strong in +the means of exercising authority--strong in garrisons, strong in +troops, strong in a police force, and in everything necessary for the +preservation of life and property, for carrying the laws into execution, +and for affording security to every individual, even to the very lowest +of the people;--but yet, I will venture to say, since the enactment of +the law for the emancipation of the slaves, there have been and are no +societies, in the whole world, in such a state of disorganization, +disorder, and anarchy, as are those very West Indian islands of ours; +but which, if they were well managed and governed by the noble lord, +nominally at the head of the colonial department, instead of by the +different factions that resort thither to interfere with the business of +that government, ought, and are calculated, to be of the greatest +advantage to this nation. There are no societies in the world more +capable of being well governed, than those islands are, if the noble +lord opposite would only perform his duty in an independent manner, and +keep all factions at a distance, instead of allowing every faction in +this country to interfere, on all occasions, with the business of the +government in relation to those colonies. But this is not all; let your +lordships look round in all directions, and you will see the same +lamentable state of things existing. Look at Lower Canada, look at Upper +Canada, at Newfoundland--look where you will, you will see nothing but +disorder and anarchy--and resulting from what? from nothing but the +interference of factions in England; who, let your lordships recollect, +have nothing to do with those colonies. These disorders result solely +from the interference of those factions in the affairs of each of those +colonies; and till the government shall put an end to such interference, +and act altogether independently of it, it is impossible to hope for a +restoration of tranquillity. + +_August 23, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_The Melbourne Administration no Government._ + +I can assure the noble viscount, (Palmerston) that all I desire--and all +I have desired for some years past--is this,--to see a "government" in +the country. To see the country "governed." I wish that I could say +that I had seen it "governed" for some years past; and I hope that the +noble viscount will now turn over a new leaf, and "govern" the country a +little better than he has done heretofore. I may tell the noble +viscount, that I have had some little experience in these matters +myself; and I humbly suggest to the noble viscount, that, before he +announces measures to parliament through the speech from the throne, in +future, he should first take care that those measures have already been +properly considered; and that, before he inserts them in her majesty's +speech, he should have them ready prepared, or in such a state of +preparation as to be able to introduce them to parliament immediately +after the speech from the throne. If he do thus, the measures in all +probability, will be in such a state that they may be passed, or, at all +events, they will not be scrambled for among partisans and factions in +parliament: they will then, most likely, be considered by men who, I +consider, from their official station, must be capable of deciding upon +them; they will be their measures, and not the measures of factions and +parties; or, at least, they will not be measures presented to parliament +in such a state as that they ought not to pass. But I have desired to +see a "government" in the country, for many other reasons besides those +which are referable to the state and manner in which measures have been +brought forward, after having been announced to parliament in the speech +from the throne. I desire to have a "government" in this country, +because I am anxious to see our colonies settled and governed--because +I wish to see the interior of the country settled and governed as it +ought to be governed--and because I wish to see all our establishments +fixed and protected in that form and state in which they are to remain. + +_August 23, 1839._ + + * * * * * + +_Causes of the Weakness of the Melbourne Administration._ + +The noble viscount has been pleased to attribute the disturbances in the +country, at the present moment, to the opposition which, he says, has +been given by your lordships to the measures brought forward for the +redress of grievances. Now I did not like to interrupt the noble +viscount, when he was addressing your lordships; but I certainly felt +much disposed to call upon the noble viscount to name what the measures +were, to which he so alluded. I have been trying, ever since the noble +viscount spoke, to recollect what those measures could be; and I declare +that, with respect to England, particularly, I do not know of a single +measure which has been discussed in this house, and rejected by your +lordships, that would with any degree of propriety, be called a measure +for the redress of the grievances of the people. If there be such +measures, let the noble viscount bring them forward again next session, +and I am sure they will receive from your lordships every attention. +But, my lords, I have taken another view of the cause of the +disturbances which now exist in the country. I think they have arisen +from a very peculiar state of circumstances; and I will venture to +submit them to the noble viscount, in answer to that part of his speech, +in which he was kind enough to attribute those disturbances to the House +of Lords. I believe that they have originated in the unnoticed and +unpunished combinations which have been allowed by the government during +so many years, to exist,--whether as political unions or as trade +unions, or as other combinations,--clearly illegal combinations,--amongst +workmen, to force others to abandon their work, by those who work at +prices different from those at which they are content to be employed, and +at which they have agreed to work for their employers. These combinations +have gone so far in some parts of the country,--and more particularly in +the north of England, and, indeed, throughout almost the whole of the +northern part of the island,--as to threaten destruction to the trade and +credit of the manufacturers; and at last they have arrived at that pitch, +and have spread to that extent, that the country is brought to the +situation in which we see it at the present moment. For, after all, +what are these Chartists, that are found marching about the country, +and engaged in the disturbances that prevail? I have inquired a great +deal into the subject, and the result is, that I believe they are nothing +more nor less than persons combined together for the purpose of driving +other workmen--engaged, whether in manufactures, in the collieries, or +agricultural pursuits, or in other districts--from their work; and for +the purpose of destroying the machinery, and the buildings, and of +interfering with the capital of the employers,--thus striking at the +very root of employment, and at the chief means of the sustenance of the +people,--striking at the foundation of the manufactures and the commerce +of the country, and of all its prosperity. This is my sincere belief; and +all this, I say, is owing to the want of early notice of the proceedings +of those combinations by the government,--to their not having carried the +laws into execution,--to their having left free from punishment those who +have been submitted to trial,--and to their unfortunate selection of +magistrates, and, above all, of the magistrates of the new reformed +corporations of Birmingham, Manchester, Bolton, and other towns. The +government may rely on it, that, until they adopt different measures, +they will not induce parliament to look with favour on their +proceedings. The government first reduced all the military +establishments. Those military establishments are not, even now, nearly +up to their proper footing; and I am firmly convinced that, in the +disturbed districts, there is not one half the establishment equal to +the ordinary establishment maintained in time of peace. This +circumstance, and the want of a due execution of the law upon those who +are tried, convicted, and sentenced to punishment,--and also the fact, +that those who have been appointed to carry into execution the law are +persons connected by habit, by association, and even by excitement, with +those very Chartists who have violated the law,--suggest the true causes +of these disturbances; and not the nameless grievances created by a +nameless opposition in this house, to nameless measures, as alleged by +the noble viscount. + +_August 23, 1839._ + +_Speech on Her Majesty's Marriage._ + +There is no noble lord in this house who concurs more sincerely than I +do in the expression of congratulation to her majesty upon her +approaching marriage, which she has been pleased to announce a second +time to the public from the throne this day. I sincerely wish, with the +noble mover and seconder of the address, that this event may tend to the +happiness and comfort of the Queen. Upon this occasion I should have +been contented with the address, and should have offered not another +word, if your lordships had not been called upon in the speech from the +throne, to concur with the other house of parliament, in making a +suitable provision for the prince, for whose future station in this +country her majesty's speech has prepared us. But, my lords, it appears +to me that when this house is called upon to express an opinion upon a +detail of this description, the house ought to look into, and act upon, +this subject--it ought not to be a mere congratulation. I conceive that +the public have a right to know something beyond the mere name of the +prince whom her majesty is about to espouse. My lords, I had the honour +of being summoned to attend her majesty in privy council, when her +majesty in council was graciously pleased to declare her intention of +becoming the espoused of this prince. I observed, that the precedent of +the reign of George III. was followed in all respects except one, and +that was the declaration, that this prince was a protestant. [Loud +cries of "Hear, hear!" from the opposition benches.] My lords, I, for +one, entertain no doubt that the prince is a protestant. I believe he is +a protestant. I know he is of a protestant family. I have the honour of +being known to some members of that family, and I am sure that it is a +protestant family. But, my lords, this is a protestant state, and it is +absolutely necessary, by law, that the person who shall become the +spouse of the queen be a protestant; and, if the precedent of George +III. has been taken in part, it ought to have been followed throughout; +and then the public would have had the satisfaction of knowing that the +fact of the prince being a protestant, had been officially declared by +her majesty's government. My lords, I know the noble lords opposite too +well to suppose that they are not aware of the anxiety in the public +mind on this subject; and I know, also, that they had it in their power +to relieve that anxiety, and to gratify the public by making this +declaration; nay, more, my lords, I am convinced that there exists the +same anxiety in the royal mind, about the protestant character of the +state as is felt by me or any of your lordships. And if so, my lords, I +ask, why was the precedent of George III. departed from? Is there any +doubt as to the religious sentiments of this prince? None at all; there +can be no doubt that he is a protestant; he cannot be otherwise. Then, +why is it not so stated? We have heard something of this marriage from +another part of the country; we have seen some proceedings on this +subject since the declaration in council, which show pretty clearly why +the word "protestant" was omitted. My lords, I confess that I am one of +those who read with great attention all that passes in Ireland;--all +those speeches which come from that quarter;--and I do it for this +reason: I have been accustomed to that kind of revolutionary +discussions. It has been said by an eminent French writer, _en plein +jour, on ne conspire pas_; but that is not so now. The object proposed +is terror. These things are declared openly. This I can see from what +appears in the public prints, as I read these public letters and +missives in order to see what the real danger is, and that I may not be +taken by surprise. Now, what I mean to say is this,--that I see in what +has passed elsewhere, a very suspicious reason why the word "protestant" +was not inserted in the communication made to the privy council, and why +it has not been inserted in the speech from the throne. I say to the +noble lords opposite, that I believe they are as much determined as I +am, myself, to maintain the protestant ascendancy of the state. I think, +then, if this be the case, that upon the first occasion, when this +question comes before your lordships, and when the House of Lords shall +be called upon to do any act, or to make any declaration upon the +subject, beyond the mere congratulation of the queen, your lordships +should take that course which may procure the country the satisfaction +of knowing that Prince Albert is a protestant prince, and that this is +still a protestant state. + +_January 16, 1840._ + +_Approbation of the Conduct of the Affghanistan Expedition._ + +My lords, having been, for a great part of my life, selected to carry +into execution, under superior authority, measures of this description, +no man can be more capable of judging, from experience, of the merits of +government in planning and carrying into operation such measures; and I +should be the last man to doubt, at any time, the expediency of this or +the other house expressing its approbation of the conduct of the +political servants of the crown in planning and working out all +arrangements preparatory to carrying into execution great military +operations. My lords, it has happened to me, by accident, that I had +some knowledge of the arrangements made for the execution of this great +military enterprise; and, I must say, that I have never known an +occasion on which the duty of a government was performed on a larger +scale,--on which a more adequate provision was made for all +contingencies that could occur, and for all the various events which +could, and which did, in fact, occur during this campaign. My lords, it +would be presumptuous in me to say more on this subject, having, I +repeat, been made acquainted, only by accident, with the arrangements +made preparatory to the campaign now brought under your lordships' +attention. With respect to the military services performed, I can say +nothing beyond, nor more deserving the officers and troops, than what +has been stated by the governor-general in his dispatch. My lords, I am +well acquainted with the officers who have directed and performed these +services; and I must say that there are no men in the service who +deserve a higher degree of approbation for the manner in which, on all +occasions, they have discharged their duty; and that, in no instance +that I have ever heard of, have such services been performed in a manner +better calculated to deserve and secure the approbation of your +lordships and of the country. + +_February 4, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Danger of Socialism._ + +It appears that this system (Socialism) has spread itself over a great +part of the country; and, upon inquiry, I find that it has taken root +rather extensively in the county in which I reside. I find that in +Hampshire, or on the borders of the two counties, Wiltshire and +Hampshire, there is a large institution for the propagation of Socialist +principles, spreading over no less than five hundred acres of land, +which this society have purchased for their purposes. In reference to +that institution, I have this day presented a petition to your +lordships, containing statements as to the doctrines of this society, +regarding religion, the holy scriptures, God Almighty, and all the great +points of our belief; which statements, in my estimation, demand the +most serious inquiry. When I read that petition, which I did the moment +it was placed in my hands, I felt it to be my duty, as the lord +lieutenant of the county, to call the attention of the magistracy to +the facts which it set forth. That I considered to be my duty; and I +say, also, that the House of Lords, now that the facts have been brought +before them, have a duty to perform to the country, on this question. +These doctrines of Socialism are rapidly gaining strength--are spreading +themselves throughout the country. They have now got beyond that point +at which your lordships might say, "We will take no steps in the matter; +the system is absurd, and will fall to pieces of itself." I say, my +lords, we have got beyond that point; and the people should be made to +understand that the legislature and the government look on those +institutions only with disfavour, and are determined to discountenance +them. And they should also be made to know, that wherever, in the +promulgation of the doctrines of this society, there shall be a breach +of the law committed, it will be treated as such, and punished as such. +I say, then, that it is incumbent on your lordships to take such steps +as will satisfy the country that your attention has been directed to the +subject, with the view to remove the evil and ensure tranquillity. If +the government will allow the motion to pass, and take the subject into +their own hands, and inquire into it, through the magistracy, or by any +other means, I, for one, am willing to leave the matter with them on +that condition, merely adding that I shall be happy to afford them any +assistance in my power in carrying out their inquiry, and in enabling +them to annihilate this mischievous and demoralising system. + +_February 4, 1840._ + +_Compliment to the Navy._ + +I know a great deal of the gentlemen of that profession; and, for my own +part, I have always had, and still have, the greatest and the highest +respect for them, and the very utmost confidence in them. I have always +endeavoured to emulate their services in the service in which I have +myself been engaged; and I am sure that in nothing have I endeavoured to +emulate them in a greater degree than in that confidence which they +feel, not only in themselves, and in the officers of their own rank, but +in all officers and troops under their command. + +_February 6, 1840._ + + * * * * * + + +_Eulogium on Lord Seaton._ + +I had the honour of being connected with the noble and gallant lord in +service at an early period of his life; and I must declare that, at all +times, and under all circumstances, he gave that promise of prudence, +zeal, devotion, and ability, which he has so nobly fulfilled in his +services to his sovereign and his country, during the recent proceedings +in Canada. I entirely agree with the noble viscount in all that he has +said, respecting the conduct of my noble and gallant friend, in +remaining, under all circumstances, at his post, and in taking the +command of the troops, although it was not thought expedient by the +government to place him again in the government of the provinces. I +agree with the noble viscount in wishing that such examples as that +which has been shewn may be always followed in her majesty's service; +for I must say that there never was a brighter example of fortitude and +discretion than that which has been manifested by the noble and gallant +lord. + +_March 27, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinion on the Printed Papers' Question._ + +I wish--as, indeed, everybody wishes--that the House of Commons should +have the power of printing and publishing its papers. But what I want to +do is this--to provide that, when it proceeds to the sale of them, the +law should take its course. As to the printing and publishing of papers, +I have no objection, until it comes to the point of sale. The sale ought +not, in my opinion, to be made by the authority of the house; it ought +to be made by individuals, and they should be responsible for what they +sell, as they were previously to the passing of the resolution in 1835; +and, up to that time, it must be admitted that the House of Commons and +the House of Lords had the advantage of all their privileges quite as +much as they have had ever since. My lords, I must confess that I look a +little further into this question than the mere matter of libelling +individuals. I consider all this as it affects the public generally; +and, I say, the public is mainly interested in its being understood that +the House of Commons and the House of Lords are not to be the privileged +sellers of libels against individuals. + +_April 6, 1840._ + +_Libels on foreign Sovereigns ought not to be permitted._ + +I remember reading with great satisfaction, the history of a great case, +which was pleaded and argued at considerable length, some years ago, in +this country--I mean the case of the "King v. Peltier," in the court of +King's Bench. That was the case of an action brought against an obscure +individual, for a libel which he had published upon the sovereign of a +neighbouring country, with whom we were then in a state of peace and +amity. Now, I ask your lordships whether, supposing, in the course of +the late Polish revolution, the libels, some of which we have seen +printed in this country, and others which we have heard spoken of in the +other, and, I believe, in this house of parliament, reviling, in the +strongest terms, the sovereign of Russia, had been stated in the +petitions, or in the proceedings of the House of Commons, and had been +printed, published, and sold by its authority; I ask your lordships +whether such a proceeding would not have been calculated to disturb the +peace of this country, and of the world at large? In short, I ask your +lordships whether it is desirable that there should be an opportunity of +publishing and selling, on the part of the two houses of parliament, +libels against the sovereigns of all the foreign powers in Europe? My +lords, I am one of those who consider that the greatest political +interest of this country is, to remain at peace and amity with all the +nations of the world. I am for avoiding even the cause of war, and of +giving offence to any one, and of seeking a quarrel, either by abuse, or +by that description of language which is found in these libels. I am +against insulting the feelings of any sovereign, at whom individuals may +have taken offence, and against whom they may seek to publish libels +under the sanction of parliament. Let them state what they please in +their private capacity, and let them be answerable for it individually, +as Peltier was. What I want is, that parliament should not, by the +combined privilege of publication and sale, run the risk of involving +the country in the consequences of a discussion of such subjects, and in +all the mischiefs and inconveniences which might arise from it. + +_April 6, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Reasons why the Chinese stopped the Opium Trade._ + +It is perfectly true, as is stated by the noble earl, that the trade in +opium has been carried on contrary to the laws of China. But then, my +lords, it has been so carried on with the knowledge of the local +authorities on the spot, who received large payments, in the shape of +bribes, or in the way of duties, possibly both, for allowing the import +of this opium,--its admission into the ports of China. It appears that, +although the trade was forbidden by the law of China, it was known to +the authorities of China, to the emperor himself, and to all the +servants of the government, that it had existed for many years, and that +the discussion had continued for many months, upon the question, +whether the trade should be allowed, and continued, under a duty, or +whether it should be discontinued altogether. Allow me to ask the noble +earl, who has contended so very strongly for the Emperor of China, +whether that morality was so very great while he allowed that trade to +be continued? and whether his morality can be improved in any respect by +opium being introduced upon the payment of a large duty, instead of its +being introduced by means of smuggling, and under bribes paid to the +officers of his government; and even, as it has been shown, from the +exterior waters into the interior of the country, in the Mandarin boats, +that is, in boats, either in the service of the country, or, at all +events, under the charge of officers of the government? I really cannot +see the force of the noble earl's argument with respect to the +illegality of the trade, when it is as clear as possible that its +existence was well known to the government of China, and that no step +had ever been taken to put it down; but, on the contrary, the means of +continuing it, and of raising a larger duty upon it, were under +consideration; and, in fact, the trade was finally put down, and +discontinued only because it was supposed that it occasioned the export +of a larger quantity of native or Sycee silver. + +_May 12, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_The Opium not the cause of the war with China. Defence of Captain +Elliot._ + +The noble earl says that this war is to be attributed to the opium! +Why? there was no British opium in China at the very time these other +outrages were committed, and when this very language was held; and, as +far as I am able to judge, there was then no opium in the possession of +the British merchants there. An order had been issued to deliver it up, +and this gentleman had gone down the river for the purpose of +surrendering the whole. The war, then, has grown out of another state of +circumstances. First of all, there was a claim for the surrender of an +Englishman to be put to death, because a Chinese had lost his life in an +affray. Captain Elliot, as became an English officer, instituted an +inquiry to discover whether a certain number of persons, stated to have +been in an affray, had been guilty of the murder or not, and the result +of the inquiry was, that he could not bring the charge home to any one; +that he had no reason to suspect any one. The Chinese government still +insisted that these six men should be given up. Captain Elliot refused, +and that, I take it, is one of the causes of the war. + +Another of the causes of the war is this--that a provision had been made +that matters should be restored to their former state, in proportion as +the opium should be delivered up; that the British inhabitants should +have the use of the native servants; that they should have the common +comforts of life, provisions, and all that was necessary for +subsistence; and, finally, that the trade should be re-opened, and +matters allowed to resume their usual course. After having given that +promise, it is discovered that this Chinese lost his life in an affray +in which American seamen were engaged as well as the English; and then a +fourth proposition was advanced, which was this, that every master of a +vessel, proceeding up the Canton river, should sign a bond, submitting +himself, and all on board his ship, to be dealt with according to the +laws of China. The noble lord has found fault with Captain Elliot upon +this, as well as upon another matter. Now, this objection is most +extraordinary, and it rather tends to prove that the noble earl, though +he has paid great attention to this particular blue book, is not very +well acquainted with former transactions in that country, or he would +have found that former traders with China had invariably refused to +subscribe to such proposals, and that they had broken off the trade with +the Chinese, rather than do it; rather than give up British subjects to +be dealt with according to the laws of China. I think they acted most +properly; and that Captain Elliot, very much to his credit, refused to +do it; at the same time, he did no more than his duty. He did what +others would I trust have done under the same circumstances; and he is +entitled to great praise for his firmness in resisting that demand. Then +there is another circumstance in which Captain Elliot acted as became +him. I allude particularly to his refusal to give up Mr. Dent. It was +declared that the opium trade was not to be continued; that it was an +illegal trade; and that dealing in opium should not be suffered. It was +supposed that Mr. Dent had been a person very much concerned in that +trade, and had made a large fortune, as I believe many others have +done, by that illicit trade. And Captain Elliot was blamed, when it was +sought to have Mr. Dent given up, because he, her majesty's +representative and the chief superintendent of trade in that country, +stepped forward and said, "I won't allow this gentleman to be given over +to the Chinese government, and to be tried as the Chinese government may +direct." I should, my lords, be ashamed of the name of Englishman, if +there could be found one in her majesty's service capable of acting +otherwise than this gentleman did, under such circumstances. The noble +earl has stated that a great deal of difficulty would have been got rid +of, if Captain Elliot had complied with the request of the Chinese; and +that the Americans gave up a seaman to be dealt with according to the +Chinese laws. I am sorry for it. I must say, it was not their duty to do +so. They would have done better to have taken a leaf out of our book, +and to have followed the example of the East India Company, to put an +end to the trade rather than risk the life of one of her majesty's +subjects, or give him up to be tried by the Chinese government. + +_May 12, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +If we cannot sustain our power in the Canadas, we must necessarily lose +all our dominions in North America. + +_June 30, 1840._ + + * * * * * + + +Colonial responsible government, and the sovereignty of Great Britain, +are completely incompatible. + +_June 30, 1840._ + +_Importance of Colonies to the Mother Country._ + +I have observed in this country, for some length of time, a growing +desire to get rid of our North American dominions--a desire that they +should become republics. This desire prevails amongst a very large party +in this country. I am aware that there are also others--not, however, +acting from the same motive--who desire that the separation should take +place; tranquilly, if possible, but that at all events it should take +place. In my opinion, these gentlemen are mistaken. It is my decided +opinion, that, considering the resources and the power of these +colonies, this country would sustain a heavy loss, indeed, if these +colonies were to be separated from it. + +_June 30, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Religious Education must be provided out of the Funds of the Church._ + +It appears to me that there is no difference of opinion amongst us on +these points--namely, that means must be found of preaching the word of +God to the people of England; and I go further--for this point is also +not disputed--and I say that those means must proceed, in the first +instance, from the church, and that they must be exhausted before the +public is called on for other means; in providing those means, you will +not only be performing a duty incumbent upon you, but you will also be +following the example of every other nation in the world. It has been +my lot to live among idolaters--among persons of all creeds, and of all +religions; but I never knew yet of a single instance in which public +means were not provided sufficient to teach the people the religion of +their country. They might be false religions; I know but of one true +one; but yet means were never wanting to teach those false religions; +and I hope that we shall not have done with this subject until we have +found sufficient means for teaching the people of England their duty to +their Maker, and their duty to one another, founded on their duty to +that Maker. + +_July 30, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_Necessity of administering Oaths._ + +I entreat your lordships to pause, and recollect that the foundation of +all justice is truth; and that the mode of discovering truth has always +been to administer an oath, in order that the witness may give his +deposition under a high sanction. I hope your lordships will not adopt +another of those bills which have been before your lordships only a few +days, and which suggest, in truth, nothing more than a way of enabling a +witness, who thinks proper to say he has conscientious scruples, to +escape the solemnity of an oath. I admit that the inconvenience of the +present state of the law falls on the community rather than on the +individuals; but, at the same time, I think that, by every one of those +relaxations, we shake the foundations of justice. + +_August 4, 1840._ + +_Church-rate Martyrs--true state of the Case._ + +In my opinion, this case is a very simple one, and one on which there +can be no doubt as to the course which should be taken. Here is a man +who has been sued for a sum of money, which, it is understood, was +lawfully due by him. The law renders him liable to pay that sum of +money, and the law supports the proceedings against him for the recovery +of it. This person could have easily avoided these proceedings, by +simply paying the sum of 5s. 6d., which was demanded of him; or he could +have gone into court and had the question fairly tried, whether he was +lawfully bound to pay it or not, according to the laws of the country in +which he resides; for, of course, he must be bound by the laws of his +country, as well as all other British subjects. But he has not chosen to +take either course. He has said, "I will not pay that money;" and, in +consequence of his own conduct, a large amount has been incurred in the +way of costs. These costs are not matters of speculation or amusement, +they are realities; they are sums of money paid for the labour of +certain individuals, for certain services performed in the execution of +their duties, under the legal authority of the ecclesiastical courts, +and in this suit. Now, those costs must be paid. Were we to let the man +off from paying the 5s. 6d. for the rate, that remission would not get +rid of his liability for the costs; these latter must be paid, either by +himself or his friends, or else they must be paid by the other party, +by the lawful suitors, by the lawful plaintiffs, who had a right +originally to recover the money. They are the persons who would have to +pay the costs, unless your lordships consent to insert the clause +proposed by my noble friend. Somebody must pay the costs after all. But +it is said that the defendant is not to pay the costs, and that he is to +be let out of prison. Well, you may let him out, if you please; but, +surely, you would not call upon the plaintiffs to pay the costs incurred +by _his_ conduct? That would not be justice. That would not be fair +between man and man. Not a soul in this house could be of that opinion. +It is not consistent either with law or justice to throw these expenses +upon those on whom the law of the country has laid the necessity of +incurring them. Not they, but he who, by his own conduct, rendered the +proceedings imperative, ought to be made to pay the costs. + +_August 7, 1840._ + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Wellington not a War Minister._ + +No noble lord nor any other man that I know has done half so much for +the preservation of peace, and above all, for the pacification and the +maintenance of the honour of France and for the settlement of all +questions in which the interests of France were involved, as the +individual who is addressing your lordships. From the period of the year +1814, down to the last month of my remaining in the service of the king, +I did everything in my power for the strengthening and preservation of +the peace of Europe, and more particularly for the maintaining and +keeping up the best understanding between England and France. I repeat, +that I have done more than any one else to place France in the situation +in which she ought to be in the councils of Europe, from a firm +conviction,--which I feel now as strongly as I ever did,--that if France +is not, then there is no necessity for the preservation of the peace of +Europe, or for a sound decision on any subject of general policy. I am +sure that the noble viscount would find, if he would take the trouble to +search the archives of the government, papers written by me shortly +before I went out of office in 1830, that would fully justify the +assertion which I have just made. I am sure that those who were in +office with me were as anxious for the preservation of the peace of +Europe as any politicians, be they liberals or otherwise. They were as +anxious for the preservation of a good understanding between France and +this country, and that France should be on a perfectly good +understanding with all the powers of Europe, and that she should take +the station which becomes her in the rank of nations, and which her +power, her wealth, and her resources entitle her to. + +_January 26, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_The Capture of Acre, the greatest deed of modern times._ + +I have had a little experience in services of this nature, and I think +it my duty to warn your lordships on this occasion, that you must not +always expect that ships, however well commanded, or however gallant +their seamen may be, are capable of commonly engaging successfully with +stone walls. I have no recollection, in all my experience, except the +recent instance on the coast of Syria, of any fort being taken by the +ships, excepting two or three years ago, when the fort of St. Jean +d'Alloa was captured by the French fleet. That is, I think, the single +instance that I recollect; though I believe that something of the sort +occurred at the siege of Havannah, in 1763. The present achievement I +consider one of the greatest deeds of modern times. That is my opinion, +and I give the highest credit to those who performed such a service. It +was altogether a most skillful proceeding. I was greatly surprised at +the small number of men that were lost on board the fleet; and, on +inquiring how it happened, I discovered that it was because the vessels +were moored within one-third of the ordinary distance. The guns of the +fortress were intended to strike objects at a greater distance, and the +consequence was, that the shot went over the ships that were anchored at +one-third of the usual distance. By that means they sustained not more +than one-tenth of the loss which they would otherwise have experienced. +Not less than 500 pieces of ordnance were directed against the walls; +and the precision with which the fire was kept up, the position of the +vessels, and lastly the blowing up of the large magazine, all aided in +achieving this great victory in so short a time. I thought it right to +say this much, because I wished to warn your lordships against your +supposing such deeds as this could be effected every day. I repeat, that +this is a singular instance, in the achievement of which great skill was +undoubtedly manifested, but which is also connected with peculiar +circumstances which you could not hope always to occur. It must not, +therefore, be expected as a matter of course, that all such attempts in +future must necessarily succeed. + +_February 4, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_A blow at the Reformation._ + +There is no doubt that that body (the Roman Catholic seminary of St. +Sulpice) was made a corporation by means of that ordinance, yet until +that property had been legally vested in them by the ordinance, they had +no legal right whatever to it. * * * I was very much struck, I must +confess, when first I read the petition and the ordinance relating to +this subject; I was very much struck by the total departure it evinced +from the principle of the reformation; a principle untouched up to this +present moment. And I entreat your lordships, whatever you may think on +the subject of this ordinance or other questions--I entreat the +attention of your lordships and of the British public to this, that this +ordinance was the first blow openly struck by authority at the +principles of the reformation; principles hitherto upheld, particularly +throughout Canada, from the period of the conquest down to the present +moment. I felt strongly on this point the moment I saw the petition and +the ordinance, and I still continue to feel strongly on the subject, +since I have heard the right reverend prelate state that it was the +governor-general, not a member of the legislative council, but the +governor-general of the province who brought forward this measure, +acting on the part of the queen, whose rights, interests, and +prerogative it was his duty to protect, and which he should have +protected in the legislative council. + +_March 5, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Australia._ + +It would be much the best plan to put an end to all the Australian +commissioners, to whom allusion is made in the bill before your +lordships, altogether. A worse system was never adopted for the +management of a colony. We ought to place that colony in the same +position as the other colonies under the government of her majesty, and +rule it in the usual way by the Colonial Office. I disapprove of these +commissions altogether. + +_April 30, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Evils of Reduced Establishments._ + +It was stated that the British were expelled from Canton on the 5th of +May. I, however, infer from what took place, that the British were +obliged to retire at the end of March. Looking to the events of the +present year, they appear to me to be exceedingly unsatisfactory. And to +what, I would ask, is this owing? It appears to me that this state of +things is to be attributed to improper advice. The interests of the +country in various parts of the world, have not been properly protected. +If there is not a general war, we are placed in a situation that tends +to it; and this arises from our having reduced our establishments far +below what they ought to be, even in a time of peace. This was the true +cause of the present state of things in China, and of delay and +consequent misfortune elsewhere; and I much fear that circumstances will +occur to cause still further regret at the course that has been adopted +with respect to our establishments. I told ministers so at the time they +were making those reductions in 1837. I stated to them then that they +were not taking such care of our establishments as would enable them, in +the event of war, to contend with success against our enemies. The +reduction of our establishments has been pursued in different parts of +the world, where we are engaged at present, and now we see the +consequence. + +_April 29, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Poor Law Commissioners must be made to do their duty._ + +I voted for the Irish poor law bill, and proposed amendments, which, I +believe, induced your lordships to pass the bill. I am sure that those +amendments had the effect of inducing others to approve of that bill, +who would not have done so if those amendments had not been introduced. +I did all this on the faith and assurance, not only of the house and +the government, but of those gentlemen themselves, that it would be +carried into execution in Ireland, with the same strictness and fairness +as it was in this country. In this expectation I have been altogether +disappointed, and for this reason I am determined, when I get the other +papers, to read every line of them, and probe the matter to the bottom, +in order to see where the mischief lies. But recollect there is not only +this case, but several other cases before your lordships, in every one +of which there is corruption. We cannot stop here with the resolutions +of my noble friend. The Clonmel case is a very gross case. The noble +lord opposite has told us that the office can be but of little +importance, as the salary is only 10l. to 30l. a-year; but see what +power the office gives. In this very case let your lordships see what +happened next day, when the brother-in-law of this individual was +appointed valuator, a situation which puts the property of every man, in +some degree, in his power. We must go deeper into this question, if we +wish to do justice to Ireland, and to the gentlemen who hold property in +that country. We must take care that their property shall not be left at +the disposal of such miscreants, and we must make the poor law +commissioners do their duty. I cannot think of asking him any question +on the subject, for it was sufficient for him to know that he was the +nephew of a person called the archbishop, to be satisfied of his +fitness. + + * * * * * + +It would be mere stuff to stop here; the persons on whom the house must +call are the poor law commissioners themselves. Let them be taught to +feel it their duty to keep a correct record of their proceedings, which +they shall be ready to produce at any time that the house or the +government may call for them. Let them be taught to feel that the house +will not permit such conduct as this, and we shall soon see an end to +such abuses as those out of which the resolution of my noble friend +arises. + +_May 3, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Why Corn Laws were imposed._ + +These laws (corn laws) were not invented, nor have they been maintained, +for the purpose of keeping high rents in the pockets of noble lords, but +they were invented and have been supported for the purpose of +maintaining and supporting agriculture, and of maintaining this country +independent of all other countries and parts of the world; and it is +also perfectly true, as stated by my noble friend behind me, that such +has been the policy of England for centuries, sometimes by one mode, and +sometimes by another; sometimes by imposing protective duties when corn +rose above certain prices, and sometimes by giving bounties, and +occasionally very large bounties, on the exportation of corn. But +whatever has been the means, the object has always been to support the +agriculture of the country, in order to render this country, in respect +of its subsistence, independent of other nations. This was the object of +the improved system introduced in the year 1828; this was the object of +those principles which have been maintained ever since; at least it was +the principle on which I gave those laws my support, and on which I more +than once asked your lordships to render this country dependent only on +itself for subsistence. This was the object of the corn laws, and not +that dirty object which has been imputed to your lordships--and which, I +must say, it is too bad to impute to your lordships--of obtaining large +rents from your land. It is also perfectly true, as has been stated by +my noble friend behind me, that there is not a country of Europe in +which corn laws do not at this moment exist; but, nevertheless, I +suppose if it were proposed to repeal these laws, and adopt the measures +recommended by the petitioners, your lordships would be told of the +quantities of corn that might be had from Russia and from Prussia, and +other parts of the world. But are there no corn laws in those countries? +Has the noble earl heard of no laws prohibiting all exportation of corn +to other countries? That fact alters the whole state of the question of +corn laws in this country. The effect of such a state of things would be +most serious if there came a bad season here and there, too. Then, +again, has the noble lord not heard of the high duties imposed on the +exportation of corn from those countries during the late wars? Have not +your lordships got evidence before some of the committees--have you not +got letters from some merchants at Dantzic to one of those governments +on the subject of the prices of corn in England, and on the rate of +duties imposed at that port? and was it not stated that the increased +price obtained from England might be expected to enable those merchants +to pay the duties imposed by their government on exportation? Let it be +observed, that I do not blame the sovereign to whom I allude for +imposing those duties--I should not have blamed him if it had been an +act of war, whereas it was a mere measure of finance. I do not say, that +I agree with him in his notions of protection; but I say, that when I +consider it a question of protection, that sovereign is not to be +blamed, and that his object was like that of your lordships, to secure +the subsistence of his subjects, and not to cause a rise of rents. + +_May 7, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_The Corn Laws._ + +The first man who brought forward those opinions (Adam Smith) which I +have read as well as noble lords opposite, made an exception upon this +very subject. He excepted corn from the doctrines he laid down as to all +the other articles of trade. In relation to the subsistence of the +people he says, that we must always take care to ensure that subsistence +within the country itself--and accordingly he excepts corn from the +several doctrines which he lays down. I confess I have heard nothing +during these discussions to alter my opinion, that the corn laws which +were adopted almost unanimously in 1828, have perfectly answered the +purposes for which they were intended, and have kept the prices as +steady as the nature of the commodity will allow. Yes, my lords, in this +country, when we have produced corn for our own subsistence, and it is +our object invariably to produce it, prices have been more steady than +in any other country of Europe. It it my opinion, on all these grounds, +that these laws have operated as successfully as any laws could have +done. + +_May 11,1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Agriculture and Manufactures._ + +I cordially concur in the feeling that the prosperity of the +agriculturist must depend on the general prosperity of the manufacturer, +and of commercial interests in general. There can be no doubt about +that, and then corn laws are supported, not with a view to the advantage +of any particular interest or class of men, but with a view to render +the whole country independent of foreign countries in respect of its +supply of food. I believe that all parts of the country, and every +individual resident in it, are interested in this subject. + +_May 17, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Cotton and Corn._ + +Allusion has been made to the increase in imports in cotton. It has been +said but small profits were made upon the manufacture of this immense +quantity of produce, but that appears to me to have no connection with +the question of the corn laws. The fact is, the improvements in the +machinery, and the introduction of steam, have enabled the manufacturers +to manufacture with very little cost. They do not make the profit now +they did fifty years ago; but they still make profits, although +diminished by competition--not by competition with the foreigner, but by +competition at home. Other manufacturers who were aware that profits +were to be made, although not so large as formerly, entered the field, +built new manufactories, established machinery, and thus introduced +fresh competition. + +_May 25, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Grounds of Complaint against the Whigs in_ 1841. + +These grounds are neglect and mismanagement of the finances of this +country by her majesty's government, the future consequence of which, as +has been stated, it is impossible to foresee, and the improper, +impolitic and unconstitutional means which they took to recover +themselves. These things were proved by reference to the actual state of +the finances, when it was found necessary to review them in the last +parliament; and it was shewn that, in point of fact, after a period of +about five years, a debt had not alone been accumulated of five +millions, but there had also been a vast deficiency in the public +revenue. This debt and deficiency are to be attributed to the practice +adopted by her majesty's government of carrying on extensive operations, +of which nobody approves, mind you, more than I do when done as they +should be, and at the same time not making due provision for the +increased expenditure, occasioned by their carrying on war in several +places with a peace establishment, being the most crying of these evils, +and neglecting to employ the proper means for meeting the increased +charge, and putting an end to the impending danger. The next allegation +against them, my lords, is for not making financial provision in the way +of ways and means for the expense and charge incurred by the country +from the exertions made to put an end to the danger which menaced it. A +noble lord has stated that, though a large amount of army and ordnance +was kept on foot after 1831, no provision had been made for the +additional expenditure in the usual way of an application to parliament, +but that irregular and unconstitutional modes were adopted by her +majesty's government for finding means of defraying those expenses. In +this, my lords, my noble friend spoke but the simple truth. In one case +the whole charge of a war had been thrown on the East India Company, and +then converted into a debt on this country; in another the funds of the +savings' banks had been tampered with; in another the Exchequer bills +had been funded; and, in short, several most irregular modes has been +adopted. Then, my lords, what happened? Besides these expenses; besides +the failure of the government to make due provision by the mode of ways +and means to defray the charges incurred by their naval and military +operations; besides these, my lords, her majesty's government thought +proper to repeal a large amount of taxes, by which means they reduced +the revenue of the country to such a degree as materially and inevitably +left a most serious deficiency. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Hasty adoption of Free Trade by the Whigs._ + +My lords, it is not more than fourteen months ago since I heard the +noble viscount (Melbourne) say,--making use of the strongest language I +ever heard in opposition to a motion merely for taking the corn laws +into consideration,--the noble viscount on that occasion declared before +God, with reference to the abolition of the corn laws, that he believed +the man must be mad who dreamed of such a thing. Now, my lords, I do not +pretend to say that the noble viscount has not a perfect right to change +his opinions. I believe he thought that he had good grounds for doing +so, and I think I have myself read the report which induced him to +change them. But this I do say, that, before your lordships and the +country were placed in this situation in regard to the queen, the noble +viscount was bound to give parliament and the country an opportunity of +obtaining that knowledge and information as to the true merits of the +question, which he imagines himself to have obtained. + + * * * * * + +It is by such inquiries as these, my lords, calmly and patiently +conducted, that men are enabled to judge respecting the consequences of +great changes of this nature, and of the bearings and tendencies of each +particular part of what is intended to be done. But, instead of such a +course being pursued, what has been done in the present instance? +Nothing. * * I further think, that the committee and report were _ex +parte_ ones, upon which no legislative measures ought to have been +founded. But what I chiefly complain of is this, that before the noble +viscount put this speech into the mouth of her majesty, he did not give +us full and fair information to guide us as to what we ought to do. I +believe, my lords, that conduct like this is sufficient to induce you to +say that the noble lords opposite do not deserve your confidence. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Lord Melbourne's services to the Queen._ + +I am willing to admit that the noble viscount has rendered the greatest +possible service to her majesty. I happen to know that it is her +majesty's opinion that the noble viscount has rendered her majesty the +greatest possible service, in making her acquainted with the mode and +policy of the government of this country, initiating her into the laws +and spirit of the constitution, independently of the performance of his +duty, as the servant of her majesty's crown; teaching her, in short, to +preside over the destinies of this great country. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_England the best country for the Poor._ + +With respect to the corn law question, my opinions are already well +known. I shall not argue the propriety of these laws, but I shall be +ready to discuss them when a discussion is brought forward by a +government having the confidence of her majesty's parliament. But, my +lords, I earnestly recommend you, for the sake of the people of this +country, for the sake of the humblest orders of the people, not to lend +yourselves to the destruction of our native cultivation. Its +encouragement is of the utmost and deepest importance to all classes. My +lords, I have passed my life in foreign countries, in different regions +of the earth, and I have been in only one country in which the poor man, +if sober, prudent, and industrious, is quite certain of acquiring a +competence. That country is this. We have instances every day; we have +seen, only within the last week, proofs that persons in the lowest ranks +can acquire, not only competence, but immense riches. I have never heard +of such a thing in any other country. I earnestly beg of you not to lose +sight of this fact, and not to consent to any measure which would injure +the cultivation of our own soil. I have seen in other lands the misery +consequent on the destruction of cultivation, and never was misery equal +to it; and, my lords, I once more conjure you not to consent to any +measure tending to injure the home cultivation of this country. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Opinions on Abstract Questions of Policy inexpedient._ + +My lords, the noble viscount states, and he states truly, that it is not +a habit in this house to call on your lordships to give an opinion on +abstract questions of policy. That, my lords, is perfectly true, and I +have myself endeavoured to bring the house to that view on more than one +occasion, that is, to prevent the expression of any opinion on abstract +questions of policy, in the shape of an address or otherwise, until it +should be brought before your lordships in the shape of a distinct +legislative measure. More than once I have succeeded in persuading your +lordships to withhold such opinion, and on some occasions, even, I have +supported the government (whig) against them, however much I may have +disapproved of their policy with regard to them. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +It is at all times desirable that the sovereign should not be pledged in +the speech from the throne. + +_August 24, 1841._ + + * * * * * + +_Abolition of Oaths._ + +The foundation of all justice is truth, and the question is, how truth +is to be ascertained. Before I can receive any application of this +description, and before I can vote for the bill lately laid on your +lordships' table, I would like to hear the opinion of some of those +learned men who are at this moment engaged in the administration of the +law, and who must have made up their minds as to the best means of +ascertaining the truth. Hitherto it has been understood in this country +that the best means was by administering oaths. I am aware that the +legislature has made certain exceptions. It may be very well to make +these exceptions--and let further exceptions be made if they are +expedient--but I do say, that we ought to have some solemn examination +of the question, and some certainty that the new mode proposed is as +good as the old one for ascertaining the truth, which, as is said, is +the foundation of all justice. + +_March 18, 1842._ + + * * * * * + +_The Income Tax only justified by Necessity._ + +I can answer for myself, and I believe I can also answer for my +colleagues, that nothing but necessity could have induced us to propose +such a tax. We are perfectly aware of all the inconveniences that must +result from it. We are perfectly aware of the provisions of the act of +parliament upon your lordships' table. We are perfectly aware of the +odious powers with which these commissioners and others must be +trusted--and we can reconcile it to ourselves only by the necessity of +the case. Your lordships must feel it. We have been now for several +years engaged in operations involving great expense in all parts of the +world. I will not say, my lords, that we have been at war, but, I +believe, we have been at something as like war, if it be not war, as +anything could well be. We are exactly in the situation of persons who +have incurred a great debt, and who are called upon to pay the bill. I +say again, my lords, that nothing but a strong sense of the necessity of +the case, and that there was no other course which we could take to +produce such a revenue as would enable us to meet the difficulties of +the country, or to do what is necessary for its prosperity, would have +induced us to propose such a measure; and it will not last one moment +longer than it shall be absolutely necessary. + +_June 17, 1842._ + + * * * * * + +_The Poor Law has worked well._ + +I was one of those who supported the poor law as it was introduced some +years ago by my noble and learned friend, and I did so on ascertaining +the inconveniences and evils which attended the system of working under +the old poor law up to that period; and being sensible that the only +remedy which could be found for those evils and inconveniences, was in +the measure proposed by my noble and learned friend. My lords, I have +since had the satisfaction of contemplating the working of the measure, +which then became the law of the land, and I must say that I have been +satisfied with its results. It has, undoubtedly, improved the condition +of the working classes, and it certainly does place on a better footing +the relations between the working classes and their employers. It has +enabled those who had the care of them to provide better for the aged +and destitute than has been hitherto the case; and it has, in general, +given satisfaction throughout the country. My lords, I don't mean to say +that I approve of every act that has been done in carrying this bill +into operation. I think that, in many cases, those who had charge of the +working of the bill have gone too far, and that there was no occasion +whatever for constructing buildings, such as have acquired throughout +the country the denomination of bastiles, and that it would have been +perfectly easy to have established very efficient workhouses without +shutting out all view of what was passing exterior to the walls. I say, +then, that in some respects, the system has been carried farther than it +ought to have been, and, I shall also say that its features have assumed +a harsher character in some parts of the country than was necessary; but +this has been owing, I must admit, in a great degree, to the adoption of +another law by parliament, I mean what is called the dissenters' +marriage act, the regulations depending on which were connected with the +execution of the poor law act, and rendered necessary the establishment +of unions in many parts of the country which were not yet ripe for the +formation of those unions. But, notwithstanding the circumstances to +which I have just now alluded, I must, in general, state my approbation +of the working of this act. I have paid great attention to the subject. +Wherever I have resided, I have attended the meetings of guardians of +unions in my neighbourhood; I have visited several workhouses in +different parts of England, and I must say that I never visited one in +which the management was not as good as could be expected in such +districts of the country, and which did not give universal satisfaction. + +_July 26, 1842._ + + * * * * * + +The government of Lord Melbourne carried on war all over the world with +a peace establishment. That is exactly what we (Sir Robert Peel's +government) do not. + +_February 2, 1843._ + + * * * * * +_Real cause of the Chinese War_. + +I was almost the only individual who stated that the real ground of +complaint against the Chinese government was its conduct towards the +person employed in the service of her majesty, and representing her +majesty in China. I was the only person in this house who defended her +majesty's servants. I said that the war was a just and necessary war. I +will go further, and say, if it had been otherwise--if it had been a war +solely on account of the robbery of the opium--if her majesty's +government were engaged in that war, and if their interests and honour +were involved in it, I should have considered it my duty to make every +effort for carrying it on with success, and have asked parliament for +the assistance which would have enabled her majesty's servants to bring +it to an early and successful termination. + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on the Indian Army_. + +My lords, I know something of that (Indian) army; I have served in its +ranks, and I know pretty well what its feelings are; and though there +are different castes and religions composing it, the discipline of that +army, and the military spirit by which it is actuated, totally do away +with all such distinctions. You will never hear in India of any +difference of caste or religion in that army, any more than you would in +the ranks of the British army. All do their duty,--all are animated by +the true feelings of soldiers. + +_March 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Evils of the Press in India._ + +The state of things in that country is one of much greater difficulty +now than when I was there, because there is now established in India +what is called a free press, but which I should make free to call a most +licentious press; and by referring to these papers your lordships will +see that the mischievous influence of that press is repeatedly +complained of. For my own part, I must own, I do not see how the +operations of war can be carried on in a satisfactory manner in India, +with such a press constantly exercising its influence, and connected +through its correspondents with every cantonment of the army. + +_March 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Union must be maintained inviolate._ + +There can be no doubt of the intention of her majesty's government to +maintain the union inviolate; and it is the duty of every government, +and I will say it is the determination of her majesty's present +government, to maintain that union inviolate, and to come down to +parliament and call upon parliament to give her majesty's government its +support in carrying into execution any measures which may he considered +necessary to maintain the union inviolate, and to preserve from +turbulence the peace of her majesty's dominions. + +_May 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The House of Lords should disregard popular Clamour._ + +As to the remarks which are made on your lordships elsewhere, I am one +of those animadverted upon, and I am glad to find myself upon this +occasion in such extremely good company. For myself, I can only say that +I have been for a great number of years in the habit of treating such +criticisms and such assaults with the smallest possible attention; and I +shall continue to do my duty to the best of my ability, in the service +of my sovereign, or elsewhere, and continue to treat the language +referred to with as little attention as heretofore; and I recommend +noble lords on both sides of the house to follow my example in this +respect. + +_May 15, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Sees of St. Asaph and Bangor._ + +There can have been no object in the measure (the bill for the union of +the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor), but to make all the arrangements in +the manner most convenient to the country generally. There could have +been no desire to injure the dioceses of St. Asaph and Bangor, or any +other district in the kingdom; but the object was to make a better +distribution of the revenues of the church, and to satisfy the public of +a sincere desire to effect such a reformation as would be a real one, +and such as would give satisfaction, not only to those who were attached +to the church, as my noble friend and myself, but also to others who +looked upon it with indifference. + +_May 23, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Duke of Sussex._ + +My lords, his late royal highness was well known to all your lordships. +His royal highness frequently took part in the discussion of those +subjects which came under your lordships' consideration; and although it +was impossible for every person endowed with such acquirements, and +possessed of such an understanding, as belonged to his late royal +highness, not to have felt strongly on the various events and questions +which from time to time were brought under the consideration of this +house, yet his late royal highness always treated those subjects, +however exciting they might have been, with much moderation, and with +great forbearance towards others with whom he might have a difference of +opinion. I must do his late royal highness the justice to say, that +though I had the unhappiness to differ from him in opinion on several +subjects which came under discussion in this house, yet, notwithstanding +that difference of opinion, his late royal highness ever treated me with +unvarying kindness, and with the utmost condescension. My lords, his +late royal highness having received the benefit of an excellent +education, and having in his youth passed a considerable portion of his +time in foreign countries, was a most accomplished man; and he continued +his studies, in all branches of literature and science, until almost the +latest period of his existence. His late royal highness was, during his +whole life, the protector of literature, of the sciences, and of the +arts, and of the professors and representives of all branches of +knowledge. For a number of years his late royal highness was elected +president of the Royal Society, and he received the learned members of +that body in his house with the greatest amenity and kindness. Having +himself sedulously cultivated all subjects of literature, science, and +art, his late royal highness was, I may say, the patron, protector, and +friend, of all those who pursued such studies, on every occasion when +that protection was necessary. But other praise belongs to his late +royal highness. His royal highness was not backward--on the contrary, he +was equally forward with all the princes of his family--as a patron and +upholder, as a supporter and protector, of the various charitable +institutions of this metropolis; and, my lords, up to the last moment of +his life, he was the friend of the indigent and the unfortunate wherever +they might be found. + +_April 27, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Reasons for the Dismissal of the Irish Magistrates._ + +These gentlemen having been some of the persons to instigate and +encourage the assembly of those large meetings in Ireland, on which the +first law authority had pronounced in writing the opinion that they had +a "tendency to outrage;" that "they were not in the spirit of the +constitution, and may become dangerous to the State;" the +lord-lieutenant of the government could not put any confidence in the +performance of their duties by these magistrates and deputy-lieutenants, +who had thus excited these meetings, or who presided at them. Your +lordships are perfectly aware that on one occasion it was proved that +these meetings had a tendency to outrage--indeed, outrage was actually +committed. I told your lordships on a former occasion that there was a +great difference in Ireland on the subject of the repeal of the union. +Now, suppose that two assemblies representing such opinions assemble on +the same occasion and in the same neighbourhood, why it is obvious that +outrage and bloodshed may occur, and it must be likewise obvious that +those magistrates and deputy-lieutenants are not officers on whom the +Lord-lieutenant can rely for carrying into execution measures for the +repression and suppression of outrage which he may think proper to take +on such an occasion. My lords I have besides to observe to your lordships, +that for a very considerable period of time it has been a matter of +notoriety in Ireland that the members of her Majesty's council, her +majesty's servants in this and the other house of arliament, declared it +to be the fixed and positive determination of the government to maintain +inviolate the legislative union between the two countries. Some of the +most distinguished members of both houses of parliament declared, in their +places, that they had the same intention; and this declaration of opinion +has been communicated to the public more than once; and in no one instance, +as I believe, has there been an intention avowed to promote the object of +this repeal of the union. Well, then, what must be inferred from the +notoriety of that fact? What but that the repeal of the union, so far as +a vote of parliament is concerned, is hopeless? It is to be carried then +by intimidation, by force, and violence; and, of course, as the government, +whose duty it is to resist and repress such acts of intimidation, force, +and violence, whenever they should be attempted, by all the means at their +disposal, cannot use such instruments as those who excite the people to +appear at their head, the lord-lieutenant and lord chancellor have taken +measures to remove them from the commission of the peace, and +deputy-lieutenancies of their several counties. This is the principle, +my lords, on which I conceive the government has acted. + +_June 9, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +After what passed in both houses of parliament it became a matter of +notoriety that the opinion of parliament was, that the legislative union +should not be repealed, and that every effort on the part of the +government should be made to resist the attempt to occasion that repeal. +Then, my lords, under these circumstances, the lord chancellor finds +Lord French and other magistrates calling meetings to repeal the union, +assisting at the meetings, presiding at them, and urging all the +proceedings. At this time the opinion of parliament was notorious, yet +meetings consisting of 10,000, 20,000, 100,000, no matter as to the +number of thousands, continued. My lords, I wish to know with what +object they were continued? Was it with a view to address parliament to +repeal the union? No, my lords, they were continued to obtain the +desired repeal of the union,--by terror, if possible,--if not, by force +and violence. And the persons calling these meetings, I beg your +lordships to observe, were the magistrates, the very men who must have +been employed by government to take measures to resist this violence, to +prevent breaches of the peace, to arrest those who should be guilty of +such breaches, and to bring them to justice; and then the noble lord +says, that the government ought not to have removed those magistrates +from their situations, and that they ought not to draw a distinction as +to the time when it became notorious to the whole world what were the +views entertained by parliament and the government on this important +question. My lords, in this and the other house of parliament, no one +would have any idea of repealing the union except in regular course, +like another act of parliament; but with these meetings of 50,000 and +60,000 men, was there any question of discussion? No, my lords, the +question was terror, force, and violence. That was the ground on which +the lord chancellor told these magistrates after the views of the +government had become notorious, you must be dismissed if you attend, or +excite others to attend, such meetings. I am as much concerned that this +state of affairs should exist as the noble lord can be; but of this I am +quite certain, that the way to be prepared is not to have in the service +of the government--not to have government dependant upon the exertions +of--a number of magistrates who have excited and encouraged these +proceedings, assisting at and presiding over these very meetings. That +could not have been desirable, and I say that the lord chancellor and +situation as that of governor-general of India, an officer who was so +for little more than two years--an officer who has given satisfaction in +so high a situation to those by whom he was intrusted and +employed--whose acts have been concurred in and sanctioned in every +instance; to recall that officer suddenly, making no provision for the +performance of the great duties which are to be performed, and which +must he performed in that country--to recall an officer in whom the +government fully confided, without the concurrence of that +government--is, my lords, an act, to say the least of it, that cannot be +called a discreet exercise of the power which is conferred on those who +have so used it. My lords, I will say nothing--- I will advert to +nothing that is not notorious--that is not strictly in reference to the +act of parliament. I beg your lordships to observe, that the body which +did this act--which I must call an act of indiscretion, at least--that +body, as a body, has no knowledge whatever of the instructions sent out +to the governor-general, and under which he acted. They stated reasons +for withdrawing the governor-general from India; but, as a body (except +the secret committee appointed under the act of parliament), they had no +knowledge whatever of the instructions under which the governor-general +acted, or of the events which had taken place in that country, except +that which is within the general knowledge of this and the other house +of parliament, and the whole public of this country. And yet, my lords, +they take this responsibility upon themselves--having no knowledge of +the instructions which it was deemed at Waterloo. Very possibly not, my +lords. Bear in mind what he said in respect to the augmentation of his +numbers, and the means of assembling those persons. He said on one +occasion, that by the post of one night, he could collect the whole of +this force in different parts of the country; and it is perfectly +true,--I have not a doubt of the fact. + +_July 14, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Remedial Measures of no avail whilst Agitation continues in Ireland._ + +My lords, I must say, that grieved as I am that there should be so much +truth in the representations made by the noble lord of the existing +state of the country, and of its prospects, threatened as they are by +the continuance of agitation, I must say, that no measure that could be +proposed, no new measure which could be adopted, would have the smallest +effect in removing any of these evils or inconveniences. My lords, the +only mode, the only course to be adopted on the part of the government, +is to oppose a strong resistance to everything like a breach of the +peace or public order, and to be prepared, as I hope they are prepared, +to enforce measures for preserving quiet, and protecting property, in +Ireland. My lords, I know of no remedy but that for the state of affairs +which exists at present; particularly as it appears that whether the +peace of the country shall be disturbed or not, depends on the will of +one man, and his influence over the wills and actions of some thousands, +who possess influence in various parishes of the country. + +_July 14, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Agitation no Relief for the Poverty of Ireland._ + +My lords, it certainly is true that there is in Ireland a vast number of +poor. I have been sorry to see that it is stated in some returns on the +table, that there are as many as 2,000,000 of poor in Ireland. My lords, +it happens unfortunately, that in all parts of the empire there are +poor; but I will beg to observe, that it is not in the power of this +government, nor of any government, nor of any parliament, in the course +of a few weeks, or a few months, or, I may say, a few years, to relieve +the poverty of a great country like that, extending as it does to such a +portion of the population. But, my lords, I beg to know whether poverty +can be relieved by this description of agitation for the repeal of the +union? Is poverty relieved by marches of twenty-five and thirty Irish +miles a-day, during the period of spring and summer, to hear seditious +speeches? Is poverty relieved by subscriptions of thousands of pounds to +the repeal rent, and the O'Connell rent, and other funds of that +description? No, my lords, that poverty must be relieved by a +perseverance in industry and sobriety; not taken up by fits and starts +for the sake of a more orderly appearance at seditious meetings, where +the people are marshalled by bands of music and flying colours. The +evils, whence that poverty proceeds, are not to be cured in a day. The +remedies must be some time in operation; and all I can say is, that the +government are sincerely desirous to avail themselves of every +opportunity that may tend to benefit the people of Ireland, and to +relieve that poverty of which the noble lord so eloquently complains. + +_July 14, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Assistance of Foreigners to the Repeal Agitation.--Their Anti-English +Motives._ + +My lords, I do not dispute the extent of the conspiracy--I do not +dispute the dangers resulting from organization in Ireland--I have +stated it publicly on more than one occasion--I do not deny it--it is +notorious, it is avowed, it is published in every paper all over the +world. I do not deny the assistance received from foreigners, not from +foreign governments,--I have no right to say so,--but from foreigners of +nearly all nations; for there are disturbed and disturbing spirits +everywhere, who are anxious to have an opportunity of injuring and +deteriorating the great prosperity of this country. + +_August 8, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_The Military in readiness to preserve the Peace in Ireland._ + +I, whose duty it is to superintend one of those offices on which the +execution of the measures of the government depends, feel confident that +everything that can be done has been done, in order to enable the +government to preserve the peace of the country, and to meet all +misfortunes and consequences which may result from the violence of the +passions of those men who unfortunately guide the multitude in Ireland. + +_August 8, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Mr. O'Connell's Proceedings._ + +To plunder the public in Ireland of money for the purpose of O'Connell +rent, or repeal contribution, or the lord lieutenant would not have done +their duty if they had not removed those persons from her majesty's +service. + +_July 14, 1845._ + + * * * * * + +_The "Monster" Meetings in Ireland._ + +The noble lord (the Marquis of Clanricarde) has stated that these +meetings were not illegal. I certainly do not consider myself competent +to decide whether they were or were not illegal. This I know, that they +consist of very large numbers--whether of 10,000 or 100,000 I am sure I +cannot tell, and I do not believe any man can tell to a certainty. They +are assembled in very large numbers, regularly organised, marching under +the lead of persons on horseback, with bands and banners, in regular +military array. After having attended these meetings, those present are +dispersed by word of command, without trouble, violence, or breach of +the peace, and march back, perhaps twenty or thirty miles. * * * My +lords, I have had some experience, in the course of a long life, which I +have passed in the service of the sovereigns of this country, of +revolutions. A distinguished author has written of the French +revolution. "_On ne conspire pas sur la place_." There is no secret in +these transactions, and the reason why there is no secret is this, that +the great means of operation are deception of their followers, and +terror in respect of their adversaries. Accordingly, we hear a learned +gentleman exclaiming to his audience, "Napoleon had not in Russia such +an army as this is; the Duke of Wellington had not such a one repeal of +those laws upon which the reformation in this country has been founded. +My lords, I have already taken opportunities of warning your lordships +against the assertion of such doctrines in this house, and I must again +express a hope that you will observe and beware how they are introduced +into it, because you may rely upon it, that there is not an individual +in this country, be his religious opinions what they may, be his +position what it may, who is not interested in the maintenance of the +reformation. Not only our whole system of religion, but our whole system +of religious toleration, in which so many people in this country are +interested, depends upon the laws upon which the reformation was +founded; and I therefore entreat your lordships to give no encouragement +to doctrines that might induce a belief that there exists in this house +any indifference upon the subject of those laws. + +_March 18, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_The Compact entered into for the Maintenance of the Protestant Church +in Ireland should be held sacred._ + +The Protestant church in Ireland has existed in that country for a +period of nearly three hundred years, and was maintained in that country +during a century of contests, rebellions, and massacres; and during a +contest for the possession of the crown, the Protestants of that country +encountered that contest, and kept possession of their church; and +during another century it was maintained through much opposition, and +under difficulties of all descriptions. At the period of the union, the +parliament--who had the power to consent to the union, or to refuse +their consent--stipulated that the Protestant church in Ireland should +be maintained, and maintained on the same footing as the Protestant +church of England in this country. The parliament had, under the +auspices of the king of this country, the power of either making or not +making that compact. Your lordships entered into that compact with the +parliament of Ireland, and I entreat you never to lose sight of the +fact. I entreat you not to suffer yourselves to be prevailed upon to +make any alteration in, or to depart in the slightest degree from, the +terms of that compact, so long as you intend to maintain the union +between this country and Ireland. It is the foundation upon which the +union rests,--it is a compact which you have entered into with the +parliament of Ireland, and from which you cannot depart without being +guilty of a breach of faith, worse than those which have been referred +to in other countries,--worse than those pecuniary breaches of faith +which have been alluded to in the course of the discussion which took +place in your lordships' house this evening upon another subject. I +entreat you to listen to none of those petitions or speeches which tend +to the injury or the destruction of the church in Ireland. Do what may +be necessary,--do what it may be proper to do, in order to render that +church more beneficial to the people of that country; but I entreat you +to adhere strictly, in spirit and according to the letter, to the +compact you have made, and not permit it to be supposed in any quarter +whatever that you entertain the most distant intention of departing, in +the slightest degree, from that arrangement. + +_March 18, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_The recall of the Governor-General of India, by the Court of Directors, +an act of gross indiscretion._ + +My lords, I conceive that this right (of recalling the governor-general +of India) is one which the court of directors are bound to exercise with +due discretion; as all bodies and all individuals ought to do, when they +possess extraordinary powers under the provisions of the law. In such +cases, my lords, they are hound to exercise that power with the utmost +discretion. Now, my lords, I will venture to submit to your lordships, +as the opinion of an individual who has had some experience in these +matters, that the exercise of the power belonging to the court of +directors is not, in this instance, to say the least of it, a discreet +exercise of that power. My lords, the court of directors has this power. +It has also the power of nominating a successor in the room of the +person recalled. But, my lords, it has no other power whatever, as your +lordships will find in looking into the law on the subject--it has no +other power whatever, my lords, except under the direction and control +of the board of commissioners for the affairs of India, and for the acts +of that board of commissioners her majesty's government is responsible. +Under these circumstances, my lords, I venture again to say, what I +before said, that it is not a discreet act of authority to recall from +power--to recall from such an important what not, is one thing; to +excite the common people of the country to approach as near as possible +to the commission of crime, and to do all the mischief that is possible +to be done to the country, without exposing one's own person, is another +thing; but to corrupt the army is quite a different thing, which, I hope +and trust, I may promise your lordships will not be fulfilled. + +_August 11, 1843._ + + * * * * * + +_Eulogium on Major-General Sir Charles Napier._ + +My lords, I must say, that, after giving the fullest consideration to +these operations (in Scinde), I have never known an instance of an +officer who has shown in a higher degree that he possesses all the +qualities and qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations. +He has maintained the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of +his plans, the utmost activity in all the preparations to ensure his +success, and, finally, the utmost zeal, gallantry, and science, in +carrying them into execution. + +_February 12, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_Persons of every Religious Denomination interested in the maintenance +of the Reformation._ + +The noble lord (Earl Fitzwilliam) has propounded to your lordships a +something, neither the nature of which, nor the period at which it is to +be carried into execution, is he himself exactly certain of. Something +or other must be done; to that something this country must make up its +mind; the noble lord does not state what it is to be; but it is, at all +events, to involve the necessary to send out to that part of the +globe--and the act of parliament will shew they are bound to have +none--having no share in giving those instructions--in short, having no +knowledge on which to found a judgment on so important a subject as the +recall of a governor-general, they took upon themselves to pronounce +their judgment on the conduct of this officer, and to disapprove of it. +Now, my lords, I must say, that having no knowledge which could enable +them fairly to pronounce their judgment on his conduct, or that could +justify them in depriving the government and the country of the best +instrument--I say it again, the best instrument to carry on and perform +the various duties of that great office, making no provision whatever +for the performance of those duties which are now to be provided for by +her majesty's government, is an indiscreet exercise of the powers they +possess. My lords, as I have said so much on this subject, I will, in +order to illustrate the indiscretion of this act (that is the best word +I can find for it), go yet a little further. My lords, though I believe +this is the first time in the history of the government of India that +this extreme measure has been resorted to by the court of directors, it +has more than once been in contemplation; but upon the advice and +remonstrance of the ministers of the day, the resolution of the court of +directors has been always withdrawn. And it is the fact, that it has +been in contemplation by these very gentlemen, with reference to this +same governor general, in the course of the last twelve months; but +they were at that time prevailed upon to withdraw that resolution, and +not to persist in the recall of my noble friend. This was previous to +the late great military operations in Gwalior, of which we have all +heard with so much satisfaction,--operations which I am sure your +lordships will have perceived from the perusal of the reports which have +been laid upon your table, must have been founded upon the most just and +discriminate measures, for the equipment and maintenance of the armies +placed in the field, under the direction and superintendence of the +governor general--not the equipment only of these armies--but the +support of the troops in the field, the maintenance of military +communication, and the moans of advance and retreat--in short, all that +could tend to insure their success--were amply provided for. Then, my +lords, suppose the case to have occurred of the court of directors +thinking proper to recall the noble lord six or eight months ago, whilst +the measures to which I have just alluded were in contemplation, what +would have become of the great operations at Gwalior--operations carried +on under the superintendence and direction of my noble friend the +governor general. Why, the gentleman who was senior in the council must +have succeeded my noble friend--a respectable man no doubt he is, but +without the experience of my noble friend; and without the knowledge of +the manner of equipping armies, and making proper arrangements for their +being called into action, it is needless to add, that such great and +successful operations as those to which I have alluded could not be +carried on, and I leave your lordships to judge what the situation of +India would have been if that expedition had failed, and if such an army +as the one which we have seen described in one of the blue books upon +this table had continued in existence, threatened, as we were, at the +same moment, by a similar body in the Punjaub, on the north-west +frontier, and with the province of Scinde still in an unsettled state. +Why, my lords, the danger would have been imminent, and this would have +been the consequence of the recall of my noble friend six or eight +months ago, a measure which was in contemplation, and was only prevented +by our representations to those who have now committed this gross +indiscretion of recalling the noble lord--it was prevented only by the +representations made to those gentlemen of the danger which would ensue +to the public interest from the measures which they were about to adopt, +the dangers resulting from the impossibility that they would be able to +provide for events which most probably would occur if they recalled +their officer without the consent of her majesty's government, who would +thus be deprived of the instrument in their hands best fitted for +carrying their instructions into execution, while the directors, in this +country, must be unable to direct the means in existence for securing +the safety of their troops, for guarding their frontier, for upholding +the honour of Her majesty's arms, and the security of our vast dominions +in that part of the world. I say again, as I have said before, and I +say the least of it, when I pronounce it to be the most indiscreet +exercise of power that I have known carried into execution by any body +possessed of power since I have had a knowledge of public affairs, which +I am sorry to say is upwards of half a century. + +_April 29, 1844._ + + * * * * * + +_His Support of the New Poor Law (Ireland.)_ + + +I will take the liberty of reminding your lordships that the New Poor +Law was originated by noble lords opposite, while they were in the +service of her majesty, and that I gave the measure my support from a +sense of duty, because I thought it was calculated to benefit Ireland. I +have throughout supported the measure; I proposed some amendments which +I thought likely to promote its beneficial action; I have given it my +support ever since; and I am prepared to do all in my power to ensure +its successful operation. + +_May 17, 1844._ + + + + + +INDEX. + + Absenteeism, Irish, deprecated, 220. + + Abstract questions, opinions on them inexpedient, 474. + + Acre, the capture of, the greatest deed of modern times, 460. + + Affghanistan expedition, its conduct approved of, 445. + + Agitation in Ireland, real meaning of, 192. + Deprecated, 260. + ---- characterised, 331. + Agitation by authority, 411. + + Agrarian outrages, the, of 1830, 223 + ---- in Ireland, caused by agitation, 385. + + Agriculture and manufactures, 469. + + Albocracy, the, 309. + + Albuera, battle of, one of the most glorious in the war, 115. + + Animosity should be forgotten when war is concluded, 58. + + Anonymous letters, meanness of writing them, 118. + + Army, how to avoid party spirit in, 84. + Control of by the crown, 96. + ---- British, can bear neither success nor failure, 97. + ---- in Portugal, croaking spirit among officers, 106. + ---- British, the worst men only enter as privates, 111. + ---- what they want is coolness in action, not headlong bravery, 115. + ---- officers, as well as soldiers, require keeping in order, 118. + ---- its morale important to discipline, 126. + ---- Indian, eulogium on it, 479. + ---- Indian, eulogium on it, and Lord Hastings, 135. + + Asiatic policy contrasted with European, 86. + + Australia, 463. + + + Ballot, the, and universal suffrage, dangerous, 427. + + Belgium, its neutrality the foundation of its independence, 409. + + Beresford, Marshal, characteristic letter to, 134. + + Birmingham, riots in 1839, 427. + + Bishops in Ireland, objections to reducing their number, 333. + + Blockade, what constitutes one, 332. + + Blucher, his vandalism averted, 132, 133. + + Bourbons, their re-establishment necessary to the peace of Europe, 129. + + Bribe, indignant rejection of one in India, 82. + + British character for faith must be preserved in India, 89. + + Buonaparte, his system hollow, 103. + His disgusting tyranny, 113. + ---- A general re-action predicted, 119. + Effects of his government, 128. + ---- The Duke will not be his executioner, 131. + + + Canada, plan of operations against the United States, 125. + Conduct of the Canadian leaders, 390. + ---- The rebels must be reduced, 390. + Objections to a legislative council, 392. + + Canning. The Duke of Wellington felt no hostility to him, 142. + + Catholic emancipation, impossible to grant it, 136, 153. + ---- reasons in favour of it, 155, 156, 158, 160, 162, 163, 166, + 169, 172, 173, 180, 183, 184, 186, 187, 190. + Repeal averted by it, 221, 240. + + Chancellor, the Lord, his right to the patronage of his office, 268. + + Charity, money in aid of labour is better than, 118. + + China, reasons why the opium trade was stopped, 451. + Opium not the real cause of the war, 452. + Defence of Capt. Elliot, 452. + Real causes of the Chinese war, 479. + + Church, the, should educate the people, 308, 456. + + Church rate martyrs, real state of the case, 458. + + Civil list, principle on which arranged, 235. + + Clergy of Ireland, depressed by the Melbourne government, 357. + + Colonies, importance of to the mother country, 456. + + Commissariat, importance of, to troops, 82. + + Corn law of 1828, principle on which founded, 143. + ---- worked well, 208, 209. + + Corn laws. Why imposed, 466, 468. + have improved agriculture. 414. + Repeal would raise prices, 410. + ---- If repealed, foreign sovereigns would tax the export of their + corn, 417. + + Cotton and corn, 469. + + County meetings, their constitutional use, 138. + + Currency, theory of a metallic, 193, 338. + Extended, means unlimited paper circulation, 197. + Metallic, leads to reduction of taxation, 200. + + + Democracy, concessions to it cannot be rescinded, 394. + Durham, Lord, his ordinance in Canada illegal, 406. + + + East India Company, eulogium on, 277. + Importance of preserving the authority of, 329. + + Enemy's life, secret bargain for, ought not to be made by a + commander, 81. + Reward for, by proclamation, may be offered, 81. + + England the best country for the poor, 473. + + Enthusiasm of the people very fine in print, but not to be trusted + to, 120. + + Equitable adjustment, how far to carry the principle, 213. + + Establishment, naval and military, necessary to the national honour, + 209, 463. + + European and Asiatic policy contrasted, 86. + + Evans, General, strictures on his proceedings in Spain, 372. + + Expediency better, in politics, than principle, 328. + + + Faith, British character for, must be preserved in India, 89. + + Finance administration of whigs and tories compared, 257. + + France, peace with, desirable, but difficult, 270. + + Free labour in the colonies, difficulty of getting it, 323. + + French retreats their rapidity accounted for, 97. + + French revolutionary armies, causes sustained, 98. + ---- and English armies, their different constitution, 110. + ---- the, would invade England if we withdrew from Spain, 113. + + + Game laws, the, increase poaching, 319. + + George the Fourth, eulogium on him, 215. + + Grey policy, the, tends to war, 260. + ---- government, the, encouraged the reform agitation, 261. + ---- Effect of their savings, 310. + + + Hampden, Dr., his case, 387. + + Holy alliance, all connexion with it repudiated, 328. + + + Imprisonment for debt, principle of, 386. + + Income tax, the, justified by necessity, 476. + + India, people of, philosophers about their government, 81. + We must get the upper hand there, and keep it, 84. + Residents in native courts must have military power, 85. + Foundation of our power in India, (1803) 86. + British "moderation" there, 86. + British faith, 89. + Civil government must follow on conquest, 89. + The Duke's services there neglected, 94. + Advice to a native ruler, 93. + Danger of interfering with the religion of the Hindoos, 434. + Evils of a free press there, 480. + Recall of Lord Ellenborough an act of indiscretion, 494. + + Intervention, foreign, should be on a national scale, if at all, 375. + + Ireland, state of the poor in, 153. + Real meaning of agitation, 192. + Absenteeism deprecated, 220. + Effect of Irish affairs on our Portuguese relations, 224. + Agitation deprecated, 260. + Its state under Lord Grey's government, 302. + Necessity of conciliating the Protestants of, 307, 377, 492. + Agitation characterised, 331. + Lord Normanby's goal deliveries, 380. + Objections to the corporation bill of 1837, 381. + Agrarian disturbances caused by agitation, 385. + Poverty of the people of, 399. + The "monster" meetings, 487. + Remedies of no use while agitation continues, 488. + Anti-English motives of foreigners in supporting the repeal agitation, + 490. + + The military in readiness to keep the peace, 490. + + Jews, the, their right to citizenship denied, 334. + --no right to civil equality, 335. + + Judgment, every man's, to be mistrusted in his own case, 95. + + Law-breaker, the, always in the wrong, 96. + + Legion, the, was sent to Spain for stock-jobbing purposes, 369. + Uselessness of it, 371. + Its want of discipline, 373. + It was a failure, 403. + + Leopold, king, (of Belgium) must be independent of foreign powers, 259. + + Londonderry, marquis, his appointment to St. Petersburgh, 351. + + Lords, house of, should disregard popular clamour, 481. + + Magistrates, the, should be appointed by lords lieutenant, 222. + --legal redress against them, 429. + --(Ireland) reasons, for their dismissals, 483. + + Malta, a free press there deprecated, 396, 419. + Its riches, 421. + + Manufacturing distress, causes of it, 201. + Exaggerated, 201, 202, 204. + + Market, the home is the best, 211. + + Melbourne administration, causes of dismissal in 1834, 347. + --treated with moderation by the opposition in the lords, 359. + Hostile to the church, 396. + Their impotent colonial government, 437. + They were not a government, 437. + Causes of their weakness, 439, 470, 472. + Carried on war with a peace establishment, 478. + + Melbourne (Viscount), his services to the queen, 473. + + Military operations, importance of time in, 81. + --law the will of the general, 103. + + Ministers require large private fortunes, 239. + + "Moderation," British, in India, very like ambition, 86. + + Monster meetings, the, 487. + + Municipal bill, (Ireland) dangerous to the church, 309. + Objections to the bill, 381. + + Napier, Sir Charles, eulogium on him, 491. + + National system of education in Ireland, 264. + + National credit, how to establish it, 123. + + Navarino, battle of, an untoward event, 139. + + Navy, the, as a constitutional force, controllable by the legislature, + 96. + --inadequacy of our, (1838) 407. + --compliment to it, 448. + + Negotiating parties, a good understanding necessary between them, 99. + + Negro emancipation will encourage foreign slave grown sugar, 243. + + Newspapers, the Duke's indifference to, 109. + + Non-interference, doctrine of, 141, 375. + + Normanby, lord, his goal deliveries in Ireland, 380. + + Oath, the Catholic, in a principle, 319. + + Oaths are necessary, 457. + Their abolition considered, 475. + + O'Connel, Mr., ought not to have had a patent of precedence, 264. + His proceedings, 490. + + Officers, British, require keeping in order as well as the men, 118. + Their fearlessness arises from their obedience, 126. + + Open questions a sign of weakness in a government, 427. + + Opinion, a war of, the worst of wars, 242. + + Opposition, the, should aid the government where war is inevitable, 405. + + Otho, king, the Duke of Wellington's government opposed to his + appointment as King of Greece, 308. + + Parliamentary reform, declaration against, 218. + --arguments against, 225, 227, 232, 240, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, + 272, 273, 290. + + Party spirit, in the army, must be avoided, 84. + + Peninsular governments, the, must not mind unpopularity, 114. + Their disorganised state, 116. + + Pledges from members unconstitutional, 245. + + Police, a preventive, checks crime, 241. + + Poor, principle of relief to, in India, 90. + + Poor, difficulty of legislating for, 211. + + Poor-law amendment bill, the Duke's reasons for supporting it, 340. + --act has surpassed expectation, 365. + --commissioners must be made to do their duty, 464. + + Poor-law, has worked well, 477. + ---- his reasons for supporting it, 495. + ---- (Ireland) reasons for supporting it, 486. + + Popular assemblies unmanageable, 99, 124, 392. + + Porte, the, our ancient ally, 138. + + Portugal must be a military country, 101. + Advantage of having the people armed on our side in the war, 101. + Letter to a nobleman in, 104. + Conduct of the people to our troops, 108. + Apathy of the people of, 108, 110. + Portuguese troops better than Spanish, 115, 122. + As a frontier country, difficult to defend, 122. + Ingratitude of the Portuguese to the British army, 124. + Its importance to England, 241, 320. + Policy of the Wellington government, 313. + The civil war in, fomented by the Grey government, 316. + Don Miguel, king _de facto_, 318. + + Postage bill, penny, reasons for supporting it, 430. + + Protection, not free trade, the principle of our commercial law, 267. + + Protestants of Ireland, necessity of conciliating the, 307, 319, 329, + 330. + + Predatory troops, tactics to be pursued against them, 91. + + Printed papers' question, opinion on, 449. + + Private considerations must be laid aside by public men, 88. + + Public men must lay aside private considerations, 88. + + Public works, principle of advances for, 217. + ---- meetings, numbers at, may render them illegal, 400. + + + Quadruple treaty, the, 362. + Condemned, 367. + Effect of the additional articles, 368. + + + Railway acts ought to be subject to subsequent revision, 358. + + Reduction in the public service, principle on which made, 208. + + Reform, see parliamentary reform. + + Reformation, the, a blow at it, 462. + All interested in maintaining it, 492. + + Religion should not exclude men from serving the state, 95. + + Repeal of the union averted by the emancipation act, 221. + Accelerated by reform, 240. + + Responsibility, military and civil, doctrine of, 97. + + Romana, the Marquis de, his character, 111. + + Roman Catholics, the, are interested in maintaining the established + church, 354. + + + Seaton, Lord, eulogium on him, 448. + + Secrecy, its importance in public affairs, 93. + + Sense better than abilities, 125. + + Services, the Duke's, in India neglected, 94. + + Shipping interest, the, has not been neglected, 215. + + Slave trade, French feelings about it, 126. + + Slavery, fiscal regulations for its extinction not defensible, 290. + West India property not to be sacrificed to the fancies of + abolitionists, 291. + The emancipation act of 1833 a premature measure, 320. + + Socialism, danger of it, 446. + + Sovereign, the, political influence of the personal attendants of, 422. + + Sovereigns, foreign, libels on, should not be permitted, 450. + + Spain, its distracted state, 100. + National disease of, 108. + ---- the real power is in the clergy, 127. + Effects of our intervention under the quadruple treaty, 362. + Intervention condemned, 375, 401, 402. + + Spaniards, the, cry "viva," but don't act, 123. + Jealous of foreigners, 125. + + Spanish officers, their inefficiency, 98. + And troops, 99. + + Spanish leaders, their imbecility, 123. + + Sussex, the Duke of, his character, 482. + + + Talavera, the hardest fought battle of modern days, 102. + + Test and corporation acts, reason for repealing them, 148, 151. + + Tests are no security to religion, 342. + ---- university, rendered necessary by toleration, 356. + + Thirty-nine articles, the, defended, 354. + + Time, its importance in military operations, 81. + + Tithes, the most sacred kind of property, 260. + + Treaties, their ambiguity accounted for, 85. + + Troops, their subsistence must be certain, 82. + + + Union, the, must be maintained, 480. + + Universal suffrage and the ballot dangerous, 427. + + Universities, the, their educational system the admiration of the + world, 366. + + Victoria, H.M. Queen, speech on her majesty's marriage, 442. + + Vimiero, battle of, fought without mistakes, 96. + + War, when concluded, animosity should be forgotten, 88. + --French predatory system, of 121. + --A great country cannot wage a little war, 390. + --cannot be carried on with a peace establishment, 412. + + Waterloo, battle of, its effects, 130. + His disgust at them, 131. + --described to a soldier, 131. + A "pounding match," 132. + + Wellington, the Duke of, memoir, 1-79. + His Indian services neglected, 94. + His reason for being prime minister, 141. + Speech on introducing the emancipation bill, 155-190. + Would sacrifice his life to prevent one month of civil war, 186. + His declaration against reform, 218. + Reasons for resigning in 1880, 233. + Speech on attempting to resume office, May 1882, 292-302. + Explanation of his "dictatorship," in 1834, 349. + As a public man, stands on public grounds, 419. + His indifference to reports, 422. + Never said one thing and meant another, 435. + Not a war minister, 459. + + West Indian colonists, their short-sighted conduct, 394. + + William the Fourth, eulogium on, 384. + + + +THE END. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Maxims And Opinions Of Field-Marshal +His Grace The Duke Of Wellington, Selected From His Writings And Speeches During A Public Life Of More Than Half A Century, by Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMS OF WELLINGTON *** + +***** This file should be named 15254.txt or 15254.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/2/5/15254/ + +Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and the PG Online +Distributed Proofreading Team. Page images were generously made +available by BNF/Gallica (http://gallica.bnf.fr). + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/15254.zip b/15254.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..4f70992 --- /dev/null +++ b/15254.zip diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7b94ffc --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #15254 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/15254) |