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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/15154-8.txt b/15154-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..849dadf --- /dev/null +++ b/15154-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,7182 @@ +Project Gutenberg's Psychology and Industrial Efficiency, by Hugo Münsterberg + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Psychology and Industrial Efficiency + +Author: Hugo Münsterberg + +Release Date: February 23, 2005 [EBook #15154] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY *** + + + + +Produced by Rick Niles, Karen Dalrymple, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + +PSYCHOLOGY AND +INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY + + +BY + +HUGO MÜNSTERBERG + + +BOSTON AND NEW YORK +HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY +The Riverside Press Cambridge +1913 + + + +TO +HAROLD F. McCORMICK + + + + +PREFATORY NOTE + +This book corresponds to a German book, which I published a few months +ago, under the title _Psychologie und Wirlschaftsleben: Ein Beitrag +zur angewandten Experimental-Psychologie_ (Leipzig: J.A. Barth). It is +not a translation, as some parts of the German volume have been +abbreviated or entirely omitted and other parts have been enlarged and +supplemented. Yet the essential substance of the two books is +identical. + + + +CONTENTS + + +INTRODUCTION + + I. APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY + + II. THE DEMANDS OF PRACTICAL LIFE + + III. MEANS AND ENDS + + +I. THE BEST POSSIBLE MAN + + IV. VOCATION AND FITNESS + + V. SCIENTIFIC VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE + + VI. SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT + + VII. THE METHODS OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY + + VIII. EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF ELECTRIC RAILWAY SERVICE + + IX. EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF SHIP SERVICE + + X. EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF TELEPHONE SERVICE + + XI. CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MEN OF AFFAIRS + + XII. INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS + + +II. THE BEST POSSIBLE WORK + + XIII. LEARNING AND TRAINING + + XIV. THE ADJUSTMENT OF TECHNICAL TO PSYCHICAL CONDITIONS + + XV. THE ECONOMY OF MOVEMENT + + XVI. EXPERIMENTS ON THE PROBLEM OF MONOTONY + + XVII. ATTENTION AND FATIGUE + + XVIII. PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE WORKING POWER + + +III. THE BEST POSSIBLE EFFECT + + XIX. THE SATISFACTION OF ECONOMIC DEMANDS + + XX. EXPERIMENTS ON THE EFFECTS OF ADVERTISEMENTS + + XXI. THE EFFECT OF DISPLAY + + XXII. EXPERIMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO ILLEGAL IMITATION + + XXIII. BUYING AND SELLING + + XXIV. THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC PSYCHOLOGY + + +NOTES + +INDEX + + + + +PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + + + +I + +APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY + + +Our aim is to sketch the outlines of a new science which is to +intermediate between the modern laboratory psychology and the problems +of economics: the psychological experiment is systematically to be +placed at the service of commerce and industry. So far we have only +scattered beginnings of the new doctrine, only tentative efforts and +disconnected attempts which have started, sometimes in economic, and +sometimes in psychological, quarters. The time when an exact +psychology of business life will be presented as a closed and +perfected system lies very far distant. But the earlier the attention +of wider circles is directed to its beginnings and to the importance +and bearings of its tasks, the quicker and the more sound will be the +development of this young science. What is most needed to-day at the +beginning of the new movement are clear, concrete illustrations which +demonstrate the possibilities of the new method. In the following +pages, accordingly, it will be my aim to analyze the results of +experiments which have actually been carried out, experiments +belonging to many different spheres of economic life. But these +detached experiments ought always at least to point to a connected +whole; the single experiments will, therefore, always need a general +discussion of the principles as a background. In the interest of such +a wider perspective we may at first enter into some preparatory +questions of theory. They may serve as an introduction which is to +lead us to the actual economic life and the present achievements of +experimental psychology. + +It is well known that the modern psychologists only slowly and very +reluctantly approached the apparently natural task of rendering useful +service to practical life. As long as the study of the mind was +entirely dependent upon philosophical or theological speculation, no +help could be expected from such endeavors to assist in the daily +walks of life. But half a century has passed since the study of +consciousness was switched into the tracks of exact scientific +investigation. Five decades ago the psychologists began to devote +themselves to the most minute description of the mental experiences +and to explain the mental life in a way which was modeled after the +pattern of exact natural sciences. Their aim was no longer to +speculate about the soul, but to find the psychical elements and the +constant laws which control their connections. Psychology became +experimental and physiological. For more than thirty years the +psychologists have also had their workshops. Laboratories for +experimental psychology have grown up in all civilized countries, and +the new method has been applied to one group of mental traits after +another. And yet we stand before the surprising fact that all the +manifold results of the new science have remained book knowledge, +detached from any practical interests. Only in the last ten years do +we find systematic efforts to apply the experimental results of +psychology to the needs of society. + +It is clear that the reason for this late beginning is not an +unwillingness of the last century to make theoretical knowledge +serviceable to the demands of life. Every one knows, on the contrary, +that the glorious advance of the natural sciences became at the same +time a triumphal march of technique. Whatever was brought to light in +the laboratories of the physicists and chemists, of the physiologists +and pathologists, was quickly transformed into achievements of +physical and chemical industry, of medicine and hygiene, of +agriculture and mining and transportation. No realm of the external +social life remained untouched. The scientists, on the other hand, +felt that the far-reaching practical effect which came from their +discoveries exerted a stimulating influence on the theoretical +researches themselves. The pure search for truth and knowledge was not +lowered when the electrical waves were harnessed for wireless +telegraphy, or the Roentgen rays were forced into the service of +surgery. The knowledge of nature and the mastery of nature have always +belonged together. + +The persistent hesitation of the psychologists to make similar +practical use of their experimental results has therefore come from +different causes. The students of mental life evidently had the +feeling that quiet, undisturbed research was needed for the new +science of psychology in order that a certain maturity might be +reached before a contact with the turmoil of practical life would be +advisable. The sciences themselves cannot escape injury if their +results are forced into the rush of the day before the fundamental +ideas have been cleared up, the methods of investigation really tried, +and an ample supply of facts collected. But this very justified +reluctance becomes a real danger if it grows into an instinctive fear +of coming into contact at all with practical life. To be sure, in any +single case there may be a difference of opinion as to when the right +time has come and when the inner consolidation of a new science is +sufficiently advanced for the technical service, but it ought to be +clear that it is not wise to wait until the scientists have settled +all the theoretical problems involved. True progress in every +scientific field means that the problems become multiplied and that +ever new questions keep coming to the surface. If the psychologists +were to refrain from practical application until the theoretical +results of their laboratories need no supplement, the time for applied +psychology would never come. Whoever looks without prejudice on the +development of modern psychology ought to acknowledge that the +hesitancy which was justified in the beginning would to-day be +inexcusable lack of initiative. For the sciences of the mind too, the +time has come when theory and practice must support each other. An +exceedingly large mass of facts has been gathered, the methods have +become refined and differentiated, and however much may still be under +discussion, the ground common to all is ample enough to build upon. + +Another important reason for the slowness of practical progress was +probably this. When the psychologists began to work with the new +experimental methods, their most immediate concern was to get rid of +mere speculation and to take hold of actual facts. Hence they regarded +the natural sciences as their model, and, together with the +experimental method which distinguishes scientific work, the +characteristic goal of the sciences was accepted too. This scientific +goal is always the attainment of general laws; and so it happened that +in the first decades after the foundation of psychological +laboratories the general laws of the mind absorbed the entire +attention and interest of the investigators. The result of such an +attitude was, that we learned to understand the working of the typical +mind, but that all the individual variations were almost neglected. +When the various individuals differed in their mental behavior, these +differences appeared almost as disturbances which the psychologists +had to eliminate in order to find the general laws which hold for +every mind. The studies were accordingly confined to the general +averages of mental experience, while the variations from such averages +were hardly included in the scientific account. In earlier centuries, +to be sure, the interest of the psychological observers had been given +almost entirely to the rich manifoldness of human characters and +intelligences and talents. In the new period of experimental work, +this interest was taken as an indication of the unscientific fancies +of the earlier age, in which the curious and the anecdotal attracted +the view. The new science which was to seek the laws was to overcome +such popular curiosity. In this sign experimental psychology has +conquered. The fundamental laws of the ideas and of the attention, of +the memory and of the will, of the feeling and of the emotions, have +been elaborated. Yet it slowly became evident that such one-sidedness, +however necessary it may have been at the beginning, would make any +practical application impossible. In practical life we never have to +do with what is common to all human beings, even when we are to +influence large masses; we have to deal with personalities whose +mental life is characterized by particular traits of nationality, or +race, or vocation, or sex, or age, or special interests, or other +features by which they differ from the average mind which the +theoretical psychologist may construct as a type. Still more +frequently we have to act with reference to smaller groups or to +single individuals whose mental physiognomy demands careful +consideration. As long as experimental psychology remained essentially +a science of the mental laws, common to all human beings, an +adjustment to the practical demands of daily life could hardly come in +question. With such general laws we could never have mastered the +concrete situations of society, because we should have had to leave +out of view the fact that there are gifted and ungifted, intelligent +and stupid, sensitive and obtuse, quick and slow, energetic and weak +individuals. + +But in recent years a complete change can be traced in our science. +Experiments which refer to these individual differences themselves +have been carried on by means of the psychological laboratory, at +first reluctantly and in tentative forms, but within the last ten +years the movement has made rapid progress. To-day we have a +psychology of individual variations from the point of view of the +psychological laboratory.[1] This development of schemes to compare +the differences between the individuals by the methods of experimental +science was after all the most important advance toward the practical +application of psychology. The study of the individual differences +itself is not applied psychology, but it is the presupposition without +which applied psychology would have remained a phantom. + + + + +II + +THE DEMANDS OF PRACTICAL LIFE + + +While in this way the progress of psychology itself and the +development of the psychology of individual differences favored the +growth of applied psychology, there arose at the same time an +increasing demand in the midst of practical life. Especially the +teachers and the physicians, later the lawyers as well, looked for +help from exact psychology. The science of education and instruction +had always had some contact with the science of the mind, as the +pedagogues could never forget that the mental development of the child +has to stand in the centre of educational thought. For a long while +pedagogy was still leaning on a philosophical psychology, after that +old-fashioned study of the soul had been given up in psychological +quarters. At last, in the days of progressive experimental psychology, +the time came when the teachers under the pressure of their new needs +began to inquire how far the modern laboratory could aid them in the +classroom. The pedagogical psychology of memory, of attention, of +will, and of intellect was systematically worked up by men with +practical school interests. We may notice in the movement a slow but +most important shifting. At first the results of theoretical +psychology were simply transplanted into the pedagogical field. +Experiments which were carried on in the interest of pure theoretical +science were made practical use of, but their application remained a +mere chance by-product. Only slowly did the pedagogical problems +themselves begin to determine the experimental investigation. The +methods of laboratory psychology were applied for the solving of those +problems which originated in the school experience, and only when this +point was reached could a truly experimental pedagogy be built on a +psychological foundation. We stand in the midst of this vigorous and +healthy movement, which has had a stimulating effect on theoretical +psychology itself. + +We find a similar situation in the sphere of the physician. He could +not pass by the new science of the mind without instinctively feeling +that his medical diagnosis and therapy could be furthered in many +directions by the experimental method. Not only the psychiatrist and +nerve specialist, but in a certain sense every physician had made use +of a certain amount of psychology in his professional work. He had +always had to make clear to himself the mental experiences of the +patient, to study his pain sensations and his feelings of comfort, +his fears and his hopes, his perceptions and his volitions, and to a +certain degree he had always tried to influence the mental life of the +patient, to work on him by suggestion and to help him by stimulating +his mind. But as far as a real description and explanation of such +mental experiences came in question, all remained a dilettantic +semi-psychology which worked with the most trivial conceptions of +popular thinking. The medical men recognized the disproportion between +the exactitude of their anatomical, physiological, and pathological +observation and the superficiality of their self-made psychology. Thus +the desire arose in their own medical circle to harmonize their +psychological means of diagnosis and therapy with the schemes of +modern scientific psychology. The physician who examines the +sensations in a nervous disease, or the intelligence in a mental +disease, or heals by suggestion or hypnotism, tries to apply the +latest discoveries of the psychological laboratory. But here, too, the +same development as in pedagogy can be traced. The physicians at first +made use only of results which had been secured under entirely +different points of view, but later the experiments were subordinated +to the special medical problems. Then the physician was no longer +obliged simply to use what he happened to find among the results of +the theoretical psychologist, but carried on the experiments in the +service of medical problems. The independent status of experimental +medical psychology could be secured only by this development. + +In somewhat narrower limits the same may be said as to the problems of +law. A kind of popular psychology was naturally involved whenever +judges or lawyers analyzed the experience on the witness stand or +discussed the motives of crime or the confessions of the criminal or +the social conditions of criminality. But when every day brought new +discoveries in the psychological laboratory, it seemed natural to make +use of the new methods and of the new results in the interest of the +courtroom. The power of observation in the witness, the exactitude of +his memory, the character of his illusions and imagination, his +suggestibility and his feeling, appeared in a new light in view of the +experimental investigations, and the emotions and volitions of the +criminal were understood with a new insight. Here, too, the last step +was taken. Instead of being satisfied with experiments which the +psychologist had made for his own purposes, the students of legal +psychology adjusted experiments to the particular needs of the +courtroom. Investigations were carried on to determine, the fidelity +of testimony or to find methods for the detection of hidden thoughts +and so on. Efforts toward the application of psychology have +accordingly grown up in the fields of pedagogy, medicine, and +jurisprudence, but as these studies naturally do not remain +independent of one another, they all together form the one unified +science of applied psychology.[2] + +As soon as the independence of this new science was felt, it was +natural that new demands and new problems should continue to originate +within its own limits. There must be applied psychology wherever the +investigation of mental life can be made serviceable to the tasks of +civilization. Criminal law, education, medicine, certainly do not +constitute the totality of civilized life. It is therefore the duty of +the practical psychologist systematically to examine how far other +purposes of modern society can be advanced by the new methods of +experimental psychology. There is, for instance, already, far-reaching +agreement that the problems of artistic creation, of scientific +observation, of social reform, and many similar endeavors must be +acknowledged as organic parts of applied psychology. Only one group of +purposes is so far surprisingly neglected in the realm of the +psychological laboratory: the purposes of the economic life, the +purposes of commerce and industry, of business and the market in the +widest sense of the word. The question how far applied psychology can +be extended in this direction is the topic of the following +discussions. + + + + +III + +MEANS AND ENDS + + +Applied psychology is evidently to be classed with the technical +sciences. It may be considered as psychotechnics, since we must +recognize any science as technical if it teaches us to apply +theoretical knowledge for the furtherance of human purposes. Like all +technical sciences, applied psychology tells us what we ought to do if +we want to reach certain ends; but we ought to realize at the +threshold where the limits of such a technical science lie, as they +are easily overlooked, with resulting confusion. We must understand +that every technical science says only: you must make use of this +means, if you wish to reach this or that particular end. But no +technical science can decide within its limits whether the end itself +is really a desirable one. The technical specialist knows how he ought +to build a bridge or how he ought to pierce a tunnel, presupposing +that the bridge or the tunnel is desired. But whether they are +desirable or not is a question which does not concern the technical +scientist, but which must be considered from economic or political or +other points, of view. Everywhere the engineer must know how to reach +an end, and must leave it to others to settle whether the end in +itself is desirable. Often the end may be a matter of course for every +reasonable being. The extreme case is presented by the applied science +of medicine, where the physician subordinates all his technique to the +end of curing the patient. Yet if we are consistent we must +acknowledge that all his medical knowledge can prescribe to him only +that he proceed in a certain way if the long life of the patient is +acknowledged as a desirable end. The application of anatomy, +physiology, and pathology may just as well be used for the opposite +end of killing a man. Whether it is wise to work toward long life, or +whether it is better to kill people, is again a problem which lies +outside the sphere of the applied sciences. Ethics or social +philosophy or religion have to solve these preliminary' questions. The +physician as such has only to deal with the means which lead toward +that goal. + +We must make the same discrimination in the psychotechnical field. The +psychologist may point out the methods by which an involuntary +confession can be secured from a defendant, but whether it is +justifiable to extort involuntary confessions is a problem which does +not concern the psychologist. The lawyers or the legislators must +decide as to the right or wrong, the legality or illegality, of +forcing a man to show his bidden ideas. If such an end is desirable, +the psychotechnical student can determine the right means, and that is +the limit of his office. We ought to keep in mind that the same holds +true for the application of psychology in economic life. Economic +psychotechnics may serve certain ends of commerce and industry, but +whether these ends are the best ones is not a care with which the +psychologist has to be burdened. For instance, the end may be the +selection of the most efficient laborers for particular industries. +The psychologist may develop methods in his laboratory by which this +purpose can be fulfilled. But if some mills prefer another goal,--for +instance, to have not the most efficient but the cheapest possible +laborers,--entirely different means for the selection are necessary. +The psychologist is, therefore, not entangled in the economic +discussions of the day; it is not his concern to decide whether the +policy of the trusts or the policy of the trade-unions or any other +policy for the selection of laborers is the ideal one. He is confined +to the statement; if you wish this end, then you must proceed in this +way; but it is left to you to express your preference among the ends. +Applied psychology can, therefore, speak the language of an exact +science in its own field, independent of economic opinions and +debatable partisan interests. This is necessary limitation, but in +this limitation lies the strength of the new science. The psychologist +may show how a special commodity can be advertised; but whether from a +social point of view it is desirable to reinforce the sale of these +goods is no problem for psychotechnics. If a sociologist insists that +it would be better if not so many useless goods were bought, and that +the aim ought rather to be to protect the buyer than to help the +seller, the psychologist would not object. His interest would only be +to find the right psychological means to lead to this other social +end. He is partisan neither of the salesman nor of the customer, +neither of the capitalist nor of the laborer, he is neither Socialist +nor anti-Socialist, neither high-tariff man nor free-trader. Here, +too, of course, there are certain goals which are acknowledged on all +sides, and which therefore hardly need any discussion, just as in the +case of the physician, where the prolongation of life is practically +acknowledged as a desirable end by every one. But everywhere where the +aim is not perfectly a matter of course, the psychotechnical +specialist fulfills his task only when he is satisfied with +demonstrating that certain psychical means serve a certain end, and +that they ought to be applied as soon as that end is accepted. + +The whole system of psychotechnical knowledge might be subdivided +under either of the two aspects. Either we might start from the +various mental processes and ask for what end each mental factor can +be practically useful and important, or we can begin with studying +what significant ends are acknowledged in our society and then we can +seek the various psychological facts which are needed as means for the +realization of these ends. The first way offers many conveniences. +There we should begin with the mental states of attention, memory, +feeling, and so on, and should study how the psychological knowledge +of every one of these mental states can render service in many +different practical fields. The attention, for instance, is important +in the classroom when the teacher tries to secure the attention of the +pupils, but the judge expects the same attention from the jurymen in +the courtroom, the artist seeks to stir up the attention of the +spectator, the advertiser demands the attention of the newspaper +readers. Whoever studies the characteristics of the mental process of +attention may then be able to indicate how in every one of these +unlike cases the attention can be stimulated and retained. +Nevertheless the opposite way which starts from the tasks to be +fulfilled seems more helpful and more fundamentally significant. The +question, then, is what mental processes become important for the +tasks of education, what for the purposes of the courtroom, what for +the hospital, what for the church, what for politics, and so on. + +As this whole essay is to be devoted exclusively to the economic +problems, we are obliged to choose the second way; that is, to arrange +applied psychology with reference to its chief ends and not with +reference to the various means. But the same question comes up in the +further subdivision of the material. In the field of economic +psychology, too, we might ask how far the study of attention, or of +perception, or of feeling, or of will, or of memory, and so on, can be +useful for the purposes of the business man. Or here, too, we might +begin with the consideration of the various ends and purposes. The +ends of commerce are different from those of industry, those of +publishing different from those of transportation, those of +agriculture different from those of mining; or, in the field of +commerce, the purposes of the retailer are different from those of the +wholesale merchant. There can be no limit to such subdivisions; each +particular industry has its own aims, and in the same industry a large +variety of tasks are united. We should accordingly be led to an ample +classification of special economic ends with pigeonholes for every +possible kind of business and of labor. The psychologist would have to +find for every one of these ends the right mental means. This would be +the ideal system of economic psychology. + +But we are still endlessly far from such a perfect system. Modern +educational psychology and medical psychology have reached a stage at +which an effort for such a complete system might be realized, but +economic psychology is still at too early a stage of development. It +would be entirely artificial to-day to aim at such ideal completeness. +If we were to construct such a complete system of questions, we should +have no answers. In the present stage nothing can be seriously +proposed but the selection of a few central purposes which occur in +every department of business life, and a study of the means to reach +these special ends by the discussion of some typical cases which may +clearly illustrate the methods involved. + +From this point of view we select three chief purposes of business +life, purposes which are important in commerce and industry and every +economic endeavor. We ask how we can find the men whose mental +qualities make them best fitted for the work which they have to do; +secondly, under what psychological conditions we can secure the +greatest and most satisfactory output of work from every man; and +finally, how we can produce most completely the influences on human +minds which are desired in the interest of business. In other words, +we ask how to find the best possible man, how to produce the best +possible work, and how to secure the best possible effects. + + + + +PART I + +THE BEST POSSIBLE MAN + + + + +IV + +VOCATION AND FITNESS + + +Instead of lingering over theoretical discussions, we will move +straight on toward our first practical problem. The economic task, +with reference to which we want to demonstrate the new psychotechnic +method, is the selection of those personalities which by their mental +qualities are especially fit for a particular kind of economic work. +This problem is especially useful to show what the new method can do +and what it cannot do. Whether the method is sufficiently developed to +secure full results to-day, or whether they will come to-morrow, is +unimportant. It is clear that the success of to-morrow is to be hoped +for, only if understanding and interest in the problem is already +alive to-day. + +When we inquire into the qualities of men, we use the word here in its +widest meaning. It covers, on the one side, the mental dispositions +which may still be quite undeveloped and which may unfold only under +the influence of special conditions in the surroundings; but, on the +other side, it covers the habitual traits of the personality, the +features of the individual temperament and character, of the +intelligence and of the ability, of the collected knowledge and of the +acquired experience. All variations of will and feeling, of perception +and thought, of attention and emotion, of memory and imagination, are +included here. From a purely psychological standpoint, quite +incomparable contents and functions and dispositions of the +personality are thus thrown together, but in practical life we are +accustomed to proceed after this fashion: if a man applies for a +position, he is considered with regard to the totality of his +qualities, and at first nobody cares whether the particular feature is +inherited or acquired, whether it is an individual chance variation or +whether it is common to a larger group, perhaps to all members of a +certain nationality or race. We simply start from the clear fact that +the personalities which enter into the world of affairs present an +unlimited manifoldness of talents and abilities and functions of the +mind. From this manifoldness, it necessarily follows that some are +more, some less, fit for the particular economic task. In view of the +far-reaching division of labor in our modern economic life, it is +impossible to avoid the question how we can select the fit +personalities and reject the unfit ones. + +How has modern society prepared itself to settle this social demand? +In case that certain knowledge is indispensable for the work or that +technical abilities must have been acquired, the vocation is +surrounded by examinations. This is true of the lower as well as of +the higher activities. The direct examination is everywhere +supplemented by testimonials covering the previous achievements, by +certificates referring to the previous education, and in frequent +cases by the endeavor to gain a personal impression from the +applicant. But if we take all this together, the total result remains +a social machinery by which perhaps the elimination of the entirely +unfit can be secured. But no one could speak of a really satisfactory +adaptation of the manifold personalities to the economic vocational +tasks. All those examinations and tests and certificates refer +essentially to what can be learned from without, and not to the true +qualities of the mind and the deeper traits. The so-called +impressions, too, are determined by the most secondary and external +factors. Society relies instinctively on the hope that the natural +wishes and interests will push every one to the place for which his +dispositions, talents, and psychophysical gifts prepare him. + +In reality this confidence is entirely unfounded. A threefold +difficulty exists. In the first place, young people know very little +about themselves and their abilities. When the day comes on which they +discover their real strong points and their weaknesses, it is often +too late. They have usually been drawn into the current of a +particular vocation, and have given too much energy to the preparation +for a specific achievement to change the whole life-plan once more. +The entire scheme of education gives to the individual little chance +to find himself. A mere interest for one or another subject in school +is influenced by many accidental circumstances, by the personality of +the teacher or the methods of instruction, by suggestions of the +surroundings and by home traditions, and accordingly even such a +preference gives rather a slight final indication of the individual +mental qualities. Moreover, such mere inclinations and interests +cannot determine the true psychological fitness for a vocation. To +choose a crude illustration, a boy may think with passion of the +vocation of a sailor, and yet may be entirely unfit for it, because +his mind lacks the ability to discriminate red and green. He himself +may never have discovered that he is color-blind, but when he is ready +to turn to the sailor's calling, the examination of his +color-sensitiveness which is demanded may have shown the disturbing +mental deficiency. Similar defects may exist in a boy's attention or +memory, judgment or feeling, thought or imagination, suggestibility or +emotion, and they may remain just as undiscovered as the defect of +color-blindness, which is characteristic of four per cent of the male +population. All such deficiencies may be dangerous in particular +callings. But while the vocation of the ship officer is fortunately +protected nowadays by such a special psychological examination, most +other vocations are unguarded against the entrance of the mentally +unfit individuals. + +As the boys and girls grow up without recognizing their psychical +weaknesses, the exceptional strength of one or another mental function +too often remains unnoticed by them as well. They may find out when +they are favored with a special talent for art or music or +scholarship, but they hardly ever know that their attention, or their +memory, or their will, or their intellectual apprehension, or their +sensory perceptions, are unusually developed in a particular +direction; yet such an exceptional mental disposition might be the +cause of special success in certain vocations. But we may abstract +from the extremes of abnormal deficiency and abnormal overdevelopment +in particular functions. Between them we find the broad region of the +average minds with their numberless variations, and these variations +are usually quite unknown to their possessors. It is often surprising +to see how the most manifest differences of psychical organization +remain unnoticed by the individuals themselves. Men with a pronounced +visual type of memory and men with a marked acoustical type may live +together without the slightest idea that their contents of +consciousness are fundamentally different from each other. Neither the +children nor their parents nor their teachers burden themselves with +the careful analysis of such actual mental qualities when the choice +of a vocation is before them. They know that a boy who is completely +unmusical must not become a musician, and that the child who cannot +draw at all must not become a painter, just as on physical grounds a +boy with very weak muscles is not fit to become a blacksmith. But as +soon as the subtler differentiation is needed, the judgment of all +concerned seems helpless and the physical characteristics remain +disregarded. + +A further reason for the lack of adaptation, and surely a most +important one, lies in the fact that the individual usually knows only +the most external conditions of the vocations from which he chooses. +The most essential requisite for a truly perfect adaptation, namely, a +real analysis of the vocational demands with reference to the +desirable personal qualities, is so far not in existence. The young +people generally see some superficial traits of the careers which seem +to stand open, and, besides, perhaps they notice the great rewards of +the most successful. The inner labor, the inner values, and the inner +difficulties and frictions are too often unknown to those who decide +for a vocation, and they are unable to correlate those essential +factors of the life-calling with all that nature by inheritance, and +society by surroundings and training, have planted and developed in +their minds. + +In addition to this ignorance as to one's own mental disposition and +to the lack of understanding of the true mental requirements of the +various social tasks comes finally the abundance of trivial chances +which become decisive in the choice of a vocation. Vocation and +marriage are the two most consequential decisions in life. In the +selection of a husband or a wife, too, the decision is very frequently +made dependent upon the most superficial and trivial motives. Yet the +social philosopher may content himself with the belief that even in +the fugitive love desire a deeper instinct of nature is expressed, +which may at least serve the biological tasks of married life. In the +choice of a vocation, even such a belief in a biological instinct is +impossible. The choice of a vocation, determined by fugitive whims and +chance fancies, by mere imitation, by a hope for quick earnings, by +irresponsible recommendation, or by mere laziness, has no internal +reason or excuse. Illusory ideas as to the prospects of a career, +moreover, often falsify the whole vista; and if we consider all this, +we can hardly be surprised that our total result is in many respects +hardly better than if everything were left entirely to accident. Even +on the height of a mental training to the end of adolescence, we see +how the college graduates are too often led by accidental motives to +the decision whether they shall become lawyers or physicians or +business men, but this superficiality of choice of course appears much +more strongly where the lifework is to be built upon the basis of a +mere elementary or high school education. + +The final result corresponds exactly to these conditions. Everywhere, +in all countries and in all vocations, but especially in the economic +careers, we hear the complaint that there is lack of really good men. +Everywhere places are waiting for the right man, while at the same +time we find everywhere an oversupply of mediocre aspirants. This, +however, does not in the least imply that there really are not enough +personalities who might be perfectly fit even for the highest demands +of the vocations; it means only that as a matter of course the result +in the filling of positions cannot be satisfactory, if the placing of +the individuals is carried on without serious regard for the personal +mental qualities. The complaint that there is lack of fit human +material would probably never entirely disappear, as with a better +adjustment of the material, the demands would steadily increase; but +it could at least be predicted with high probability that this lack of +really fit material would not be felt so keenly everywhere if the +really decisive factor for the adjustment of personality and vocation, +namely, the dispositions of the mind, were not so carelessly ignored. + +Society, to be sure, has a convenient means of correction. The +individual tries, and when he is doing his work too badly, he loses +his job, he is pushed out from the career which be has chosen, with +the great probability that he will be crushed by the wheels of social +life. It is a rare occurrence for the man who is a failure in his +chosen vocation, and who has been thrown out of it, to happen to come +into the career in which he can make a success. Social statistics show +with an appalling clearness what a burden and what a danger to the +social body is growing from the masses of those who do not succeed and +who by their lack of success become discouraged and embittered. The +social psychologist cannot resist the conviction that every single +one could have found a place in which he could have achieved something +of value for the commonwealth. The laborer, who in spite of his best +efforts shows himself useless and clumsy before one machine, might +perhaps have done satisfactory work in the next mill where the +machines demand another type of mental reaction. His psychical rhythm +and his inner functions would be able to adjust themselves to the +requirements of the one kind of labor and not to those of the other. +Truly the whole social body has had to pay a heavy penalty for not +making even the faintest effort to settle systematically the +fundamental problem of vocational choice, the problem of the psychical +adaptation of the individuality. An improvement would lie equally in +the interest of those who seek positions and those who have positions +to offer. The employers can hope that in all departments better work +will be done as soon as better adapted individuals can be obtained; +and, on the other hand, those who are anxious to make their working +energies effective may expect that the careful selection of individual +mental characters for the various tasks of the world will insure not +only greater success and gain, but above all greater joy in the work, +deeper satisfaction, and more harmonious unfolding of the personality. + + + + +V + +SCIENTIFIC VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE + + +Observations of this kind, which refer to the borderland region +between psychology and social politics, are valid for all modern +nations. Yet it is hardly a chance that the first efforts toward a +systematic overcoming of some of these difficulties have been made +with us in America. The barriers between the classes lie lower; here +the choice of a vocation is less determined by tradition; and it +belongs to the creed of political democracy that just as everybody can +be called to the highest elective offices, so everybody ought to be +fit for any vocation in any sphere of life. The wandering from calling +to calling is more frequent in America than anywhere else. To be sure, +this has the advantage that a failure in one vocation does not bring +with it such a serious injury as in Europe, but it contributes much to +the greater danger that any one may jump recklessly and without +preparation into any vocational stream. + +It is fresh in every one's mind how during the last decade the +economic conscience of the whole American nation became aroused. Up to +the end of the last century the people had lived with the secure +feeling of possessing a country with inexhaustible treasures. The last +few years brought the reaction, and it became increasingly clear how +irresponsible the national attitude had been, how the richness of the +forests and the mines and the rivers had been recklessly squandered +without any thought of the future. Conservation of the national +possessions suddenly became the battle-cry, and this turned the eye +also to that limitless waste of human material, a waste going on +everywhere in the world, but nowhere more widely than in the United +States. The feeling grew that no waste of valuable possessions is so +reckless as that which results from the distributing of living force +by chance methods instead of examining carefully how work and workmen +can fit one another. While this was the emotional background, two +significant social movements originated in our midst. The two +movements were entirely independent of each other, but from two +different starting-points they worked in one respect toward the same +goal. They are social and economic movements, neither of which at +first had anything directly to do with psychological questions; but +both led to a point where the psychological turn of the problem seemed +unavoidable. Here begins the obligation of the psychologist, and the +possibility of fulfilling this obligation will be the topic of our +discussion concerning the selection of the best man. + +These two American movements which we have in mind are the effort to +furnish to pupils leaving the school guidance in their choice of a +vocation, and the nowadays still better known movement toward +scientific management in commerce and industry. The movement toward +vocational guidance is externally still rather modest and confined to +very narrow circles, but it is rapidly spreading and is not without +significant achievements. It started in Boston. There the late Mr. +Parsons once called a meeting of all the boys of his neighborhood who +were to leave the elementary schools at the end of the year. He wanted +to consider with them whether they had reasonable plans for their +future. At the well-attended meeting it became clear that the boys +knew little concerning what they had to expect in practical life, and +Parsons was able to give them, especially in individual discussions, +much helpful information. They knew too little of the characteristic +features of the vocations to which they wanted to devote themselves, +and they had given hardly any attention to the question whether they +had the necessary qualifications for the special work. From this germ +grew a little office which was opened in 1908, in which all Boston +boys and girls at the time when they left school were to receive +individual suggestions with reference to the most reasonable and best +adjusted selection of a calling. There is hardly any doubt that the +remarkable success of this modest beginning was dependent upon the +admirable personality of the late organizer, who recognized the +individual features with unusual tact and acumen. But he himself had +no doubt that such a merely impressionistic method could not satisfy +the demands. He saw that a threefold advance would become necessary. +First, it was essential to analyze the objective relations of the many +hundred kinds of accessible vocations. Their economic, hygienic, +technical, and social elements ought to be examined so that every boy +and girl could receive reliable information as to the demands of the +vocation and as to the prospects and opportunities in it. Secondly, it +would become essential to interest the schools in all these complex +questions of vocational choice, so that, by observation of individual +tendencies and abilities of the pupils, the teachers might furnish +preparatory material for the work of the institute for vocational +guidance. Thirdly,--and this is for us the most important point,--he +saw that the methods had to be elaborated in such a way that the +personal traits and dispositions might be discovered with much +greater exactitude and with much richer detail than was possible +through what a mere call on the vocational counselor could unveil.[3] + +It is well known how this Boston bureau has stimulated a number of +American cities to come forward with similar beginnings. The +pedagogical circles have been especially aroused by the movement, +municipal and philanthropic boards have at least approached this group +of problems, two important conferences for vocational guidance have +met in New York, and at various places the question has been discussed +whether or not a vocational counselor might be attached to the schools +in a position similar to that of the school physician. The chief +progress has been made in the direction of collecting reliable data +with reference to the economic and hygienic conditions of the various +vocations, the demand and supply and the scale of wages. In short, +everything connected with the externalities of the vocations has been +carefully analyzed, and sufficient reliable material has been gained, +at least regarding certain local conditions. In the place of +individual advice, we have thus to a certain degree obtained general +economic investigations from which each can gather what he needs. It +seems that sometimes the danger of letting such offices degenerate +into mere agencies for employment has not been avoided, but that is +one of the perils of the first development. The mother institute in +Boston, too, under its new direction emphasizes more the economic and +hygienic side, and has set its centre of gravity in a systematic +effort to propagate understanding of the problems of vocational +guidance and to train professional vocational counselors in systematic +courses, who are then to carry the interest over the land.[4] + +The real psychological analysis with which the movement began has, +therefore, been somewhat pushed aside for a while, and the officers of +those institutes declare frankly that they want to return to the +mental problem only after professional psychologists have sufficiently +worked out the specific methods for its mastery. Most counselors seem +to feel instinctively that the core of the whole matter lies in the +psychological examination, but they all agree that for this they must +wait until the psychological laboratories can furnish them with really +reliable means and schemes. Certainly it is very important, for +instance, that boys with weak lungs be kept away from such industrial +vocations as have been shown by the statistics to be dangerous for the +lungs, or that the onrush to vocations be stopped where the statistics +allow it to be foreseen that there will soon be an oversupply of +workers. But, after all, it remains much more decisive for the welfare +of the community, and for the future life happiness of those who leave +the school, that every one turn to those forms of work to which his +psychological traits are adjusted, or at least that he be kept away +from those in which his mental qualities and dispositions would make a +truly successful advance improbable. + +The problem accordingly has been handed over from the vocational +counselors to the experimental psychologists, and it is certainly in +the spirit of the modern tendency toward applied psychology that the +psychological laboratories undertake the investigation and withdraw it +from the dilettantic discussion of amateur psychologists or the mere +impressionism of the school-teachers. Even those early beginnings +indicate clearly that the goal can be reached only through exact, +scientific, experimental research, and that the mere naïve +methods--for instance, the filling-out of questionnaires which may be +quite useful in the first approach--cannot be sufficient for a real, +persistent furtherance of economic life and of the masses who seek +their vocations. In order to gain an analysis of the individual, +Parsons made every applicant answer in writing a long series of +questions which referred to his habits and his emotions, his +inclinations and his expectations, his traits and his experiences. The +psychologist, however, can hardly be in doubt that just the mental +qualities which ought to be most important for the vocational +counselor can scarcely be found out by such methods. We have +emphasized before that the ordinary individual knows very little of +his own mental functions: on the whole, he knows them as little as he +knows the muscles which be uses when he talks or walks. Among his +questions Parsons included such ones as: "Are your manners quiet, +noisy, boisterous, deferential, or self-assertive? Are you thoughtful +of the comfort of others? Do you smile naturally and easily, or is +your face ordinarily expressionless? Are you frank, kindly, cordial, +respectful, courteous in word and actions? Do you look people frankly +in the eye? Are your inflections natural, courteous, modest, musical, +or aggressive, conceited, pessimistic, repellent? What are your powers +of attention, observation, memory, reason, imagination, inventiveness, +thoughtfulness, receptiveness, quickness, analytical power, +constructiveness, breadth, grasp? Can you manage people well? Do you +know a fine picture when you see it? Is your will weak, yielding, +vacillating, or firm, strong, stubborn? Do you like to be with people +and do they like to be with you?"--and so on. It is clear that the +replies to questions of this kind can be of psychological value only +when the questioner knows beforehand the mind of the youth, and can +accordingly judge with what degree of understanding, sincerity, and +ability the circular blanks have been filled out. But as the questions +are put for the very purpose of revealing the personality, the entire +effort tends to move in a circle. + +To break this circle, it indeed becomes necessary to emancipate one's +self from the method of ordinary self-observation and to replace it by +objective experiment in the psychological laboratory. Experimentation +in such a laboratory stands in no contrast to the method of +introspection. A contrast does exist between self-observation and +observation on children or patients or primitive peoples or animals. +In their case the psychologist observes his material from without. But +in the case of the typical laboratory experiment, everything is +ultimately based on self-observation; only we have to do with the +self-observation under exact conditions which the experimenter is able +to control and to vary at will. Even Parsons sometimes turned to +little experimental inquiries in which he simplified some well-known +methods of the laboratory in order to secure with the most elementary +means a certain objective foundation for his mental analysis. For +instance, he sometimes examined the memory by reading to the boys +graded sentences containing from ten to fifty words and having them +repeat what they remembered, or he measured with a watch the rapidity +of reading and writing, or he determined the sensitiveness for the +discrimination of differences by asking them to make a point with a +pencil in the centres of circles of various sizes. But if such +experimental schemes, even of the simplest form, are in question, it +seems a matter of course that the plan ought to be prescribed by real +scientists who specialize in the psychological field. The +psychologist, for instance, surely cannot agree to a method which +measures the memory by such a method of having spoken sentences +repeated and the quality of the memory faculty naïvely graded +according to the results. He knows too well that there are many +different kinds of memory, and would always determine first which type +of memory functions is to be examined if memory achievements are +needed for a particular calling. + +But even with a more exact method of experimenting, such a procedure +would not be sufficient to solve the true problem. A second step would +still be necessary: namely, the adaptation of the experimental result +to the special psychological requirements of the economic activity; +and this again presupposes an independent psychological analysis. Most +of the previous efforts have suffered from the carelessness with which +this second step was ignored, and the special mental requirements were +treated as a matter of course upon which any layman could judge. In +reality they need the most careful psychological analysis, and only if +this is carried out with the means of scientific psychology, can a +study of the abilities of the individual become serviceable to the +demands of the market. Such a psychological disentangling of the +requirements of the callings, in the interest of guidance, is +attempted in the material which the various vocational institutes have +prepared, but it seldom goes beyond commonplaces. We read there, for +instance,[5] for the confectioner: "Boys in this industry must be +clean, quick, and strong. The most important qualities desired are +neatness and adaptability to routine"; or, for the future baker, the +boy "ought to know how to conduct himself and to meet the public"; or +for the future architectural designer, "he must have creative ability, +artistic feeling, and power to sketch"; or for the dressmaker, she +"should have good eyesight and good sense of color, and an ability to +use her hands readily; she should be able to apply herself steadily +and be fairly quick in her movements; neatness of person is also +essential"; or for the stenographer, she must be "possessed of +intelligence, good judgment, and common sense; must have good +eyesight, good hearing, and a good memory; must have quick perception, +and be able to concentrate her attention completely on any matter in +hand." It is evident that all this is extremely far from any +psychological analysis in the terms of science. All taken together, we +may, therefore, say that in the movement for vocational guidance +practically nothing has been done to make modern experimental +psychology serviceable to the new task. But on the one side, it has +shown that this work of the experimental psychologist is the next step +necessary. On the other side, it has become evident that in the +vocation bureaus appropriate social agencies are existing which are +ready to take up the results of such work, and to apply them for the +good of the American youth and of commerce and industry, as soon as +the experimental psychologist has developed the significant methods. + + + + +VI + +SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT + + +Before we discuss some cases of such experimental investigations, we +may glance at that other American movement, the well-known systematic +effort toward scientific management which has often been interpreted +in an expansive literature.[6] Enthusiastic followers have declared it +to be the greatest advance in industry since the introduction of the +mill system and of machinery. Opponents have hastily denounced it as a +mistake, and have insisted that it proved a failure in the factories +in which it has been introduced. A sober examination of the facts soon +demonstrates that the truth lies in the middle. Those followers of +Frederick W. Taylor who have made almost a religion out of his ideas +have certainly often exaggerated the practical applicability of the +new theories, and their actual reforms in the mills have not seldom +shown that the system is still too topheavy; that is, there are too +many higher employees necessary in order to keep the works running on +principles of scientific management. On the other hand, the opposition +which comes from certain quarters,--for instance, from some +trade-unions,--may be disregarded, as it is not directed against the +claim that the efficiency can be heightened, but only against some +social features of the scheme, such as the resulting temporary +reduction of the number of workmen. But nobody can deny that this +revolutionary movement has introduced most valuable suggestions which +the industrial world cannot afford to ignore, and that as soon as +exaggerations are avoided and experience has created a broader +foundation, the principles of the new theory will prove of lasting +value. We shall have to discuss, at a later point, various special +features of the system, especially the highly interesting motion +study. Here we have to deal only with those tendencies of the movement +and with those interests which point toward our present problem, the +mental analysis of the individual employees in order to avoid misfits. + +The approach to this problem, indeed, seems unavoidable for the +students of scientific management, as its goal is an organization of +economic work by which the waste of energy will be avoided and the +greatest increase in the efficiency of the industrial enterprise will +be reached. The recognition that this can never be effected by a mere +excessive driving of the workingmen belongs to its very +presuppositions. The illusory means of prolongation of the +working-time and similar devices by which the situation of the +individual deteriorates would be out of the question; on the contrary, +the heightening of the individual's joy in the work and of the +personal satisfaction in one's total life development belongs among +the most important, indirect agencies of the new scheme. This end is +reached by many characteristic changes in the division of labor; also +by a new division between supervisors and workers, by transformations +of the work itself and of the tools and vehicles. But as a by-product +of these efforts the demand necessarily arose for means by which the +fit individuals could be found for special kinds of labor. The more +scientific management introduced changes, by which the individual +achievement often had to become rather complicated and difficult, the +more it became necessary to study the skill and the endurance and the +intelligence of the individual laborers in order to entrust these new +difficult tasks only to the most appropriate men in the factories and +mills. The problem of individual selection accordingly forced itself +on the new efficiency engineers, and they naturally recognized that +the really essential traits and dispositions were the mental ones. In +the most progressive books of the new movement, this need of +emphasizing the selection of workers with reference to their mental +equipment comes to clear expression. + +Yet this is very far from a real application of scientific psychology +to the problem at hand. Wherever the question of the selection of the +fit men after psychological principles is mentioned in the literature +of this movement, the language becomes vague, and the same men, who +use the newest scientific knowledge whenever physics or mathematics or +physiology or chemistry are involved, make hardly any attempts to +introduce the results of science when psychology is in question. The +clearest insight into the general situation may be found in the most +recent books by Emerson. He says frankly: "It is psychology, not soil +or climate, that enables man to raise five times as many potatoes per +acre as the average in his own state";[7] or: "In selecting human +assistants such superficialities as education, as physical strength, +even antecedent morality, are not as important as the inner attitudes, +proclivities, character, which after all determine the man or +woman."[8] He also fully recognizes the necessity of securing as early +as possible the psychological essentials. He says: "The type for the +great newspaper is set up by linotype operators. Apprenticeship is +rigorously limited. Some operators can never get beyond the 2500-em +class, others with no more personal effort can set 5000 ems. Do the +employers test out applicants for apprenticeship so as to be sure to +secure boys who will develop into the 5000-em class? They do not: they +select applicants for any near reason except the fundamental important +one of innate fitness."[9] But all this points only to the existence +of the problem, and in reality gives not even a hint for its solution. +The theorists of scientific management seem to think that the most +subtle methods are indispensable for physical measurements, but for +psychological inquiry nothing but a kind of intuition is necessary. +Emerson tells how, for instance, "The competent specialist who has +supplemented natural gifts and good judgment by analysis and synthesis +can perceive attitudes and proclivities even in the very young, much +more readily in those semi-matured, and can with almost infallible +certainty point out, not only what work can be undertaken with fair +hope of success, but also what slight modification or addition and +diminution will more than double the personal power."[10] The true +psychological specialists surely ought to decline this flattering +confidence. Far from the "almost infallible certainty," they can +hardly expect even a moderate amount of success in such directions so +long as specific methods have not been elaborated, and so long as no +way has been shown to make experimental measurements by which such +mere guesswork can be replaced by scientific investigation. + +The only modest effort to try a step in this direction toward the +psychological laboratory is recorded by Taylor,[11] who tells of Mr. +S.E. Thompson's work in a bicycle ball factory, where a hundred and +twenty girls were inspecting the balls. They had to place a row of +small polished steel balls on the back of the left hand and while they +were rolled over and over in the crease between two of the fingers +placed together, they were minutely examined in a strong light and the +defective balls were picked out with the aid of a magnet held in the +right hand. The work required the closest attention and concentration. +The girls were working ten and a half hours a day. Mr. Thompson soon +recognized that the quality most needed, beside endurance and +industry, was a quick power of perception accompanied by quick +responsive action. He knew that the psychological laboratory has +developed methods for a very exact measurement of the time needed to +react on an impression with the quickest possible movement; it is +called the reaction time, and is usually measured in thousandths of a +second. He therefore considered it advisable to measure the +reaction-time of the girls, and to eliminate from service all those +who showed a relatively long time between the stimulus and reaction. +This involved laying off many of the most intelligent, hardest-working, +and most trustworthy girls. Yet the effect was the possibility of +shortening the hours and of reducing more and more the number of +workers, with the final outcome that thirty-five girls did the work +formerly done by a hundred and twenty, and that the accuracy of the +work at the higher speed was two thirds greater than at the former +slow speed. This allowed almost a doubling of the wages of the girls +in spite of their shorter working-day, and at the same time a +considerable reduction in the cost of the work for the factory. This +excursion of an efficiency engineer into the psychological laboratory +remained, however; an entirely exceptional case. Moreover, such a +reaction-time measurement did not demand any special development of +new methods or any particular mental analysis, and this exception thus +confirms the rule that the followers of scientific management +principles have recognized the need of psychological inquiries, but +have not done anything worth mentioning to apply the results of really +scientific psychology. Hence the situation is the same as in the field +of vocational guidance. In both cases a vague longing for +psychological analysis and psychological measurement, but in both +cases so far everything has remained on the level of helpless +psychological dilettantism. It stands in striking contrast with the +scientific seriousness with which the economic questions are taken up +in the field of vocational guidance and the physical questions in the +field of scientific management. It is, therefore, evidently the duty +of the experimental psychologists themselves to examine the ground +from the point of view of the psychological laboratory. + + + + +VII + +THE METHODS OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY + + +We now see clearly the psychotechnical problem. We have to analyze +definite economic tasks with reference to the mental qualities which +are necessary or desirable for them, and we have to find methods by +which these mental qualities can be tested. We must, indeed, insist on +it that the interests of commerce and industry can be helped only when +both sides, the vocational demands and the personal function, are +examined with equal scientific thoroughness. One aspect alone is +unsatisfactory. It would of course be possible to confine the +examination to the individual mental traits, and then theoretically to +determine for which economic tasks the presence of these qualities +would be useful and for which tasks their absence or their deficiency +would be fatal. Common sense may be sufficient to lead us a few steps +in that direction. For instance, if we find by psychological +examination that an individual is color-blind for red and green +sensations, we may at once conclude, without any real psychological +analysis of the vocations, that he would be unfit for the railroad +service or the naval service, in which red and green signals are of +importance. We may also decide at once that such a boy would be +useless for all artistic work in which the nuances of colors are of +consequence, or as a laborer in certain departments of a dyeing +establishment, and that such a color-blind girl would not do at a +dressmaker's or in a millinery store. But if we come to the question +whether such a color-blind individual may enter into the business of +gardening, in spite of the inability to distinguish the strawberries +in the bed or the red flowers among the green leaves, the first +necessity, after all, would be to find out how far the particular +demands of this vocation make the ability to discriminate color a +prerequisite, and how far psychical substitutions such as a +recognition of the forms and of differences in the light intensity, +may be sufficient for the practical task. Moreover, where not merely +such mental defects, but more subtly shaded variations within normal +limits are involved, it would be superficial, if only the mental +states were examined and not at the same time the mental requirements +of the vocations themselves. The vocation should rather remain the +starting-point. We must at first find out what demands on the mental +system are made by it and we must grade these demands in order to +recognize the more or less important ones, and, especially for the +important ones, we must then seek exact standards with experimental +methods. + +Such an experimental investigation may proceed according to either of +two different principles. One way is to take the mental process which +is demanded by the industrial work as an undivided whole. In this case +we have to construct experimental conditions under which this total +activity can be performed in a gradual, measurable way. The psychical +part of the vocational work thus becomes schematized, and is simply +rendered experimentally on a reduced scale. The other way is to +resolve the mental process into its components and to test every +single elementary function in its isolated form. In this latter case +the examination has the advantage of having at its disposal all the +familiar methods of experimental psychology, while in the first case +for every special vocational situation perfectly new experimental +tests must be devised. + +Whether the one or the other method is to be preferred must depend +upon the nature of the particular commercial or industrial calling, +and accordingly presupposes a careful analysis of the special +economical processes. It is, indeed, easy to recognize that in certain +industrial activities a series of psychical functions is in question +which all lie side by side and which do not fuse into one united +total process, however much they may influence one another. But for +many industrial tasks just this unity is the essential condition. The +testing of the mental elements would be in such cases as insufficient +as if we were to test a machine with reference to its parts only and +not with reference to its total united performance. Even in this +latter case this unified function does not represent the total +personality: it is always merely a segment of the whole mental life. +We may examine with psychological methods, for instance, the fitness +of an employee for a technical vocation and may test the particular +complex unified combination of attention, imagination and +intelligence, will and memory, which is essential for that special +kind of labor. We may be able to reconstruct the conditions so +completely that we would feel justified in predicting whether the +individual can fulfill that technical task or not; and yet we may +disregard entirely the question whether that man is honest or +dishonest, whether he is pacific or quarrelsome; in short, whether his +mental disposition makes him a desirable member of that industrial +concern under other aspects. + +We best recognize the significance of these various methods by +selecting a few concrete cases as illustrations and analyzing them in +detail. But a word of warning may be given beforehand so as to avoid +misunderstandings. These examples do not stand here as reports of +completed investigations, the results of which ought to be accepted as +conclusive parts of the new psychotechnical science; they are not +presented as if the results were to be recommended like a well-tested +machine for practical purposes. Such really completed investigations +do not as yet exist in this field. All that can be offered is modest +pioneer work, and just these inquiries into the mental qualities and +their relations to the industrial vocations have attracted my +attention only very recently, and therefore certainly still demand +long continuations of the experiments in every direction. But we may +hope for satisfactory results the earlier, the more coöperators are +entering the field, and the more such researches are started in other +places and in other institutions. I therefore offer these early +reports at the first stage of my research merely as stimulations, so +as to demonstrate the possibilities. + +As an illustration of the method of examining the mental process as a +whole, I propose to discuss the case of the motormen in the electric +railways. As an illustration of the other type, namely, of analyzing +the activity and testing the elementary functions, I shall discuss the +case of the employees in the telephone service. I select these two +functions, as both play a practically important rôle in the technique +of modern economic life and as in both occupations very large numbers +of individuals are engaged in the work. + + + + +VIII + +EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF ELECTRIC RAILWAY SERVICE + + +The problem of securing fit motormen for the electric railways was +brought to my attention from without. The accidents which occurred +through the fault, or at least not without the fault, of the motormen +in street railway transportation have always aroused disquietude and +even indignation in the public, and the street railway companies +suffered much from the many payments of indemnity imposed by the court +as they amounted to thirteen per cent of the gross earnings of some +companies. Last winter the American Association for Labor Legislation +called a meeting of vocational specialists to discuss the problem of +these accidents under various aspects. The street railways of various +cities were represented, and economic, physiological, and +psychological specialists took part in the general discussion. Much +attention was given, of course, to the questions of fatigue and to the +statistical results as to the number of accidents and their relation +to the various hours of the day and to the time of labor. But there +was a strong tendency to recognize as still more important than the +mere fatigue, the whole mental constitution of the motormen. The +ability to keep attention constant, to resist distraction by chance +happenings on the street and especially the always needed ability to +foresee the possible movements of the pedestrians and vehicles were +acknowledged as extremely different from man to man. The companies +claimed that there are motormen who practically never have an +accident, because they feel beforehand even what the confused +pedestrian and the unskilled chauffeur will do, while others +relatively often experience accidents of all kinds because they do not +foresee how matters will develop. They can hardly be blamed, as they +were not careless, and yet the accidents did result from their +personal qualities; they simply lacked the gift of instinctive +foresight. All this turned the attention more and more to the +possibilities of psychological analysis, and the Association suggested +that I undertake an inquiry into this interesting problem with the +means of the psychological laboratory. I felt the practical importance +of the problem, considering that there are electric railway companies +in this country which have up to fifty thousand accident indemnity +cases a year. It therefore seemed to me decidedly worth while to +undertake a laboratory investigation. + +It would have been quite possible to treat the functions of the +motormen according to the method which resolves the complex +achievement into its various elements and tests every function +independently. For instance, the stopping of the car as soon as the +danger of an accident threatens is evidently effective only if the +movement controlling the lever is carried out with sufficient +rapidity. We should accordingly be justified in examining the +quickness with which the individual reacts on optical stimuli. If a +playing child suddenly runs across the track of the electric railway, +a difference of a tenth of a second in the reaction-time may decide +his fate. But I may say at once that I did not find characteristic +differences in the rapidity of reaction of those motormen whom the +company had found reliable and those who have frequent accidents. It +seems that the slow individuals do not remain in the service at all. +As a matter of course certain other indispensable single functions, +like sharpness of vision are examined before the entrance into the +service and so they cannot stand as characteristic conditions of good +or bad service among the actual employees. + +For this reason, in the case of the motormen I abstracted from the +study of single elementary functions and turned my attention to that +mental process which after some careful observations seemed to me the +really central one for the problem of accidents. I found this to be a +particular complicated act of attention by which the manifoldness of +objects, the pedestrians, the carriages, and the automobiles, are +continuously observed with reference to their rapidity and direction +in the quickly changing panorama of the street. Moving figures come +from the right and from the left toward and across the track, and are +embedded in a stream of men and vehicles which moves parallel to the +track. In the face of such manifoldness there are men whose impulses +are almost inhibited and who instinctively desire to wait for the +movement of the nearest objects; they would evidently be unfit for the +service, as they would drive the electric car far too slowly. There +are others who, even with the car at high speed, can adjust themselves +for a time to the complex moving situation, but whose attention soon +lapses, and while they are fixating a rather distant carriage, may +overlook a pedestrian who carelessly crosses the track immediately in +front of their car. In short, we have a great variety of mental types +of this characteristic unified activity, which may be understood as a +particular combination of attention and imagination. + +My effort was to transplant this activity of the motormen into +laboratory processes. And here I may include a remark on the +methodology of psychological industrial experiments. One might +naturally think that the experience of a special industrial +undertaking would be best reproduced for the experiment by repeating +the external conditions in a kind of miniature form. That would mean +that we ought to test the motormen of the electric railway by +experiments with small toy models of electric cars placed on the +laboratory table. But this would be decidedly inappropriate. A reduced +copy of an external apparatus may arouse ideas, feelings, and +volitions which have little in common with the processes of actual +life. The presupposition would be that the man to be tested for any +industrial achievement would have to think himself into the miniature +situation, and especially uneducated persons are often very +unsuccessful in such efforts. This can be clearly seen from the +experiences before naval courts, where it is usual to demonstrate +collisions of ships by small ship models on the table in the +courtroom. Experience has frequently shown that helmsmen, who have +found their course a life long among real vessels in the harbor and on +the sea, become entirely confused when they are to demonstrate by the +models the relative positions of the ships. Even in the naval war +schools where the officers play at war with small model ships, a +certain inner readjustment is always necessary for them to bring the +miniature ships on the large table into the tactical game. On the +water, for instance, the navy officer sees the far-distant ships very +much smaller than those near by, while on the naval game table all the +ships look equally large. On the whole, I feel inclined to say from my +experience so far that experiments with small models of the actual +industrial mechanism are hardly appropriate for investigations in the +field of economic psychology. The essential point for the +psychological experiment is not the external similarity of the +apparatus, but exclusively the inner similarity of the mental +attitude. The more the external mechanism with which or on which the +action is carried out becomes schematized, the more the action itself +will appear in its true character. + +In the method of my experiments with the motormen, accordingly, I had +to satisfy only two demands. The method of examination promised to be +valuable if, first, it showed good results with reliable motormen and +bad results with unreliable ones; and secondly, if it vividly aroused +in all the motormen the feeling that the mental function which they +were going through during the experiment had the greatest possible +similarity with their experience on the front platform of the +electric car. These are the true tests of a desirable experimental +method, while it is not necessary that the apparatus be similar to the +electric car or that the external activities in the experiment be +identical with their performance in the service. After several +unsatisfactory efforts, in which I worked with too complicated +instruments, I finally settled on the following arrangement of the +experiment which seems to me to satisfy those two demands. + +The street is represented by a card 9 half-inches broad and 26 +half-inches long. Two heavy lines half an inch apart go lengthwise +through the centre of the card, and accordingly a space of 4 +half-inches remains on either side. The whole card is divided into +small half-inch squares which we consider as the unit. Thus there is +in any cross-section 1 unit between the two central lines and 4 units +on either side. Lengthwise there are 26 units. The 26 squares which +lie between the two heavy central lines are marked with the printed +letters of the alphabet from A to Z. These two heavy central lines are +to represent an electric railway track on a street. On either side the +4 rows of squares are filled in an irregular way with black and red +figures of the three first digits. The digit 1 always represents a +pedestrian who moves just one step, and that means from one unit into +the next; the digit 2 a horse, which moves twice as fast, that is, +which moves 2 units; and the digit 3 an automobile which moves three +times as fast, that is, 3 units. Moreover, the black digits stand for +men, horses, and automobiles which move parallel to the track and +cannot cross the track, and are therefore to be disregarded in looking +out for dangers. The red digits, on the other hand, are the dangerous +ones. They move from either side toward the track. The idea is that +the man to be experimented on is to find as quickly as possible those +points on the track which are threatened by the red figures, that is, +those letters in the 26 track units at which the red figures would +land, if they make the steps which their number indicates. A red digit +3 which is 4 steps from the track is to be disregarded, because it +would not reach the track. A red digit 3 which is only 1 or 2 steps +from the track is also to be disregarded, because it would cross +beyond the track, if it took 3 steps. But a red 3 which is 3 units +from the track, a red 2 which is 2 units from the track, and a red 1 +which is 1 unit from the track would land on the track itself; and the +aim is quickly to find these points. The task is difficult, as the +many black figures divert the attention, and as the red figures too +near or too far are easily confused with those which are just at the +dangerous distance. + +As soon as this principle for the experiment was recognized as +satisfactory, it was necessary to find a technical device by which a +movement over this artificial track could be produced in such a way +that the rapidity could be controlled by the subject of the experiment +and at the same time measured. Again we had to try various forms of +apparatus. Finally we found the following form most satisfactory. +Twelve such cards, each provided with a handle, lie one above another +under a glass plate through which the upper card can be seen. If this +highest card is withdrawn; the second is exposed, and from below +springs press the remaining cards against the glass plate. The glass +plate with the 12 cards below lies in a black wooden box and is +completely covered by a belt 8 inches broad, made of heavy black +velvet. This velvet belt moves over two cylinders at the front and the +rear ends of the apparatus. In the centre of the belt is a window +4-1/2 inches wide and 2-1/2 inches high. If the front cylinder is +turned by a metal crank, the velvet belt passes over the glass plate +and the little window opening moves over the card with its track and +figures. The whole breadth of the card, with its central track and its +4 units on either side, is visible through it over an area of 5 units +in the length direction. If the man to be experimented on turns the +crank with his right hand, the window slips over the whole length of +the card, one part of the card after another becomes visible, and then +he simply has to call the letters of those units in the track at which +the red figures on either side would land, if they took the number of +steps indicated by the digit. At the moment the window has reached Z +on the card, the experimenter withdraws that card and the next becomes +visible, as a second window in the belt appears at the lower end when +the first disappears at the upper end. In this way the subject can +turn his crank uninterruptedly until he has gone through the 12 cards. +The experimenter notes down the numbers of the cards and the letters +which the subject calls. Besides this, the number of seconds required +for the whole experiment, from the beginning of the first card to the +end of the twelfth, is measured with a stopwatch. This time is, of +course, dependent upon the rapidity with which the crank is turned. +The result of the experiment is accordingly expressed by three +figures, the number of seconds, the number of omissions, that is, of +places at which red figures would land on the track which were not +noticed by the subject; and, thirdly, the number of incorrect places +where letters were called in spite of the fact, that no danger +existed. In using the results, we may disregard this third figure and +give our attention to the speed and the number of omissions. + +The necessary condition for carrying out the experiments with this +apparatus is a careful, quiet, practical explanation of the device. +The experiment must not under any circumstances be started until the +subject completely understands what he has to do and for what he has +to look out. For this purpose I at first always show the man one card +outside of the apparatus and explain to him the differences between +the black and the red figures, and the counting of the steps, and show +to him in a number of cases how some red figures do not reach the +track, how others go beyond the track, and how some just land in +danger on the track. As soon as he has completely understood the +principle, we turn to the apparatus and he moves the window slowly +over a test card, and tries to find the dangerous spots, and I turn +his attention to every case in which he has omitted one or has given +an incorrect letter. We repeat this slowly until he completely masters +the rules of the game. Only then is he allowed to start the +experiment. I have never found a man with whom this preparation takes +more than a few minutes. + +After developing this method in the psychological laboratory, I +turned to the study of men actually in the service of a great electric +railway company which supported my endeavors in the most cordial +spirit. In accordance with my request, the company furnished me with a +number of the best motormen in its service, men who for twenty years +and more had performed their duties practically without accidents, +and, on the other hand, with a large number of motormen who had only +just escaped dismissal and whose record was characterized by many more +or less important collisions or other accidents. Finally, we had men +whose activity as motormen was neither especially good nor especially +bad. + +The test of the method lies first in the fact that the tried motormen +agreed that they really pass through the experiment with the feeling +which they have on their car. The necessity of looking out in both +directions, right and left, for possible obstacles, of distinguishing +those which move toward the track from the many which move along the +track, the quick discrimination among the various rates of rapidity, +the steady forward movement of the observation point, the constant +temptation to give attention to those which are still too far away or +to those which are so near that they will cross the track before the +approach of the car, in short, the whole complex situation with its +demands on attention, imagination, and quick adjustment, soon brings +them into an attitude which they themselves feel as identical with +that in practical life. On the other hand, the results show a +far-reaching correspondence between efficiency in the experiment and +efficiency in the actual service. With a relatively small number of +experiments this correspondence cannot be expected to be complete, the +more as a large number of secondary features must enter which +interfere with an exact correlation between experiment and standing in +the railway company. We must consider, for instance, that those men +whom the company naturally selects as models are men who have had +twenty to thirty years of service without accidents, but consequently +they are rather old men, who no longer have the elasticity of youth +and are naturally less able to think themselves into an artificial +situation like that of such an experiment, and who have been for a +long time removed from contact with book work. It is therefore not +surprising, but only to be expected, that such older, model men, while +doing fair work in the test, are yet not seldom far surpassed by +bright, quick, young motormen who are twenty years younger, even +though they are not yet ideal motormen. Moreover, the standing in the +company often depends upon features which have nothing to do with the +mental make-up of the man, while the experiment has to be confined to +these mental conditions which favor accidents. It is quite possible +that a man may happen to experience a slight collision, even though no +conditions for the accident were lying in his mental make-up. But we +may go still further. The experiment refers to those sides of his mind +which make him able to foresee the danger points, and that is +decidedly the most essential factor and the one from which most can be +hoped for the safety of the public. But this does not exclude the +possibility that some other mental traits may become causes of +accidents. The man may be too daring and may like to run risks, or he +may still need discipline, or he may not be sufficiently acquainted +with the local conditions. Any such secondary factors may cause some +slight accidents with the man who shows rather fair results in the +experimental test of his foresight. Finally, we must not forget that +some men enter into such tests under a certain nervous tension and +therefore may not show so well at the very first test as their mental +equipment should allow. Hence it is decidedly desirable not to rely on +the first test, but to repeat it. If those various interferences are +taken into account, the correspondence between efficiency and the +results of the tests is fairly satisfactory. It justified me in +proposing that the experiments be continued and in regarding it as +quite possible that later tests on the basis of this principle may be +introduced at the employment of motormen. + +A difficulty is presented by the valuation of the numerical results. +The mere number of omissions alone cannot be decisive, as it is clear +that no intelligent man would make any omissions if he should give an +unlimited amount of time to it; for instance, if he were to spend +fifteen minutes on those 12 cards. But this is the same thing as to +say that a motorman would not run over any one if he were to drive his +car one mile in an hour. The practical problem is to combine the +greatest possible speed with the smallest number of oversights and +both factors must therefore be considered. The subject who makes +relatively many mistakes but uses a very short time must be +acknowledged to be as good as the man who makes fewer mistakes but +takes a longer time. In the results which I have gathered in +experiments with motormen, no one has gone through those 12 cards in a +shorter time than 140 seconds, while the longest time was 427 seconds. +On the other hand, no one of the motormen made less than 4 omissions, +while the worst ones made 28 omissions. I abstract from one extreme +case with 36 omissions. On the whole, we may say that the time +fluctuates between 180 and 420, the mistakes between 4 and 28. The aim +is to find a formula which gives full value to both factors and makes +the material directly comparable in the form of one numerical value +instead of the two. If we were simply to add the number of seconds and +the number of omissions, the omissions would count far too little, +inasmuch as 10 additional omissions would then mean no more than 10 +additional seconds. On the other hand, if we were to multiply the two +figures the omissions would mean by far too much, as the transition +from 4 mistakes to 8 mistakes would then be as great a change as the +transition from 200 to 400 seconds, that is, from the one extreme of +time to the other. Evidently we balance both factors if we multiply +the number of omissions by 10 and add them to the number of seconds. +The variations between 4 and 28 omissions are 24 steps, which +multiplied by 10 correspond to the 240 steps which lie between 180 and +420 seconds. On that basis any additional 50 seconds would be equal to +5 additional omissions. If of two men one takes 100 seconds less than +his neighbor, he is equal to him in his ability to satisfy the demands +of the service, if he makes 10 mistakes more. + +On the basis of this calculation I find that the old, well-trained +motormen come to a result of about 450, and I should consider that an +average standard. This would mean that a man who uses 400 seconds +would not be allowed to make more than 5 omissions, in 350 seconds not +more than 10, in 300 not more than 15, in 250 not more than 20, under +the condition that these are the results of the first set of +experiments. Where there are more than 20 omissions made, mere +quickness ought not to be allowed as a substitute. The man who takes +150 seconds and makes 30 mistakes would come up to the same standard +level of 450. Yet his characteristics would probably not serve the +interests of the service. He would speed up his car and would make +better time than any one else, but would be liable to accidents. I +should consider 20 mistakes with a time not longer than 250 as the +permissible maximum. Among the younger motormen whom I examined, the +best result was 290, in which 270 seconds were used and only 2 +omissions made. Results below 350 may be considered as very good. One +man, for instance, carried out the experiment in 237 seconds with 11 +mistakes, which gives the result 347. From 350 to 450 may be counted +as fair, 450 to 550 as mediocre, and over 550 as very poor. In the +case of old men, who may be expected to adjust themselves less easily +to artificial experiments, the limits may be shifted. If the +experiments are made repeatedly, the valuation of the results must be +changed accordingly. The training of the men in literary and +mathematical work or in experimentation may be considered, as our +experiments have shown that highly educated young people with long +training in experimental observations can pass through the test much +more quickly than any one of the motormen could. Among the most +advanced graduate students who do research work in my Harvard +laboratory there was no one whose result was more than 275, while, as +I said, among all the motormen there was no one whose result was less +than 290. The best result reached was by a student who passed through +the test in 223 seconds with only 1 mistake, the total therefore being +233. Next came a student who did it in 215 seconds with 3 mistakes, +total, 245; then in 228 seconds with 2 omissions, total, 248, and so +on. + +I recapitulate: With men on the educational level and at the age that +comes in question for their first appointment in the service of an +electric railway company, the test proposed ought to be applied +according to this scheme. If they make more than 20 mistakes, they +ought to be excluded; if they make less than 20 mistakes, the number +of omissions is to be multiplied by 10 and added to the number of +seconds. If the sum is less than 350, their mental fitness for the +avoidance of accidents is very high, between 350 and 450 fair, and +more than 550 not acceptable under any conditions. I submit this, +however, with the emphasis on my previous statement that the +investigation is still in its first stage, and that it will need a +long coöperation between science and industry in order to determine +the desirable modifications and special conditions which may become +necessary in making the employment of men partly dependent upon such +psychological tests. There can be no doubt that the experiments could +be improved in many directions. But even in this first, not adequately +tested, form, an experimental investigation of this kind which demands +from each individual hardly 10 minutes would be sufficient to exclude +perhaps one fourth of those who are nowadays accepted into the service +as motormen. This 25 per cent of the applicants do not deserve any +blame. In many other occupations they might render excellent service; +they are neither careless nor reckless, and they do not act against +instructions, but their psychical mechanism makes them unfit for that +particular combination of attention and imagination which ought to be +demanded for the special task of the motorman. If the many thousands +of injury and the many hundreds of death cases could be reduced by +such a test at least to a half, then the conditions of transportation +would have been improved more than by any alterations in the technical +apparatus, which usually are the only objects of interest in the +discussion of specialists. The whole world of industry will have to +learn the great lesson, that of the three great factors, material, +machine, and man, the man is not the least, but the most important. + + + + +IX + +EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF SHIP SERVICE + + +Where the avoidance of accidents is in question, the test of a special +experimental method can seldom be made dependent upon a comparison +with practical results, as we do not want to wait until the candidate +has brought human life into danger. The ordinary way of reaching the +goal must therefore be an indirect one in such cases. For the study of +motormen the conditions are exceptionally favorable, as hundreds of +thousands of accidents occur every year, but another practical example +may be chosen from a field where it is, indeed, impossible to +correlate the results with actual misfortunes, because the dangerous +situations occur seldom; and nevertheless on account of their +importance they demand most serious study. I refer to the ship +service, where the officer on the bridge may bring thousands into +danger by one single slip of his mind. I turn to this as a further +concrete illustration in order to characterize at once the lengths to +which such vocational studies may advance. + +One of the largest ship companies had approached me--long before the +disaster of the Titanic occurred--with the question whether it would +not be possible to find psychological methods for the elimination of +such ship officers as would not be able to face an unexpected suddenly +occurring complication. The director of the company wrote to me that +in his experience the real danger for the great ships lies in the +mental dispositions of the officers. They all know exactly what is to +be done in every situation, but there are too many who do not react in +the appropriate way when an unexpected combination of factors suddenly +confronts them, such as the quick approach of a ship in the fog. He +claimed that two different types ought to be excluded. There are ship +officers who know the requirements excellently, but who are almost +paralyzed when the dangerous conditions suddenly threaten. Their +ability for action is inhibited. In one moment they want to act under +the stimulus of one impression, but before the impulse is realized, +some other perhaps rather indifferent impression forces itself on +their minds and suggests the counteraction, and in this way they +vacillate and remain inactive until it is too late to give the right +order or to press the right button. The other type feels only the +necessity for rapid action, and under the pressure of greatest haste, +without clear thought, they jump to the first decision which rushes +to their minds. Without carefully considering the conditions really +given, they explode in an action which they would never have chosen in +a state of quiet deliberation. They react on any accidental +circumstance, just as at a fire men sometimes carry out and save the +most useless parts of their belongings. Of course, beside these two +types, there is the third type, the desirable one, the men who in the +unexpected situation quickly review the totality of the factors in +their relative importance and with almost instinctive certainty +immediately come to the same decision to which they would have arrived +after quiet thought. The director of the company insisted that it +would be of highest importance for the ship service to discriminate +these three types of human beings, and to make sure that there stand +on the bridge of the ship only men who do not belong to those two +dangerous classes. He turned to me with this request, as he had heard +of the work toward economic psychology in the Harvard laboratory. + +As the problem interested me, I carried on a long series of +experiments in order to construct artificial conditions under which +the mental process of decision in a complicated situation, especially +the rapidity, correctness, and constancy of the decision, could be +made measurable. I started from the conviction that this complex act +of decision must stand in definite relation to a number of simpler +mental functions. If, for instance, it stood in a clear definite +relation to the process of association, or discrimination, or +suggestibility, or perception, or memory, and so on, it would be +rather easy to foresee the behavior of the individual in the act of +decision, as every one of those other simple mental functions could be +tested by routine methods of the psychological laboratory. This +consideration led me to propose ramified investigations concerning the +psychology of decision in its relation to the elementary mental +processes. These studies by students of the laboratory are not yet +completed. But I soon saw that they would be unfit for the solution of +my practical problem, as we recognized that these relations between +the complex act of decision and the elementary functions of the +individual seem to have different form with different types of +men.[12] If I was to approach the solution of the practical problem, +accordingly, I had to reproduce in an experimental form the act of +decision under complex conditions. + +It seemed necessary to create a situation in which a number of +quantitatively measurable factors were combined without any one of +them forcing itself to consciousness as the most important. The +subject to be experimented on then has to decide as quickly as +possible which of the factors is the relatively strongest one. As +usual, here, too, I began with rather complicated material and only +slowly did I simplify the apparatus until it finally took an entirely +inconspicuous form. But this is surely the most desirable outcome for +testing methods which are to be applied to large numbers of persons. +Complicated instruments, for the handling of which special training is +needed, are never so useful for practical purposes as the simple +schemes which can be easily applied. The form of which I finally made +use is the following. I work with 24 cards of the size of +playing-cards. On the upper half of every one of these cards we have 4 +rows of 12 capital letters, namely, A, E, O, and U in irregular +repetition. On 4 cards, one of these vowels appears 21 times and each +of the three others 9 times; on 8 cards, one appears 18 times and +every one of the three others 10 times; on 8 cards, one appears 15 +times and each of the others 11 times; and finally, on 4 cards one +vowel appears 16 times, each of the three others 8 times, and besides +them 8 different consonants are mixed in. The person to be tested has +to distribute these 24 cards as quickly as possible in 4 piles, in +such a way that in the first pile are placed all cards in which the +letter A is most frequent, in the second those in which the letter E +predominates, and so on. As a matter of course the result must never +be secured by counting the letters. Any attempt to act against this +prescription and secretly to begin counting would moreover delay the +decision so long that the final result would be an unsatisfactory +achievement anyhow. It would accordingly bring no advantage to the +candidate. + +We measure with a stopwatch in fifths of a second the time for the +whole process from the subject's looking at the first card to his +laying down of the last card, and, secondly, we record the number and +the character of his mistakes, if cards are put into wrong piles. I +have made the experiment with very many persons, and results show that +those various mental traits which have been observed in the practical +ship service come clearly to light under the conditions of this +experiment. Some of the persons lose their heads entirely, and for +many of them it is a painful activity for which they require a long +time. Even if the number of mistakes is not considerable, they +themselves have the feeling that they are not coming to a satisfactory +decision, because their attention is pulled hither and thither so that +they feel an inner mental paralysis. Some chance letters stand out and +appear to them to be predominant, but in the next moment the attention +is captured by some other letters which bring the suggestion that +they are in the majority and that they present the most important +factor. The outcome is that inner state of indecision which can become +so fatal in practical life. Other subjects distribute the cards in +piles at a relatively high speed, and they do it with the subjective +feeling that they have indeed recognized at the first glance the +predominant group of letters. The exact measurement of the results, +however, shows that they commit many errors which would have been +improbable after quiet consideration. Any small group of letters which +catches their eye makes on them, under the pressure of their haste, +such a strong impression that all the other letters are inhibited for +the moment and the wrong decision is quickly made. Finally, we find a +group of persons who carry out the experiment rather quickly and at +the same time with few mistakes. It is characteristic of them to pass +through it with the feeling that it is an agreeable and stimulating +mental activity. In all cases the subjects feel themselves under the +unified impression which results from all those 48 letters of the card +together; and this is the reason why the qualitative manifoldness of a +practical life situation can be compared with these intermingled, +quantitatively determined groups of letters. + +If I consider the general results of these experiments only with +reference to the time-measurement, I should say that a person who +completes the distribution of the cards in less than 80 seconds is +quick in his decisions; from 80 to 150, moderately quick; from 150 to +250, slow and deliberate and rather too deliberate for situations +which demand quick action; over 250 seconds, he would belong among +those wavering persons who hesitate too long in a life situation which +demands decision. The time which is needed for the mere distribution +of the cards themselves plays a very small rôle compared with the time +of the whole process, and can be neglected. In order to determine +this, I asked all the subjects before they made the real experiment to +distribute 24 other cards in 4 piles, on each of which one of the four +letters, A, E, O, and U was printed only once. Hence no comparison of +various factors was involved in this form of distribution. The average +time for this ordinary sorting was about 20 seconds. Only rather quick +individuals carried it out in less than 18 and only very slow ones +needed more than 25 seconds. This maximum variation of 10 seconds is +evidently insignificant, as the variations in the experiment amount to +more than 200 seconds. But it is very characteristic that the results +of the two experiments do not move parallel. Some persons, who are +able to sort the cards on which only one of the 4 letters is printed +very quickly, are rather slow when they sort the cards with the 48 +letters for which the essential factor is the act of comparison. In +the first case the training in card-playing also seems to have a +certain influence, but in the second case, our real experiment on +decision, this influence does not seem to exist. + +We have emphasized from the start that it is no less important to give +consideration to the number of mistakes. A mere rapidity of +distribution with many mistakes characterizes, as we saw, a mental +system which is just as unfit for practical purposes as one which acts +with too great slowness. But it would not have been sufficient simply +to ask how many cards were put into wrong piles. The special +arrangement of the cards with four different types of combinations was +introduced for the purpose of discriminating among mistakes of unequal +seriousness. When one letter appeared 21 times and the three others +only 9 times, it was surely much easier to make the decision than when +the predominant letter appeared only 15 times and the other three each +11 times. The easier the right decision, the graver the mistake. Of +course the valuation of these mistakes must be rather arbitrary. We +decided to value as 4 every mistake in these cards on which the +predominant letter appears 21 times; as 3, a mistake in the 18 letter +cards; as 2, a mistake in the 16 letter cards; and as 1, a mistake in +the most difficult ones, the 15 letter cards. If the mistakes are +calculated on this basis and are added together, a sum below 5 may +indicate a very safe and perfectly reliable ability for decision; 5 to +12, satisfactory; 12 to 20, uncertain; and over 20, very poor. In +order to take account of both factors, time and mistakes, we multiply +the sum of the calculated mistakes by the number of seconds. If the +product of these two figures is less than 400, it may be taken as a +sign of perfect reliability in making very quick, correct decisions, +in complex life situations; 400 to 1000 indicates the limits between +which the ability for such decisions may be considered as normal and +very satisfactory; 1000 to 2000, not good but still adequate; 2000 to +3000, unreliable, and over 3000, practically absent. It is clear that +the real proof of the value of this method cannot be offered. This is +just the reason why we selected this illustration as an example of the +particular difficulty. Wrong decisions, that is, cases in which the +man on the bridge waits too long before he makes his decision and thus +causes a collision of ships by his delay, or in which he rushes +blindly to a decision which he himself would have condemned after +quiet deliberation, are rare. It would be impossible to group such +men together for the purpose of the experiment and to compare their +results with those of model captains, the more as experience has shown +that an officer may have a stainless record for many years and yet may +finally make a wrong decision which shows his faulty disposition. The +test of the method must therefore be a somewhat indirect one. My aim +was to compare the results of the experiments with the experiences of +the various individuals which they themselves reported concerning +their decisions in unexpected complicated situations, and moreover +with the judgments of their friends whom I asked to describe what they +would expect from the subjects under such conditions. The personal +differences in these respects are extremely great, and are also +evident in the midst of small groups of persons who may have great +similarity in their education and training and in many other aspects +of their lives. + +Among the most advanced students of my research laboratory, for +instance, all of whom have rather similar schooling and practically +the same training in experimental work, the product of mistakes and +seconds varied between 348 and 13,335. That smallest value occurred in +a case in which the time was 116 seconds and the sum of the mistakes +only 3, inasmuch as 3 cards of the most difficult group where the +predominating letter occurred only 15 times were put in the wrong +piles. The shortest time among my laboratory students was 58 seconds, +but with this individual the sum of the mistakes, calculated on the +basis of the valuation agreed upon, was 13. The largest figure +mentioned resulted in a case in which the student needed 381 seconds +and yet made mistakes the sum of which amounted to 35. It is +characteristic that the person with the smallest product felt a +distinct joy in the experiment, while the one with the largest passed +through painful minutes which put him to real organic discomfort. If +we arrange the men simply in the order of these products, of course we +cannot recognize the various groups, as those who are quick but make +mistakes and those who make few mistakes but act slowly may be +represented by the same products. The coincidence of the results with +the self-characterization is frequently quite surprising. Every one +has at some time come into unexpected, suddenly arising situations and +many have received in such moments a very vivid impression of their +own mental reaction. They know quite well that they could not come to +a decision quickly enough, or that they rushed hastily to a wrong +decision, or that in just such instants a feeling of repose and +security came over them and that with sure instinct they turned in +the direction which they would have chosen after mature thought. The +results of the experiments in sorting the cards confirmed this +self-observation in such frequent cases that it may indeed be hoped +that a more extended test of this method will prove its practical +usefulness. It is clear that the field is a wide one, as these +different types of mental dispositions must be of consequence not only +in the ship service, but also to a certain degree in the railroad +service and in many other industrial tasks. + +We have emphasized from the start that as a matter of course such a +tested function, while it is taken in its complex unity, is +nevertheless not the only psychophysical disposition of significance. +This is as true for the ship officer as it was for the motorman of the +electric car. If we were to study all the mental dispositions +necessary or desirable for the ship officer, we should find many other +qualities which are accessible to the psychological investigation. The +captain of the ship, for instance, is expected to recognize the +direction of a vessel passing in the fog by the signals of the +foghorn. But so far no one has given any attention to the +psychological conditions of localization of sound, which were for a +long while a much-studied problem of our psychological laboratories. +We know how this localization is dependent upon the comparison of the +two ears and what particular mistakes occur from the different +sensibility of the two ears. Yet there are to-day men on the bridges +of the ships who hear much better with one ear than with the other, +but who still naïvely believe that, as they hear everything very +distinctly with one ear, this normal ear is also sufficient for +recognizing the direction of the sound. It is the same mistake which +we frequently see among laborers whose vision has become defective in +one of their eyes, or one of whose eyes is temporarily bandaged. They +are convinced that the one good eye is sufficient for their industrial +task, because they are able to recognize everything clearly and +distinctly. They do not know that both the eyes together are necessary +in order to produce that psychological combination by which the visual +impression is projected into the right distance, and that in the +factory they are always in danger of underestimating the distance of a +wheel or some other part of the machine and of letting the hand slip +between the wheels or knives. The results of experimental psychology +will have to be introduced systematically into the study of the +fitness of the personality from the lowest to the highest technical +activity and from the simplest sensory function to the most complex +mental achievement. + + + + +X + +EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF TELEPHONE SERVICE + + +Our plan was to illustrate the possibility of applying psychological +experiments to the selection of fit applicants also in cases in which +not one characteristic mental function stands out, but in which a +large number of relatively independent mental activities are in play. +I choose as an illustration of such cases the work of the employees at +the telephone switchboard. A study of the psychological factors in +this work is strongly suggested by the practical interests of the +telephone companies, and may be looked on here exclusively from this +point of view. The user of the telephone is little inclined to +consider how many actions have to be carried out in the central office +before the connection is made and finally broken again. From the +moment when the speaker takes off the receiver to the cutting off of +the connection, fourteen separate psychophysical processes are +necessary in the typical case, and even then it is presupposed that +the telephone girl understood the exchange and number correctly. It is +a common experience of the companies that these demands cannot be +satisfactorily fulfilled when a telephone girl has to handle more than +225 calls in an hour. The official statistics show that this figure is +exceeded in not infrequent cases,[13] in extreme cases the number may +even rise beyond 300. Moreover, in short periods of reinforced demands +it may happen that for a few minutes even the rapidity of 10 calls in +a minute is reached. Normally the burden is divided among the +employees in such a way that about 150 calls fall to each one in an +hour, and that this figure is passed considerably only in one morning +and one evening hour. A skillful distribution of pauses and ample +arrangements for rest, usually together with very excellent hygienic +conditions, make it possible for the fit persons to be able to carry +on this work without over-fatigue from 8 to 9 hours a day. On the +other hand, it is only natural that such rapid and yet subtle activity +under such high tension, where especially the quick localization of +the correct hole is a difficult and yet indispensable part, can be +carried out only by a relatively small number of human nervous +systems. The inability to keep attention at such a high point for a +long while, or to perform such rapid movements, or to retain the +numbers correctly, does not lead to fatal accidents like those in the +case of the unfit motormen, but it does lead to fatigue and finally to +a nervous breakdown of the employees and to confusion in the service. +The result is that the company is continually obliged to dismiss a +considerable proportion of those who have entered the service and who +have spent some months in going through the training school of the +company. As one single company, the Bell Telephone Company, employs +16,000 operators, the problem is an expansive one, and it has bearing +on the health of the employees as well as on the patience of the +subscribers. But above all it refers to the economic interests of the +company, inasmuch as every girl who satisfies the entrance conditions +of hearing and sight, of school education and general personal +appearance, receives some salary throughout the months of training in +the telephone school. Since during the first half-year, in which the +employee still works entirely under supervision, more than a third of +those who had originally entered leave, partly on account of +unfitness, and inability, partly on account of over-fatigue or similar +reasons, the economic disadvantage to the company is evidently a very +great one. The candidates are paid for months of mere training, and +they themselves waste their energy and time with practice in a kind of +labor which cannot be serviceable to them in any other economic +activity. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that one +city system approached me with the question whether it would not +interest me from a scientific point of view to examine how far the +mental fitness of the employees could be determined beforehand through +experimental means. + +After carefully observing the service in the central office for a +while, I came to the conviction that it would not be appropriate here +to reproduce the activity at the switchboard in the experiment, but +that it would be more desirable to resolve that whole function into +its elements and to undertake the experimental test of a whole series +of elementary mental dispositions. Every one of these mental acts can +then be examined according to well-known laboratory methods without +giving to the experiments any direct relation to the characteristic +telephone operation as such. I carried on the first series of +experiments with about thirty young women who a short time before had +entered into the telephone training school, where they are admitted +only at the age between seventeen and twenty-three years. I examined +them with reference to eight different psychophysical functions. In +saying this, I abstract from all those measurements and tests which +had somewhat anthropometric character, such as the measurement of the +length of the fingers, the rapidity of breathing, the rapidity of +pulse, the acuity of vision and of hearing, the distinctness of the +pronunciation, and so on. A part of the psychological tests were +carried on in individual examinations, but the greater part with the +whole class together. + +These common tests referred to memory, attention, intelligence, +exactitude, and rapidity. I may characterize the experiments in a few +words. The memory examination consisted of reading to the whole class +at first two numbers of 4 digits, then two of 5 digits, then two of 6 +digits, and so on up to figures of 12 digits, and demanding that they +be written down as soon as a signal was given. The experiments on +attention, which in this case of the telephone operators seemed to me +especially significant, made use of a method the principle of which +has frequently been applied in the experimental psychology of +individual differences and which I adjusted to our special needs. The +requirement is to cross out a particular letter in a connected text. +Every one of the thirty women in the classroom received the same first +page of a newspaper of that morning. I emphasize that it was a new +paper, as the newness of the content was to secure the desired +distraction of the attention. As soon as the signal was given, each +one of the girls had to cross out with a pencil every "a" in the text +for six minutes. After a certain time, a bell signal was given and +each then had to begin a new column. In this way we could find out, +first, how many letters were correctly crossed out in those six +minutes, secondly, how many letters were overlooked, and, thirdly, how +the recognition and the oversight were distributed in the various +parts of the text. In every one of these three directions strong +individual differences were indeed noticeable. Some persons crossed +out many, but also overlooked many, others overlooked hardly any of +the "a's," but proceeded very slowly so that the total number of the +crossed-out letters was small. Moreover, it was found that some at +first do poor work, but soon reach a point at which their attention +remains on a high level; others begin with a relatively high +achievement, but after a short time their attention flags, and the +number of crossed-out letters becomes smaller or the number of +unnoticed, overlooked letters increases. Fluctuations of attention, +deficiencies, and strong points can be discovered in much detail. + +The third test which was tried with the whole class referred to the +intelligence of the individuals. Discussion of the question how to +test intelligence in general would quickly lead us into as yet +unsettled controversies. It is a chapter of the psychology of tests +which, especially in the service of pedagogy but to a certain degree +also in the service of medicine, has been more carefully elaborated +than any other. Often it has been contested whether we have any right +to speak of one general central intelligence factor, and whether this +apparently unified activity ought not to be resolved into a series of +mere elementary processes. The newer pedagogical investigations, +however, speak in favor of the view that besides all special +processes, or rather, above all of them, an ability must be recognized +which cannot be divided any further, and by which the individual +adjusts his knowledge, his experiences, and his dispositions to the +changing purposes of life. The grading of the pupils in a class +usually expresses this differentiation of the intelligence; and while +the differences of industry or of mere memory and similar secondary +features may sometimes interfere, it remains after all not difficult +for an observant teacher to grade the pupils of his class, whom he +knows well, according to their general intelligence. The psychological +experiments carried on in the schoolroom have demonstrated that this +ability can be tested by the measurement of some very simple mental +activities. The best method would be the one which would allow the +experimenter, on the basis of a single experiment, to grade the +individuals in the same order in which they appear in the record of +the teacher. Among the various proposed schemes for this purpose the +figures suggest that the most reliable one is the following method, +the results of which show the highest agreement between the rank order +based on the experiments and the rank order of the teachers.[14] The +experiment consists in reading to the pupils a long series of pairs of +words of which the two members of the pair always logically belong +together. Later, one word of each pair will be read to them and they +have to write down the word which belonged with it in the pair. This +is not a simple experiment on memory. The tests have shown that if +instead of logically connected words simply disconnected chance words +are offered and reproduced, no one can keep such a long series of +pairs in mind, while with the words which have related meaning, the +most intelligent pupils can master the whole series. The very +favorable results which this method had yielded in the classroom made +me decide to try it in this case too. I chose for an experiment 24 +pairs of words from the sphere of experience of the girls to be +tested. Two further class experiments belonged rather to the periphery +of psychology. The exactitude of space-perception was measured by +demanding that each divide first the long and then the short edge of a +folio sheet into two equal halves by a pencil mark. And finally, to +measure the rapidity of movement, it was demanded that every one make +with a pencil on the paper zigzag movements of a particular size +during the ten seconds from one signal to another. + +After these class experiments I turned to individual tests. First, +every girl had to sort a pack of 48 cards into 4 piles as quickly as +possible. The time was measured in fifths of a second. The following +experiment which referred to the accuracy of movement impulses +demanded that every one try to reach with the point of a pencil 3 +different points on the table in the rhythm of metronome beats. On +each of these three places a sheet of paper was fixed with a fine +cross in the middle. The pencil should hit the crossing point, and the +marks on the paper indicated how far the movement had fallen short of +the goal. One of these movements demanded the full extension of the +arm and the other two had to be made with half-bent arm. I introduced +this last test because the hitting of the right holes in the +switchboard of the telephone office is of great importance. The last +individual experiment was an association test. I called six words like +"book," "house," "rain," and had them speak the first word which came +to their minds. The time was measured in fifths of a second only, as +subtler experiments, for which hundredths of a second would have to +be considered, were not needed. + +In studying the results so far as the memory experiments were +concerned, we found that it would be useless to consider the figures +with more than 10 digits. We took the results only of those with 8,9, +and 10 digits. There were 54 possibilities of mistakes. The smallest +number of actual mistakes was 2, the largest, 29. In the experiment on +attention made with the crossing-out of letters, we found that the +smallest number of correctly marked letters was 107, the largest +number in the six minutes, 272; the smallest number of overlooked +letters was 2, the largest, 135; but this last case of abnormal +carelessness stood quite isolated. On the whole, the number of +overlooked letters fluctuated between 5 and 60. If both results, those +of the crossed-out and those of the overlooked letters, are brought +into relation, we find that the best results were a case of 236 +letters marked, with only 2 overlooked, and one of 257 marked, with 4 +overlooked. The very interesting details as to the various types of +attention which we see in the distribution of mistakes over the six +minutes were not taken into our final table. The word experiments by +which we tested the intelligence showed that no one was able to +reproduce more than 22 of the 24 words. The smallest number of words +remembered was 7. The mistakes in the perception of distances +fluctuated between 1 and 14 millimeters; the time for the sorting of +the 48 cards, between, 35 and 58 seconds; the association-time for the +6 associated words taken together was between 9 and 21 seconds. The +pointing experiments could not be made use of in this first series, as +it was found that quite a number of participants were unable to +perform the act with the rapidity demanded. + +Several ways were open to make mathematical use of these results. I +preferred the simplest way. I calculated the grade of the girls for +each of these achievements. The same candidate who stood in the 7th +place in the memory experiment was in the 15th place with reference to +the number of letters marked, in the 3rd place with reference to the +letters overlooked, in the 21st place with reference to the number of +word pairs which she had grasped, in the 11th place with reference to +the exactitude of space-perception, in the 16th place with reference +to the association-time, and in the 6th place with reference to the +time of sorting. As soon as we had all these independent grades, we +calculated the average and in this way ultimately gained a common +order of grading. It is evident that this kind of calculation contains +accidental factors, especially as a consequence of the fact that we +give equal value to every one of these results. It might be better, +for instance, to attribute a higher value to the attention experiment +or to the intelligence experiment. This could be done by multiplying +the results of some of these grades by 2 or by 3, which would bring +the high or low grade of a girl for a particular function to stronger +influence in the final result. But in this first trial I contented +myself with the simplest uniform scheme in order to exclude all +arbitrariness, and therefore considered the mere average of all the +grades as the expression of the experimental result. + +With this average rank list, we compared the practical results of the +telephone company after three months had passed. These three months +had been sufficient to secure at least a certain discrimination +between the best, the average, and the unfit. The result of this +comparison was on the whole satisfactory. First, the skeptical +telephone company had mixed with the class a number of women who had +been in the service for a long while and had even been selected as +teachers in the telephone school. I did not know, in figuring out the +results, which of the participants in the experiments these +particularly gifted outsiders were. If the psychological experiments +had brought the result that these individuals who stood so high in +the estimation of the telephone company ranked low in the laboratory +experiment, it would have reflected strongly on the reliability of the +laboratory method. The results showed, on the contrary, that these +women who had proved most able in practical service stood at the top +of our list. Correspondingly, those who stood the lowest in our +psychological rank list had in the mean time been found unfit in +practical service and had either left the company of their own accord +or else had been eliminated. The agreement, to be sure, was not a +perfect one. One of the list of women stood rather low in the +psychological list, while the office reported that so far she had done +fair work in the service, and two others to whom the psychological +laboratory gave a good testimonial were considered by the telephone +office as only fair. + +But it is evident that certain disagreements would have occurred even +with a more ideal method, as on the one side no final achievement in +practical service can be given after only three months, and because on +the other side a large number of secondary factors may enter which +entirely overshadow the mere question of psychophysical fitness. Poor +health, for instance, may hinder even the most fit individual from +doing satisfactory work, and extreme industry and energetic will may +for a while lead even the unfit to fair achievement, which, to be +sure, is likely to be coupled with a dangerous exhaustion. The slight +disagreements between the psychological results and the practical +valuation, therefore, do not in the least speak against the +significance of such a method. On the other hand, I emphasize that +this first series meant only the beginning of the investigation, and +it can hardly be expected that at such a first approach the best and +most suitable methods would at once be hit upon. A continuation of the +work will surely lead to much better combinations of test experiments +and to better adjusted schemes. But it would be most desirable that +such studies be undertaken at various places according to various +schemes in order to come nearer to the solution of a problem which is +economically important to the whole public and to many thousands of +employees. As soon as methods are really perfected it would seem not +at all impossible that by a short experiment of a few minutes +thousands of applicants might be saved long months of study and +training which are completely wasted. For us here the detailed +analysis of this particular case did not mean a suggestion to use +to-day in the telephone offices of the country the special scheme +which we applied, but it stood only as a clear, simple illustration +of a method by which not the specific work itself is tested, but by +which the industrial work of the individual is resolved into a long +series of parallel functions each one of which is tested +independently. The experimental aid which the laboratory has to supply +in such cases is not a newly invented device, such as we needed in the +case of the motormen, but simply the methods well known as so-called +mental tests. + +The experiments with such tests by which single mental functions are +measured approximately in short quick examinations, has been much +discussed in psychological circles. For a long while the thorough +scholars remained very reluctant to accept such an apparently +superficial scheme, when these tests were proposed especially for the +pedagogical interests of the schoolroom. It was a time in which the +scientific efforts were completely devoted to the general problems of +the human mind and in which individual differences were very little +considered. Moreover, the questions of applied psychology still seemed +so far distant that the true scholar instinctively took his standards +from the methods of purely theoretical research. Seen from such a +point of view, it could not be denied that the tests were not +sufficient to give us a complete scientific analysis of the +personality in its subtler structure. The theorists knew too well that +if the reactions, or associations, or memories, or tendencies of +attention, or emotions of a subject were measured really with that +scientific thoroughness which is the ideal of research, long months of +experiments would be needed, and little could be hoped for from tests +to be performed in half an hour. But this somewhat haughty reserve +which was quite justified twenty years ago has become obsolete and +would be meaningless to-day. On the one side the methods themselves +have been multiplied; for each mental act like memory, attention, and +so on, dozens of well-studied tests are at our disposal, which are +adjusted to the finest ramifications of the functions.[15] On the +other side the interest in individual differences and in applied +psychology has steadily grown, and through it an understanding for the +real meaning of the tests has been gained. Their value, indeed, lies +exclusively in their relation to the practical problems. Where +theoretical questions are to be answered and scientific studies +concerning the laws and variations of the mind are to be undertaken, +the long series of laboratory experiments carried on with patience and +devotion are indispensable and can never be replaced by the short-cut +methods of the tests. But where practical tasks of pedagogy or +jurisprudence or medicine, or especially of commerce and industry, are +before us, the method of tests ought to be sovereign. It can be +adapted to the special situations and can succeed perfectly, if the +task is to discover the outlines of the mental individuality for +particular practical work. + +The only real difficulty of the method lies in the ease with which it +can be used. A device which presupposes complicated instruments deters +the layman and will be used only by those who are well trained. +Moreover, the amateur would not think of constructing and adapting +such apparatus himself. But when nothing is necessary but to use words +or numbers or syllables or pictures, or, as in those experiments which +we just described, newspapers and so on, any one feels justified in +applying the scheme or in replacing it by a new apparently better one +according to his caprice. The manifoldness of the proposed tests for +special functions, is therefore enormous to-day. What is needed now is +surely much more that order be brought into this chaos of +propositions, and that definite norms and standards be secured for +certain chief examinations, than that the number of variations simply +be increased. + +The chief danger, moreover, lies in the fact that those who are not +accustomed to psychological laboratory research are easily misled. +They fancy that such an experiment can be carried out in a mere +mechanical way without careful study of all the conditions and +accompanying circumstances. Thereby a certain crudeness of procedure +may enter which is not at all suggested by the test method itself. The +psychological layman too seldom recognizes how many other psychical +functions may play a rôle in the result of the experiment beside the +one which is interesting him at that moment. The well-schooled +laboratory worker almost automatically gives consideration to all such +secondary circumstances. While his experiments may refer to the +process of memory, he will yet at the same time carefully consider the +particular situation as to the emotional setting of the subject, as to +his attention, as to his preceding experience, as to his intelligence, +as to his physiological condition, and many other factors which may +have indirect influence even on the simplest memory test. Hence the +real performance of the experiments ought to be undertaken only by +those who are thoroughly familiar and well trained in psychological +research. And they alone, moreover, can decide what particular form +such an experiment ought to take in a given practical situation. It +must be left to them, for instance, to judge in which cases the mental +function of economic importance ought to be tested after being +resolved into its components and in which it ought to be examined in +its characteristic unity. + + + + +XI + +CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MEN OF AFFAIRS + + +While the psychologists have to perform the actual labor, the +representatives of practical life are much better able to indicate the +points at which the psychological levers ought to be applied. In the +past year I have sought contact with several hundred large concerns in +America which belong to many different industrial realms. My time did +not allow me personal observation in so many cases, but everywhere I +begged for information from the leading men. I asked in individual +letters for the particular psychological qualities which from the +standpoint of the management seemed essential for the various kinds of +labor in their establishments. I always inquired to what extent +consideration was given to such psychological points of view at the +appointment of applicants, and asked for material concerning the +question how far individuals who proved to be unfit for one kind of +labor showed fitness at other kinds of work. The replies which I +received from all sides varied from a few meaningless lines to long +documents, which in some cases were composed of detailed reports from +all the department chiefs of a particular concern. The common +fundamental turn was decidedly a feeling of strong interest in the +formulation of the question, which was practically new to all of them. +Whether the answer came from paper mills or machine shops, from +meat-packing houses or from breweries, from electrical or chemical +mills, from railroad or mining companies, from department stores or +from publishing houses, everywhere it was acknowledged that they had +given hardly any conscious attention to the real psychological +dispositions of their employees. They had of course noticed whether +their men were industrious or lazy, honest or dishonest, skillful or +clumsy, peaceful or quarrelsome people, but I had emphasized from the +start in all my letters that such points of view were not before my +mind. The mental qualities for which I asked were the psychological +functions of attention, memory, ideas, imagination, feeling, volition, +suggestibility, ability to learn, ability to discriminate, judgment, +space-sense, time-sense, and so on. It would lead too far here to +discuss why these two groups of characteristics indeed belong to two +different aspects of mental life, and why only the latter is strictly +psychological. The way in which the management is accustomed to look +on their men is the practical way of ordinary life, in which we try to +understand our neighbor by entering into the meaning of his mental +functions and by seeking to grasp what his aim is. But such an +interpretation of the other man's mind is not a psychological +analysis. It gives us the purposes of his inner life, but does not +show us its structure and its component parts. We can abstract from +interpreting and appreciating in order to describe the elements of the +mind which in themselves have no meaning and no value, but which are +the only important factors, if we are to determine psychologically +what we may expect from the individual. + +While the replies to my letters showed that hardly any attention had +so far been given to such problems of objective psychology in the +industrial concerns, it became evident that the managers felt +distinctly that here a problem was touched which must be of highest +importance for economic success. From many different sides willingness +was shown to study the problem of employment under the psychological +aspect. As my material came mostly from very large establishments in +which labor of very many different kinds is carried on side by side, +of course I frequently received the assurance that whenever an +industrious energetic man is unsuccessful in one kind of work, a trial +is made with him in another department, and that by such shifting the +right place can often be found for him. Young people, to whom, in +spite of long trial and the best will, it seems impossible to supply +certain automatic machines, become excellent workers at much more +difficult labor in the same establishment. Women who are apparently +careless and inattentive when they have to distribute their attention +over a number of operations do high-class work when they are engaged +in a single activity; and in other cases the opposite is reported. + +I may mention a few concrete chance illustrations. In a pencil factory +the women in one department have to grasp with one movement a dozen +pencils, no more and no less. Some learn this at once without effort, +and they earn high wages; others never can learn it in spite of +repeated trials. If those who fail in this department are transferred, +for instance, to the department where the gold-leaf is most carefully +to be applied to the pencils before stamping, very often they show +great fitness in spite of the extreme exactitude needed for this work. +To show how often activities which appear extremely similar may demand +different individuals, if the work is based on different psychical +functions, I may refer to a report from one of the largest +establishments in the country. In the accounting department a large +number of girls are occupied with looking over hundreds of thousands +of slips from which the weekly pay-list is compiled. Each slip +contains six figures and small groups of twenty slips have to be +looked through to see whether those six figures on each correspond. +With moistened forefinger they turn up the slips one by one in much +the same manner that a bank clerk counts money. A good sorter will +turn up the slips so rapidly that a bystander is unable to read a +single figure, and yet she will not overlook an error in thousands of +slips. After the slips are sorted, the operation of obtaining the +totals on each order number is performed with the aid of an adding +machine. The machine operator rolls up the slips of the pile with the +thumb of her left hand and transfers the amount to the proper keys of +the machine. It has been found that the most rapid and accurate girls +at sorting are not seldom useless on the machines. They press the +wrong, keys and make errors in copying the total from the machine +indicators to the file-card. On the other hand, some of the best +machine operators are very slow and inaccurate at the sorting table. +Girls have been found very poor at the work at which they were first +set, and very successful and efficient as soon as they had been +transferred from the one to the other. + +Examples of this kind might be heaped up without end. But while the +very large establishments demonstrate by such reports only that they +can find somewhere a fit place for every able workingman if they take +enough trouble to seek for it, after all the essential element of the +reports remains, that successful achievement depends upon personal +mental traits which cannot be acquired by mere good will and training. +In view of this fact it is much more important that by far the +majority of establishments have not such a great manifoldness of +activities under one roof. The workingman who is a failure in the work +which he undertook would usually have no opportunity to show his +strong sides in the same factory, or at least to be protected against +the consequences of his weak points. If his achievement is deficient +in quality or quantity, he generally loses his place and makes a new +trial in another factory under the same accidental conditions, without +any deeper insight into his particular psychical traits and their +relation to special industrial activities. But even in the large +concerns, in which many kinds of labor are needed side by side, it is +not the rule but a rare exception when the individual is +systematically shifted to the psychologically correct place. A whole +combination of conditions is necessary for that. If his mental +unfitness makes him unsuccessful in one place, the position for which +he is fit must happen to be vacant. Moreover, he himself must like +that other kind of work, and above all the foreman must recognize his +particular fitness. In a few model factories in which the apprentice +system is developed in the spirit of advanced sociological ideas, for +instance, in the Lynn factory of the General Electric Company, such +systematic efforts are being carried on and show fair results. But the +regulation plan seems to be a haphazard lack of plan, and even the +best endeavors probably fall short of what may be attained by the +introduction of scientific psychological methods. So far in most +factories the laborer who is not doing well simply loses his position, +and by such an unfortunate experience he is not mentally enriched but +impoverished, as he has lost much of his self-confidence and of his +joy in labor. + +If this limitless waste of human material, this pitiable crushing of +joy in the day's work, and this crippling of the economic output is at +last to be reduced, indeed nothing is more needed than a careful +scrutiny of the various psychophysical functions involved in the work. +A mere classification of the industrial occupations according to the +classes of manufactured objects would be of no value for this need, as +often a small industrial concern may embrace occupations which, are +based on many different psychophysical functions. A harvester consists +of two hundred and fifty different parts, and almost every one of +these parts demands a long series of manufacturing, processes. +Thousands of different kinds of labor are thus combined in one factory +and each process demands for the best work particular psychophysical +traits, even though many of them can be carried out by quite unskilled +laborers. In a large manufacturing establishment the manager assured +me only recently that more than half a million different acts have to +be performed in order to complete the goods of that factory. On the +other hand, it evidently is proper to form larger groups in which +processes are brought together which are similar with reference to the +mental activity needed, while they may be dissimilar from the +standpoint of industrial technique. + +This analysis of the special processes can be furthered best by the +coöperation of the experienced men of industry. Many of the replies +which I received contained quite elaborated contributions to such a +study of various industrial processes from a psychological point of +view. They sometimes covered the ground from the simplest activity to +the subtlest and most difficult economic tasks, and this, not only +with reference to the functions of the laborer, but also even with +reference to the function of the industrial manager. The outsider can +see these psychological requirements of the particular occupation only +in crude outlines. The subtler nuances of differences between tasks +can be gained only by an intimate knowledge of the industry. Again I +may give an illustration. In the case of a well-known typesetting +machine, thousand of which are in daily use, I had the impression that +the rapidity of the performance was dependent upon the quickness of +the finger reaction. The managers, on the other hand, have found that +the most essential condition for speed in the whole work is the +ability to retain a large number of words in memory before they are +set. The man who presses the keys rather slowly advances more rapidly +than another who moves his fingers quickly, but must make many pauses +in order to find his place in the manuscript and to provide himself +with new words. + +The factors which are to be brought into correlation are, accordingly, +first, the actual experiences of the managers, secondly, the +observations of skilled psychologists in the industrial concerns, +thirdly, psychological and experimental investigations with successful +and unsuccessful laborers, and, fourthly, experimental studies of the +normal variability. If such a programme is to be realized in detail, +it will be necessary to discriminate carefully, between those mental +traits of the personality which must be accredited to a lasting +inherited disposition and such as have been developed under the +influences of the surroundings, by education and training, by bad or +good stimuli from the community. While those acquired traits may have +become relatively lasting dispositions, their transformation is, after +all, possible, and the limits in which changes may be expected will +have to be found out by exact studies. Individual psychological +rhythm, attention and emotion, memory and will energy, disposition to +fatigue and to restoration, imagination, suggestibility and +initiative, and many other features will have to be examined in their +relation to the special economic aims. + +Too much emphasis cannot be laid on another function as well, the +experimental testing of which has only recently been started. I refer +to the difference in the individual ability of men to profit from +training. If we test an individual at a certain point in his life with +regard to a variable ability, our result must be dependent upon three +factors, the original disposition for the performance, the original +disposition for the advance by training, and the training itself +actually passed through up to that moment. A small amount of +antecedent training for the particular task together with a high +ability to profit from repetition may be a better reason for the +appointment of a man than a long training with small ability to profit +from schooling, in spite of the fact that his actual achievement at +this time may be in the first case smaller than in the second. He will +do less at first, but he promises to outrank the other man after a +period of further training. Special experiments must be carried on and +have been actually started to determine this plasticity of the +psychophysical apparatus as an independent inborn trait of the +individual.[16] + +This invasion of psychology into the field of economic activities is +still so little advanced that the thought of a real distribution of +the wage-earners among the various commercial and industrial positions +on the basis of psychological tests would lead far beyond the present +possibilities. Moreover, many factors would interfere with its being +carried out consistently, even if a much higher stage of experimental +research were reached. The thousands of social and local reasons which +influence the choice of a vocation to-day would to a certain degree +remain in force also in a period of better psychological analysis. +Moreover, the personal inclinations and interests naturally would and +ought to remain the mainspring of economic action. This inclination, +which gives so much of the joy in labor, is by no means necessarily +coincident with those psychophysical dispositions which insure the +most successful work. Political economists have found this out +repeatedly from their statistical inquiries. Very careful studies of +the textile industry in Germany carried out in recent years[17] +yielded the result that the intelligent, highly trained textile +laborer often dislikes his work the more, the more he shows ability +for it, this ability being measured by the wages the individuals earn +at piecework. The wage and the emotional attitude were not seldom +inversely related. Those who were able to produce by far more than +others and accordingly earned the most were sometimes the very ones +who hated the work, while the less skillful workers earned less but +enjoyed the work more. The consulting economic psychologist will, +therefore at first reasonably confine himself to warning the misfits +at an early time. Even within these limits his service can be useful +to both parties, the employers and the employees. He will only slowly +reach the stage at which this negative warning may be supplemented by +positive suggestions, as to the commercial industrial activities for +which the psychophysical dispositions promise particular success. + +A real assumption of responsibility for success of course cannot be +risked by the psychologist, inasmuch as the man who may be fitted for +a task by his mental working dispositions may nevertheless destroy his +chances for success by secondary personal traits. He may be dishonest, +or dissipated, or a drinker, or a fighter, or physically ill. Finally, +we ought not to forget that all such efforts to adjust to one another +the psychological traits and the requirements of the work can never +have reference to the extreme variations of human traits. The +exceptionally talented man knows anyhow where he belongs, and the +exceptionally untalented one will be excluded anyhow. The +psychological aid in the selection of the fit refers only to the +remaining four fifths of mankind for whom the chances of success can +indeed be increased as soon as the psychological personal equation is +systematically and with scientific exactitude brought into the +calculation of the life development. How far a part of this effort +will have to be undertaken by the school is a social problem which +must be considered from various points of view. Its discussion would +lead us beyond the limits of our present inquiry, but it seems +probable that the real psychological laboratory experiment in the +service of vocational guidance does not belong in the schoolroom +itself, but ought to be left to special municipal institutions. + + + + +XII + +INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS + + +One point here must not be overlooked. The effort to discover the +personal structure of the individual in the interest of his vocational +chance does not always necessarily involve a direct analysis of his +individuality, as material of some value can be gained indirectly. +Such indirect knowledge of a man's mental traits may be secured first +of all through referring the man to the groups to which he belongs and +inquiring into the characteristic traits of those groups. The +psychology of human variations gives not only an account of the +differences from person to person, but studies no less the psychical +inequalities of the races, of the nations, of the ages, of the +professions, and so on. If an economic activity demands a combination +of mental traits, we may take it for granted that an individual will +be fit for the work as soon as we find out that he belongs to a group +in which these required mental traits habitually occur. Such a +judgment based on group psychology can of course be no more than a +mere approach to a solution of the problem, as the psychical qualities +may vary strongly in the midst of the group. The special individual +may happen to stand at the extreme limit of the group, and the traits +which are usually characteristic of it may be very little developed or +entirely lacking in his special case. We may know that the inhabitants +of a special country are rather alert, and yet the particular +individual with whom we have to deal may be clumsy and phlegmatic. The +interests of economy will, therefore, be served by such considerations +of group psychology only if the employment, not of a single person, +but of a large number, is in question, as it is most probable that the +average character will show itself in a sufficient degree as soon as +many members of the group are involved. + +Even in this case the presupposition ought to be that the average +characteristics found out with scientific exactitude by statistical +and experimental methods, and not that they are simply deduced from +superficial impressions. I have found that just this race +psychological diagnosis is frequently made in factories with great +superficiality. Some of the American industrial centres offer +extremely favorable conditions for the comparative study of +nationality. I have visited many manufacturing establishments in which +almost all workers are immigrants from foreign countries and in which +up to twenty different nationalities are represented. The employment +officers there easily develop some psychological theories on the +basis of which they are convinced that they are selecting the men with +especial skill, knowing for each in which department he will be most +successful. They consider it settled that for a particular kind of +activity the Italians are the best, and for another, the Irish, and +for a third, the Hungarians, and for a fourth, the Russian Jews. But +as soon as these factory secrets have been revealed, you may be +surprised to find that in the next factory a decidedly different +classification of the wage-earners is in force. In a gigantic +manufacturing concern, I received the definite information that the +Swedish laborers are preferable wherever a steady eye is needed, and +in another large factory on the same street I was assured that just +the Swedes are unfit for such work. Sometimes this diversity of +opinion is the result of different points of view. In one factory in +which a certain industrial operation is rather dangerous, they told me +that they took no southern Europeans, especially no Italians and +Greeks, because they are too hasty and careless in their movements, +while they gladly filled the places with Irishmen. In a quite similar +factory, on the other hand, they had a prejudice against the Irishmen +alone for this work, because the Irish laborers are too willing to run +a risk and to expose themselves to danger. Probably both +psychological observations are on the whole correct, but in the first +factory only the one and in the second factory only the other was +recognized. Much more thorough statistical inquiries than those which +as yet exist, especially as to the actual differences of wages and +piecework for wage-earners of various nationalities, would have to +furnish a basis for such race psychological statements, until the time +arrives when the psychological experiment comes to its own. + +In a similar way so far we have to rely on general theories of group +psychology when the psychological differences of the sexes are to be +reckoned with in economic interests. So long as laboratory methods for +individual tests are not usual, the mental analysis of the general +groups of men and women must form the background for industrial +decisions. To be sure, it is not difficult to emphasize certain mental +traits as characteristic of women in general in contrast to men in +general, and to relate them to certain fundamental tendencies of their +psychophysical organism. As soon as this is done, it is easy +theoretically to deduce that certain industrial functions are +excellently adapted to the minds of women and that certain others +stand in striking antagonism to them. If the employment of large +numbers is in question, and average values alone are involved, such a +decision on the basis of group psychology may be adequate. In most +factories this vague sex psychology, to be sure, usually with a strong +admixture of wage questions, suggests for which machines men and for +which women ought to be employed. But here again it is not at all +improbable that in the case of a particular woman the traditional +group value may be entirely misleading and the personality accordingly +unfit for the place. Only the subtle psychological individual analysis +can overcome the superficial prejudices of group psychology. The +situation lies differently when problems of economic policy are before +us. Such general policies as, for instance, colonial politics, or +immigration politics, or politics concerned with city and rural +communities, or with coast and mountain population, will always have +to be based on group psychology as far as the economic problems are +involved, inasmuch as they refer to the average and not to the +individual, differences. + +Finally, another indirect scheme to determine the personal qualities +needed for economic efficiency may be suggested by the psychology of +the typical correlations of human traits. We have seen that group +psychology proclaims that a certain individual probably has certain +traits because he belongs to this or that nation or to this or that +otherwise well-known group. Correlation psychology proclaims that a +particular individual possesses or does not possess certain traits +because he shows or does not show some other definite qualities. A +correlation, for instance, which the commercial world often +presupposes, may exist between individual traits and the handwriting. +Graphologists are convinced that a certain loop or flourish, or the +steepness or the length of the letters, or the position of the _i_ +dot, is a definite indication that the writer possesses certain +qualities of personality; and if just these qualities are essential +requirements for the position, the impression of the handwriting in a +letter may be taken as a sufficient basis for appointment. The +scientist has reason to look upon this particular case of +graphological correlation with distrust. Yet even he may acknowledge +that certain correlations exist between the neatness, carefulness, +uniformity energy, and similar features of the letter, and the general +carefulness, steadiness, neatness, and energy of the personality. + +However, the laboratory psychologists nowadays have gone far beyond +such superficial claims for correlations of symptoms. With +experimental and statistical methods they have gathered ample material +which demonstrates the exact degree of probability with which we have +a right to expect that certain qualities will occur together. +Theoretically we may take it for granted that those traits which are +always present together or absent together ultimately have a common +mental root. Yet practically they appear as two independent traits, +and therefore it remains important to know that, if we can find one of +them, we may be sure that the other will exist there too. Inasmuch as +the one of the two traits may be easily detected, while the other may +be hidden and can be found out only by long careful tests, it would be +valuable, indeed, for the employment manager to become acquainted with +such correlations as the psychologist may discover: as soon as he +becomes aware of the superficially noticeable symptom, he can foresee +that the other disposition is most probably present. To give an +illustration: in the interest of such measurements of correlations we +have studied in the Harvard laboratory the various characteristics of +attention and their mutual dependence.[18] We found that typical +connections exist between apparently independent features of +attention. Persons who have a rather expansive span of attention for +acoustical impressions have also a wide span for the visual objects. +Persons whose attention is vivid and quick have on the whole the +expansive type of attention, while those who attend slowly have a +narrow field of attention, and so on. Hence the manifestation of one +feature of attention allows us to presuppose without further tests +that certain other features may be expected in the particular +individual. + +The problem of attention, indeed, seems to stand quite in the centre +of the field of industrial efficiency. This conviction has grown upon +me in my observation of industrial life. The peculiar kind of +attention decides more than any mental trait for which economic +activity the individual is adapted. The essential point is that such +differences of attention cannot be characterized as good or bad; it is +not a question of the attentive and of the inattentive mind. One type +is not better than another, but is simply different. Two workingmen, +not only equally industrious and capable, but also equally attentive, +may yet occupy two positions in which they are both complete failures +because their attention does not fit the places, and both may become +highly efficient as soon as they exchange positions. Their particular +types of attention have now found the right places. The one may be +disposed to a strong concentration by which everything is inhibited +which lies on the mental periphery, the other may have the talent for +distributing his attention over a large field, while he is unable to +hold it for a long while at one point. If the one industrial activity +demands the attentive observation of one little lever or one wheel at +one point, while the other demands that half a dozen large machines be +simultaneously supervised, all that is necessary is to find the man +with the right type of attention for each place. It would be utterly +arbitrary to claim that the expansive type of attention is +economically more or less valuable than the concentrated type. Both in +English and in German we have a long popular series of pamphlets with +descriptions of the requirements and conditions for the various +occupations to which a boy or a girl may turn, but I have nowhere +found any reference to the most essential mental functions such as the +particular kind of attention or memory or will. These pamphlets are +always cut after the same pattern. Where the detail refers at all to +the mental side, it points only to particular knowledge which may be +learned in school or trade or work, or to abilities which may be +developed by training. But the individual differences which are set by +the particular conditions and dispositions of the mind are neglected +with surprising uniformity in the vocational literature of all +countries. The time seems ripe for at last filling this blank in the +consciousness of the nation and in the institutions of the land. + + + + +PART II + +THE BEST POSSIBLE WORK + + + + +XIII + +LEARNING AND TRAINING + + +We have placed our psychotechnical interest at the service of economic +tasks. We therefore had to start from the various economic purposes +and had to look backward, asking what ways might lead to these goals. +All our studies so far were in this sense subordinated to the one task +which ought to be the primary one in the economic world, and yet which +has been most ignored. The purpose before us was to find for every +economic occupation the best-fitted personality, both in the interest +of economic success and in the interest of personal development. +Individual traits under this point of view become for us the decisive +psychological factors, and experimental psychology had to show us a +method to determine those personal differences and their relation to +the demands for industrial efficiency. This first goal may be reached +with all the means of science, as we hope it will be in the future, or +everything may be left to unscientific, haphazard methods as in the +past: in any case a second task stands before the community, namely, +the securing of the best possible work from every man in his place. +Indeed, the nation cannot delay the solution of this second problem +until the first has been solved in a satisfactory way. We might even +say that the answer to the second question is the more important, the +less satisfactory the answer to the first is. If every place in the +economic world were filled only by those who are perfectly adapted by +their mental traits, it would be much less difficult to get efficient +work from everyone. The fact that so many misfits are at work makes it +such an urgent necessity to find ways and means by which the +efficiency can be heightened. + +It must be acknowledged, however, that the problem of the best work is +not quite such a clear one as that of the best man. From various +standpoints a different answer may be given to the question which kind +of work is the best. A capitalistic, profit-seeking egotism may +consider the quickest performance, or, if differences of quality are +involved, the most skillful performance, the only desirable end. The +social reformers, on the other hand, may consider the best work that +which combines the greatest and best possible output with the highest +possible saving of the organism and the fullest development of the +personality. We have emphasized from the start that the practical +psychologist as such has not the right to give a decision upon +problems of social civilization. He has to accept the economic tasks +from the community for which he is working and his impartial service +commences only when the goals have been determined. It is not his +share to select the ends, but simply to determine the means after the +valuable ends have been chosen. As a psychological scientist he has +not the right to enter into the arena of different social party +fights. Yet we find after all a broad region which seems rather +untouched by any conflict of reasonable opinions. A reckless +capitalism on the one side and a feeble sentimentality on the other +side may try to widen or to narrow the boundaries of this region, but +taken all together, a vigorous healthy nation which is eagerly devoted +to its work is on the whole in agreement as to the essential economic +demands for efficient labor. + +Experience, to be sure, shows that great changes in the conditions of +work can never enter into the history of civilization without certain +disturbances, and that opposition must therefore necessarily arise in +certain groups even against such changes as are undoubtedly +improvements and advances from the point of view of the whole nation. +Such dissatisfaction arose when the factory system was introduced, and +it is only natural that some irritation should accompany the +introduction of psychological improvements in the methods of work, +inasmuch as not a few wage-earners may at first have to lose their +places because a small number of men will under the improved +conditions be sufficient for the performance of tasks which needed +many before. But the history of economics has clearly shown that from +the point of view of the whole community such an apparent disturbance +has always been only temporary. If the psychologists succeed in +fundamentally improving the conditions of labor, the increased +efficiency of the individual will promote such an enriched and +vivified economic life that ultimately an increase in the number of +laborers needed will result. The inquiry into the possible +psychological contributions to the question of reinforced achievement +must not be deterred by the superficial objection that in one or +another industrial concern a dismissal of wage-earners might at first +result. Psychotechnics does not stand in the service of a party, but +exclusively in the service of civilization. + +To begin at the beginning, we may start from the commonplace that +every form of economic labor in the workshop and in the factory, in +the field and in the mine, in the store and in the office, must first +be learned. How far do the experiments of the psychologist offer +suggestions for securing the most economic method of learning +practical activities? Bodily actions in the service of economic work +are taught and learned in hundreds of thousands of places. It is +evident that one method of teaching must reach the goal more quickly +and more reliably than another. Some methods of teaching must +therefore be economically more advantageous, and yet on the whole the +methods of teaching muscular work are essentially left to chance. It +is indeed not difficult to observe how factory workers or artisans +have learned the same complex motion according to entirely different +methods. The result is that they carry out the various partial +movements in a different order, or with different auxiliary motions, +or in different positions, or in a different rhythm, or with different +emphasis, simply because they imitate different teachers, and because +no norm, no certainty as to the best methods for the teaching, has +been determined. But the process of learning is still more fluctuating +and still more dependent upon chance than the process of teaching. The +apprentice approaches the instruction, in any chance way, and the +beginner usually learns even the first steps with a psychophysical +attitude which is left to accident. An immense waste of energy and a +quite anti-economic training in unfit movements is the necessary +result. + +The learning of the elements of school knowledge in the classroom in +earlier times proceeded after exactly such chance methods. Any one who +knew how to read, write, and calculate felt himself prepared to pour +reading, writing, and arithmetic into the unprotected children. +Methods which are based on scientific examination of the +psychophysical process of reading and writing were not at the disposal +of the schools, and exact results from comparative studies of +pedagogical methods had not been secured. The last few decades have +created an entirely new foundation for enlightened school work. The +experimental investigations of pedagogical psychology have determined +exactly how the consciousness of the child reacts on the various +methods of teaching and have built up a real systematic economic +learning. All which was left to dilettantic caprice has been +transformed into more or less definite standard forms. For instance, +the old scheme of teaching reading by the alphabet method is +practically eliminated from our modern schools. It is clear that this +learning of the names of the single letters as a starting-point for +the reading of words was not only a wasting of time and energy, but an +actual disturbance in the development of the reading process in the +older generation. As those names of the letters do not occur at all in +the words to be read, but only their sounds, what had been learned in +seeing the single letters had to be inhibited in pronouncing the whole +word. It seems not too much to say that the learning of industrial +activities on the whole still stands on the level of such alphabet +methods, and this cannot be otherwise, as the real problem, namely, +the systematic investigation of the psychophysical activities +involved, has never been brought into the psychological laboratory. + +The pedagogical experiment has shown clearly enough that the +subjective feeling of easier or quicker learning may be entirely +unreliable and misleading. If the task is to learn a page by heart, we +may proceed after many different methods. We may learn very small +fractions of the text, repeating only a few words, or we may read +whole paragraphs every time; we may repeat the whole material again +and again, or we may put in long periods of rest after a few +repetitions; we may frequently recite it from memory and have some one +to prompt us; we may give our attention especially to the meaning of +the words, or merely to the sounds, or we may introduce any number of +similar variations. Now the careful experiment shows that of two such +methods one which appears to us the better and more appropriate in +learning, perhaps even as the easier and more comfortable, may prove +itself the less efficient one in the practical result. The psychology +of learning, which won its success by introducing meaningless +syllables as experimental material, has slowly determined the most +reliable methods for impressing knowledge on memory. Where such +results have once been secured, it would surely be a grave mistake +simply to stick to the methods of so-called common sense and to leave +it to the caprice of the individual teacher to decide what method of +learning he will suggest to his pupils. The best method is always the +only one which should be considered. The psychology of economic work +must aim toward similar goals. We must secure a definite knowledge as +to the methods by which a group of movements can best be learned. We +must understand what value is to be attached to the repetitions and to +the pauses, to the imitations and to the special combinations of +movements, to the exercise in parts of the movements, to the rhythm of +the work, and to many similar influences which may shape the learning +process. + +The simplest aspect, that of the mere repetition of the movement, has +frequently been examined by psychophysicists. The real founder of +experimental psychology, Fechner, showed the way; he performed +fatiguing experiments with lifted dumb-bells. Then came the time in +which the laboratories began to make a record of the muscular +activities with the help of the ergograph, an instrument with which +the movements of the arm and the fingers can easily be registered on +the smoked surface of a revolving drum. The subtlest variations of the +activity, the increase and decrease of the psychomotor impulse, the +mental fatigue, can be traced exactly in such graphic records. This +psychomotor side of the process, and not the mere muscle activity as +such, is indeed the essential factor which should interest us. The +results of exercise are a training of the central apparatus of the +brain and not of the muscular periphery. The further development of +those experiments soon led to complex questions, which referred not +only to the mere change in the motor efficiency, but to the learning +of particular groups of movements and to the influences on the +exactitude and reliability of the movements. The purely mental factors +of the will-impulse, especially the consciousness of the task, came +into the foreground. These experiences of the scientists concerning +the influences of training, the mechanization of repetition, and the +automatization of movements have been thoroughly discussed by a +brilliant political economist[19] as an explanation of certain +industrial facts, but they have not yet practically influenced life in +the factory. + +The nearest approach from the experimental side to the study of the +effect of training in actual industrial tasks may be found in certain +laboratory investigations which refer to the learning of telegraphing, +typewriting, and so on. For instance, we have a careful study[20] of +the progress made in learning telegraphy, both as to the transmitting +of the telegrams by the key movement and the receiving of the +telegrams by the ear. It was found that the rapidity of transmitting +increases more rapidly and more uniformly than the rapidity of +receiving. But while the curve of the latter rises more slowly and +more irregularly, it finally reaches the greater height. The ability +in transmitting, represented by a graphic record, shows an ascent +which corresponds to the typical, steady curve of training. In the +receiving curve, on the other hand, we find not far from the beginning +a characteristic period during which no progress whatever can be +noticed, and this is also repeated at a later stage. The psychological +analysis shows that the increase of ability in the receiving of +telegrams depends upon the development of a complex system of +psychophysical habits. The periods in which the curve does not ascend +represent stages of training in which the elementary habits are +almost completely formed, but have not become sufficiently automatic. +The attention is therefore not yet ready to start habits of a higher +order. The lowest correlation refers to the single letters, after that +to the syllables and words. As soon as the apprentice has reached this +point, he stops, because he must learn to master more and more new +words until his telegraphic vocabulary is large enough to make it +possible for him to turn his consciousness to whole groups of words at +once. Only when this new habit has been made automatic by a training +of several months can he advance to a level at which whole groups of +words are perceived as telegraphic units. A time follows in which this +mastery of whole phrases advances rapidly, until a new period of rest +comes, from which, only after years and often quite suddenly, a last +new ascent can be noticed. Instead of concentrating the attention with +conscious strain on single phrases, the operator progresses to a +perfect liberty in which whole sentences are understood automatically. + +We also have a model experimental research into the psychological +conditions of learning in the case of writing on a typewriter.[21] By +electrical connections between the typewriting machine and a system of +levers which registered their movements on the rotating drum of a +kymograph, graph, each striking of a key, each completion of a word, +or of a line, could be recorded in exact time-relations. Each glance +at the copy was also registered. It was found that the process of +learning consisted first of a continuous simplification of the +cumbersome methods with which the beginner commences. A steady +elimination of unfit movements, a selection, a reorganization, and +finally, a combination of psychophysical acts to impulses of higher +order, could be traced exactly. Here, too, the curve of learning at +first rises quickly and then more and more slowly. Of course the usual +fluctuations in the growth of the ability can also be found, and above +all the irregular periods of rest in which the learning itself does +not progress, for some of these so-called plateaus which lie between +the end of one ascent and the beginning of the next may cover a month +and more. At the beginning we have the elementary association between +the single letter and the position of the corresponding key, but soon +an immediate connection between the visual impression of the whole +syllable or the whole word and the total group of movements necessary +to strike the keys for it is developed. The more the ability grows, +the more these psychical impulses of higher order become organized +without conscious intention. The study shows that this development of +higher habits has already begun before the lower habits are fully +settled. + +How far the special training involves at the same time a general +training which could be of advantage for other kinds of labor has not +yet been studied at all with reference to industrial technique. There +we are still completely dependent upon certain experiences in the +field of experimental pedagogy, and upon certain statistics, for +instance, in the textile industry. Many patient investigations, with +every independent group of apparatus and machines, may be necessary +before psychotechnics will be able to supply industry with reliable +advice for teaching and learning. Nor have we the least right hastily +to carry over the results from one group of movements to another. Even +where superficially a certain similarity between the technical factors +exists, the psychophysical conditions may be essentially different. In +the two cases mentioned, for instance, telegraphing and typewriting, +the chief factor seems the same, as in both cases the aim is to make +the quickest possible finger movements for purposes of signals; and +yet it is not surprising that the development of the ability from the +beginnings to the highest mastery is rather unlike, as all the +movements in telegraphing are performed with the same finger, while +in typewriting the chief trait is the organization of groups from the +impulses to all ten fingers. At least it is certain that learning +always means far more than a mere facilitation of the movement by +mechanical repetition, and this is true of the simplest handling of +the tools in the workshop, of the movements at the machine in the +factory, and of the most complex performances at the subtlest +instruments. The chief factor in the development is always the +organization of the impulses by which the reactions which are at first +complicated become simplified, later mechanized, and finally +synthesized into a higher group which becomes subordinated to one +simple psychical impulse. The most reliable and psychophysically most +economic means for this organization will have to be studied in the +economic psychological laboratories of the future for every particular +technique. Then only can the enormous waste of psychical energy +resulting from haphazard methods be brought to an end. + +A problem which is still too little considered in industrial life is +the mutual interference of acquired technical activities. If one +connected series of movements is well trained by practice, does it +become less firmly fixed, if another series is studied in which the +same beginning is connected with another path of discharge? I +approached this psychophysical question of learning by experiments +which I carried on for a long while with variations of ordinary habits +of daily life, asking whether a habit associated with a certain +sensory stimulus can function automatically while dispositions for a +different habit, previously acquired, remain in the psychophysical +system. For instance, I was accustomed to carry my watch in my +left-hand vest pocket. For a week I carried it in the right-hand +pocket of my trousers and recorded every case in which I first +automatically made the movement to the vest. After some time the +movement to the right-hand pocket became entirely automatic. When it +was sufficiently fixed, I again put the watch in the left-hand vest +pocket and recorded how often I unconsciously grasped at the right +side when I wanted to see what time it was. As soon as the vest pocket +movement had again become fixed, I went back to the right-hand +trousers pocket. And so I alternated for a long while, always changing +only after reaching complete automatism. But the results in this case +and in other similar experiments which I carried on showed that the +new automatic connection did not extinguish the after effects of the +previous habit. With every new change the number of wrong movements +became smaller and smaller, and finally a point was reached at which +the dispositions for both movements were equally developed so that no +wrong movements occurred when the watch was put into the new +position.[22] + +This problem has been followed up very recently in a valuable +investigation at Columbia University,[23] in which various habits of +typewriting and of card-sorting were acquired and studied in their +mutual interference. These very careful experiments also show that +when two opposing associations are alternately practiced, they have an +interference effect on each other, but that the interference grows +less and less as the practice effect becomes greater. The interference +effect is gradually overcome and both opposing associations become +automatic, so that either of them can be called up independently +without the appearance of the other. Many details of the research +suggest that this whole group of interference problems deserves the +most careful attention by those who would practically profit from +increased industrial efficiency. + +Finally, in the experimental study of the problem of technical +learning, we cannot ignore the many side influences which may hasten +or delay, improve or disturb, the acquisition of industrial skill. In +the Harvard laboratory, for instance, we are at present engaged in an +investigation which deals with the influence of feelings on the +rapidity with which new movement coördinations are mastered.[24] In +order to have unlimited comparable material a very simple technical +performance is required, namely, the distribution of the 52 +playing-cards into 52 boxes. Labels on the boxes indicate changing +combinations for the distribution to be learned. We examine, on the +one side, the influence of feelings of comfort or of discomfort on the +learning of the new habit, these feeling states being produced by +external conditions, such as pleasant or unpleasant sounds, odors, and +so on. On the other side we trace the effects of those feelings which +arise during the learning process itself, such as feelings of +satisfaction with progress, or disappointment, or discomfort, or +disgust or joy in the activity. + + + + +XIV + +THE ADJUSTMENT OF TECHNICAL TO PSYCHICAL CONDITIONS + + +Teaching and learning represent only the preliminary problem. The +fundamental question remains, after all, how the work is to be done by +those who have learned it in accordance with the customs of the +economic surroundings and who are accordingly already educated and +trained for it. What can be done to eliminate everything which +diminishes and decreases efficiency, and what remains to be done to +reinforce it. Such influences are evidently exerted by the external +technical conditions, by variations of the activity itself, and by the +play of the psychical motives and counter-motives. It must seem as if +only this last factor would belong in the realm of psychology, but the +technical conditions, of which the machine itself is the most +important part, and the bodily movements also have manifold relations +to the psychical life. Only as far as these relations prevail has the +psychologist any reason to study the problem. The purely physical and +economic factors of technique do not interest him at all, but when a +technical arrangement makes a psychophysical achievement more +difficult or more easy, it belongs in the sphere of the psychologist, +and just this aspect of the work may become of greatest importance for +the total result. In all three of these directions, that is, with +reference to the technical, to the physiological, and to the purely +psychical, the scientific management movement has prepared the way. +The engineers of scientific management recognized, at least, that no +part of the industrial process is indifferent, even the apparently +most trivial activity, the slightest movement of arm or hand or leg, +became the object of their exact measurement. The stopwatch which +measures every movement in fractions of a second has become the symbol +of this new economic period. As long as special psychological +experiments in the service of industrial psychology are still so +exceptional, it may, indeed, be acknowledged that the practical +experiments in the service of scientific management have come nearest +to the solution of these special psychotechnical problems. + +To proceed from without toward the centre, we may begin our review +with the physical technique of the working conditions and its +relations to the mind. Tue history of technique shows on every page +this practical adjustment of external labor conditions to the +psychophysical necessities and psychophysical demands. No machine +with which a human being is to work can survive in the struggle for +technical existence, unless it is to a certain degree adapted to the +human nerve and muscle system and to man's possibilities of +perception, of attention, of memory, of feeling, and of will. +Industrial technique with its restless improvements has always been +subordinated to this postulate. Every change which made it possible +for the workingman to secure equal effects with smaller effort or to +secure greater or better effects with equal effort counted as an +economic gain, which was welcome to the market. For instance, +throughout the history of industry we find the fundamental tendency to +transpose all activities from the great muscles to the small muscles. +Any activity which is performed with the robust muscles of the +shoulder when it can be done with the lower arm, or labor which is +demanded from the muscles of the lower arm when it can just as well be +carried out by the fingers, certainly involves a waste of +psychophysical energy. A stronger psychophysical excitement is +necessary in order to secure the innervation of the big muscles in the +central nervous system. This difference in the stimulation of the +various muscle groups has been of significant consequence for the +differentiation of work throughout the development of mankind.[25] +Labor with the large muscles has, for these psychophysical reasons, +never been easily combined with the subtler training of the finer +muscles. Hence a social organization which obliged the men to give +their energy to war and the hunt, both, in primitive life, functions +of the strongest muscles, made it necessary for the domestic +activities, which are essentially functions of the small muscles, to +be carried out by women. The whole history of the machine demonstrates +this economic tendency to make activities dependent upon those muscles +which presuppose the smallest psychophysical effort. It is not only +the smaller effort which gives economic advantage to the stimulation +of the smaller muscles, but the no less important circumstance that +the psychophysical after-effect of their central excitement exerts +less inhibition than the after-effect of the brain excitement for the +big muscles. + +But we must not overlook another feature in the development of +technique. The machines have been constantly transformed in the +direction which made it possible to secure the greatest help from the +natural coördination of bodily movements. The physiological +organization and the psychophysical conditions of the nervous system +make it necessary that the movement impulses flow over into motor side +channels and thus produce accessory effects without any special +effort. If a machine is so constructed that these natural accessory +movements must be artificially and intentionally suppressed, it means, +on the one side, a waste of available psychophysical energy, and on +the other side it demands a useless effort in order to secure this +inhibition. The industrial development has moved toward both the +fructification of those side impulses and the avoidance of these +inhibitions. It has adjusted itself practically to the natural +psychical conditions. Ultimately it is this tendency which shaped the +technical apparatus for the economic work until the muscle movements +could become rhythmical. The rhythmical activity necessarily involves +a psychophysical saving and this saving has been instinctively secured +throughout the history of civilization. All rhythm contains a +repetition of movement without making a real repetition of the +psychophysical impulse necessary. In the rhythmical activity a large +part of the first excitement still serves for the second, and the +second for the third. Inhibitions fall away and the mere after-effect +of each stimulus secures a great saving for the new impulse. The +history of the machine even indicates that the newer technical +development not only found the far-reaching division of labor already +in the workshops of earlier centuries, but a no less far-reaching +rhythmization of the labor in fine adaptation to the needs of the +psychophysical organism, long before the appearance of the machines. +The beginnings of the machine period frequently showed nothing but an +imitation of the rhythmical movements of man.[26] To be sure, the +later improvements of the machine have frequently destroyed that +original rhythm of man's movement, as the movement itself, especially +in the electric machines, has become so quick that the subjective +rhythmical experience has been lost. Moreover, the rhythmical +horizontal and vertical movements were for physical reasons usually +replaced by uniform circular movements. But even the most highly +developed machine demands human activity, for instance, for the +supplying with material; and this again has opened new possibilities +for the adjustment of technical mechanism to the economic demand for +rhythmical muscle activity. The growth of technical devices has thus +been constantly under the control of psychological demands, in spite +of the absence of systematic psychological investigations. But the +decisive factor was, indeed, that these psychological motives always +remained in the subconsciousness of civilization. The improvements +were consciously referred to the machine as such, however much the +practical success was really influenced by the degree of its +adjustment to the mental conditions of the workingmen. The new +movements of scientific management and of experimental psychology aim +toward bringing this adaptation consciously into the foreground and +toward testing and studying systematically what technical variations +can best suit the psychophysical status of man. + +Those who are familiar with the achievements of scientific management +remember that by no means only the complicated procedures on a high +level are in question. The successes are often the most surprising +where the technique is old, and where it might have been imagined that +the experiences of many centuries would have secured through mere +common sense the most effective performance. The best-known case is +perhaps that of the masons, which one of the leaders of the scientific +management movement has studied in all its details.[27] The movements +of the builders and the tools which they use were examined with +scientific exactitude and slowly reshaped under the point of view of +psychology and physiology. The total result was that after the new +method 30 masons completed without greater fatigue what after the old +methods it would have taken 100 masons to do, and that the total +expense for the building was reduced to less than a half in spite of +the steady increase of the wages of the laborers. For this purpose it +was necessary that exact measurements be made of the height at which +the bricks were lying and of the height of the wall on which they must +be laid, and of the number of bricks which should be carried to the +masons at once. He studied how the trowel should be shaped and how the +mortar should be used and how the bricks should be carried to the +bricklayers. In short, everything which usually is left to tradition, +to caprice, and to an economy which looks out only for the most +immediate saving, was on the basis of experiments of many years +replaced by entirely new means and tools, where nothing was left to +arbitrariness. Yet these changes did not demand any invention or +physically or economically new ideas, but merely a more careful +adaptation of the apparatus to the psychological energies of the +masons. The new arrangement permitted a better organization of the +necessary bodily movements, fatigue was diminished, the accessory +movements were better fructified, fewer inhibitions were necessary, a +better playing together of the psychical energies was secured. + +The students of scientific management stepped still lower in the scale +of economic activity. There is no more ordinary productive function +than shoveling. Yet in great establishments the shoveling of coal or +of dirt may represent an economically very important factor. It seems +that up to the days of scientific management, no one really looked +carefully into the technical conditions under which the greatest +possible economic effect might be reached. Now the act of shoveling +was approached with the carefulness with which a scholar turns to any +subtle process in his laboratory. The brilliant originator of the +scientific management movement, who carried out these investigations[28] +in the great Bethlehem Steel Works, where hundreds of laborers had to +shovel heavy iron ore or light ashes, found that the usual chance +methods involve an absurd economic waste. The burden was sometimes so +heavy that rapid fatigue developed and the movements became too slow, +or the lifted mass was so light that the larger part of the laborer's +energies remained unused. In either case the final result of the day's +work must be anti-economic. He therefore tested with carefully graded +experiments what weight ensured the most favorable achievement by a +strong healthy workingman. The aim was to find the weight which would +secure with well-arranged pauses the maximum product in one day +without over-fatigue. As soon as this weight was determined, a +special set of shovels had to be constructed for every particular kind +of material. The laborers were now obliged to operate with 10 +different kinds of shovels, each of such a size that the burden always +remained an average of 21 pounds for any kind of material. The +following step was an exact determination of the most favorable +rapidity and the most perfect movement of shoveling, the best +distribution of pauses, and so on, and the final outcome was that only +140 men were needed where on the basis of the old plan about 500 +laborers had been engaged. The average workingman who had previously +shoveled 16 tons of material, now managed 59 tons without greater +fatigue. The wages were raised by two thirds and the expenses for +shoveling a ton of material were decreased one half This calculation +of expenses included, of course, a consideration of the increased cost +for tools and for the salaries of the scientific managers. + +Whoever visits factories in which the new system has been introduced +by real specialists must be surprised, indeed, by the great effects +which often result from the better psychophysical adaptation of the +simplest and apparently most indifferent tools and means. As far as +the complicated machines are concerned, we are accustomed to a steady +improvement by the efforts of the technicians and we notice it rather +little if the changes in them are introduced for psychological instead +of the usual physical reasons. But the fact that even the least +complicated and most indifferent devices can undergo most influential +improvements, as soon as they are seriously studied from a +psychological point of view, remains really a source for surprise. +Sometimes no more is needed than a change in the windows or in the +electric lamps, by which the light can fall on the work in a +psychologically satisfactory way; sometimes long series of experiments +have to be made with a simple hammer or knife or table. Often +everything must be arranged against the wishes of the workingmen, who +feel any deviation from the accustomed conditions as a disturbance +which is to be regarded with suspicion. In one concern I heard that +the scientific manager became convinced that all the working-chairs +for the women were too low and that the laborers therefore had to hold +their arms in a psychophysically unfavorable position during the +handling of the apparatus. All were strongly opposed to the +introduction of higher chairs. The result was that the manager +arranged for the chairs to be raised a few millimeters every evening, +without the knowledge of the working-women, as soon as the factory was +empty. After a few weeks the chairs had reached the right height +without those engaged in the work having noticed it at all. The +outcome was a decided increase of efficiency. + +But the most rational scheme will after all be to prepare for such +arrangements of tools and apparatus by systematic experiments in the +psychological laboratory. The subtlety of such investigations will +lead far beyond the point which is accessible to the attempts of +scientific management. Exact experiments on attention, for instance, +will have to determine how the various parts of the apparatus are to +be distributed best in space if the laborer must keep watch for +disturbances at various places. Only the laboratory experiment can +find the most favorable speed of the machine or can select the muscles +to which the mind can send the most effective impulses. The +construction of the machine must then be adapted to such results. In +the Harvard laboratory, for instance, a practical question led us to +examine which fingers would allow the quickest alternation of key +movements.[29] If any two of the ten fingers perform for ten seconds +the quickest possible alternation of motion, as in a trill, the +experiment can demonstrate exactly the differences between the various +combinations of fingers and the individual fluctuations for these +differences. With an electrical registration of the movements of the +alternating fingers we studied in hundredths of a second the time for +the motions of two hands and of fingers of the same hand, in order to +adjust the keys of a certain machine to the most favorable impulses. + +We approach this group of problems from another side when we test the +relations of various kinds of machines to various mental types. +Psychologists have studied, for example, the various styles of +typewriting machines.[30] From a purely commercial point of view the +merits of one or another machine are praised as if they were +advantageous for every possible human being. The fact is that such +advantages for one may be disadvantages for another on account of +differences in the mental disposition. One man may write more quickly +on one, another on another machine. As every one knows, the chief +difference is that of the keyboard and that of the visible or +invisible writing. Machines like the Remington machine work with a +shift key; that is, a special key must be pressed when capital letters +are to be written. Other machines like the Oliver even demand double +shifting, one key for the capital letters, and one for the figures, +and so on. On the other hand, machines like the Smith Premier have no +shift key, but a double keyboard. It is evident that both the +shift-key arrangement and the double keyboard have their particular +psychological advantages. + +The single alphabet demands much less from the optical memory, and the +corresponding motor inner attitude of consciousness is adjusted to a +smaller number of possibilities. But the pressure on the shift key, +which goes with the single alphabet, is not only a time-wasting act; +from the psychological point of view it is first of all a very strong +interruption of the uniform chain of impulses. If the capital and +small letters are written for a minute alternatingly with the greatest +possible speed, the experiment shows that the number of letters for +the machine with the double alphabet is about three times greater than +for the machine with simple alphabet and shift key. Both systems +accordingly have their psychological advantages and disadvantages. +Human beings of distinct visual ideational type or of highly developed +motor type will prefer the double alphabet, provided, of course, that +the touch system of writing is learned, and this will be especially +true if their inner attitude is easily disturbed by interruptions. But +those who have a feebly developed optical mental centre and who have +small ability for the development of complex motor habits will be more +efficient on the machines with the single alphabet, especially if +their nervous system is little molested by interruptions and thus +undisturbed by the intrusion of the shift key act. + +In a similar way the visibility of the writing will be for certain +individuals the most valuable condition for quick writing, while for +others, who depend less upon visual support, it may mean rather a +distraction and an interference with the speediest work. The visible +writing attracts the involuntary attention, and thus forces +consciousness to stick to that which has been written instead of being +concentrated on that which is to be produced by the next writing +movements. The operator himself is not aware of this hindrance. On the +contrary, the public will always be inclined to prefer the typewriters +with visible writing, because by a natural confusion the feeling +arises that the production of the letter is somewhat facilitated, when +the eye is coöperating, just as in writing with a pen we follow the +lines of the written letter. But the situation lies differently in the +two cases. When we are writing with a pen, the letter grows under our +eyes, while in the machine writing we do not see any part of the +letter until the whole movement which produces the single letter is +finished. By such a misleading analogy many a man is led to prefer the +typewriter with visible writing, while he would probably secure a +greater speed with a machine which does not tempt him to attend the +completed letters, while his entire attention ought to belong to the +following letters. + +These last observations point to another psychological aspect of the +machine and of the whole technical work, namely, their relations to +the impressions of the senses. The so-called dynamogenic experiments +of the psychological laboratory have demonstrated what a manifold +influence flows from the sense-impressions to the will-impulses. If +the muscle contraction of a man's fist is measured, the experiment +shows that the strongest possible pressure may be very different when +the visual field appears in different colors, or tones of different +pitch or different noises are stimulating the ear, and so on. As yet +no systematic experiments exist by which such results can be brought +into relation to the sense-stimuli which reach the laborer during his +technical work. The psychophysical effect of colors and noises has not +been fructified at all for industrial purposes. The mere subjective +judgment of the workingman himself cannot be acknowledged as reliable +in such questions. The laborer, for instance, usually believes that a +noise to which he has become accustomed does not disturb him in his +work, while experimental results point strongly to the contrary. In a +similar way the effect of colored windows may appear indifferent to +the workmen, and yet may have considerable influence on his +efficiency. Numberless performances in the factory are reactions on +certain optical or acoustical or tactual signals. Both the engineer +and the workman are satisfied if such a signal is clearly perceivable. +The psychological laboratory experiment, however, shows that the whole +psychophysical effect depends upon the character of the signal; a more +intense light, a quicker change, a higher tone, a larger field of +light, a louder noise, or a harder touch may produce a very different +kind of reaction. + +With a careful time-measurement of the motions, it can often be +directly traced how purely technical processes in the machine itself +influence and control the whole psychical system of impulses in the +man. I observed, in a factory, for instance, the work at a machine +which performed most of its functions automatically. It had to hammer +fine grooves into small metal plates. A young laborer stood before +every such machine, took from a pile, alternately from the right and +from the left, the little plates to be serrated, placed them in the +machine, turned a lever to bring the hammer into motion, and then +removed the serrated plates. The speed of the work was dependent upon +the operative, as he determined by his lever movement the instant at +which the automatic serrating hammer should be released. The man's +activity demanded 9 independent movements. I found that those who +worked the most quickly were able to carry out this labor for hours at +a uniform rapidity of 4 to 4-1/2 second for those 9 movements. But the +time-measurement showed that even these fastest workers were +relatively slow in the first 5 movements which they made while the +machine stood quiet, and that they reached an astonishing quickness of +movement in the 4 last actions during which at the same time the +serrating hammer in bewildering rapidity was beating on the plate with +sharp loud cracks. The hammer reinforced the energy of the young +laborers to an effectiveness which could never have been attained by +mere voluntary effort. + +Often the simplicity or complication of the stimulus may be decisive +in importance, and this also holds true where the most elementary +reactions are involved, for instance, the mere act of counting which +enters into many industrial functions. Experiments carried on in my +laboratory[31] have shown that the time needed to count a certain +number of units becomes longer as soon as the units themselves become +more complicated. Their inner manifoldness exerts a retarding +influence on the eye as it moves from one figure to another. A certain +psychical inhibition arises; the mind is held back by the complexity +of the impression and cannot proceed quickly enough to the next. +Psychologically no less important is the demand that the external +technical conditions so far as they influence consciousness, should +remain as far as possible the same, if the same psychical effect is +desired, because then only can a perfectly firm connection between +stimulus and movement be formed. In technical life this demand is much +sinned against. A typical case is that of the signals for which the +engineer on the locomotive has to watch. In the daytime the movable +arms of the semaphore indicate by their horizontal, oblique, or +vertical position whether the tracks are clear. At night-time, on the +other hand, the same information reaches him by the different colors +of the signal lanterns. From a psychical point of view it is probable +that the safety of the service would be increased if an unchangeable +connection between signal and movement were formed. It would be +sufficient for that purpose if the color signals at night were given +up and were replaced by horizontal, oblique, or vertical lines of +white light or rows of points. Successful experiments of this kind +have been carried on by psychologists in the service of this railroad +problem.[32] + +The interest in all these problems of large concerns, in +transportation and factory work and complex industries, ought not to +make us overlook the fact that on principle the same problems can be +found in the simplest industrial establishment. Even the housewife or +the cook destroys economic values if daily she has to spend useless +minutes or hours on account of arrangements in the household which are +badly adjusted to the psychological conditions. She sacrifices her +energy in vain and she wastes her means where she herself is under the +illusion of especial economy. Scientific management would perhaps be +nowhere so wholesome as in kitchen and pantry, in laundry and cellar, +just because here the saving would be multiplied millionfold and the +final sum of energy saved and of feeling values gained would be +enormous, even if it could not be calculated with the exactitude with +which the savings of a factory budget can be proven. The profusion of +small attractive devices which automatically perform the economic +household labor and disburden the human workers must not hide the fact +that the chief activities are still little adjusted to the +psychophysical conditions. The situation is similar to that of the +masons, whose function has also been performed for thousands of years, +and yet which did not find a real adaptation to the psychical factors +until a systematic time-measuring study was introduced. A manufacturer +who sells an improved pan or mixing-spoon or broom expects success if +he brings to the market something the merits of which are evident and +make the housewife anticipate a decrease of work or a simplification +of work, but the development of scientific management has shown +clearly that the most important improvements are just those which are +deduced from scientific researches, without at first giving +satisfaction to the laborers themselves, until a new habit has been +formed. + +Perhaps the most frequent technical activity of this simple kind is +sewing by hand, which is still entirely left to the traditions of +common sense, and yet which is evidently dependent upon the interplay +of many psychical factors which demand a subtle adaptation to the +psychical conditions. To approach, at least, this field of human labor +a careful investigation of the psychophysics of sewing has been +started in my laboratory.[33] The sewing work is done, with the left +hand supported, and the right hand connected with a system of levers +which make a graphic record of every movement on the smoked surface of +a revolving drum. For instance, we begin with simple over and over +stitches, measuring the time and the character of the right hand +movements for 50 stitches under a variety of technical conditions. The +first variation refers to the length of the thread. The thread itself, +fixed at the needle's eye, varied between 3 feet and 6 inches in +length. Other changes refer to the voluntary speed, to the number of +stitches, to fatigue, to external stimuli, to attention, to methods of +training, and so on, but the chief interest remains centred on the +psychical factors. We are still too much at the beginning already to +foresee whether it will be possible to draw from these psychophysical +experiments helpful conclusions. The four young women engaged in this +laboratory research will later extend it to the psychological +conditions of work with the various types of sewing-machines. + + + + +XV + +THE ECONOMY OF MOVEMENT + + +The study of the technical aspect of labor can nowhere be separated by +a sharp demarcation line from the study of the labor itself as a +function of the individual organism. Many problems, indeed, extend in +both directions. The student of industrial efficiency is, for +instance, constantly led to the question of fatigue. He may consider +this fatigue as a function of brain and muscle activity and discuss it +with reference to the psychophysical effort, but he is equally +interested in the question of how far the apparatus or the machine or +the accessory conditions of the work might be changed in order to +avoid fatigue. The accidents of the electric street railways were +regarded as partly related to fatigue. The problem was accordingly how +to shorten the working time of the motormen in the interest of the +public, but it was soon recognized that the difficulty might also be +approached from the mere technical side. Some companies introduced +seats which the motormen can use whenever they feel fatigue coming and +excellent results have followed this innovation. In our last +discussions the technical apparatus stood in the foreground. We may +now consider as our real topic the psychophysical activity. + +Here, too, the leaders of scientific management have secured some +signal successes. Their chief effort in this field was directed toward +the greatest possible achievement by eliminating all superfluous +movements and by training in those movement combinations which were +recognized as the most serviceable ones. We may return to the case of +the masons in order to clear up the principle. When Gilbreth began to +reform the labor of the mason after scientific principles, he gave his +chief interest to the men's motions. Every muscle contraction which +was needed to move the brick from the pile in the yard to the final +position in the wall was measured with reference to space-and +time-relations and the necessary effort. From here he turned to the +application of well-known psychophysical principles. A movement is +less fatiguing and therefore economically most profitable if it occurs +in a direction in which the greatest possible use of gravitation can +be made If both hands have to act at the same time, the labor can be +carried out most quickly and with the smallest effort if corresponding +muscle groups are at work and this means if symmetrical movements are +performed. If unequal movements have to be made simultaneously, the +effort will become smaller if they are psychically bound together by a +common unified impulse. The distance which has to be overcome by +hands, arms, or feet must be brought to a minimum for each partial +movement. Most important, however, is this rule. If a definite +combination of movements has been determined as economically most +suitable, this method must be applied without any exception from the +beginning of the learning. The point is to train from the start those +impulse combinations which can slowly lead to the quickest and best +work. The usual method is the opposite. Generally the beginner learns +to produce from the beginning work which is as good and correct as +possible. In order to produce such qualitatively good results at an +early stage, it is left to him to choose any groups of movements which +happen to be convenient to him. Then these become habitual, and as +soon as he tries to go on to quicker work, these chance habits hinder +him in his progress. The movements which may be best suited for fair +production by a beginner may be entirely unsuited for really quick +work, such as would be expected from an experienced man. The laborer +must replace the first habits which he has learned by a new set, +instead of starting in the first place with motions which can be +continued until the highest point of efficiency has been reached, +even if this involves rather a poor showing at the beginning. A final +maximum rapidity must be secured from the start by the choice of those +motions which have been standardized by careful experiments. + +It is also psychophysically important to demand that the movements +shall not be suddenly stopped, if that can be avoided. Any +interruption of a movement presupposes a special effort of the will +which absorbs energy, and after the interruption a new start must be +made of which the same is true. On the other hand, if chains of +movements become habitual, the psychophysical effort will be reduced +to the minimum, inasmuch as each movement finds its natural end and is +not artificially interrupted by will, and at the same time each +movement itself becomes a stimulus for the next movement by its +accompanying sensations. The traditional method, for instance, demands +that a brick be lifted with one hand and a trowel with mortar by the +other hand. After that the lifting movement is interrupted, the brick +comes to rest in the hand of the mason until the mortar has been +spread on and the place prepared for the new brick. Then only begins a +new action with the brick. This method was fundamentally changed. The +laborers learned to swing the brick with one hand from the pack to +the wall and at the same time to distribute the mortar over the next +brick with the other hand. This whole complex movement is of course +more difficult and demands a somewhat longer period of learning, but +as soon as it is learned an extreme saving of psychophysical energy +and a correspondingly great economic gain is secured. The newly +trained masons are not even allowed to gather up with the trowel any +mortar which falls to the floor, because it was found that the loss of +mortar is economically less important than the waste of psychophysical +energy in bending down. + +Whoever has once schooled his eye to observe the limitless waste of +human motions and psychophysical efforts in social life has really no +difficulty in perceiving all this at every step. This ability to +recognize possible savings of impulse may be brought to a certain +virtuosity. Gilbreth, one of the leaders of the new movement, seems to +be such a virtuoso. When he was in London, there was pointed out to +him in the Japanese British Exhibition a young girl who worked so +quickly that there at least he would find a rhythm of finger movement +which could not any further be improved. In an exhibition booth the +woman attached advertisement labels to boxes with phenomenal rapidity. +Gilbreth watched her for a little while and found that she was able +to manage 24 boxes in 40 seconds. Then he told the young girl that she +was doing it wrongly, and that she ought to try a new way which he +showed her. At the first attempt, she disposed of 24 boxes in 26 +seconds and at the second trial in 20 seconds. She did not have to +make more effort for it, but simply had fewer movements to make. If +such economic gain can be secured with little exertion in the simplest +processes, it cannot be surprising that in the case of more complex +and more advanced technical work which involves highly skilled labor, +a careful psychophysical study of motions must bring far-reaching +economic improvements. + +Yet the more important steps will have to be guided by special +experimental investigations, and here the psychological laboratory +must undertake the elaboration of the details. Only the systematic +experiment can determine what impulses can be released at the least +expense of energy and with the greatest exactitude of the motor +effect. Investigations on the psychophysics of movement and the +influences which lead toward making the movement too large or too +small have played an important rôle in the psychological laboratories +for several decades. It was recognized early that the mistakes which +are made in reproducing a movement may spring from two different +sources. They result partly from an erroneous perception or memory of +the movement carried out, and partly from the inability to realize the +movement intention. One series of investigations was accordingly +devoted to the studies of those sensations and perceptions by which we +become aware of the actual movement. Everything which accentuates +these sensations must lead to an overestimation of the motion, and the +outcome is that the movement is made too small. The concentration of +attention, therefore, has the effect of reducing the actual motion, +and the same influence must result from any resistance which is not +recognized as such and hence is not subtracted in the judgment of the +perceiver. Another series of researches was concerned with the inner +attitude which causes a certain external movement effect and which may +lead to an unintended amount of movement as soon as the weight to be +lifted is erroneously judged upon. Closely related studies, finally, +deal with a mistake which enters when the movement is reproduced from +memory after a certain time. The exactitude of a simple arm movement +seems to increase in the first ten seconds, then rapidly to decrease. +The emotional attitude, too, is of importance for the reproduction of +a movement. I trained myself in making definite extensor and flexor +movements of the arm until I was able to reproduce them under normal +conditions with great exactitude. In experiments extending over many +months, which were carried on through the changing emotional attitudes +of daily life, the exact measurement showed that both groups of +movements became too large in states of excitement and too small in +states of fatigue. But in a state of satisfaction and joy the extensor +movement became too large, the flexor movement too small, and _vice +versa_, in unpleasant emotional states the flexor movement was too +strong and the extensor movement too weak.[34] + +We have a very careful investigation into the relations between +rapidity of movement and exactitude.[35] The subjects had to perform a +hand movement simultaneously with the beat of a metronome, the beats +of which varied between 20 and 200 in the minute. In general the +accuracy of the movement decreases as the rapidity increases, but the +descent is not uniform. Motions in the rhythm of 40 to the minute were +on the whole just as exact as those in the rhythm of 20, and, on the +other hand movements in the rhythm of 200 almost as accurate as those +of 140 to the minute. Thus we have a lower limit below which decrease +of rapidity does not increase the accuracy any further, and an upper +limit beyond which a further increase of rapidity brings no +additional deterioration. The mistakes of the unskilled left hand +increase still more rapidly than the number of movements. If the eyes +are closed, the rapid movements are usually too long and the slow ones +too short. + +An investigation in the Harvard laboratory varied this problem in a +direction which brings it still nearer to technical conditions of +industry. Our central question was whether the greatest exactitude of +rhythmical movement is secured at the same rapidity for different +muscle groups.[36] We studied especially rhythmical movements of hand, +foot, arm, and head, and studied them, moreover, under various +conditions of resistance. The result from 340,000 measured movements +was the demonstration that every muscle group has its own optimum of +rapidity for the greatest possible accuracy and that the complexity of +the movement and the resistance which it finds has most significant +influence on the exactitude of the rhythmical achievement. If we +abstract at first from the fluctuations around the average value of a +particular group of movements and consider only this average itself in +its relation to the starting movement which it is meant to imitate, we +find characteristic tendencies toward enlargement or reduction +dependent upon the rapidity. The right foot, for instance, remained +nearest to the original movement at a rapidity of 80 motions in the +minute, while the head did the same at about 20. For a hand movement +of 14 centimeters, the most favorable rapidity was 120 repetitions in +the minute, while for a hand movement of 1 centimeter the average +remained nearest to the standard at about 40 repetitions. The mean +variation from time average is the smallest for the left foot at 20 to +30 movements, for the right at 160 to 180, for the head at 40, for the +larger hand movement at 180, and so on. Investigations of this kind +have so far not affected industrial life in the least, but it seems +hardly doubtful that a systematic study of the movements necessary for +economic work will have to pass through such strictly experimental +phases. The essential point, however, will be for the managers of the +industrial concerns and the psychological laboratory workers really to +come nearer to each other from the start and undertake the work in +common, not in the sense that the laboratory is to emigrate to the +factory, but in the better sense that definite questions which grow +out of the industrial life be submitted to the scientific +investigation of the psychologists. + + + + +XVI + +EXPERIMENTS ON THE PROBLEM OF MONOTONY + + +The systematic organization of movements with most careful regard to +the psychophysical conditions appeared to us the most momentous aid +toward the heightening of efficiency. But even if the superfluous, +unfit, and interfering movement impulses were eliminated and the +conditions of work completely adjusted to the demands of psychology, +there would still remain a large number of possibilities through which +productiveness might be greatly decreased, or at least kept far below +the possible maximum of efficiency. For instance, even the best +adapted labor might be repeated to the point of exhaustion, at which +the workman and the work would be ruined. Fatigue and restoration +accordingly demand especial consideration. In a similar way emotions +may be conditions of stimulation or interference, and no one ought to +underestimate the importance of higher motives, intellectual, +ĉsthetic, and moral motives, in their bearing on the psychophysical +impulses of the laborer. If these higher demands are satisfied, the +whole system gains a new tonus, and if they are disappointed, the +irritation of the mental machinery may do more harm than any break in +the physical machine at which the man is working. In short, we must +still look in various directions to become aware of all the relations +between the psychological factors and the economic output. We may +begin with one question which plays a large, perhaps too large, rôle +in the economic and especially in the popular economic literature. I +refer to the problem of monotony of labor. + +In the discourses of our time on the lights and shades of our modern +industrial life, all seem to agree that the monotony of industrial +labor ought to be entered on the debit side of the ledger of +civilization. Since the days when factories began to spring up, the +accusation that through the process of division of labor the +industrial workingman no longer has any chance to see a whole product, +but that he has to devote himself to the minutest part of a part, has +remained one of the matter-of-course arguments. The part of a part +which he has to cut or polish or shape in endless repetition without +alteration cannot awake any real interest. This complete division of +labor has to-day certainly gone far beyond anything which Adam Smith +described, and therefore it now appears undeniable that the method +must create a mental starvation which presses down the whole life of +the laborer, deprives it of all joy in work, and makes the factory +scheme a necessary but from the standpoint of psychology decidedly +regrettable evil. I have become more and more convinced that the +scientific psychologist is not obliged to endorse this judgment of +popular psychology. + +To be sure the problem of division of labor, as it appears in the +subdivision of manufacture, is intimately connected with many other +related questions. It quickly leads to the much larger question of +division of labor in our general social structure, which is necessary +for our social life with its vocational and professional demands, and +which undoubtedly narrows to a certain degree every individual in the +completeness of his human desires. No man in modern society can devote +himself to everything for which his mind may long. But as a matter of +course these large general problems of civilization lie outside of the +realm of our present inquiry. In another direction the problem of +monotony comes very near to the question of fatigue. But we must see +clearly that these two questions are not identical and that we may +discuss monotony here without arguing the problem of fatigue. The +frequent repetition of the same movement or of the same mental +activity certainly may condition an objective fatigue, which may +interfere with the economic output, but this is not the real meaning +of the problem of monotony. About fatigue we shall speak later. Here +we are concerned exclusively with that particular psychological +attitude which we know as subjective dislike of uniformity and lack of +change in the work. Within these limits the question of monotony is, +indeed, frequently misunderstood in its economic significance. + +Let us not forget that the outsider can hardly ever judge when work +offers or does not offer inner manifoldness. If we do not know and +really understand the subject, we are entirely unable to discriminate +the subtler inner differences. The shepherd knows every sheep, though +the passer-by has the impression that they all look alike. This +inability to recognize the differences which the man at work feels +distinctly shows itself even in the most complicated activities. The +naturalist is inclined to fancy that the study of a philologist must +be endlessly monotonous, and the philologist is convinced that it must +be utterly tiresome to devote one's self a life lone to some minute +questions of natural science. Only when one stands in the midst of the +work is he aware of its unlimited manifoldness, and feels how every +single case is somehow different from every other. + +In the situation of the industrial workman, the attention may be +directed toward some small differences which can only be recognized +after long familiarity with the particular field. Certainly this field +is small, as every workman must specialize, but whether he +manufactures a whole machine, or only a little wheel, makes no +essential difference in the attitude. The attraction of newness is +quickly lost also in the case of the most complicated machine. On the +other hand, the fact that such a machine has an independent function +does not give an independent attraction to the work. Or we might +rather say, as far as the work on a whole machine is of independent +value, the work of perfecting the little wheel is an independent task +also and offers equal value by its own possibilities. Whoever has +recognized the finest variations among the single little wheels and +has become aware of how they are produced sometimes better, sometimes +worse, sometimes more quickly, sometimes more slowly, becomes as much +interested in the perfecting of the minute part as another man in the +manufacture of the complex machine. It is true that the laborer does +not feel interest in the little wheel itself, but in the production of +the wheel. Every new movement necessary for it has a perfectly new +chance and stands in new relations, which have nothing to do with the +repetition. As a matter of course this interest in the always new best +possible method of production is still strongly increased where +piece-wages are introduced. The laborer knows that the amount of his +earning depends upon the rapidity with which he finishes faultless +products. Under this stimulus he is in a continuous race with himself, +and thus has every reason to prefer the externally uniform and +therefore perfectly familiar work to another kind which may bring +alternation, but which also brings ever new demands. + +For a long while I have tried to discover in every large factory which +I have visited the particular job which from the standpoint of the +outsider presents itself as the most tiresome possible. As soon as I +found it, I had a full frank talk with the man or woman who performed +it and earnestly tried to get self-observational comment. My chief aim +was to bring out how far the mere repetition, especially when it is +continued through years, is felt as a source of discomfort. I may +again point to a few chance illustrations. In an electrical factory +with many thousands of employees I gained the impression that the +prize for monotonous work belonged to a woman who packs incandescent +lamps in tissue paper. She wraps them from morning until night, from +the first day of the year to the last, and has been doing that for +the last 12 years. She performs this packing process at an average +rate of 13,000 lamps a day. The woman has reached about 50,000,000 +times for the next lamp with one hand and with the other to the little +pile of tissue sheets and then performed the packing. Each lamp +demands about 20 finger movements. As long as I watched her, she was +able to pack 25 lamps in 42 seconds, and only a few times did she need +as many as 44 seconds. Every 25 lamps filled a box, and the closing of +the box required a short time for itself. She evidently took pleasure +in expressing herself fully about her occupation. She assured me that +she found the work really interesting, and that she constantly felt an +inner tension, thinking how many boxes she would be able to fill +before the next pause. Above all, she told me that there is continuous +variation. Sometimes she grasps the lamp or paper in a different way, +sometimes the packing itself does not run smoothly, sometimes she +feels fresher, sometimes less in the mood for the work, and there is +always something to observe and something to think about. + +This was the trend which I usually found. In some large machine works +I sought for a long time before I found the type of labor which seemed +to me the most monotonous. I finally settled on a man who was feeding +an automatic machine which was cutting holes in metal strips and who +simply had to push the strips slowly forward; only when the strip did +not reach exactly the right place, he could stop the automatic machine +by a lever. He made about 34,000 uniform movements daily and had been +doing that for the past 14 years. But he gave me the same account, +that the work was interesting and stimulating, while he himself made +the impression of an intelligent workingman. At the beginning, he +reported, the work had sometimes been quite fatiguing, but later he +began to like it more and more. I imagined that this meant that at +first he had to do the work with full attention and that the complex +movement had slowly become automatic, allowing him to perform it like +a reflex movement and to turn his thoughts to other things. But he +explained to me in full detail that this was not the case, that he +still feels obliged to devote his thoughts entirely to the work at +hand, and that he is able only under these conditions to bring in the +daily wage which he needs for his family, as he is paid for every +thousand holes. But he added especially that it is not only the wage +which satisfies him, but that he takes decided pleasure in the +activity itself. + +On the other hand, I not seldom found wage-earners, both men and +women, who seemed to have really interesting and varied activities and +who nevertheless complained bitterly over the monotonous, tiresome +factory labor. I became more and more convinced that the feeling of +monotony depends much less upon the particular kind of work than upon +the special disposition of the individual. It cannot be denied that +the same contrast exists in the higher classes of work. We find +school-teachers who constantly complain that it is intolerably +monotonous to go on teaching immature children the rudiments of +knowledge, while other teachers with exactly the same task before them +are daily inspired anew by the manifoldness of life in the classroom. +We find physicians who complain that one case in their practice is +like another, and judges who despair because they always have to deal +with the same petty cases, while other judges and physicians feel +clearly that every case offers something new and that the repetition +as such is neither conspicuous nor disagreeable. We find actors who +feel it a torture to play the same rôle every evening for several +weeks, and there are actors who, as one of the most famous actresses +assured me after the four hundredth performance of her star rôle, +repeat their parts many hundred times with undiminished interest, +because they feel that they are always speaking to new audiences. It +seems not impossible that this individual difference might be +connected with deeper-lying psychophysical conditions. I approached +the question, to be sure, with a preconceived theory. I fancied that +certain persons had a finer, subtler sense for differences than others +and that they would recognize a manifoldness of variations where the +others would see only uniformity. In that I silently presupposed that +the perception of the uniformity must be something disturbing and +disagreeable and the recognition of variations something which +stimulates the mind pleasantly. But when I came to examine the +question experimentally, I became convinced that such a hypothesis is +erroneous, and if I interpret the results correctly, I should say that +practically the opposite relation exists. Those who recognize the +uniformities readily are not the ones who are disturbed by them. + +I proceeded in the following way. To make use of a large number of +subjects accustomed to intelligent self-observation, I made the first +series of experiments with the regular students in my psychology +lecture course in Harvard University. Last winter I had more than four +hundred men students in psychology who all took part in that +introductory series. The task which I put before them in a number of +variations was this: I used lists of words of which half, or one more +or less than half, belonged to one single conceptional group. There +were names of flowers, or cities, or poets, or parts of the body, or +wild animals, and so on. The remaining words of the list, on the other +hand, were without inner connection and without similarity. The +similar and the dissimilar words were mixed. The subjects listened to +such a list of words and then had to decide without counting from the +mere impression whether the similar words were more or equally or less +numerous than the dissimilar words. In other experiments the +arrangement was that two different lists were read and that in the two +lists a larger or smaller number of words were repeated from the first +list. Here, too, the subjects had to decide from the mere impression +whether the repeated words were in the majority or not. In every +experiment the judgment referred to those words which belonged to the +same group and which were in this sense uniform, or to the repeated +words, and it had to be stated with reference to them whether their +number was larger, equal to, or smaller than the different words. If +all replies had been correct, the judgment would have been 40 per cent +equal, 30 per cent smaller, and 30 per cent larger, as they were +arranged in perfect symmetry. As soon as I had the results from the +students, we figured out for every one what number he judged equal, +smaller, or greater. Then we divided the equal judgments by 2 and +added half of them to the larger and half to the smaller judgments. In +this way we were enabled by one figure to characterize the whole +tendency of the individual. We found that in the whole student body +there was a tendency to underestimate the number of the similar or of +the repeated words. The majority of my students had a stronger +impression from the varying objects than from those which were in a +certain sense equal. Yet this tendency appeared in very different +degrees and for about a fourth of the participants the opposite +tendency prevailed. They received a stronger impression from the +uniform ideas. + +I had coupled with these experimental tests a series of questions, and +had asked every subject to express with fullest possible self-analysis +his practical attitude to monotony in life. Every one had to give an +account whether in the small habits of life he liked variety or +uniform repetition. He was asked especially as to his preferences for +or against uniformity in the daily meals, daily walks, and so on. +Furthermore he had to report how far he is inclined to stick to one +kind of work or to alternate his work, how far he welcomes the idea +that vocational work may bring repetition, and so on. And finally I +tried to bring the results of these self-observations into relation +with the results of those experiments. It was here that the opposite +of the hypothesis which I had presupposed suggested itself to me with +surprising force. I found that just the ones who perceive the +repetition least hate it most, and that those who have a strong +perception of the uniform impressions and who overestimate their +number are the ones who on the whole welcome repetition in life. + +As soon as I had reached this first experimental result, I began to +see how it might harmonize with known psychological facts. Some years +ago a Hungarian psychologist[37] showed by interesting experiments +that if a series of figures is exposed to the eye for a short fraction +of a second, equal digits are seen only once, and he came to the +conclusion that equal impressions in such a series inhibit each other. +In the Harvard laboratory we varied these experiments by eliminating +the spatial separation of those numbers. In our experiments the digits +did not stand side by side, but followed one another very quickly in +the same place.[38] Similar experiments we made with colors and so on. +Here, too, we found that quickly succeeding equal or very similar +impressions have a tendency to inhibit each other or to fuse with +each other. Where such an inhibition occurs, we probably ought to +suppose that the perception of the first impression exhausts the +psychical disposition for this particular mental experience. The +psychophysical apparatus becomes for a moment unable to arouse the +same impression once more. + +The above described new experiments suggest to me that this inhibition +of equal or similar impressions is found unequally developed in +different individuals. They possess a different tendency to temporary +exhaustion of psychophysical dispositions. There are evidently persons +who after they have received an impression are unable immediately to +seize the same impression again. Their attention and their whole inner +attitude fails. But there are evidently other persons for whom, on the +contrary, the experience of an impression is a kind of inner +preparation for arousing the same or a similar impression. In their +case the psychophysical dispositions become stimulated and excited, +and therefore favor the repetition. If, as in our experiments, the +task is simply to judge the existence of equal or similar impressions +without any strain of attention, the one group of persons must +underestimate the number of the equal impressions because many words +are simply inhibited in their minds and remain neglected, the other +groups of persons must from their mental dispositions overestimate the +number of similar words. From here we have to take one step more. If +these two groups of persons have to perform a task in which it is +necessary that not a single member of a series of repetitions be +overlooked, it is clear that the two groups must react in a very +different way. Now a perfect perception of every single member is +forced on them. Those who grasp equal impressions easily, and who are +prepared beforehand for every new repetition by their inner +dispositions, will follow the series without strain and will +experience the repetition itself with true satisfaction. On the other +hand, those in whom every impression inhibits the readiness to receive +a repetition, and whose inner energy for the same experience is +exhausted, must feel it as a painful and fatiguing effort if they are +obliged to turn their attention to one member after another in a +uniform series. This mental torture is evidently the displeasure which +such individuals call the dislike of monotony in their work. Whether +this theoretical view is correct, we have to determine by future +studies. In our Harvard laboratory we have now proceeded from such +preparatory mass experiments to subtle investigations on a small +number of persons well trained in psychological self-observation with +whom the conditions of the experiment can be varied in many +directions.[39] + +It would seem probable that such experiments might also win +psychotechnical significance. A short series of tests which would have +to be adapted to the special situations, and which for the simple +wage-earner would have to be much easier than those sketched above, +would allow it to be determined beforehand whether an individual will +suffer from repetition in work. Even if we abstract from arguments of +social reform and consider exclusively the economic significance, it +must seem important that labor which involves much repetition be +performed by men and women whose mental dispositions favor an easy +grasp of successive uniform impressions. Experimentation could secure +the selection of the fit workmen and the complaint of monotony would +disappear. The same selection could be useful in the opposite +direction, as many economic occupations, especially in our time of +automatic machines, demand a quick and often rhythmical transition +from one activity to another. It is evident that those whose natural +dispositions make every mental excitement a preparation not for the +identical but for the contrasting stimulation will be naturally +equipped for this kind of economic tasks. + + + + +XVII + +ATTENTION AND FATIGUE + + +The problem of monotony may lead us on to other conditions through +which attention is hindered and the product of labor thereby +decreased. The psychologist naturally first thinks of external +distractions of attention. If he turns to practical studies of the +actual economic life, he is often decidedly surprised to find how +little regard is given to this psychophysical factor. In industrial +establishments in which the smallest disturbance in the machine is at +once remedied by a mechanic in order that the greatest possible +economic effect may be secured, frequently nobody takes any interest +in the most destructive disturbances which unnecessarily occur in the +subtlest part of the factory mechanism, namely, the attention +apparatus of the laborers. Such an interference with attention must, +for instance, be recognized when the workingman, instead of devoting +himself to one complex function, has to carry out secondary movements +which appear to be quite easily performed and not to hinder him in his +chief task. Often his own feeling may endorse this impression. Of +course the individual differences in this direction are very great. +The faculty of carrying on at the same time various independent +functions is unequally distributed and the experiment can show this +clearly. It is also well known from practical life that some men can +easily go on dictating to a stenographer while they are affixing their +signature to several hundred circular letters, or can continue their +fluent lecture while they are performing experimental demonstrations. +With others such a side activity continually interrupts the chief +function. Then some succeed better than others in securing a certain +automatism of the accessory function to such a point that its special +acts do not come to consciousness at all. For example, I watched a +laborer who was constantly engaged in a complicated technical +performance, and he seemed to give to it his full attention. +Nevertheless he succeeded in moving a lever on an automatic machine +which stood near by whenever a certain wheel had made fifty +revolutions. During all his work he kept counting the revolutions +without being conscious of any idea of number. A system of motor +reactions had become organized which remained below the threshold of +consciousness and which produced only at the fiftieth recurrence the +conscious psychical impulse to perform the lever movement. Yet whether +the talent for such simultaneous mastery of independent functions be +greater or smaller and the demand more or less complex, in every case +the principal action must be hampered by the side issue. To be sure, +it may sometimes be economically more profitable to allow the +hindrance to the chief work in order to save the expense of an extra +man to do the side work. In most cases, however, such a consideration +is not involved; it is simply an ignoring of the psychological +situation. As the accessory work seems easy, its hindering influence +on other functions is practically overlooked. Psychological laboratory +experiments have shown in many different directions that simultaneous +independent activities always disturb and inhibit one another. + +We must not forget that even the conversations of the laborers belong +in this psychophysical class. Where a continuous strain of attention +has produced a state of fatigue, a short conversation will bring a +certain relief and relaxation, and the words which the speaker hears +in reply will produce a general stimulation of psychical energy for +the moment. Moreover, the mere existence of the social conversational +intercourse will raise the general emotional mood, and this feeling of +social pleasure may be the source from which may spring new +psychophysical powers. Nevertheless the fundamental fact, after all, +is that any talking during the labor, so far as it is not necessary +for the work itself, surely involves a distraction of attention. Here, +too, the individual is not conscious of the effect. He feels certain +that he can perform his task just as well, and even the piece-worker, +who is anxious to earn as much as possible, is convinced that he does +not retard himself by conversation. But the experiments which have +been carried on in establishments with scientific management speak +decidedly against such a supposition. A tyrannical demand for silence +would, of course, be felt as cruelty, and no suggestion of a jail-like +discipline would be wise in the case of industrial labor, for evident +psychological reasons. But various factories in rearranging their +establishments according to the principles of scientific management +have changed the positions of the workmen so that conversations become +more difficult or impossible. The result reported seems to be +everywhere a significant increase of production. The individual +concentrates his mind on the task with an intensity which seems beyond +his reach as long as the inner attitude is adjusted to social contact. +The help which is rendered by the feeling of social coöperation, on +the other hand, is not removed by the mere abstaining from speaking. +Interesting psychopedagogical experiments have, indeed, demonstrated +that working in a common room produces better results than isolated +activity. This is not true of the most brilliant, somewhat nervous +school children, who achieve in their own room at home more than in +the classroom. But for the average, which almost alone is in question +for life in the factory, the consciousness of common effort is a +source of psychophysical reinforcement. This evidently remains +effective when the workingmen can see one another, even if the +arrangement of the seats precludes the possibility of chatting during +the work. + +However, by far the more important cause of distraction of attention +lies in those disturbances which come from without. Here again the +chief interest ought to be attached to those interferences which the +workman himself no longer feels as such. In a great printing-shop a +woman who was occupied with work which demanded her fullest attention +was seated at her task in an aisle where trucking was done. Removing +this operator to a quiet corner caused an increase of 25 per cent in +her work.[40] To be sure there are many such disturbances in factory +life which can hardly be eliminated with the technical means of +to-day. For instance, the noise of the machines, which in many +factories makes it impossible to communicate except by shouting, must +be classed among the real psychological interferences in spite of the +fact that the laborers themselves usually feel convinced that they no +longer notice it at all. Still more disturbing are strong rhythmical +sounds, such as heavy hammer blows which dominate the continuous +noises, as they force on every individual consciousness a +psychophysical rhythm of reaction which may stand in strong contrast +to that of a man's own work. From the incessant inner struggle of the +two rhythms, the one suggested by the labor, the other by the external +intrusion, quick exhaustion becomes unavoidable. + +If it were our purpose to elaborate a real system of psychological +economics, we should have to proceed here to a careful study of the +influences of fatigue on the industrial achievement. We should have to +discuss the various kinds of fatigue and exhaustion, the conditions of +restoration, and the whole group of related problems of psychophysics. +But this is the one field which has been thoroughly ploughed over by +science and by practical life in the course of the last decades. No +new suggestion and no new hint of the importance of the problem is +needed here. Our short discussion was planned to be confined to those +regions which have not been worked up in systematic investigations +and for which new devices seemed desirable. Hence we do not reproduce +here the rich material of facts which the physiologists and +psychophysicists have brought together in the last half-century, the +importance of which for industrial labor is perfectly evident. +Moreover, the practical applications and the insight into the social +needs have transformed the factories themselves into one big +laboratory in which the problem of fatigue has been studied by +practical experiments. The problem of the dependence of fatigue and +output upon the length of the working day has been tested in +numberless places with the methods of really exact research, as it was +easy to find out how the achievement of the laborers became +quantitatively and qualitatively changed by the shortening of the +working hours. + +When in one civilized country after another the exhaustingly long +working days of the industrial wage-earner were shortened more and +more, the theoretical discussions of the legislators and of the social +reformers were soon supplemented by careful statistical inquiries in +the factories. It was found that everywhere, even abstracting from all +other cultural and social interests, a moderate shortening of the +working day did not involve loss, but brought a direct gain. The +German pioneer in the movement for the shortening of the workingman's +day, Ernst Abbé, the head of one of the greatest German factories, +wrote many years ago that the shortening from nine to eight hours, +that is, a cutting-down of more than 10 per cent, did not involve a +reduction of the day's product, but an increase, and that this +increase did not result from any supplementary efforts by which the +intensity of the work would be reinforced in an unhygienic way.[41] +This conviction of Abbé still seems to hold true after millions of +experiments over the whole globe. But the problem of fatigue has +forced itself on the consideration of the men of affairs from still +another side. It has been well known for a long while how intimate the +relations are between fatigue and industrial accidents. The statistics +of the various countries and of the various industries do not +harmonize exactly, but a close connection between the number of +accidents and the hours of the day can be recognized everywhere. +Usually the greatest number of injuries occurs between ten and eleven +o'clock in the forenoon and between three and four o'clock in the +afternoon. The different distribution of the working hours, and of the +pauses for the meals, make the various statistical tables somewhat +incomparable. But it can be traced everywhere that in the first +working hours in which fatigue does not play any considerable rôle, +the number of accidents is small, and that this number sinks again +after the long pauses. It is true that the number also becomes +somewhat smaller at the end of the forenoon and of the afternoon +period, but this seems to have its cause in the fact that with growing +fatigue and with the feeling that the end of the working period is +near, the rhythm of the activity becomes much slower, and with such +slower movements the danger of accidents is greatly reduced. In a +similar way the factories have had to give the fullest attention to +the fatigue problem in its relation to the distribution of pauses, and +above all in its relation to the advisable speed of the machines, the +limits of which are set by the fatigue of the workingmen, and still +more of the working-women. + +The legislatures, the labor unions, and the manufacturers have then +had this problem of fatigue constantly before their eyes.[42] On the +other hand, the psychologists and physiologists have continuously +studied the fatigue and restoration of the muscle system and of the +central nervous system, and have analyzed the facts with the subtlest +methods. Yet, in spite of this, it cannot be denied that a real mutual +enrichment has so far hardly been in question. On the contrary, the +whole situation has again demonstrated the old experience. The mere +trying and trying again in practical life can never reach the maximum +effects which may be secured by systematic, scientifically conducted +efforts. On the other side the studies of the theoretical scholars can +never yield the highest values for civilization if the problems which +offer themselves in practical life are ignored. The theorists have to +prepare the ground, and in this preparatory work they must, indeed, +remain utterly regardless of any practical situations. But after that +a second stage must be reached at which on the foundation of this +neutral research special theoretical investigations are undertaken +which originate from practical conditions. As long as industrial +managers have no contact with the experiments of the laboratory and +the experimentalists are shy of any contact with the industrial +reality, humanity will pass through social suffering. The hope of +mankind will be realized by the mutual fertilization of knowing and +doing. + +The practical efforts of the factories have, indeed, not yet reached +the point at which the greatest possible achievement which can be +reached without over-fatigue may be secured. We called the +abbreviation of the working day an experimental scheme. The question +of reducing the working hours is so simple that no further special +experiments are needed. But when we come to the questions of the +pauses at work, the speed of work and similar factors related to +fatigue, the situation is by far more complicated, and the often +capricious changes in the plant have very little in common with a +systematic experiment. Some well-known studies of the efficiency +engineers clearly demonstrate the possibility of such systematic +efforts. The best-known case is probably Taylor's study of the +pig-iron handlers of the Bethlehem Steel Company. He found that the +gang of 75 men was loading on the average about 12-1/2 tons per man +per day. When he discussed with various managers the question of what +output would be the possible maximum, they agreed that under premium +work, piecework, or any of the ordinary plans for stimulating the men, +an output of 18 to 25 tons would be the extreme possibility. Then he +proceeded to a systematic study of the fatigue in its relation to the +burden and of the best possible relation between working time and +resting time. His first efforts to find formulas were unsuccessful, +because he calculated only the actual mechanical energy exerted and +found that some men were tired after exerting energy of 1/8 hp., while +others seemed to be able to produce the energy of 1/2 hp. without +greater fatigue. But soon he discovered the mistake in his figures. +He had considered only the actual movements, and had neglected the +period in which the laborer was not moving and was not exerting +energy, but in which a weight was pulling his arms and demanding a +corresponding muscular effort. As soon as this muscular achievement +was taken into account, too, he found that for each particular weight +a definite relation exists between the time that a man is under a +heavy load and the time of rest. For the usual loads of 90 pounds, he +found that a first-class laborer must not work more than 43 per cent +of time working day and must be entirely without load 57 per cent. If +the load becomes lighter, the relation is changed. If the workman is +handling a half pig weighing 46 pounds, he can be under load 58 per +cent of the day and only has to rest during 42 per cent.[43] + +As soon as these figures were experimentally secured, Taylor selected +fit men, and did not allow them to lift and to carry the loads as they +pleased, but every movement was exactly prescribed by foremen who +timed exactly the periods of work and rest. If he had simply promised +his men a high premium in case they should carry more than the usual +12 tons a day, they would have burdened themselves as heavily as +possible and would have carried the load as quickly as possible, thus +completely exhausting themselves after three or four hours of labor. +In spite of such senseless exaggeration of effort in the first hours, +the total output for the day would have been relatively small. Now the +foremen determined exactly when every individual should lift and move +the load and when he should sit quietly. The result was that the men, +without greater fatigue, were able to carry 47-1/2 tons a day instead +of the 12-1/2 tons. Their wages were increased 60 per cent. Such a +trivial illustration demonstrates very clearly the extreme difference +between an increase of the economic achievement by scientific, +experimental investigation and a mere enforcing of more work by +artificially whipping-up the mind with promises of extraordinary +wages. Yet even such rules as the scientific management engineers have +formed, may be elaborated to more lasting prescriptions as soon as the +purely psychological factors are brought more into the foreground and +are approached with the careful analysis of the experimental +psychologist. + +Such a systematic psychological inquiry is the more important for +questions of fatigue, as we know that the subjective feeling of +displeasure in fatigue is no reliable measure for the objective +fatigue, that is, for the real reduction of the ability for work. +Daily experience teaches us how easily some people overstep the limits +of normal fatigue, and in extreme cases even come to a nervous +breakdown because nature did not protect them by the timely appearance +of strong fatigue feelings. On the other hand, we find many men and +still more women who feel tired even after a small exertion, because +they did not learn early to inhibit the superficial feelings of +fatigue, or because the sensations of fatigue have in fact a certain +abnormal intensity in their case. The question how far the +psychophysical apparatus has really been exhausted by a certain effort +must be answered with the help of objective research and not on the +basis of mere subjective feelings. But such objective measurements +demand systematic experiments in the laboratory. + +The experiments which really have been carried on in the laboratory as +yet, as far as they were not merely physiological, have on the whole +been confined to so-called mental labor, and were essentially devoted +to problems of school instruction or medical diagnosis. We have no +doubt excellent experiments which are devoted to the study of the +individual differences of exhaustion, fatigue, exhaustibility, ability +to recover the lost energy, ability to learn from practice, and so on, +but they are still exclusively adjusted to the needs of the +school-teacher and of the nerve specialist and would hardly be +immediately useful to the manager of a factory. We shall need a long +careful series of investigations in order to determine how far those +manifold results from experiments with memory work, thought work, +writing work, and so on can be applied to the work which the +industrial laborer is expected to perform. + + + + +XVIII + +PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE WORKING POWER + + +The increase and decrease of the ability to do good work depends of +course not only upon the direct fatigue from labor and the pauses for +rest; a large variety of other factors may lead to fluctuations which +are economically important. The various hours of the day, the seasons +of the year, the atmospheric conditions of weather and climate, may +have such influence. Some elements of this interplay have been cleared +up in recent years. Just as the experiments of pedagogical psychology +have determined the exact curve of efficiency during the period of an +hour in school, so other investigations have traced the typical curve +of psychical efficiency throughout the day and the year. Sociological +and criminological statistics concerning the fluctuations in the +behavior of the masses, common-sense experience of practical life, and +finally, economic statistics concerning the quantity and quality of +industrial output in various parts of the day and of the year, have +supplemented one another. The systematic assistance of the +psychological laboratory, however, has been confined to the +educational aspect of the problem. Psychological experiments have +determined how the achievement of the youth in the schoolroom changes +with the months of the year and the hours of the day. It seems as if +it could not be difficult to secure here, too, a connection between +exact experiment and economic work. Much will have to be reduced to +individual variations. The laboratory has already confirmed the +experience of daily life that there are morning workers whose +strongest psychophysical efficiency comes immediately after the +night's rest, while the day's work fatigues them more and more; and +that there are evening workers who in the morning still remain under +the after effects of the night's sleep, and who slowly become fresher +and fresher from the stimuli of the day. It would seem not impossible +to undertake a systematic selection of various individuals under this +point of view, as different industrial tasks demand a different +distribution of efficiency between morning and night. + +Such a selection and adjustment may be economically still more +important with reference to the fluctuations during the course of the +year. Economic inquiries, for instance, have suggested that younger +and older workingmen who ordinarily show the same efficiency become +unequal in their ability to do good work in the spring months, and the +economists have connected this inequality with sexual conditions. But +other factors as well, especially the blood circulation of the +organism and the resulting reactions to external temperature, +different gland activities, and so on, cause great personal +differences in efficiency during the various seasons of the year. +Inasmuch as we know many economic occupations in which the chief +demand is made in one or another period of the year, a systematic +study of these individual variations might be of high economic value, +where large numbers are involved, and might contribute much to the +individual comfort of the workers. But a constant relation to day and +year also seems to exist independent of all personal variations. When +the sun stands at its meridian, a minimum of efficiency is to be +expected and a similar minimum is to be found at the height of summer. +Correspondingly we have an increase of the total psychical efficiency +in winter-time. During the spring-time the behavior seems, as far as +the investigations go, to be different in the intellectual and in the +psychomotor activities. It is claimed that the efficiency of the +intellectual functions decreases as the winter recedes, but that the +efficiency of psychomotor impulses increases.[44] + +The influences of the daily temperature, of the weather and of the +seasons may be classed among the physical conditions of efficiency. We +may group with them the effects of nourishment, of stimulants, of +sleep, and so on. As far as the relations between these external +factors and purely bodily muscle work are involved, the interests of +the psychologists are not engaged. But it is evident that every one of +these relations also has its psychological aspect, and that a really +scientific psychotechnical treatment of these problems can become +possible only through the agency of psychological experiments. We have +excellent experimental investigations concerning the influence of the +loss of sleep on intellectual labor and on simple psychomotor +activities. But it would be rather arbitrary to deduce from the +results of those researches anything as to the effect of reduction of +sleep on special economic occupations. Yet such knowledge would be of +high importance. We have in the literature concerned with accidents in +transportation numerous popular discussions about the destructive +influence of loss of sleep on the attention of the locomotive engineer +or of the helmsman or of the chauffeur, but an analysis of the +particular psychophysical processes does not as yet exist and can be +expected only from systematic experiments. Nor has the influence of +hunger on psychotechnical activities been studied in a satisfactory +way. + +A number of psychological investigations have been devoted to the +study of the influence of alcohol on various psychical functions and +in this field at least the strictly economic problem of industrial +labor has sometimes been touched. We have the much quoted and much +misinterpreted experiments [45] which were carried on in Germany with +typesetters. The workmen received definite quantities of heavy wine at +a particular point in the work and the number of letters which they +were able to set during the following quarter-hours were measured and +compared with their normal achievement in fifteen minutes. The +reduction of efficiency amounted on the average to 15 per cent of the +output. It may be mentioned that the loss referred only to the +quantity of the work and not at all to the quality. The well-known +subjective illusory feeling of the subjects was not lacking; they +themselves believed that the wine had reinforced their working power. +As soon as such experiments are put into the service of economic life, +they will have to be carried on with much more accurate adjustment to +the special conditions, with subtler gradation of the stimuli, and +especially with careful study of individual factors. But at first it +seems more in the interest of the practical task that the extremely +complicated problem of the influence of alcohol be followed up by +purely theoretical research in the laboratory in order that the effect +may be resolved into its various components. We must first find the +exact facts concerning the influence of alcohol on elementary +processes of mental life, such as perception, attention, memory, and +so on, and this will slowly prepare the way for the complete economic +experiment. + +At present the greatest significance for the economic field may be +attached to those alcohol experiments which dealt with the +apprehension of the outer world. They proved a reduction in the +ability to grasp the impressions and a narrowing of the span of +consciousness. The indubitable decrease of certain memory powers, of +the acuity in measuring distance, of the time estimation, and similar +psychical disturbances after alcohol, must evidently be of high +importance for industry and transportation, while the well-known +increase of the purely sensory sensibility, especially of the visual +acuity after small closes of alcohol, hardly plays an important rôle +in practical life. The best-known and experimentally most studied +effect of alcohol, the increase of motor excitability, also evidently +has its importance for industrial achievements. It cannot be denied +that this facility of the motor impulses after small doses of alcohol +is not a real gain, which might be utilized economically, but is +ultimately an injury to the apparatus, even if we abstract from the +retardation of the reaction which comes as an after-effect. The +alcoholic facilitation, after all, reduces the certainty and the +perfection of the reaction and creates conditions under which wrong, +and this in economic life means often dangerous, motor responses +arise. The energy of the motor discharge suffers throughout from the +alcohol. + +Some experiments which were recently carried on with reference to the +influence of alcohol on the power of will seem to have especial +significance for the field of economic activity. The method applied in +the experiment was the artificial creation of an exactly measurable +resistance to the will-impulse directed toward a purpose. The +experiment had to determine what power of resistance could be overcome +by the will and how far this energy changes under the influence of +alcohol. For this end combinations of meaningless syllables were +learned and repeated until they formed a close connection in memory. +If one syllable was given, the mechanical tendency of the mind was to +reproduce the next syllable in the memorized series. The +will-intention was then directed toward breaking this memory type. For +instance, it was demanded, when a syllable was called, that the +subject should not answer with the next following syllable, but with a +rhyming syllable. This will-impulse easily succeeded when the +syllables to be learned had been repeated only a few times, while +after a very frequent repetition the memory connection offered a +resistance which the simple will-intention could not break. The +syllable which followed in the series rushed to the mind before the +intention to seek a rhyming syllable could be realized. The number of +repetitions thus became a measure for the power of the will. After +carrying out these experiments at first under normal conditions, they +were repeated while the subjects were under the influence of exactly +graded doses of alcohol.[46] From such simple tasks the experiment was +turned to more and more complex ones of similar structure. All +together they showed clearly that the alcohol did not influence the +ability to make the will effective and that the actual decrease of +achievement results from a decrease in the ability to grasp the +material. As long as the alcohol doses are small, this feeling of +decreased ability stirs up a reinforcement in the tension of the +will-impulse. This may go to such an extent that the increased +will-effort not only compensates for the reduced understanding, but +even over-compensates for it, producing an improvement in the mental +work. But as soon as the alcohol doses amount to about 100 cubic +centimeters, the increased tension of the will is no longer sufficient +to balance the paralyzing effect in the understanding. Yet it must not +be overlooked that in all these experiments only isolated will acts +were in question which were separated from one another by pauses of +rest. Evidently, however, the technical laborer is more often in a +situation in which not isolated impulses, but a continuous tension of +the will is demanded. How far such an uninterrupted will-function is +affected by alcohol has not as yet been studied with the exact means +of the experiment. + +To be sure an obvious suggestion would be that the whole problem, as +far as economics, and especially industry, are concerned, might be +solved in a simpler way than by the performance of special +psychological experiments, namely, by the complete elimination of +alcohol itself from the life of the wage-earner. The laboratory +experiment which seems to demonstrate a reduction of objective +achievement in the case of every important mental function merely +supplements in exact language the appalling results indicated by +criminal statistics, disease statistics, and inheritance statistics. +It seems as if the time had come when scientists could not with a good +conscience suggest any other remedy than the merciless suppression of +alcohol. Indeed, there can be no doubt that alcohol is one of the +worst enemies of civilized life, and it is therefore almost with +regret that the scientist must acknowledge that all the psychological +investigations, which have so often been misused in the partisan +writings of prohibitionists, are not a sufficient basis to justify the +demand for complete abstinence. + +First, newer experiments make it very clear that many of the so-called +effects of alcohol which the experiment has demonstrated are produced +or at least heightened by influences of suggestion. Experiments which +have been carried on in England for the study of that point show +clearly that certain psychical disturbances which seem to result from +small doses of alcohol fail to appear as soon as the subject does not +know that he has taken alcohol. For that purpose it was necessary to +eliminate the odor, and this was accomplished by introducing the +beverages into the organism by a stomach pump. When by this method +sometimes water and sometimes diluted alcohol was given without the +knowledge of the subject, the usual effects of small doses of alcohol +did not arise. But another point is far more important. We may take it +for granted that alcohol reduces the ability for achievement as soon +as such very small doses are exceeded. But from the standpoint of +economic life we have no right to consider a reduction of the +psychical ability to produce work as identical with a decrease in the +economic value of the personality. Such a view would be right if the +influence necessarily set in at the beginning of the working period. +But if, for instance, a moderate quantity of beer is introduced into +the organism after the closing of the working day, it would certainly +produce an artificial reduction of the psychical ability, and yet this +decrease of psychophysical activity might be advantageous to the total +economic achievement of the workingman in the course of the week or +the year. To be sure the glass of beer in the evening paralyzes +certain inhibitory centres of the brain and therefore puts the mind +out of gear, but such a way of expressing it may easily be misleading, +as it suggests too much that a real injury is done. From the point of +view of scientific psychology, we must acknowledge that such a +paralyzing effect in certain parts of the psychophysical system sets +in with every act of attention and reaches its climax in sleep, which +surely does no harm to the mind. It may be thoroughly advantageous for +the total work of the normal, healthy, average workingman if the after +effects of the motor excitement of the day are eliminated by a mild, +short alcoholic poisoning in the evening. It may produce that +narrowing and dulling of consciousness which extinguishes the cares +and sorrows of the day and secures the night's sleep, and through it +increased efficiency the next morning. Systematic experiments with +exact relation to the various technical demands must slowly bring real +insight into this complex situation. The usual hasty generalization +from a few experiments with alcohol for partisan interests is surely +not justified in the present unsatisfactory state of knowledge.[47] + +Perhaps we know still less of the influences which coffee, tea, +tobacco, sweets, and so on exert on the life of the industrial worker. +It will be wise to resolve these stimuli in daily use into their +elements and to study the effects of each element in isolated form. To +know, for instance, the effects of caffein on the psychophysical +activities does not mean to know the effects of tea or coffee, which +contain a variety of other substances besides the caffein, substances +which may be supposed to modify the effect of the caffein. Yet the +first step must in this case be the study of the effects of the +isolated caffein, before the total influences of the familiar +beverages can be followed up. An excellent investigation of this +caffein effect on various psychological and psychomotor functions has +recently been completed.[48] When the caffein effect on tapping +movements was studied, it was found that it works as a stimulation, +sometimes preceded by a slight initial retardation. It persists from +one to two hours after doses of from one to three grains and as long +as four hours after doses of six grains. The steadiness test showed a +slight nervousness after several hours after doses of from one to four +grains. After six grains there is pronounced unsteadiness. A complex +test in coördination indicated that the effect of small, amounts of +caffein is a stimulation and that of large amounts a retardation. +Correspondingly the speed of performance in typewriting is heightened +by small doses of caffein and retarded by larger doses. In both cases +the quality of the performance as measured by the number of errors is +superior to the normal result. + +The influences of the physiological stimulants have many points of +contact with the effects of social entertainment, the significance of +which for the economic life is still rather unknown in any exact +detail. Many factories in which the labor is noiseless, as in the +making of cigars, have introduced gramophone music or reading aloud, +and it is easy to understand theoretically that a certain animating +effect results, which stimulates the whole psychophysical activity But +only the experiment would be able to decide how this stimulation is +related, for instance, to the distraction of attention, which is +necessarily involved, or how it influences various periods of the work +and various types of work, how far it is true that the musical key +exerts an exciting or relaxing influence, what intensity and what +local position, what rhythm and what duration of such ĉsthetic +stimuli, would bring the best possible economic results. We all have +read of the favorable effects which were secured in a factory when a +cat was brought into every working-room in which women laborers were +engaged in especially fatiguing work. The cat became a living toy for +the employees, which stimulated their social consciousness. In not a +few plants the reinforced achievement is explained by the social means +of entertainment, which have been introduced under the pressure of +modern philanthropic ideas. The lounging-rooms with the newspapers and +periodicals the clubrooms with libraries, the excursions and dances +and patriotic festivities, fill up the reservoir of psychophysical +energies. As a matter of course all the social movements which enhance +the consciousness of solidarity among the laborers and the feeling of +security as to their future development in their career have a similar +effect of reinforcing the normal psychical achievement. + +As the strongest factor, finally, the direct material interest must +be added to these conditions. The literature of political economy is +full of discussions of the effect of increase of wages, of the payment +of bonuses and premiums, of piece-wages, of promised pensions, and, as +far as Europe is concerned, of state insurance. In short, the whole +individual financial situation in its relation to the psychophysical +achievement of the wage-earner is a favorite topic of economic +inquiry. We cannot participate here in these inexhaustible +discussions, because all these questions are to-day still so endlessly +far from the field of psychological experiments. Nevertheless we ought +not to forget the experience through which general experimental +psychology has gone in the last few decades. When the first +experiments were undertaken in order to deal systematically with the +mental life, the friends of this new science and its opponents agreed, +on the whole, in the belief that certainly only the most elementary +phenomena of consciousness, the sensations and the reactions of +impulses, would be accessible to the new method. The opponents +naturally compared this modest field with the great problems of the +mental totality, and therefore ridiculed the new narrow task as +unimportant. The friends, on the other hand, were eager to follow the +fresh path, because they were content to gain real exactitude by the +experiment at least in these simplest questions. Yet as soon as the +new independent workshops were established for the young science, it +was discovered that the method was able to open fields in which no one +had anticipated its usefulness. The experiments turned to the problems +of attention, of memory, of imagination, of feeling, of judgment, of +character, of ĉsthetic experience and so on. It is not improbable that +the method of the economic psychological experiment may also quickly +lead beyond the more elementary problems, as soon as it is +systematically applied, and then it, too, may conquer regions of +inquiry in which to-day no exact calculation of the psychological +factors seems possible. + +If such an advance is to be a steady one, the economic psychologist +will emancipate himself from the chance question of what problems are +at this moment important for commerce and industry and will proceed +systematically step by step from those results which the psychological +laboratory has yielded under the non-economic points of view. Many +previous psychological or psychophysical inquiries almost touch the +problems of industrial achievement. For instance, the experiments on +imitation, which psychophysicists have carried on in purely +theoretical or pedagogical interests, move parallel to industrial +experiences. It is well known that the pacemaker plays his rôle not +only in the field of sport but also in the factory. The rhythm of one +laborer gains controlling importance for the others, who instinctively +imitate him. Some plants even have automatically working machines with +the special intention that the sharp rhythm of these lifeless +forerunners shall produce an involuntary imitation in the +psychophysical system. In a similar way many laboratory investigations +on suggestion and suggestibility point to such economic processes, and +it seems to me that especially the studies on the influence of the +ideas of purpose which are being undertaken nowadays in many +psychological laboratories may easily be connected with the problems +of economic life. We know how the consciousness of the task to be +performed has an organizing influence on the system of those +psychophysical acts which lead to the goal. The experiment has shown +under which conditions this effect can be reinforced and under which +reduced. Pedagogical experiments have also shown exactly what +influence belongs to the consciousness of the approach to the end of +work; the feeling of the nearness of the close heightens the +achievement, even of the fatigued subject. It would not be difficult +to connect psychophysical experiments of this kind with the problems +of the task and bonus system, which is nowadays so much discussed in +industrial life. The practical successes seem to prove that the +individual can do more with equal effort if he does not stand before +an unlimited mass of work of which he has to do as much as possible in +the course of the day, but if he is before a definitely determined, +limited task with the demand that he complete it in an exactly +calculated time. Scientific management has made far-reaching use of +this principle, but whether constant results for the various +industries can be hoped for from such methods must again be +ascertained by the psychological experiment. + +These hopes surely will not weaken the interest of the psychologist +for those many psychological methods which lie outside of the +experimental research. A sociologist, who himself had been a laborer +in his earlier life, undertook in Germany last year an inquiry into +the psychological status of the laborers' achievement by the +questionnaire method.[49] He sent to 8000 workingmen in the mining +industries, textile industries, and metal industries, blanks +containing 26 questions, and received more than 5000 replies. The +questions referred to the pleasure and interest in the work, to +preferences, to fatigue, to the thoughts during the work, to the +means of recreation, to the attitude toward the wages, to the +emotional situation, and so on. The 5000 answers allowed manifold +classifications. The various mental types of men could be examined, +the influence of the machine, the attitude toward monotony, the +changes of pleasure and interest in the work with the age of the +laborer, the time at which fatigue becomes noticeable, and so on. Many +psychological elements of industrial life thus come to a sharp focus +and the strong individual differences could not be brought out in a +more characteristic way. Yet, all taken together, even such a careful +investigation on a psychostatistical basis strongly suggests that a +few careful experimental investigations could lead further than such a +heaping-up of material gathered from men who are untrained in +self-observation and in accurate reports, and above all who are +accessible to any kind of suggestion and preconceived idea. The +experimental method is certainly not the only one which can contribute +to reforms in industrial life and the reinforcement of industrial +efficiency, but all signs indicate that the future will find it the +most productive and most reliable. + + + + +PART III + +THE BEST POSSIBLE EFFECT + + + + +XIX + +THE SATISFACTION OF ECONOMIC DEMANDS + + +Every economic function comes in contact with the mental life of man, +first from the fact that the work is produced by the psyche of +personalities. This gave us the material for the first two parts of +our discussion. We asked what mind is best fitted for the particular +kind of work, and how the mind can be led to the best output of work. +But it is evident that the real meaning of the economic process +expresses itself in an entirely different contact between work and +mind. The economic activity is separated from all other processes in +the world, not by the fact that it involves labor and achievement by +personalities, but by the fact that this labor satisfies a certain +group of human desires which we acknowledge as economic. The mere +performance of labor, with all the psychical traits of attention and +fatigue and will-impulses and personal qualities, does not in itself +constitute anything of economic value. For instance, the sportsman +who climbs a glacier also performs such a fatiguing activity which +demands the greatest effort of attention and will; and yet the +psychotechnics of sport do not belong in economic psychology, because +this mountain climbing does not satisfy economic desires. The ultimate +characteristic which designates an activity as economic is accordingly +a certain effect on human souls. The whole whirl of the economic world +is ultimately controlled by the purpose of satisfying certain +psychical desires. Hence this psychical effect is still more +fundamental for the economic process than its psychical origin in the +mental conditions of the worker. The task of psychotechnics is +accordingly to determine by exact psychological experiments how this +mental effect, the satisfaction of economic desires, can be secured in +the quickest, in the easiest, in the safest, in the most enduring, and +in the most satisfactory way. + +But we must not deceive ourselves as to the humiliating truth that so +far not the slightest effort has been made toward the answering of +this central scientific question. If the inquiry into the psychical +effects were really to be confined to this problem of the ultimate +satisfaction of economic desires, scientific psychology could not +contribute any results and could not offer anything but hopes and +wishes for the future. At the first glance it might appear as if just +here a large amount of literature exists; moreover, a literature rich +in excellent investigations and ample empirical material. On the one +side the political economists, with their theories of economic value +and their investigations concerning the conditions of prices and the +development of luxury, the calculation of economic values from +pleasure and displeasure and many similar studies, have connected the +economic processes with mental life; on the other side the +philosophers, with their theories of value, have not confined +themselves to the ethical and ĉsthetic motives, but have gone deeply +into the economic life too. While such studies of the economists and +of the philosophers are chiefly meant to serve theoretical +understanding, it might seem easy to deduce from them technical +practical prescriptions as well. If we know that under particular +conditions certain demands will be satisfied, we draw the conclusion +that we must realize those conditions whenever such demands are to be +satisfied. The theoretical views of the economists and of the +philosophers of value might thus be directly translated into +psychotechnical advice. + +As soon as we look deeper into the situation, we must recognize that +this surface impression is entirely misleading. Certainly whenever +the philosophers or political economists discuss the problems of value +and of the satisfaction of human demands, they are using psychological +terms, but the whole meaning which they attach to these terms, +feeling, emotion, will, desire, pleasure, displeasure, joy, and pain, +is essentially different from that which controls the causal +explanations of scientific psychology. We cannot enter into the real +fundamental questions here, which are too often carelessly ignored +even in scientific quarters. Too often psychology is treated, even by +psychologists, as if it covered every possible systematic treatment of +inner experience, and correspondingly outsiders like the economists +fancy that they are on psychological ground and are handling +psychological conceptions as soon as they make any statements +concerning the inner life. But if we examine the real purposes and +presuppositions of the various sciences, we must recognize that the +human experience can be looked on from two entirely different points +of view. Only from one of the two does it present itself as +psychological material and as a fit object for psychological study. +From the other point of view, which is no less valuable and no less +important for the understanding of our inner life, human experience +offers itself as a reality with which psychology as such has nothing +to do, even though it may be difficult to eliminate the usual +psychological words. + +The psychologist considers human experience as a series of objects for +consciousness. All the perceptions and memory ideas and imaginative +ideas and feelings and emotions, are taken by him as mental objects of +which consciousness becomes aware, and his task is to describe and to +explain them and to find the laws for their succession. He studies +them as a naturalist studies the chemical elements or the stars. It +makes no difference whether his explanation leads him to connect these +mental contents with brain processes as one theory proposes, or with +subconscious processes as another theory suggests. The entirely +different aspect of inner life is the one which is most natural in our +ordinary intercourse. Whenever we give an account of our inner life or +are interested in the experience of our friends, we do not consider +how their mental experiences as such objective contents of +consciousness are to be described and explained, but we take them as +inner actions and attitudes toward the world, and our aim is not to +describe and to explain them but to interpret and to understand them. +We do not seek their elements but their meaning, we do not seek their +causes and effects but their inner relations and their inner +purposes. In short, we do not take them at all as objects but as +functions of the subject, and our dealing with them has no similarity +to the method of the naturalist. + +This method of practical life in which we seek to express and to +understand a meaning, and relate every will-act to its aim, is not +confined to the mere popular aspect; it can lead to very systematic +scholarly treatment. It is exactly the treatment which is fundamental +in the case of all history, for example, or of law, or of logic. That +is, the historian makes us understand the meaning of a personality of +the past and is really interested in past events only as far as human +needs are to be interpreted. It would be pseudo-psychology, if we +called such an account in the truly historical spirit a psychological +description and explanation. The student of law interprets the meaning +of the will of the legislator; he does not deal with the idea of the +law as a psychological content. And the logician has nothing to do +with the idea as a conscious object in the mind; he asks as to the +inner relations of it and as to the conclusions from the premises. In +short, wherever historical interpretations or logical deductions are +needed, we move on in the sphere of human life as it presents itself +from the standpoint of immediate true experience without artificially +moulding it into the conceptions of psychology. On the other hand, as +soon as the psychological method is applied, this immediate life +meaning of human experience is abandoned, and instead of it is gained +the possibility of considering the whole experience as a system of +causes and effects. Mental life is then no longer what it is to us in +our daily intercourse, because it is reconstructed for the purposes of +this special treatment, just as the water which we drink is no longer +our beverage if we consider it under the point of view of chemistry as +a combination of hydrogen and oxygen. Hence we have not two statements +one of which is true and the other ultimately untrue; on the contrary, +both are true. We have a perfect right to give the value of truth to +our experience with water as a refreshing drink, and also to the +formula of the chemist. With a still better right we may claim that +both kinds of mental experience are equally true. Hence not a word of +objection is raised against the discussions of the historians and the +philosophers, if we insist that their so-called psychology stands +outside of the really descriptive and explanatory account of mental +life, and is therefore not psychology in the technical sense of the +word. + +It is this historical attitude which controls all the studies of the +political economists. They speak of the will-acts of the individuals +and of their demands and desires and satisfactions, but they do not +describe and explain them; they want to interpret and understand them. +They may analyze the motives of the laborer or of the manufacturer, +but those motives and impulses interest them not as contents of +consciousness, but only as acts which are directed toward a goal. The +aim toward which these point by their meaning, and not the elements +from which they are made up or their causes and effects, is the +substance of such economic studies. For such a subjective account of +the meaning of actions the only problem is, indeed, the correct +understanding and interpretation, and the consistent psychologist who +knows that it is not his task to interpret but to explain has no right +to raise any questions here. It is, therefore, only a confusing +disturbance, if a really psychological, causal explanation is mixed +into the interpretation of such a system of will-acts and purposes. It +is true we find this confusion in many modern works on economics. +Economists know that a scientific explanatory study of the human mind +exists, and they have a vague feeling that they have no right to +ignore this real psychology, instead of recognizing that the +psychology really has nothing to do with their particular problem. The +result is that they constantly try to discuss the impulses and +instincts, the hunger and thirst and sexual desire, and the higher +demands for fighting and playing and acquiring, for seeking power and +social influence, as a psychologist would discuss them, referring them +to biological and physiological conditions and explaining them +causally. Yet as soon as they come to their real problems and enter +into the interpretation and meaning of these economic energies, they +naturally slide back into the historical, economic point of view and +discuss the economic relations of men without any reference to their +psychologizing preambles. The application of the psychological, +scientific method to the true economic experience is therefore not +secured at all in this way. The demands and volitions which they +disentangle are not the ones which the psychophysiologist studies, +because they are left in their immediate form of life reality. They +are accordingly inaccessible to the point of view of experimental +psychology, and nothing can be expected from such interpretative +discussions of the economists for the psychotechnics at which the +psychologist is aiming. Even where the political economists deal with +the problems of value in exact language, nothing is gained for the +kind of insight for which the psychologist hopes, and the +psychologists must therefore go on with their own methods, if they +are ever to reach a causal understanding of the means by which a +satisfaction of the economic demands may be effected. + +So far the psychologists have not even started to examine these +economic feelings, demands, and satisfactions with the means of +laboratory psychology. Hence no one can say beforehand how it ought to +be done and how to gain access to the important problems, inasmuch as +the right formulation of the problem and the selection of the right +method would here as everywhere be more than half of the solution. It +must be left to the development of science for the right +starting-point and the right methods to be discovered. Sometimes, to +be sure, the experiment has at least approached this group of economic +questions. For instance, the investigations of the so-called +psychophysical law have often been brought into contact with the +experiences of ownership and acquirement. The law, well known to every +student of psychology, is that the differences of intensity in two +pairs of sensations are felt as equal, when the two pairs of stimuli +are standing in the same relation. The difference between the +intensities of the light sensations from 10 candles and 11 candles is +equal to that from 50 candles and 55 candles, from 100 candles and +110, from 500 candles and 550: that is, the difference of one +additional candle between 10 and 11 appears just as great as the +difference of 50 candles between 500 and 550. The psychologists have +claimed that in a corresponding way the same feeling of difference +arises when the amounts of possessions stand in the same relation. +That is, the man who owns $100 feels the gain or loss of $1 as much as +one who owns $100,000 feels the gain or loss of $1000. Not the +absolute amount of the difference, but the relative value of the +increase or decrease is the decisive influence on the psychological +effect. Some experimental investigations concerning feelings have also +come near to the economic boundaries. The study of the contrast +feelings and of the relativity of feelings, for instance, has points +of contact with the economic problem of how far economic progress, +with its stirring up and satisfying of continually new demands, really +adds to the quantity of human enjoyment. In other words, how far are +those sociologists right who are convinced that by the technical +complexity of modern life, with all its comforts and mechanizations, +the level of individual life is raised, but that the oscillations +about this average level remain the same and produce the same amount +of pleasure and pain? The technical advance would therefore bring no +increase of human pleasure. + +We might also put into this class the meagre experimental +investigations concerning the mutual influence of feelings. When +sound, light, and touch impressions, each of which, isolated, produces +a feeling of a certain degree, are combined with one another, the +experiment can show very characteristic changes in the intensity of +pleasure and displeasure. From such routine experiments of the +laboratory it might not be difficult to come to more complex +experiments on the mutual relations of feeling values and especially +of the combinations of pleasure with displeasure. This would lead to +an insight into the processes which are involved in the fixing of +prices, as they are always dependent upon the pleasure in the +acquisition and the displeasure in the outlay. The exact psychology of +the future may thus very well determine the conditions under which the +best effects for the satisfaction of economic demands may be secured, +but our present-day science is still far from such an achievement: and +it seems hardly justifiable to propose methods to-day, as it would be +like drawing a map with detailed paths for a primeval forest which is +still inaccessible. + + + + +XX + +EXPERIMENTS ON THE EFFECTS OF ADVERTISEMENTS + + +We have said that the time has not yet come for discussing from the +standpoint of experimental psychology the means to secure the ultimate +effects of economic life, namely, the satisfaction of economic +demands. If this were the only effect which had economic significance, +this whole last part of our little book would have to remain a blank, +as we wanted to deal here with the securing of the best effects after +having studied the securing of the best man and of the best work. Yet +these ultimate ends are certainly not the only mental effects which +become important in the course of economic processes. In order to +reach that final end of the economic movement, often an unlimited +number of part processes distributed over space and time must +coöperate. The satisfaction of our thirst in a tea-room may be a +trivial illustration of such a final effect, but it is clear that in +order to produce this ultimate mental effect of satisfying the thirst, +thousands of economic processes must have preceded. To bring the tea +and the sugar and the lemon to the table, the porcelain cup and the +silver spoon, wage-earners, manufacturers and laborers, exporters, +importers, storekeepers, salesmen, and customers had to coöperate. +Among such part processes which serve the economic achievement are +always many which succeed only if they produce characteristic effects +in human minds. The propaganda which the storekeeper makes, for +instance, his display and his posters, serve the economic interplay by +psychical effects without themselves satisfying any ultimate economic +demand. They must attract the passer-by or impress the reader or +stimulate his impulse to buy, and through all this they reach an end +which is in itself not final, as no human desire to read +advertisements exists. When the salesman influences the customer to +buy something which may later help to satisfy a real economic demand, +the art of his suggestive words secures a mental effect which again is +in itself not ultimate. If the manufacturer influences his employees +to work with more attention or with greater industry, or if the +community stirs up the desire for luxury or the tendency to saving, we +have mental effects which are of economic importance without being +really ultimate economic effects. + +As far as these effects are necessary and justified stages leading to +the ultimate satisfaction of economic demands, it certainly is the +duty of applied psychology to bring psychological experience and exact +methods into their service. We emphasize the necessary and justified +character of these steps, as it is evident that psychological methods +may be made use of also by those who aim toward mental effects which +are unjustified and which are not necessary for the real satisfaction +of valuable demands. Psychological laws can also be helpful in +fraudulent undertakings or in advertisements for unfair competition. +The psychotechnical scientist cannot be blamed if the results of his +experiments are misused for immoral purposes, just as the chemist is +not responsible if chemical knowledge is applied to the construction +of anarchistic bombs. But while psychology, as we have emphasized +before, cannot from its own point of view determine the value of the +end, the psychologist as a human being is certainly willing to +coöperate only where the soundness and correctness of the ends are +evident from the point of view of social welfare. + +In order to demonstrate the principle of this kind of psychotechnical +help with fuller detail, at least by one illustration, I may discuss +the case of the advertisements, the more as this problem has already +been taken up in a somewhat systematic way by the psychological +laboratories. We have a number of careful experimental investigations +referring to the memory-value, the attention-value, the +suggestion-value, and other mental effects of the printed business +advertisements. Of course this group of experimental investigations at +once suggests an objection which we cannot ignore. A business +advertisement, as it appears in the newspapers, is such an extremely +trivial thing and so completely devoted to the egotistical desire for +profit that it seems undignified for the scientist to spend his time +on such nothings and to shoot sparrows with his laboratory +cannon-balls. But on the one side nothing can be unworthy of thorough +study from a strictly theoretical point of view. The dirtiest chemical +substance may become of greatest importance for chemistry, and the +ugliest insect for zoölogy. On the other side, if the practical point +of view of the applied sciences is taken, the importance of the +inquiry may stand in direct relation to the intensity of the human +demand which is to be satisfied by the new knowledge. Present-day +society is so organized that the economic advertisement surely serves +a need, and its intensity is expressed by the well-known fact that in +every year billions are paid for advertising. Measured by the amount +of expenditure, advertising has become one of the largest and +economically most important human industries. It is, then, not +astonishing that scientists consider it worth while to examine the +exact foundations of this industry, but it is surprising that this +industry could reach such an enormous development without being guided +by the spirit of scientific exactitude which appears a matter of +course in every other large business. As it is a function of science +to study the physics of incandescent lamps or gas motors so as to +bring the economically most satisfactory devices into the service of +the community, it cannot be less important from the standpoint of +national economics to study scientifically the efficiency of the +advertisements in order that the national means may in this industry, +too, secure the greatest possible effects. It is only a secondary +point that experiments of this kind are of high interest to the +theoretical scientist as well. For us the advertisement is simply an +instrument constructed to satisfy certain human demands by its effects +on the mind. It is a question for psychology to determine the +conditions under which this instrument may be best adapted to its +purpose. + +The mental effect of a well-adapted advertisement is manifold. It +appeals to the memory. Whatever we read at the street corner, or in +the pages of the newspaper or magazine, is not printed with the idea +that we shall immediately turn to the store, but first of all with +the expectation that we keep the content of the advertisement in our +memory for a later purchase. It will therefore be the more valuable +the more vividly it forces itself on the memory. But if practical +books about the art of advertising usually presuppose that this +influence on the memory will be proportionate to the effect on the +attention, the psychologist cannot fully agree. The advertisement may +attract the attention of the reader strongly and yet by its whole +structure may be unfit to force on the memory its characteristic +content, especially the name of the firm and of the article. The pure +memory-value is especially important, as according to a well-known +psychological law the pleasure in mere recognition readily attaches +itself to the recognized object. The customer who has the choice among +various makes and brands in the store may not have any idea how far +one is superior to another, but the mere fact that one among them +bears a name which has repeatedly approached his consciousness before +through advertisements is sufficient to arouse a certain warm feeling +of acquaintance, and by a transposition of feeling this pleasurable +tone accentuates the attractiveness of that make and leads to its +selection. This indirect help through the memory-value is economically +no less important than the direct service. + +In order to produce a strong effect on memory the advertisement must +be easily apprehensible. Psychological laboratory experiments with +exact time-measurement of the grasping of various advertisements of +the same size for the same article, but in different formulations, +demonstrated clearly how much easier or harder the apprehension became +through relatively small changes. No mistake in the construction of +the advertisement causes so much waste as a grouping which makes the +quick apperception difficult. The color, the type, the choice of +words, every element, allows an experimental analysis, especially by +means of time-measurement. If we determine in thousandths of a second +the time needed to recognize the characteristic content of an +advertisement, we may discriminate differences which would escape the +naïve judgment, and yet which in practical life are of considerable +consequence, as the effect of a deficiency is multiplied by the number +of readers. + +We must insist on the further demand that the advertisement make a +vivid impression, so that it may influence the memory through its +vividness. Size is naturally the most frequent condition for the +increase of vividness, but only the relative size is decisive. The +experiment shows that the full-page advertisement in a folio magazine +does not influence the memory more than the full page in a quarto +magazine, if the reader is for the time adjusted to the particular +size. No less important than the size is the originality and the +unusual form, the vivid color, the skillful use of empty spaces, the +associative elements, the appeal to humor or to curiosity, to sympathy +or to antipathy. Every emotion can help to impress the content of the +advertisement on the involuntary memory. Unusual announcements +concerning the prices or similar factors move in the same direction. + +Together with the question of the apprehension and the vividness of +the impression, we must acknowledge the frequency of repetition as an +equally important factor. We know from daily life how an indifferent +advertisement can force itself on our mind, if it appears daily in the +same place in the newspaper or is visible on every street corner. But +the psychologically decisive factor here is not the fact of the mere +repetition of the impression, but rather the stimulation of the +attention which results from the repetition. If we remained simply +passive and received the impression the second and third and fourth +time with the same indifference with which we noticed it the first +time, the mere summation would not be sufficient for a strong effect. +But the second impression makes the consciousness of recognition, +thus exciting the attention, and through it we now turn actively to +the repeated impression which forces itself on our memory with +increased vividness on account of this active personal reaction. + +We may consider how such factors can be tested by the psychotechnical +experiment. Scott, for instance, studied the direct influence of the +relative size of the advertisements.[50] He constructed a book of a +hundred pages from advertisements which had been cut from various +magazines and which referred to many different articles. Fifty persons +who did not know anything about the purpose of the experiment had to +glance over the pages of the book as they would look though the +advertising parts of a monthly. The time which they used for it was +about ten minutes. As soon as they had gone through the hundred pages, +they were asked to write down what they remembered. The result from +this method was that the 50 persons mentioned on an average every +full-page advertisement 6-1/2 times, every half-page less than 3 +times, every fourth-page a little more than 1 time, and the still +smaller advertisements only about 1/7 time. This series of experiments +suggested accordingly that the memory value of a fourth-page +advertisement is much smaller than one fourth of the memory-value of +a full-page advertisement, and that of an eighth-page again much +smaller than one half of the psychical value of a fourth-page. The +customer who pays for one eighth of a page receives not the eighth +part, but hardly the twentieth part of the psychical influence which +is produced by a full page. + +These experiments, which were carried on in various forms, demanded as +a natural supplement a study of the effects of repetition in relation +to size. This was the object of a series of tests which I carried on +recently in the Harvard laboratory. I constructed the following +material: 60 sheets of Bristol board in folio size were covered with +advertisements which were cut from magazines the size of the "Saturday +Evening Post" and the "Ladies' Home Journal." We used advertisements +ranging from full-page to twelfth-page in size. Every one of the 6 +full-page advertisements which we used occurred only once, each of the +12 half-page advertisements was given 2 times, each of the fourth-page +size, 4 times, each of the eighth-page size, 8 times, and each of the +twelfth-page size, 12 times. The repetitions were cut from 12 copies +of the magazine number. The same advertisement never occurred on the +same page; every page, unless it was covered by a full-page +advertisement, offered a combination of various announcements. It is +evident that by this arrangement every single advertisement occupied +the same space, as the 8 times repeated eighth-page advertisement +filled a full page too. Thus no one of the 60 announcements which we +used was spatially favored above another. + +Thirty persons took part in the experiment. Each one had to devote +himself to the 60 pages in such a way that every page was looked at +for exactly 20 seconds. Between each two pages was a pause of 3 +seconds, sufficient to allow one sheet to be laid aside and the next +to be grasped. In 23 minutes the whole series had been gone through, +and immediately after that every one had to write down what he +remembered, both the names of the firms and the article announced. In +the cases where only the name or only the article was correctly +remembered, the result counted 1/2. We found great individual +differences, probably not only because the memory of the different +persons was different, but also because they varied in the degree of +interest with which they looked at such material. The smallest number +of reproductions was 18, of which 14 were only half remembered, that +is, only the name or only the article, and as we counted these half +reproductions 1/2, the memory-value for this person was counted 11. +The maximum reproduction was 46, of which 6 were half remembered. + +If these calculated values are added and the sum divided by the number +of participants, that is, 30, and this finally by the number of the +advertisements shown, that is, 60, we obtain the average memory-value +of a single advertisement. The results showed that this was 0.44. But +our real interest referred to the distribution for the advertisements +of different size. If we make the same calculation, not for the +totality of the advertisements but for those of a particular size, we +find that the memory-value for the full-page advertisement was 0.33, +for the 2 times repeated half-page advertisement, 0.30, for the 4 +times repeated fourth-page advertisement, 0.49, for the 8 times +repeated eighth-page advertisement, 0.44, and for the 12 times +repeated twelfth-page advertisement, 0.47. Hence we come to the result +that the 4 times repeated fourth-page advertisement as 1-1/2 times +stronger than one offering of a full-page, or the 2 times repeated +half-page, but that this relation does not grow with a further +reduction of the size. Two thirds of the subjects were men and one +third women. On the whole, the same relation exists for both groups, +but the climax of psychical efficiency was reached in the case of the +men by the 4 times repeated fourth-page, in the case of the women by +the 8 times repeated eighth-page. The 4 times repeated fourth-page in +the case of the women was 0.45, in the case of the men, 0.51, the 8 +times repeated eighth-page, women, 0.53, men, 0.37. + +I am inclined to believe that the ascent of the curve of the +memory-value from the full-page to the fourth-page or eighth-page +would have been still more continuous, if the whole-page +advertisements had not naturally been such as are best known to the +American reader. The whole-page announcement, therefore, had a certain +natural advantage. But when we come to another calculation, even the +effect of this advantage is lost. We examined the relations for the +first 10 names and articles, which every one of the 30 persons wrote +down. These first 10 were mostly dashed down quickly without special +thought. They also included only a few half reproductions. When we +study these 300 answers which the 30 persons wrote as their first 10 +reproductions, and calculate from them the chances which every one of +the 60 advertisements had for being remembered, we obtain the +following values: The probability of being remembered among the first +10 was for the full-page advertisement, 0.5, for the half-page 2 times +repeated, 1.2, for the fourth-page 4 times repeated, 2.9, for the +eighth-page 8 times repeated, 2.3, and for the twelfth-page 12 times +repeated, 2.4. The superiority of repetition over mere size appears +most impressively in this form, but we see again in this series that +the effect decreases even with increased number of repetitions as soon +as the single advertisement sinks below a certain relative size, so +that the 12 times repeated twelfth-page advertisement does not possess +the memory-value of the 4 times repeated fourth-page advertisement. If +Scott's experiments concerning the size and these experiments of mine +concerning the repetition are right, the memory-value of the +advertisements for economic purposes is dependent upon complicated +conditions. A business man who brings out a full-page advertisement +once in a paper which has 100,000 readers would leave the desired +memory-impression on a larger number of individuals than if he were to +print a fourth-page advertisement in four different cities in four +local papers, each of which has 100,000 readers. But if he uses the +same paper in one town, he would produce a much greater effect by +printing a fourth of a page four times than by using a full-page +advertisement once only. + +As a matter of course this would hold true only as far as size and +repetition are concerned. Many other factors have to be considered +besides. Some of these could even be studied with our material. We +could study from our results what memory-value is attached to the +various forms of type or suggestive words, what influence to +illustrations, how far they reinforce the impressiveness and how far +they draw away the attention from the name and the object, how these +various factors influence men and women differently, and so on. Other +questions, however, demand entirely different forms of experiment. We +may examine the effects of special contrast phenomena, of unusual +background, of irregular borders and original headings. The particular +position of the advertisement also deserves our psychological +interest. The magazines receive higher prices for the cover pages and +the newspapers for advertisements which are surrounded by reading +matter. In both cases obvious practical motives are decisive. The +cover page comes into the field of vision more frequently. What is +surrounded by reading matter is less easily overlooked. + +But the newspaper world hardly realizes how much other variations of +position influence the psychological effect. Starch[51] made +experiments in which he did not use real advertisements, but +meaningless syllables so as to exclude the influence of familiarity +with any announcement. He arranged little booklets, each of 12 pages, +on which a syllable such as _lod_, _zan_, _mep_, _dut_, _yib_, and so +on was printed in the middle of each page. Each of his 50 subjects +glanced over the book and then wrote down what syllables remained in +memory. He found that the syllables which stood on the first and last +page were remembered by 34 persons, those on the second and eleventh +by about 26, and those on the eight other pages by an average of 17 +persons. In the next experiment he printed one syllable in the middle +of the upper and one in the middle of the lower half of each page. The +results now showed that of those syllables which were remembered 54 +per cent stood on the upper half and 46 per cent on the lower half of +the page. Finally, he divided every page into four parts and printed +one syllable on the middle of each fourth of a page. The results +showed that of the remembered syllables 28 per cent stood on the +left-hand upper fourth, 33 per cent on the right-hand upper fourth, 16 +per cent left-hand lower, and 23 per cent right-hand lower. A +fourth-page advertisement which is printed on the outer side of the +upper half of the page thus probably has more than twice the +psychological value of one which is printed on the inner side of the +lower half. The economic world spends millions every year for +advertisements on the upper right-hand side and millions for +advertisements on the lower left-hand side, and is not aware that one +represents twice the value of the other. These little illustrations +of advertisement experiments may suffice to indicate how much +haphazard methods are still prevalent in the whole field of economic +psychotechnics, methods which would not be tolerated in the sphere of +physical and chemical technology. + + + + +XXI + +THE EFFECT OF DISPLAY + + +If we turn from the simple newspaper advertisement to the means of +propaganda in general, we at once stand before a question which is +often wrongly answered. The practical handbooks of advertisements and +means of display treat it as a self-evident fact that every +presentation should be as beautiful as possible. In the first place, +we cannot deny that the ugly and even the disgusting possess a strong +power for attracting attention. Yet it is true that by a transposition +of feelings the displeasure in the advertisement may easily become a +displeasure in the advertised object. But, on the other hand, it is +surely a mistake to believe that pure beauty best fulfills the +function of the advertisement. Even the draftsman who draws a poster +ought to give up the ambition to create a perfect picture. It might +have the power to attract attention, but it would hardly serve its +true purpose of fixing the attention on the article which is +advertised by the picture. The very meaning of beauty lies in its +self-completeness. The beautiful picture rests in itself and does not +point beyond itself. A really beautiful landscape painting is an end +in itself, and must not stir up the practical wish to visit the +landscape which has stimulated the eye of the painter. If the display +is to serve economic interests, every line and every curve, every form +and every color, must be subordinated to the task of leading to a +practical resolution, and to an action, and yet this is exactly the +opposite of the meaning of art. Art must inhibit action, if it is +perfect. The artist is not to make us believe that we deal with a real +object which suggests a practical attitude. The ĉsthetic forms are +adjusted to the main ĉsthetic aim, the inhibition of practical +desires. The display must be pleasant, tasteful, harmonious, and +suggestive, but should not be beautiful, if it is to fulfill its +purpose in the fullest sense. It loses its economic value, if by its +artistic quality it oversteps the boundaries of that middle region of +arts and crafts. This of course stands in no contradiction to the +requirement that the advertised article should be made to appear as +beautiful as possible. The presentation of something beautiful is not +necessarily a beautiful presentation, just as a perfectly beautiful +picture need not have something beautiful as its content. A perfect +painting may be the picture of a most ugly person. + +We have not yet spoken of the suggestive power of the means of +propaganda. Every one knows the influence on taste and smell, on +social vanity, on local pride, on the gambling instinct, on the +instinctive fear of diseases, and above all on the sexual instinct, +can gain suggestive power. Everywhere among the uncritical masses such +appeals reach individuals whose psychophysical attitudes make such +influences vivid and overpowering. Every one knows, too, those often +clever linguistic forms which are to aid the suggestion. They are to +inhibit the opposing impulses. The mere use of the imperative, to be +sure, has gradually become an ineffective, used-up pattern. It is a +question for special economic psychotechnics to investigate how the +suggestive strength of a form can be reinforced or weakened by various +secondary influences. What influence, for example, belongs to the +electric sign advertisements in which the sudden change from light to +darkness produces strong psychophysical effects, and what value +belongs to moving parts in the picture? + +The psychologist takes the same interest in the examples of window +displays, sample distributions, and similar vehicles of commerce by +which the offered articles themselves and not their mere picture or +description are to influence the consciousness of the prospective +customer. Here, too, every element may be isolated and may be brought +under psychotechnical rules. The most external question would refer to +the mere quantity of the presented material. The psychologist would +ask how the mere mass of the offering influences the attention, how +far the feeling of pleasure in the fullness, how far the ĉsthetic +impression of repetition, how far the associative thought of a +manifold selection, how far the mere spatial expansion, affects the +impression. In any case, as soon as it is acknowledged as desirable to +produce with certain objects the impression of the greatest possible +number, the experimental psychologist stands before the concrete +problem of how a manifoldness of things is to be distributed so that +it will not be underestimated, perhaps even overestimated as to +quantity. Again, the laboratory experiment would not proceed with real +window displays or real exhibitions, but would work out the principle +with the simplified experimental means. + +An investigation in the Harvard laboratory, for instance, tested the +influence which various factors have upon the estimation of a number +of objects seen.[52] The question was how far the form or the size or +the distribution makes a group of objects appear larger or smaller. +The experiment was started by showing 20 small cards on a black +background in comparison with another group of cards the number of +which varied between 17 and 23. At first the form of these little +cards was changed: triangles, squares, and circles were tried. Or the +color was changed: light and dark, saturated and unsaturated colors +were used. Or the order was varied: sometimes the little cards lay in +regular rows, sometimes in close clusters, sometimes widely +distributed, sometimes in quite irregular fashion. Or the background +was changed, or the surrounding frame, or the time of exposure, and so +on. Each time the subjects had to estimate whether the second group +was the larger or equal or the smaller. These experiments indicated +that such comparative estimation was indeed influenced by every one of +the factors mentioned. If the experiments show that an irregular +distribution makes the number appear larger or a close clustering +reduces the apparent number, and so on, the business man would be +quite able to profit from such knowledge. The jeweler who shows his +rings and watches in his window wishes to produce with his small stock +the impression of an ample supply. He lacks the psychology which might +teach him whether he would act more wisely in having the rings and the +watches separated, or whether he should mix the two, whether he ought +to choose a background which is similar in color or one which +contrasts with the pieces exhibited, whether he ought to present the +single object in a special background as in a case, or to show it +without one. He is not aware that by simple psychological illusions, +it is not difficult to change the apparent size of an isolated object +by special treatment, making his show-piece appear larger by a fitting +background or intentionally making a dainty object appear smaller by +contrasting surroundings. These, to be sure, are very trivial +illustrations, but the same fundamental psychological laws which are +true for the show-window of the next corner store are true for the +world-display of the nation. The point is to present clearly the idea, +which can be most simply expressed in such trivial material. But it +may be added that even in the case of the most indifferent example a +few hasty experiments with one or two subjects cannot yield any +results of value. + +All parts of physiological psychological optics can contribute similar +material. The questions of color harmony and color contrast, light +intensity and mutual support of uniformly colored objects, of +irradiation, depth and perspective, are significant for an effective +display in the show-window, and the laboratory results can easily be +translated into psychotechnical prescriptions. But here it is still +more necessary to separate carefully the merely optical impression +from its ĉsthetic side. All that we claimed as to the poster is still +more justified for the presentation of the saleable objects +themselves. As soon as the display of the articles forms a real work +of art, it must produce inhibitions in the soul of the spectator by +which the practical economic desire is turned aside. Beauty here too +has strong power of attraction, and moreover the suggestive power, by +which it withdraws our senses from the chance surroundings, forces us +to lose ourselves in the offered presentation. But just through this +process the content of the display becomes isolated and separated from +the world of our practical interests. Our desires are brought to +silence, we do not seek a personal relation to the things which we +face as admiring spectators, and the intended economic effect is +therefore eliminated. Whoever is to examine the psychotechnics of +displays and exhibitions must therefore study the psychology of +ĉsthetic stimulation, of suggestion, of the effects of light, color, +form and movement, of apperception and attention, and ought not to +forget the psychology of humor and curiosity, of instincts and +emotions. For us the essential point is that here too the experimental +psychological method alone is able to lead from mere chance +arrangements founded on personal taste to the systematic construction +which secures with the greatest possible certainty the greatest +possible mental effect in the service of the economic purpose. + +The problems of the storekeeper who arranges his windows, however, +overlap the problems of the manufacturer who prepares his goods for +the world-market, and who must from the start take care that the outer +appearance of his goods stimulate the readiness to buy. In factories +in which these questions have been carefully considered, the +psychological elements have always been found to be the most +influential, but often the most puzzling. I received material from a +number of industrial plants which sold the same article in a variety +of packings. The material which was sent to me included all kinds of +soaps and candies, writing-papers and breakfast foods, and other +articles which are handled by the retailer, the sale of which depends +upon the inclination and caprice of the customer in the store. For +every one of these objects a number of external covers and labels were +sent and with them a confidential report with details about their +relative success. For instance, a certain kind of chocolate was sold +under 12 different labels. One of them was highly successful in the +whole country, and one other had made the same article entirely +unsaleable. The other 10 could be graded between these extremes. In +all 12 cases the covers were decorated with pictures of women with a +scenic background. As long as only ĉsthetic values were considered, +all were on nearly the same level, and ĉsthetically skilled observers +repeatedly expressed their preference for some of the unsuccessful +pictures over some of the successful ones. But as soon as an internal +relation was formed between the pictures and the chocolate, in the one +case a mental harmony resulted which had strong suggestive power, in +the other case a certain unrest and inner disturbance which +necessarily had an inhibiting influence. The picture which was +unsuccessful with the sweets would perhaps have been eminently +successful for tobacco. From such elementary starting-points, the +laboratory experiment might proceed systematically into spheres of +economic life hitherto untouched by scientific methods. The psychology +of the influence of external forms on the conscious reactions of the +masses is so far usually considered only when, as often happens, the +most fundamental demands are violated; for instance, when objects +which are to give the impression of ease are painted in colors which +give a heavy, clumsy appearance, or _vice versa_, when book-bindings +are lettered in archaic type which makes the reading of the title +impossible for a passer-by, and in many similar antipsychological +absurdities which any stroll through the streets of a modern city +forces on us. + + + + +XXII + +EXPERIMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO ILLEGAL IMITATION + + +It is perhaps not without interest to turn into a by-path at this +point of our road. All the illustrations which we have picked out so +far have referred to strictly economic conditions. But we ought not to +forget that these economic problems of commerce and industry are +everywhere in contact with legal interests as well. In order to +indicate the manifoldness of problems accessible to the experimental +method, we may discuss our last question, the question of packing and +of labels, in this legal relation too. All the packings, covers, +labels, trademarks, and names by which the manufacturer tries to +stimulate the attention, the imagination, and the suggestibility of +the customer may easily draw a large part of their psychological +effectiveness from without, as soon as they imitate the appearance of +articles which are well introduced and favored in the market. If the +public is familiar with and favorably inclined toward an article on +account of its inner values or on account of its being much +advertised, a similar name or a similar packing may offer efficient +help to a rival article. The law of course protects the label and the +deceiving imitation can be prosecuted. But no law can determine by +general conceptions the exact point at which the similarity becomes +legally unallowable. This creates a situation which has given rise to +endless difficulties in practical life. + +If everything were forbidden which by its similarity to an accredited +article might lead to a possible confusion in the mind of the quite +careless and inattentive customer, any article once in the market +would have a monopoly in its line. As soon as a typewriter or an +automobile or a pencil or a mineral water existed, no second kind +could have access to the market, as with a high degree of carelessness +one economic rival may be taken for another, even if the new +typewriter or the new pencil has a new form and color and name. On the +other side, the purchaser could never have a feeling of security if +imitations were considered as still legally justifiable when the +difference is so small that it needs an intense mental effort and +careful examination of details to notice it. + +The result is that the jurisdiction fluctuates between these two +extremes in a most alarming way, and this seems to hold true in all +countries. In theory: "There is substantial agreement that +infringement occurs when the marks, names, labels, or packings of one +trader resemble those of another sufficiently to make it probable that +ordinary purchasers, exercising no more care than such persons usually +do in purchasing the article in question, will be deceived." But it +depends upon the trade experts and the judges to give meaning to such +a statement in the particular case, as the amount of care which +purchasers usually exercise can be understood very differently. +Sometimes the customer is expected to proceed with an attention which +is most subtly adjusted to the finest differences, and sometimes it is +taken for granted that he is unable to notice even strong variations. +It is clear that this uncertainty which disturbs the whole trade +cannot be eliminated as long as the psychological background has not +been systematically studied. Mere talking about the attention of the +customer, and his ability to decide and select, and of his +observations and his habits in the spirit of popular common-sense +psychology, can never secure exact standards and definite demarcation +lines. The question is important not only where imitations of morally +doubtful character are in the market. Even the most honest +manufacturer is in a certain sense obliged to imitate his +predecessors, as they have directed the taste and habits of the +public in particular directions, and as the product of his company +would suffer unnecessarily if he were to disregard this psychical +attitude of the prospective customers. The economic legal situation +accordingly suggests the question whether it would not be possible to +devise methods for an exact measurement of the permissible similarity, +and this demand for exactitude naturally points to the methods of the +psychological experiment. E.S. Rogers, Esq., of Chicago, who has +thoroughly discussed the legal aspect of the problem,[53] first turned +my attention to the psychological difficulty involved. + +When I approached the question in the Harvard psychological +laboratory, it was clear to me that the degree of attention and +carefulness which the court may presuppose on the part of the customer +can never be determined by the psychologist and his experimental +methods. It would be meaningless, if we tried to discover by +experiments a particular degree of similarity which every one ought to +recognize or a particular degree of attention which would be +sufficient for protection against fraud. Such degrees must always +remain dependent upon arbitrary decision. They are not settled by +natural conditions, but are entirely dependent upon social agreement. +A decision outside of the realm of psychology must fix upon a +particular degree in the scale of various similarity values as the +limit which is not to be passed. The aim of the psychologist can be +only to construct such a scale by which decisions may be made +comparable and by which standards may become possible. The experiment +cannot deduce from the study of mental phenomena what degrees of +similarity ought to be still admissible, but it may be able to develop +methods by which different degrees of similarity can be discriminated +and by which a certain similarity value once selected can always be +found again with objective certainty. After many fruitless efforts I +settled on the following form of experiments, which I hope may bring +us nearer to the attainment of the purpose. + +A group of objects is observed for a definite time and after a +definite interval another group of objects is offered for comparison. +This second group is identical with the first in all but one of the +objects, and this is replaced by a similar one. The question is how +often this substitution will be noticed by the observers. I may give +in detail a characterization of the set of experiments in which we are +at present engaged. We are working with picture postal cards, using +many hundred cards of different kinds, but for each one we have one +or several similar cards. As postal cards are generally manufactured +in sets, it is not difficult to purchase pairs of pictures with any +degree of similarity. Two cards with Christmas trees, or two with +Easter eggs, or two with football players, or two with forest +landscapes, and so on, may differ all the way from a slight variation +of color or a hardly noticeable change in the position of details to +variations which keep the same motive or the same general arrangement, +but after all make the card strikingly different. The first step is to +determine for each pair the degree of similarity, on a percentage +basis. To overcome mere arbitrariness, we ask thirty to forty educated +persons to express the similarity value, calling identical postal +cards 100 per cent and two postal cards as different as a colored +flower piece and a black picture of a street scene O. The average +value of these judgments is then considered as expressing the +objective degree of similarity between the two pictures of a pair. +After securing such standard values, we carry on the experiments in +the following form. Six different postal cards, for instance, are seen +on a black background through the opening of a shutter which is closed +after 5 seconds. The six may be made up of a landscape, a building, a +head, a genre scene, and so forth. After 20 seconds the same group of +postal cards is shown once more, except that one is replaced by a +similar one, instead of one church another church building, or instead +of a vase with roses a vase with pinks. If the substituted picture has +the average similarity value of 80 per cent and we make the experiment +with 10 persons, the substitution may be discovered by 7 persons and +remain unnoticed by 3. We can now easily vary every one of the factors +involved. If instead of 6 cards, we take 10, it may be that only 4 out +of 10 persons, instead of 7, will discover the substitution, while if +we take 4 cards instead of 6, perhaps 9 persons out of 10 will +recognize the difference under these otherwise equal conditions. Only +an especially careless observer will overlook it. But instead of +changing the number of objects, we may change the periods of exposure. +If we show the 6 cards only for 2 seconds instead of 5 seconds, the +number of those who recognize the difference may sink from 7 to 5 or +4, and if we make the time considerably longer, we shall of course +reach a point where all 10 will recognize the substitution. The same +holds true of the shortening or lengthening of the time-interval +between the two presentations. The third variable factor is the +similarity itself. If instead of one church, not another church, but a +theatre or a skyscraper is shown, that is, if the similarity value of +80 per cent sinks down to a similarity of 60 per cent or 50 per cent, +the number of those who recognize the substitution will again become +larger; if, on the other hand, the substituted card shows the same +church, only from a slightly different angle, bringing the similarity +value up to 90 per cent or 95 per cent, the number of observers who +recognize the substitution may sink to 2 or 3. To make the experiments +reliable, it is also necessary frequently to mix in cases in which no +substitution at all is introduced. + +If these experiments are varied sufficiently and a large mass of +material brought together, we must be able to secure definite formulĉ. +We may find that if the critical card appears among 6 cards, is shown +for 5 seconds, and the group is again exposed after 20 seconds, 80 per +cent of the subjects will recognize the substitution of a similar +card, if the degree of similarity is 30 per cent, but only 60 per cent +will recognize it if the degree of similarity is 70 per cent, and only +30 per cent will recognize it if the degree of similarity is 90 per +cent. These are entirely fictitious figures and are only to indicate +the principle. If such an exact formula were definitely discovered, we +should still be unable to say from mere psychological reasoning what +similarity value is legally permissible. If the rules against +infringement are interpreted in a very rigorous spirit, it may seem +desirable to prohibit imitations which are as little similar as those +postal cards which were graded as 40 per cent in our similarity scale, +and if the interpretation is a loose one, it may appear permissible to +have imitations on the market which are as strongly similar as our +postal cards graded at 80 per cent in our similarity scale. All this +would have to be left to the lawmakers and to the judges. But what we +would have gained is this. We could say: if our object exposed for 5 +seconds in a group of 6 other objects is replaced after an interval of +20 seconds by an imitation and this change is recognized by 8 persons +among 10, the degree of similarity is 30 per cent and if it is +recognized by 3 out of 10 subjects, the degree of similarity is 90 per +cent. In short, from any percentage of subjects who under these +conditions discovered the substitution, we could determine the degree +of similarity, independent of any individual arbitrariness. If such +methods were accepted by the trade and the courts, it would only be +necessary, to agree on the percentage of similarity which ought to be +permitted, and all uncertainty would disappear. There would be no +wrangling of opposing interests; it would be possible to find out +whether the permitted limit were overstepped or not with an +exactitude similar to that with which the weight or the chemical +constitution of a trade commodity is examined. Certainly the +experiment establishes here conditions which are very different from +those of practical life. The customer who wants to buy a particular +picture postal card which he saw once before and to whom the salesman +offers a similar one, suggesting that it is the same, is facing only +one card and not a group of six. But in practical life the card which +be has seen was not observed with the definite intention of keeping +the memory picture in mind, and months may have passed since it was +seen. The memory picture which the customer has in his consciousness +when he seeks the particular card is much weakened by this +circumstance too. We secure this weakening artificially by the +arrangement of the experiment in placing the card in a group of six or +ten and exposing them for a few seconds only. The force of attention +and the corresponding memory-value are by this distribution diminished +in a definite degree in the case of every single card. + +The investigation must include a careful study of the size of the +groups, of the time-relations, of the percentage of correct answers, +all under the point of view of greatest fitness for practical +application. In the Harvard laboratory the research has been carried +on partly with such picture material, partly with word material, and +partly with concrete objects.[54] Whatever the details of the outcome +may be, we hope that the work will lead to results which may, indeed, +make such a psychotechnical use possible. Its principles and formulĉ +might easily be adjusted to any marketable material. As a matter of +course, if in future the courts were ever to accept such +psychological, experimental methods, it would be intolerable +dilettantism if such experiments were carried on by lawyers and +district attorneys. It is as true of this economic legal question as +of many other legal psychological problems that its introduction into +the courtroom can become desirable only when psychological experts are +engaged and called in the same way as chemical or medical experts are +invited to the court. On the other hand, there is surely not the +slightest desire on the part of psychologists to be dragged into +humiliating performances like those which not only handwriting +experts, but even psychiatric specialists have had to undergo +repeatedly in sensational court trials. The day for the expert +activity in the courtroom will came for the psychologist only when the +country has attached the expert to the court and has eliminated the +expert retained by the plaintiff or the defendant. But this general +practical question as to the position of the psychologist in the +courtroom and as to the need of a psychological laboratory in +connection with the courts would lead us too far aside. + + + + +XXIII + +BUYING AND SELLING + + +The effects which we have studied so far were produced by inanimate +objects, posters or displays, advertisements or labels and packings. +The economic psychotechnics of the future will surely study with +similar methods the effects of the living commercial agencies. +Experiments will trace the exact effects which the salesman or +customer may produce. But here not even a modest beginning can be +discovered, and it would be difficult to mention a single example of +experimental research. The desired psychological influences of the +salesman are not quite dissimilar to those of the printed means of +propaganda. Here, too, it is essential to turn the attention of the +customer to different points, to awaken a vivid favorable impression, +to emphasize the advantages of the goods, to throw full light on them, +and finally to influence the will-decision either by convincing +arguments or by persuasion and suggestion. In either case the point is +to enhance the impulse to buy and to suppress the opposing ideas. Yet +every one of these factors, when it starts from a man and not from a +thing or paper, changes its form. The influence becomes narrower, it +is directed toward a smaller number of persons; but, on the other +hand, it gains just by the new possibility of individualization. The +salesman in the store or the commercial traveler adjusts himself to +the wishes, reactions, and replies of the buyer. Above all, when it +becomes necessary to direct the attention to the decisive points, the +personal agent has the possibility of developing the whole process +through a series of stages so that the attention slowly becomes +focused on one definite point. The salesman observes at first only the +general limits of the interest of the customer as far as it is +indicated by his reactions, but slowly he can find out in this whole +field the region of strongest desires. As soon as he has discovered +this narrower region in which the prospects of success seem to be +greatest, he can systematically eliminate everything which distracts +and scatters the attention. He can discover whether the psyche of the +individual with whom he is dealing can be influenced more strongly by +logical arguments or by suggestion, and how far he may calculate on +the pleasure instincts, on the excitement of emotions, on the impulse +to imitate, on the natural vanity, on the desire for saving, and on +the longing for luxury. In every one of these directions the whole +play of human suggestion may be helpful. The voice may win or destroy +confidence, the statement may by its firmness overcome counter-motives +or by its uncertainty reinforce them. Even hand or arm movements by +their motor suggestion may focus the desires of the customers, while +unskillful, erratic movements may scatter the attention and lead to an +inner oscillation of the will to buy. + +At every one of these points the psychological experiment may find a +foothold, and only through such methodological study can the haphazard +proceedings of the commercial world be transformed into really +economic schemes. Indeed, it seems nothing but chance that just this +field is controlled by chance alone. The enormous social interplay of +energies which are discharged in the selling and buying of the +millions becomes utterly planless as soon as salesman and customer +come into contact, and this tremendous waste of energy cannot appear +desirable for any possible interest of civilization. The time alone +which is wasted by useless psychophysical operations in front of and +behind the counter represents a gigantic part of the national budget. +Even the complaints about the long working day of the salesgirls might +be eliminated from the debit account of the national ledger, if the +commercial companies could study the psychical processes in selling +and buying with the same carefulness with which they analyze all +details in preparing the stock and fixing the prices. In the army or +in the fire department, in the railroad service, and even in the +factory, all necessary activities are so arranged that as far as +possible the greatest achievement is secured by the smallest amount of +energy. But when the hundreds of millions of customers in the +civilized world want to satisfy their economic demands in the stores, +the whole dissolves into a flood of talk, because no one has taken the +trouble to examine scientifically the psychotechnics of selling and to +put it on a firm psychological foundation. + +The idea of scientific management must be extended from the industrial +concerns to the commercial establishments. The questioning and +answering, the showing and replacing of the goods, the demonstrating +and suggesting by the salesmen, must be brought into an economic +system which saves time and energy, as has been tried with the laborer +in the factory. Wherever economic processes are carried out with +superfluous, haphazard movements, the national resources have to +suffer a loss. The single individual can never find the ideal form of +motion and the ideal process by mere instinct. A systematic +investigation is needed to determine the way to the greatest saving +of energy, and the result ought to be made a binding rule for every +apprentice. How the smallest influences grow by summation may be +illustrated by the experience of a large department store, in which +the expense for delivery of the articles sold was felt as too large an +item in the budget. The hundreds of saleswomen therefore received the +order after every sale of moderate-sized articles not to ask, as +before, "May we send it to you?" but instead, "Will you take it with +you?" Probably none of the many thousand daily customers observed the +difference, the more as it was indifferent to most of them whether +they took the little package home themselves or not. In cases in which +it was inconvenient, they would anyhow oppose the suggestion and +insist that the purchase be sent to them. Yet it is claimed that this +hardly noticeable suggestion led to a considerable saving in the +following year, distinctly felt in the budget of the whole +establishment. + +We must not forget, however, that the process of buying deserves the +same psychological interest as that of selling. If psychotechnics is +to be put into the service of a valuable economic task, the goal +cannot possibly be to devise schemes by which the customer may easily +be trapped. The purpose of science cannot be to help any one to sell +articles to a man who does not need them and who would regret the +purchase after quiet thought. The applied psychologist should help the +prospective buyer no less, and must protect him so that his true +intention may become realized in the economic process. Otherwise +through his suggestibility, the determining idea of his goal might +fade in his consciousness and the appeal to his vanity or to his +instincts might awaken an anti-economic desire which he would be too +weak to inhibit. The salesman must know how to use arguments and +suggestions and how to make them effective,[55] but the customer too +must know how to see through a misleading argument and how to resist +mere suggestion. + +The postulate that the psychical factors in commercial life are to be +carefully regarded is repeated in more complex form in the wholesale +business and in the stock exchange. It is a perfectly justified and +consistent thought which recently led a large credit bureau to an +effort to base its information on psychological analysis. It is well +known that there are bureaus in which the ledger experiences of a +large circle of companies in the same commercial line are collected, +tabulated, and recorded, thus affording an automatic review of the +occurrences, focusing early attention on doubtful accounts and +pointing out weaknesses in the customers' conditions, as they +develop, as well as evidences of prosperity. The ledger experience +which a single company has with all its customers is tabulated without +revealing its identity to the associates, who get reports containing +it, and the many combined ledgers become a valuable guide. Yet all +such methods can show only actual movements in the market, and cannot +allow the prospects of future development to be determined, simply +because they cannot take into account the personal equations. Only an +acquaintance with the character and the temperament, the intelligence +and the habits, the energy and the weakness, of the head of a firm can +tell us whether the company, even with satisfactory resources, may go +down, or whether, even though embarrassed, it may hold out. The +psychological pioneer, therefore, aims not only toward an exchange of +ledger accounts, but toward a real psychological diagnosis and +prognosis. If a member of a firm is personally known to some scores of +business men who have had commercial dealings with him, and each one +of them, without disclosing his identity to any one but the central +bureau, sends to it a statement of personal impressions, a composite +picture of the mental physiognomy can be worked out. Of course all +this has been often done in the terms of popular psychology and in a +haphazard, amateurish way. The new plan is to arrange the questions +systematically under the point of view of scientific descriptive +psychology. Regular psychograms, in which the probability of a +particular kind of behavior is to be determined in an exact percentage +calculation, are to replace the traditional vagueness, as soon as a +sufficient number of reliable answers have been tabulated. + +Commercial life as a whole finds its contact with psychology, of +course, not only in the problem of how to secure the best mental +effect. Those other questions which we have discussed essentially with +reference to factory life and industrial concerns, namely, how the +best man and the best work are to be secured, recur in the circle of +commercial endeavors. It seems, indeed, most desirable to devise +psychological tests by which the ability to be a successful salesman +or saleswoman may be determined at an early stage. The lamentable +shifting of the employees in all commercial spheres, with its +injurious social consequences, would then be unnecessary, and both +employers and employees would profit. Moreover, like the selection of +the men, the means of securing the most satisfactory work from them, +has also so far been left entirely to common sense. Commercial work +stands under an abundance of varying conditions, and each may have +influences the isolated effects of which are not known, because they +have not been studied in that systematic form which only the +experiment can establish. The popular literature on this whole group +of subjects is extensive, and in its expansion corresponds to the +widespread demand for real information and advice to the salesman. But +hardly any part of the literature in the borderland regions of +economics is so disappointing in its vagueness, emptiness, and +helplessness. Experimental psychology has nothing with which to +replace it to-day, but it can at least show the direction from which +decisive help may be expected in future. + + + + +XXIV + +THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC PSYCHOLOGY + + +Here we may stop. From those elementary questions concerning the +mental effects, the path would quickly lead to questions of gravest +importance. What is the mental effect which the economic labor +produces in the laborer himself? How do economic movements influence +the mind of the community? How far do non-economic factors produce +effects on the psychical mechanism of the economic agents? But it +would be idle to claim to-day for exact psychology, with its methods +of causal thought, regions in which so far popular psychology, with +its methods of purposive thought, is still sovereign. Our aim +certainly was not to review the totality of possible problems related +to economic efficiency, but merely to demonstrate the principles and +the methods of experimental economic psychology by a few +characteristic illustrations. As all the examples which we selected +were chosen only in order to make clear the characteristic point of +view of psychotechnics, it is unimportant whether the particular +results will stand the test of further experimental investigations, +or will have to be modified by new researches. What is needed to-day +is not to distribute the results so far reached as if they were parts +of a definite knowledge, but only to emphasize that the little which +has been accomplished should encourage continuous effort. To stimulate +such further work is the only purpose of this sketch. + +This further work will have to be a work of coöperation. The nature of +this problem demands a relatively large number of persons for the +experimental treatment. With most experimental researches in our +psychological laboratories, the number of the subjects experimented on +is not so important as the number of experiments made with a few +well-trained participants. But with the questions of applied +psychology the number of persons plays a much more significant rôle, +as the individual differences become of greatest importance. The same +problems ought therefore to be studied in various places, so that the +results may be exchanged and compared. Moreover, these psychological +economic investigations naturally lead beyond the possibilities of the +university laboratories. To a certain degree this was true of other +parts of applied psychology as well. Educational and medical +experimental psychology could not reach their fullest productivity +until the experiment was systematically carried into the schoolroom +and the psychiatric clinic. But the classroom and the hospital are +relatively accessible places for the scientific worker, as both are +anyhow conducted under a scientific point of view. The teacher and the +physician can easily learn to perform valuable experiments with school +children or with patients. This favorable condition is lacking in the +workshop and the factory, in the banks and the markets. The academic +psychologist will be able to undertake work there only with a very +disturbing expenditure of time and only under exceptional conditions. +If such experiments, for instance, with laborers in a factory or +employees of a railway are to advance beyond the faint first efforts +of to-day and are really to become serviceable to the cultural +progress of our time with effective completeness, they ought not to +remain an accidental appendix to the theoretical laboratories. Either +the universities must create special laboratories for applied +psychology or independent research institutes must be founded which +attack the new concrete problems under the point of view of national +political economy. Experimental workshops could be created which are +really adjusted to the special practical needs and to which a +sufficiently large number of persons could be drawn for the +systematic researches. The ideal solution for the United States would +be a governmental bureau for applied psychology, with special +reference to the psychology of commerce and industry, similar to the +model agricultural stations all over the land under the Department of +Agriculture. + +Only when such a broad foundation has been secured will the time be +ripe to carry the method systematically into the daily work. The aim +will never be for real experimental researches to be performed by the +foreman in the workshop or by the superintendent in the factory. But +slowly a certain acknowledged system of rules and prescriptions may be +worked out which may be used as patterns, and which will not +presuppose any scientific knowledge, any more than an understanding of +the principles of electricity is necessary for one who uses the +telephone. But besides the rigid rules which any one may apply, +particular prescriptions will be needed fitting the special situation. +This leads to the demand for the large establishments to appoint +professionally trained psychologists who will devote their services to +the psychological problems of the special industrial plant. There are +many factories that have scores of scientifically trained chemists or +physicists at work, but who would consider it an unproductive luxury +to appoint a scientifically schooled experimental psychologist to +their staff. And yet his observations and researches might become +economically the most important factor. Similar expectations might be +justified for the large department stores and especially for the big +transportation companies. In smaller dimensions the same real needs +exist in the ordinary workshop and store. It is obvious that the +professional consulting psychologist would satisfy these needs most +directly, and if such a new group of engineers were to enter into +industrial life, very soon a further specialization might be expected. +Some of these psychological engineers would devote themselves to the +problems of vocational selection and appointment; others would +specialize on questions of advertisement and display and propaganda; a +third group on problems of fatigue, efficiency, and recreation; a +fourth on the psychological demands for the arrangement of the +machines; and every day would give rise to new divisions. Such a +well-schooled specialist, if he spent a few hours in a workshop or a +few days in a factory, could submit propositions which might refer +exclusively to the psychological factors and yet which might be more +important for the earning and the profit of the establishment than the +mere buying of new machines or the mere increase in the number of +laborers. + +No one can deny that such a transition must be burdened with difficult +complications and even with dangers; and still less will any one doubt +that it may be caricatured. One who demands that a chauffeur or a +motorman of an electric railway be examined as to his psychical +abilities by systematic psychological methods, so that accidents may +be avoided, does not necessarily demand that a congressman or a +cabinet minister or a candidate for marriage be tested too by +psychological laboratory experiments, as the witty ones have proposed. +And one who believes that the work in the factory ought to be studied +with reference to the smallest possible expenditure of psychical +impulses is not convinced that the same experimental methods will be +necessary for the functions of eating and drinking and love-making, as +has been suggested. + +And if it is true that difficulties and discomforts are to be feared +during the transition period, they should be more than outweighed by +the splendid betterments to be hoped for. We must not forget that the +increase of industrial efficiency by future psychological adaptation +and by improvement of the psychophysical conditions is not only in the +interest of the employers, but still more of the employees; their +working time can be reduced, their wages increased, their level of +life raised. And above all, still more important than the naked +commercial profit on both sides, is the cultural gain which will come +to the total economic life of the nation, as soon as every one can be +brought to the place where his best energies may be unfolded and his +greatest personal satisfaction secured. The economic experimental +psychology offers no more inspiring idea than this adjustment of work +and psyche by which mental dissatisfaction in the work, mental +depression and discouragement, may be replaced in our social community +by overflowing joy and perfect inner harmony. + + +THE END + + + + +NOTES + + +[1] The fullest account of the modern studies on individual +differences is to be found in: William Stern: Die differentielle +Psychologie in ihren methodischen Grundlagen. (Leipzig, 1911.) + +[2] The practical applications of psychology in education, law, and +medicine, I have discussed in detail in the books: Münsterberg: +Psychology and the Teacher. (New York, 1910.) Münsterberg: On the +Witness Stand. (New York, 1908.) (English edition under the title: +Psychology and Crime.) Münsterberg: Psychotherapy (New York, 1909.) + +[3] Frank Parsons: Choosing a Vocation. (Boston, 1909.) + +[4] M. Bloomfield: The Vocational Guidance of Youth. (Boston, 1911.) + +[5] Vocations for Boys. (Issued by the Vocation Bureau of Boston. +1912.) Vocations for Boston Girls. (Issued by the Girls' Trade +Education League. 1911.) Bulletins of Vocation Series. (Issued by the +Women's Educational and Industrial Union. 1911.) + +[6] F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New York, +1911.) H.L. Gantt: Work, Wages, and Profits. (New York, 1912.) And the +books of Emerson, Gilbreth, Goldmark, etc., to be mentioned later. + +[7] H. Emerson: Efficiency as a Basis for Operation and Wages. (New +York, 1912, p. 107.) + +[8] H. Emerson: The Twelve Principles of Efficiency. (New York, 1912, +p. 176.) + +[9] H Emerson: The Twelve Principles, p. 156. + +[10] H. Emerson: The Twelve Principles, p. 177. + +[11] F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management, pp. 86-97. + +[12] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +J.W. Bridges. + +[13] Investigation of Telephone Companies: Bureau of Labor. +(Washington, Government Printing Office, 1910.) + +[14] Ries: Beiträge zur Methodik der Intelligenzprüfung. (Zeitschrift +für Psychologie, 1910, vol. 56.) + +[15] For a survey of a large number of such tests and bibliography, +compare: G.M. Whipple: Manual of Mental and Physical Tests. +(Baltimore, 1911.) + +[16] F.L. Wells: The Relation of Practice to Individual Differences. +(American Journal of Psychology, 1912, vol. 23, pp. 75-88.) + +[17] M. Bernays: Auslese und Anpassung der Arbeiterschaft der +geschlossenen Grossindustrie, dargestellt an den Verhältnissen der +Gladbacher Spinnerei und Weberei. (Leipzig, 1910, p. 337.) + +[18] H.C. McComas: Some Types of Attention. (Psychological Review +Monographs, vol. 13, 3, 1911.) + +[19] Max Weber: Zur Psychophysik der industriellen Arbeit. (Archiv für +Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, 1908 and 1909, vols. 27 and 28.) + +[20] Bryan and Harter: Studies in the Telegraphic Language. +(Psychological Review, vol. 4.) + +[21] W.F. Book: The Psychology of Skill. (University of Montana, +Publications in Psychology, 1910.) + +[22] H. Münsterberg: Beiträge zur experimentellen Psychologie. (Book +iv, 1892.) + +[23] A.J. Culler: Interference and Adaptability. (Archives of +Psychology, 1912.) + +[24] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +L.W. Kline. + +[25] Adolf Gerson: Die physiologischen Grundlagen der Arbeitsteilung. +(Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft, 1907.) + +[26] Karl Bücher: Arbeit und Rhythmus. (Fourth Edition, Leipzig, 1909, +p. 438.) + +[27] Frank G. Gilbreth: Motion Study. (New York, 1911.) + +[28] Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New York, 1911, +p. 71.) + +[29] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +E.R. Riesen. + +[30] R. Herbertz: Zur Psychologie des Maschinenschreibens. +(Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie, 1908, vol. 2, p. 551.) + +[31] C.L. Vaughan: The Moter Power of Complexity. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906, p. 527.) + +[32] G.M. Stratton: Some Experiments in the Perception of the +Movement, Color, and Direction of Lights. (Psychological Review +Monographs, vol. 10, 1908.) + +[33] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Miss +L.M. Seeley. + +[34] H. Münsterberg: Beiträge sur experimentellen Psychologie. (Book +iv, 1892.) + +[35] R.S. Woodworth: Accuracy of Voluntary Movement. (Psychological +Review Monographs, vol. 8, 1899.) + +[36] B.A. Lenfest: The Accuracy of Linear Movement. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906.) + +[37] Ranschburg: Ueber die Bedeutung der Ähnlichkeit beim Erlernen, +Behalten und bei der Reproduktion. (Journal für Psychologie und +Neurologie, vol. 6.) Ranschburg: Zeitschrift für Psychologie und +Physiologie der Sinnesorgane. (Vol. 80, 1902.) + +[38] H. Kleinknecht: The Interference of Optical Stimuli. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906.) + +[39] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Miss +O.E. Martin. + +[40] Henry P. Kendall: Unsystematized, Systematized, and Scientific +Management. (In Addresses and Discussions at the Conference on +Scientific Management held at Dartmouth College, 1912.) + +[41] Ernst Abbé: Gesammelte Abhandlungen. (Jena, 1908, vol. 3, p. +206.) + +[42] A full survey of the problem and its literature is contained in: +Josephine Goldmark: Fatigue and Efficiency. (New York, 1912.) + +[43] F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New York, +1911, p. 58.) + +[44] W. Hellpach: Die geopsychischen Erscheinungen, Wetter, Klima und +Landschaft und ihr Einfluss auf das Seelenleben (Leipzig, 1911 p. +176-212.) + +[45] Aschaffenburg: Praktische Arbeit unter Alkoholwirkung +(Psychologische Arbeiten--Kraepelin, vol 1, 1906.) + +[46] Hildebrand Die Beeinflussung der Willenskraft durch den Alkohol +(Königsberg, 1910.) + +[47] For the scientific facts concerning alcohol and bibliography +compare Hugo Hoppe: Die Tatsachen über den Alkohol (Munich, 1912.) + +[48] H.L. Hollingworth: The Influence of Caffein on Mental and Motor +Efficiency. (New York, 1912.) + +[49] Levenstein: Die Arbeiterfrage. (Munich, 1912.) + +[50] W.D. Scott: The Psychology of Advertising. (Boston, 1908, p. +166.) + +[51] D. Starch: Psychology of Preferred Positions. (Judicious +Advertising, New York, November, 1909.) + +[52] C.T. Burnett: The Estimation of Number. (Harvard Psychological +Studies, vol. 2, p. 349.) + +[53] E.S. Rogers: The Unwary Purchaser: A Study in the Psychology of +Trade Mark Infringement. (Michigan Law Review, vol. 8, 1910.) + +[54] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +G.A. Feingold. + +[55] W.D. Scott: Influencing Men in Business. (New York, 1911.) + + + + +INDEX + + +Abstinence, 230. + +Accidents, 63, 66, 76, 213, 224. + +Adjustment, 35, 158. + +Advertisement, 255. + +Alcohol, 225, 227. + +Analysis, 47, 123. + +Apperception, 266. + +Applied psychology, 5, 10, 15, 304. + +Appointment, 116. + +Apprentice, 145. + +Arguments, 295. + +Art, 273. + +Artificial track, 71. + +Association, 105, 156. + +Attention, 21, 66, 101, 106, 135, 197, 206, 284. + +Attitude, 68, 75. + + +Beauty, 272, 278. + +Beginner, 182. + +Buying, 294. + + +Caffein, 232. + +Capitalism, 143. + +Card test, 87. + +Choice of vocation, 32, 34. + +Color blindness, 30, 57. + +Complication, 84. + +Concentration, 136. + +Confession, 18. + +Consciousness, 247. + +Conservation, 38. + +Consulting psychologist, 307. + +Conversation, 208. + +Counting, 175. + +Correlation, 134. + +Court, 292. + +Credit bureau, 299. + +Criminal, 14. + +Customer, 298. + + +Decision, 85, 94. + +Discrimination, 74. + +Display, 272. + +Dispositions, 27, 125, 170. + +Distraction, 206. + +Distribution, 276. + +Disturbances, 210. + +Division of labor, 28, 51, 191. + +Dynamogenic, 173. + + +Economics, 19, 243, 250. + +Educational psychology, 11. + +Efficiency, 50, 144, 158, 180, 190, 223, 225. + +Effort, 161. + +Electric railway, 63, 69, 180. + +Energy, 175. + +Entertainment, 233. + +Ergograph, 149. + +Exactitude, 186. + +Examinations, 29. + +Excitability, 226. + +Experimental psychology, 4, 57, 251. + +Expert, 292. + + +Factory, 122, 191, 212, 233, 279, 306. + +Failure, 35. + +Fatigue, 63, 180, 192, 206, 211, 218. + +Feeling, 147, 157, 253. + +Fitness, 53, 60, 116. + +Foresight, 64. + + +Grading, 103, 107. + +Groups, 129. + + +Habits, 150, 182. + +Handwriting, 134. + +History, 248. + +Household, 177. + + +Illusions, 277. + +Imagination, 66. + +Imitation, 236, 282. + +Inclination, 126. + +Individual differences, 8, 10, 28, 82, 125, 129, 199, 222. + +Industrial experiments, 67. + +Industry, 59, 160, 191. + +Inhibition, 84, 162, 176, 203. + +Injuries, 213. + +Intelligence, 102. + +Interest, 194. + +Interference, 154. + +Interruption, 183. + +Intuition, 53. + + +Jurisdiction, 283. + + +Labels, 279, 282. + +Labor legislation, 63. + +Learning, 141, 147. + +Legal psychology, 14, 282. + +Localization of sound, 95. + +Locomotives, 176. + +Logic, 248. + + +Machine, 160, 162. + +Mason, 164. + +Meaning, 247. + +Medical psychology, 12. + +Memory, 101, 147, 171, 226, 227, 259. + +Methods, 148. + +Mills, 117. + +Miniature models, 67. + +Monotony, 190, 198. + +Motormen, 63, 74. + +Movement, 145, 161, 169, 180, 185. + +Muscles, 160. + + +Nationality, 130. + +Nervous disease, 13. + +Newspaper, 259. + +Noise, 173. + +Number, 275. + +Numerical results, 77. + + +Optics, 277. + +Organization, 154. + + +Packing, 282. + +Pauses, 214. + +Pedagogy, 11, 146. + +Personality, 112. + +Position, 269. + +Postal cards, 286. + +Prejudices, 133. + +Psychiatry, 12. + +Psychological laboratories, 5, 45, 257, 304. + +Psychophysical law, 252. + +Psychotechnics, 17. + + +Qualities, 27. + +Questionnaires, 43. + + +Race, 130. + +Rapidity, 187. + +Reaction-time, 54, 65. + +Recognition, 268. + +Repetition, 148, 162, 192, 262. + +Rest, 217. + +Rhythm, 162, 187. + + +Salesman, 294. + +Satisfaction, 248. + +Saving, 165, 184. + +School, 128, 146, 219. + +Scientific management, 49, 159, 164, 168, 297. + +Selection, 51. + +Self-knowledge, 30, 44. + +Self-observation, 45. + +Selling, 294. + +Sewing, 178. + +Sex, 132. + +Shifting, 118. + +Ship models, 67. + +Ship service, 83. + +Shoveling, 166. + +Signals, 176. + +Similarity, 283, 286. + +Size, 261. + +Sleep, 224. + +Social influences, 221. + +Speed, 169, 233. + +Subdivision, 22. + +Suggestion, 274, 295. + + +Task, 237. + +Technical sciences, 17. + +Technique, 158, 161. + +Telegraphy, 150. + +Telephone Service, 97. + +Temperature, 223. + +Tests, 76, 80, 105, 111. + +Trade Unions, 50. + +Training, 125, 141, 150. + +Type-setting, 124. + +Typewriting, 151, 170. + + +Uncertainty, 284. + +Unfitness, 31. + +Uniformity, 193. 199. + + +Values, 245. + +Visibility, 172. + +Vividness, 261. + +Vocation, 32, 40, 58. + +Vocational counselor, 41. + +Vocational guidance, 37, 48. + + +Wages, 127, 165, 195, 235. + +Waste, 38, 145, 160. + +Will-impulse, 149, 227. + +Witness, 14. + +Women, 132, 161. + +Working-day, 212, 296. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Psychology and Industrial Efficiency +by Hugo Münsterberg + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY *** + +***** This file should be named 15154-8.txt or 15154-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/1/5/15154/ + +Produced by Rick Niles, Karen Dalrymple, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Psychology and Industrial Efficiency + +Author: Hugo Münsterberg + +Release Date: February 23, 2005 [EBook #15154] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY *** + + + + +Produced by Rick Niles, Karen Dalrymple, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + + +</pre> + +<h1><a name="Page_-8" id="Page_-8" /><a name="Page_-7" id="Page_-7" />PSYCHOLOGY AND</h1> +<h1>INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY</h1> + + +<h3>BY</h3> + +<h2>HUGO MÜNSTERBERG</h2> + +<div class="center"> +BOSTON AND NEW YORK<br /> +HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY<br /> +The Riverside Press Cambridge<br /> +1913</div> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<div class="center"><a name="Page_-6" id="Page_-6" /><a name="Page_-5" id="Page_-5" />TO<br /> +HAROLD F. McCORMICK</div> + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="PREFATORY_NOTE" id="PREFATORY_NOTE" /><a name="Page_-4" id="Page_-4" /><a name="Page_-3" id="Page_-3" />PREFATORY NOTE</h2> + +<p>This book corresponds to a German book, which I published a few months +ago, under the title <i>Psychologie und Wirlschaftsleben: Ein Beitrag +zur angewandten Experimental-Psychologie</i> (Leipzig: J.A. Barth). It is +not a translation, as some parts of the German volume have been +abbreviated or entirely omitted and other parts have been enlarged and +supplemented. Yet the essential substance of the two books is +identical.</p> + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> + +<h2><a name="Page_-2" id="Page_-2" /><a name="Page_-1" id="Page_-1" />CONTENTS</h2> + +<p> +<a href="#INTRODUCTION"><b>INTRODUCTION</b></a><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#I"><b>I.</b></a> APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#II"><b>II.</b></a> THE DEMANDS OF PRACTICAL LIFE</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#III"><b>III.</b></a> MEANS AND ENDS</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a href="#PART_I"><b>I.</b></a> THE BEST POSSIBLE MAN<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#IV"><b>IV.</b></a> VOCATION AND FITNESS</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#V"><b>V.</b></a> SCIENTIFIC VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#VI"><b>VI.</b></a> SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#VII"><b>VII.</b></a> THE METHODS OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#VIII"><b>VIII.</b></a> EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF ELECTRIC RAILWAY SERVICE</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#IX"><b>IX.</b></a> EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF SHIP SERVICE</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#X"><b>X.</b></a> EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF TELEPHONE SERVICE</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XI"><b>XI.</b></a> CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MEN OF AFFAIRS</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XII"><b>XII.</b></a> INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a href="#PART_II"><b>II.</b></a> THE BEST POSSIBLE WORK<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XIII"><b>XIII.</b></a> LEARNING AND TRAINING</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XIV"><b>XIV.</b></a> THE ADJUSTMENT OF TECHNICAL TO PSYCHICAL CONDITIONS</span><br /> +<br /><a name="Page_0" id="Page_0" /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XV"><b>XV.</b></a> THE ECONOMY OF MOVEMENT</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XVI"><b>XVI.</b></a> EXPERIMENTS ON THE PROBLEM OF MONOTONY</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XVII"><b>XVII.</b></a> ATTENTION AND FATIGUE</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XVIII"><b>XVIII.</b></a> PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE WORKING POWER</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a href="#PART_III"><b>III.</b></a> THE BEST POSSIBLE EFFECT<br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XIX"><b>XIX.</b></a> THE SATISFACTION OF ECONOMIC DEMANDS</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XX"><b>XX.</b></a> EXPERIMENTS ON THE EFFECTS OF ADVERTISEMENTS</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XXI"><b>XXI.</b></a> THE EFFECT OF DISPLAY</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XXII"><b>XXII.</b></a> EXPERIMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO ILLEGAL IMITATION</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XXIII"><b>XXIII.</b></a> BUYING AND SELLING</span><br /> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><a href="#XXIV"><b>XXIV.</b></a> THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC PSYCHOLOGY</span><br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<a href="#NOTES"><b>NOTES</b></a><br /> +<br /> +<a href="#INDEX"><b>INDEX</b></a><br /> +</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1" /><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2" /><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3" />PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="INTRODUCTION" id="INTRODUCTION" />INTRODUCTION</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="I" id="I" />I</h2> + +<h3>APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY</h3> + + +<p>Our aim is to sketch the outlines of a new science which is to +intermediate between the modern laboratory psychology and the problems +of economics: the psychological experiment is systematically to be +placed at the service of commerce and industry. So far we have only +scattered beginnings of the new doctrine, only tentative efforts and +disconnected attempts which have started, sometimes in economic, and +sometimes in psychological, quarters. The time when an exact +psychology of business life will be presented as a closed and +perfected system lies very far distant. But the earlier the attention +of wider circles is directed to its beginnings and to the importance +and bearings of its tasks, the quicker and the more sound will be the +development of this young science. What is most needed to-day at the +beginning of the new movement are <a name="Page_4" id="Page_4" />clear, concrete illustrations which +demonstrate the possibilities of the new method. In the following +pages, accordingly, it will be my aim to analyze the results of +experiments which have actually been carried out, experiments +belonging to many different spheres of economic life. But these +detached experiments ought always at least to point to a connected +whole; the single experiments will, therefore, always need a general +discussion of the principles as a background. In the interest of such +a wider perspective we may at first enter into some preparatory +questions of theory. They may serve as an introduction which is to +lead us to the actual economic life and the present achievements of +experimental psychology.</p> + +<p>It is well known that the modern psychologists only slowly and very +reluctantly approached the apparently natural task of rendering useful +service to practical life. As long as the study of the mind was +entirely dependent upon philosophical or theological speculation, no +help could be expected from such endeavors to assist in the daily +walks of life. But half a century has passed since the study of +consciousness was switched into the tracks of exact scientific +investigation. Five decades ago the psychologists began to devote +themselves to the most minute description of the mental experiences +and to explain the mental life <a name="Page_5" id="Page_5" />in a way which was modeled after the +pattern of exact natural sciences. Their aim was no longer to +speculate about the soul, but to find the psychical elements and the +constant laws which control their connections. Psychology became +experimental and physiological. For more than thirty years the +psychologists have also had their workshops. Laboratories for +experimental psychology have grown up in all civilized countries, and +the new method has been applied to one group of mental traits after +another. And yet we stand before the surprising fact that all the +manifold results of the new science have remained book knowledge, +detached from any practical interests. Only in the last ten years do +we find systematic efforts to apply the experimental results of +psychology to the needs of society.</p> + +<p>It is clear that the reason for this late beginning is not an +unwillingness of the last century to make theoretical knowledge +serviceable to the demands of life. Every one knows, on the contrary, +that the glorious advance of the natural sciences became at the same +time a triumphal march of technique. Whatever was brought to light in +the laboratories of the physicists and chemists, of the physiologists +and pathologists, was quickly transformed into achievements of +physical and chemical industry, of medicine and hygiene, of +agriculture<a name="Page_6" id="Page_6" /> and mining and transportation. No realm of the external +social life remained untouched. The scientists, on the other hand, +felt that the far-reaching practical effect which came from their +discoveries exerted a stimulating influence on the theoretical +researches themselves. The pure search for truth and knowledge was not +lowered when the electrical waves were harnessed for wireless +telegraphy, or the Roentgen rays were forced into the service of +surgery. The knowledge of nature and the mastery of nature have always +belonged together.</p> + +<p>The persistent hesitation of the psychologists to make similar +practical use of their experimental results has therefore come from +different causes. The students of mental life evidently had the +feeling that quiet, undisturbed research was needed for the new +science of psychology in order that a certain maturity might be +reached before a contact with the turmoil of practical life would be +advisable. The sciences themselves cannot escape injury if their +results are forced into the rush of the day before the fundamental +ideas have been cleared up, the methods of investigation really tried, +and an ample supply of facts collected. But this very justified +reluctance becomes a real danger if it grows into an instinctive fear +of coming into contact at all with practical life. To be sure, <a name="Page_7" id="Page_7" />in any +single case there may be a difference of opinion as to when the right +time has come and when the inner consolidation of a new science is +sufficiently advanced for the technical service, but it ought to be +clear that it is not wise to wait until the scientists have settled +all the theoretical problems involved. True progress in every +scientific field means that the problems become multiplied and that +ever new questions keep coming to the surface. If the psychologists +were to refrain from practical application until the theoretical +results of their laboratories need no supplement, the time for applied +psychology would never come. Whoever looks without prejudice on the +development of modern psychology ought to acknowledge that the +hesitancy which was justified in the beginning would to-day be +inexcusable lack of initiative. For the sciences of the mind too, the +time has come when theory and practice must support each other. An +exceedingly large mass of facts has been gathered, the methods have +become refined and differentiated, and however much may still be under +discussion, the ground common to all is ample enough to build upon.</p> + +<p>Another important reason for the slowness of practical progress was +probably this. When the psychologists began to work with the new +experimental methods, their most immediate concern <a name="Page_8" id="Page_8" />was to get rid of +mere speculation and to take hold of actual facts. Hence they regarded +the natural sciences as their model, and, together with the +experimental method which distinguishes scientific work, the +characteristic goal of the sciences was accepted too. This scientific +goal is always the attainment of general laws; and so it happened that +in the first decades after the foundation of psychological +laboratories the general laws of the mind absorbed the entire +attention and interest of the investigators. The result of such an +attitude was, that we learned to understand the working of the typical +mind, but that all the individual variations were almost neglected. +When the various individuals differed in their mental behavior, these +differences appeared almost as disturbances which the psychologists +had to eliminate in order to find the general laws which hold for +every mind. The studies were accordingly confined to the general +averages of mental experience, while the variations from such averages +were hardly included in the scientific account. In earlier centuries, +to be sure, the interest of the psychological observers had been given +almost entirely to the rich manifoldness of human characters and +intelligences and talents. In the new period of experimental work, +this interest was taken as an indication of the unscientific fancies +<a name="Page_9" id="Page_9" />of the earlier age, in which the curious and the anecdotal attracted +the view. The new science which was to seek the laws was to overcome +such popular curiosity. In this sign experimental psychology has +conquered. The fundamental laws of the ideas and of the attention, of +the memory and of the will, of the feeling and of the emotions, have +been elaborated. Yet it slowly became evident that such one-sidedness, +however necessary it may have been at the beginning, would make any +practical application impossible. In practical life we never have to +do with what is common to all human beings, even when we are to +influence large masses; we have to deal with personalities whose +mental life is characterized by particular traits of nationality, or +race, or vocation, or sex, or age, or special interests, or other +features by which they differ from the average mind which the +theoretical psychologist may construct as a type. Still more +frequently we have to act with reference to smaller groups or to +single individuals whose mental physiognomy demands careful +consideration. As long as experimental psychology remained essentially +a science of the mental laws, common to all human beings, an +adjustment to the practical demands of daily life could hardly come in +question. With such general laws we could never have mastered the +<a name="Page_10" id="Page_10" />concrete situations of society, because we should have had to leave +out of view the fact that there are gifted and ungifted, intelligent +and stupid, sensitive and obtuse, quick and slow, energetic and weak +individuals.</p> + +<p>But in recent years a complete change can be traced in our science. +Experiments which refer to these individual differences themselves +have been carried on by means of the psychological laboratory, at +first reluctantly and in tentative forms, but within the last ten +years the movement has made rapid progress. To-day we have a +psychology of individual variations from the point of view of the +psychological laboratory.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1" /><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> This development of schemes to compare +the differences between the individuals by the methods of experimental +science was after all the most important advance toward the practical +application of psychology. The study of the individual differences +itself is not applied psychology, but it is the presupposition without +which applied psychology would have remained a phantom.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="II" id="II" /><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11" />II</h2> + +<h3>THE DEMANDS OF PRACTICAL LIFE</h3> + + +<p>While in this way the progress of psychology itself and the +development of the psychology of individual differences favored the +growth of applied psychology, there arose at the same time an +increasing demand in the midst of practical life. Especially the +teachers and the physicians, later the lawyers as well, looked for +help from exact psychology. The science of education and instruction +had always had some contact with the science of the mind, as the +pedagogues could never forget that the mental development of the child +has to stand in the centre of educational thought. For a long while +pedagogy was still leaning on a philosophical psychology, after that +old-fashioned study of the soul had been given up in psychological +quarters. At last, in the days of progressive experimental psychology, +the time came when the teachers under the pressure of their new needs +began to inquire how far the modern laboratory could aid them in the +classroom. The pedagogical psychology of memory, of attention, of +will, and of intellect was systematically worked up by men with +practical <a name="Page_12" id="Page_12" />school interests. We may notice in the movement a slow but +most important shifting. At first the results of theoretical +psychology were simply transplanted into the pedagogical field. +Experiments which were carried on in the interest of pure theoretical +science were made practical use of, but their application remained a +mere chance by-product. Only slowly did the pedagogical problems +themselves begin to determine the experimental investigation. The +methods of laboratory psychology were applied for the solving of those +problems which originated in the school experience, and only when this +point was reached could a truly experimental pedagogy be built on a +psychological foundation. We stand in the midst of this vigorous and +healthy movement, which has had a stimulating effect on theoretical +psychology itself.</p> + +<p>We find a similar situation in the sphere of the physician. He could +not pass by the new science of the mind without instinctively feeling +that his medical diagnosis and therapy could be furthered in many +directions by the experimental method. Not only the psychiatrist and +nerve specialist, but in a certain sense every physician had made use +of a certain amount of psychology in his professional work. He had +always had to make clear to himself the mental experiences of the +patient, <a name="Page_13" id="Page_13" />to study his pain sensations and his feelings of comfort, +his fears and his hopes, his perceptions and his volitions, and to a +certain degree he had always tried to influence the mental life of the +patient, to work on him by suggestion and to help him by stimulating +his mind. But as far as a real description and explanation of such +mental experiences came in question, all remained a dilettantic +semi-psychology which worked with the most trivial conceptions of +popular thinking. The medical men recognized the disproportion between +the exactitude of their anatomical, physiological, and pathological +observation and the superficiality of their self-made psychology. Thus +the desire arose in their own medical circle to harmonize their +psychological means of diagnosis and therapy with the schemes of +modern scientific psychology. The physician who examines the +sensations in a nervous disease, or the intelligence in a mental +disease, or heals by suggestion or hypnotism, tries to apply the +latest discoveries of the psychological laboratory. But here, too, the +same development as in pedagogy can be traced. The physicians at first +made use only of results which had been secured under entirely +different points of view, but later the experiments were subordinated +to the special medical problems. Then the physician was no longer +obliged simply <a name="Page_14" id="Page_14" />to use what he happened to find among the results of +the theoretical psychologist, but carried on the experiments in the +service of medical problems. The independent status of experimental +medical psychology could be secured only by this development.</p> + +<p>In somewhat narrower limits the same may be said as to the problems of +law. A kind of popular psychology was naturally involved whenever +judges or lawyers analyzed the experience on the witness stand or +discussed the motives of crime or the confessions of the criminal or +the social conditions of criminality. But when every day brought new +discoveries in the psychological laboratory, it seemed natural to make +use of the new methods and of the new results in the interest of the +courtroom. The power of observation in the witness, the exactitude of +his memory, the character of his illusions and imagination, his +suggestibility and his feeling, appeared in a new light in view of the +experimental investigations, and the emotions and volitions of the +criminal were understood with a new insight. Here, too, the last step +was taken. Instead of being satisfied with experiments which the +psychologist had made for his own purposes, the students of legal +psychology adjusted experiments to the particular needs of the +courtroom. Investigations were carried on to <a name="Page_15" id="Page_15" />determine, the fidelity +of testimony or to find methods for the detection of hidden thoughts +and so on. Efforts toward the application of psychology have +accordingly grown up in the fields of pedagogy, medicine, and +jurisprudence, but as these studies naturally do not remain +independent of one another, they all together form the one unified +science of applied psychology.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2" /><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>As soon as the independence of this new science was felt, it was +natural that new demands and new problems should continue to originate +within its own limits. There must be applied psychology wherever the +investigation of mental life can be made serviceable to the tasks of +civilization. Criminal law, education, medicine, certainly do not +constitute the totality of civilized life. It is therefore the duty of +the practical psychologist systematically to examine how far other +purposes of modern society can be advanced by the new methods of +experimental psychology. There is, for instance, already, far-reaching +agreement that the problems of artistic creation, of scientific +observation, of social reform, and many similar endeavors must be +acknowledged as organic parts of applied psychology. Only one group of +purposes is so far surprisingly neglected in the realm of the +psychological laboratory: the purposes of the economic life, the +purposes of commerce and <a name="Page_16" id="Page_16" />industry, of business and the market in the +widest sense of the word. The question how far applied psychology can +be extended in this direction is the topic of the following +discussions.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="III" id="III" /><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17" />III</h2> + +<h3>MEANS AND ENDS</h3> + + +<p>Applied psychology is evidently to be classed with the technical +sciences. It may be considered as psychotechnics, since we must +recognize any science as technical if it teaches us to apply +theoretical knowledge for the furtherance of human purposes. Like all +technical sciences, applied psychology tells us what we ought to do if +we want to reach certain ends; but we ought to realize at the +threshold where the limits of such a technical science lie, as they +are easily overlooked, with resulting confusion. We must understand +that every technical science says only: you must make use of this +means, if you wish to reach this or that particular end. But no +technical science can decide within its limits whether the end itself +is really a desirable one. The technical specialist knows how he ought +to build a bridge or how he ought to pierce a tunnel, presupposing +that the bridge or the tunnel is desired. But whether they are +desirable or not is a question which does not concern the technical +scientist, but which must be considered from <a name="Page_18" id="Page_18" />economic or political or +other points, of view. Everywhere the engineer must know how to reach +an end, and must leave it to others to settle whether the end in +itself is desirable. Often the end may be a matter of course for every +reasonable being. The extreme case is presented by the applied science +of medicine, where the physician subordinates all his technique to the +end of curing the patient. Yet if we are consistent we must +acknowledge that all his medical knowledge can prescribe to him only +that he proceed in a certain way if the long life of the patient is +acknowledged as a desirable end. The application of anatomy, +physiology, and pathology may just as well be used for the opposite +end of killing a man. Whether it is wise to work toward long life, or +whether it is better to kill people, is again a problem which lies +outside the sphere of the applied sciences. Ethics or social +philosophy or religion have to solve these preliminary' questions. The +physician as such has only to deal with the means which lead toward +that goal.</p> + +<p>We must make the same discrimination in the psychotechnical field. The +psychologist may point out the methods by which an involuntary +confession can be secured from a defendant, but whether it is +justifiable to extort involuntary confessions is a problem which does +not concern <a name="Page_19" id="Page_19" />the psychologist. The lawyers or the legislators must +decide as to the right or wrong, the legality or illegality, of +forcing a man to show his bidden ideas. If such an end is desirable, +the psychotechnical student can determine the right means, and that is +the limit of his office. We ought to keep in mind that the same holds +true for the application of psychology in economic life. Economic +psychotechnics may serve certain ends of commerce and industry, but +whether these ends are the best ones is not a care with which the +psychologist has to be burdened. For instance, the end may be the +selection of the most efficient laborers for particular industries. +The psychologist may develop methods in his laboratory by which this +purpose can be fulfilled. But if some mills prefer another goal,—for +instance, to have not the most efficient but the cheapest possible +laborers,—entirely different means for the selection are necessary. +The psychologist is, therefore, not entangled in the economic +discussions of the day; it is not his concern to decide whether the +policy of the trusts or the policy of the trade-unions or any other +policy for the selection of laborers is the ideal one. He is confined +to the statement; if you wish this end, then you must proceed in this +way; but it is left to you to express your preference among the ends. +Applied psychology can, <a name="Page_20" id="Page_20" />therefore, speak the language of an exact +science in its own field, independent of economic opinions and +debatable partisan interests. This is necessary limitation, but in +this limitation lies the strength of the new science. The psychologist +may show how a special commodity can be advertised; but whether from a +social point of view it is desirable to reinforce the sale of these +goods is no problem for psychotechnics. If a sociologist insists that +it would be better if not so many useless goods were bought, and that +the aim ought rather to be to protect the buyer than to help the +seller, the psychologist would not object. His interest would only be +to find the right psychological means to lead to this other social +end. He is partisan neither of the salesman nor of the customer, +neither of the capitalist nor of the laborer, he is neither Socialist +nor anti-Socialist, neither high-tariff man nor free-trader. Here, +too, of course, there are certain goals which are acknowledged on all +sides, and which therefore hardly need any discussion, just as in the +case of the physician, where the prolongation of life is practically +acknowledged as a desirable end by every one. But everywhere where the +aim is not perfectly a matter of course, the psychotechnical +specialist fulfills his task only when he is satisfied with +demonstrating that certain psychical means serve a <a name="Page_21" id="Page_21" />certain end, and +that they ought to be applied as soon as that end is accepted.</p> + +<p>The whole system of psychotechnical knowledge might be subdivided +under either of the two aspects. Either we might start from the +various mental processes and ask for what end each mental factor can +be practically useful and important, or we can begin with studying +what significant ends are acknowledged in our society and then we can +seek the various psychological facts which are needed as means for the +realization of these ends. The first way offers many conveniences. +There we should begin with the mental states of attention, memory, +feeling, and so on, and should study how the psychological knowledge +of every one of these mental states can render service in many +different practical fields. The attention, for instance, is important +in the classroom when the teacher tries to secure the attention of the +pupils, but the judge expects the same attention from the jurymen in +the courtroom, the artist seeks to stir up the attention of the +spectator, the advertiser demands the attention of the newspaper +readers. Whoever studies the characteristics of the mental process of +attention may then be able to indicate how in every one of these +unlike cases the attention can be stimulated and retained. +Nevertheless the opposite way which starts from <a name="Page_22" id="Page_22" />the tasks to be +fulfilled seems more helpful and more fundamentally significant. The +question, then, is what mental processes become important for the +tasks of education, what for the purposes of the courtroom, what for +the hospital, what for the church, what for politics, and so on.</p> + +<p>As this whole essay is to be devoted exclusively to the economic +problems, we are obliged to choose the second way; that is, to arrange +applied psychology with reference to its chief ends and not with +reference to the various means. But the same question comes up in the +further subdivision of the material. In the field of economic +psychology, too, we might ask how far the study of attention, or of +perception, or of feeling, or of will, or of memory, and so on, can be +useful for the purposes of the business man. Or here, too, we might +begin with the consideration of the various ends and purposes. The +ends of commerce are different from those of industry, those of +publishing different from those of transportation, those of +agriculture different from those of mining; or, in the field of +commerce, the purposes of the retailer are different from those of the +wholesale merchant. There can be no limit to such subdivisions; each +particular industry has its own aims, and in the same industry a large +variety of tasks are united. We should accordingly be led to an ample +classification<a name="Page_23" id="Page_23" /> of special economic ends with pigeonholes for every +possible kind of business and of labor. The psychologist would have to +find for every one of these ends the right mental means. This would be +the ideal system of economic psychology.</p> + +<p>But we are still endlessly far from such a perfect system. Modern +educational psychology and medical psychology have reached a stage at +which an effort for such a complete system might be realized, but +economic psychology is still at too early a stage of development. It +would be entirely artificial to-day to aim at such ideal completeness. +If we were to construct such a complete system of questions, we should +have no answers. In the present stage nothing can be seriously +proposed but the selection of a few central purposes which occur in +every department of business life, and a study of the means to reach +these special ends by the discussion of some typical cases which may +clearly illustrate the methods involved.</p> + +<p>From this point of view we select three chief purposes of business +life, purposes which are important in commerce and industry and every +economic endeavor. We ask how we can find the men whose mental +qualities make them best fitted for the work which they have to do; +secondly, under what psychological conditions we can secure the +greatest and most satisfactory output <a name="Page_24" id="Page_24" />of work from every man; and +finally, how we can produce most completely the influences on human +minds which are desired in the interest of business. In other words, +we ask how to find the best possible man, how to produce the best +possible work, and how to secure the best possible effects.<a name="Page_25" id="Page_25" /><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26" /></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="PART_I" id="PART_I" /><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27" />PART I</h2> + +<h3>THE BEST POSSIBLE MAN</h3> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="IV" id="IV" />IV</h2> + +<h3>VOCATION AND FITNESS</h3> + + +<p>Instead of lingering over theoretical discussions, we will move +straight on toward our first practical problem. The economic task, +with reference to which we want to demonstrate the new psychotechnic +method, is the selection of those personalities which by their mental +qualities are especially fit for a particular kind of economic work. +This problem is especially useful to show what the new method can do +and what it cannot do. Whether the method is sufficiently developed to +secure full results to-day, or whether they will come to-morrow, is +unimportant. It is clear that the success of to-morrow is to be hoped +for, only if understanding and interest in the problem is already +alive to-day.</p> + +<p>When we inquire into the qualities of men, we use the word here in its +widest meaning. It covers, on the one side, the mental dispositions +which may still be quite undeveloped and which may unfold <a name="Page_28" id="Page_28" />only under +the influence of special conditions in the surroundings; but, on the +other side, it covers the habitual traits of the personality, the +features of the individual temperament and character, of the +intelligence and of the ability, of the collected knowledge and of the +acquired experience. All variations of will and feeling, of perception +and thought, of attention and emotion, of memory and imagination, are +included here. From a purely psychological standpoint, quite +incomparable contents and functions and dispositions of the +personality are thus thrown together, but in practical life we are +accustomed to proceed after this fashion: if a man applies for a +position, he is considered with regard to the totality of his +qualities, and at first nobody cares whether the particular feature is +inherited or acquired, whether it is an individual chance variation or +whether it is common to a larger group, perhaps to all members of a +certain nationality or race. We simply start from the clear fact that +the personalities which enter into the world of affairs present an +unlimited manifoldness of talents and abilities and functions of the +mind. From this manifoldness, it necessarily follows that some are +more, some less, fit for the particular economic task. In view of the +far-reaching division of labor in our modern economic life, it is +impossible to avoid the <a name="Page_29" id="Page_29" />question how we can select the fit +personalities and reject the unfit ones.</p> + +<p>How has modern society prepared itself to settle this social demand? +In case that certain knowledge is indispensable for the work or that +technical abilities must have been acquired, the vocation is +surrounded by examinations. This is true of the lower as well as of +the higher activities. The direct examination is everywhere +supplemented by testimonials covering the previous achievements, by +certificates referring to the previous education, and in frequent +cases by the endeavor to gain a personal impression from the +applicant. But if we take all this together, the total result remains +a social machinery by which perhaps the elimination of the entirely +unfit can be secured. But no one could speak of a really satisfactory +adaptation of the manifold personalities to the economic vocational +tasks. All those examinations and tests and certificates refer +essentially to what can be learned from without, and not to the true +qualities of the mind and the deeper traits. The so-called +impressions, too, are determined by the most secondary and external +factors. Society relies instinctively on the hope that the natural +wishes and interests will push every one to the place for which his +dispositions, talents, and psychophysical gifts prepare him.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30" />In reality this confidence is entirely unfounded. A threefold +difficulty exists. In the first place, young people know very little +about themselves and their abilities. When the day comes on which they +discover their real strong points and their weaknesses, it is often +too late. They have usually been drawn into the current of a +particular vocation, and have given too much energy to the preparation +for a specific achievement to change the whole life-plan once more. +The entire scheme of education gives to the individual little chance +to find himself. A mere interest for one or another subject in school +is influenced by many accidental circumstances, by the personality of +the teacher or the methods of instruction, by suggestions of the +surroundings and by home traditions, and accordingly even such a +preference gives rather a slight final indication of the individual +mental qualities. Moreover, such mere inclinations and interests +cannot determine the true psychological fitness for a vocation. To +choose a crude illustration, a boy may think with passion of the +vocation of a sailor, and yet may be entirely unfit for it, because +his mind lacks the ability to discriminate red and green. He himself +may never have discovered that he is color-blind, but when he is ready +to turn to the sailor's calling, the examination of his +color-sensitiveness which is demanded <a name="Page_31" id="Page_31" />may have shown the disturbing +mental deficiency. Similar defects may exist in a boy's attention or +memory, judgment or feeling, thought or imagination, suggestibility or +emotion, and they may remain just as undiscovered as the defect of +color-blindness, which is characteristic of four per cent of the male +population. All such deficiencies may be dangerous in particular +callings. But while the vocation of the ship officer is fortunately +protected nowadays by such a special psychological examination, most +other vocations are unguarded against the entrance of the mentally +unfit individuals.</p> + +<p>As the boys and girls grow up without recognizing their psychical +weaknesses, the exceptional strength of one or another mental function +too often remains unnoticed by them as well. They may find out when +they are favored with a special talent for art or music or +scholarship, but they hardly ever know that their attention, or their +memory, or their will, or their intellectual apprehension, or their +sensory perceptions, are unusually developed in a particular +direction; yet such an exceptional mental disposition might be the +cause of special success in certain vocations. But we may abstract +from the extremes of abnormal deficiency and abnormal overdevelopment +in particular functions. Between them we find the <a name="Page_32" id="Page_32" />broad region of the +average minds with their numberless variations, and these variations +are usually quite unknown to their possessors. It is often surprising +to see how the most manifest differences of psychical organization +remain unnoticed by the individuals themselves. Men with a pronounced +visual type of memory and men with a marked acoustical type may live +together without the slightest idea that their contents of +consciousness are fundamentally different from each other. Neither the +children nor their parents nor their teachers burden themselves with +the careful analysis of such actual mental qualities when the choice +of a vocation is before them. They know that a boy who is completely +unmusical must not become a musician, and that the child who cannot +draw at all must not become a painter, just as on physical grounds a +boy with very weak muscles is not fit to become a blacksmith. But as +soon as the subtler differentiation is needed, the judgment of all +concerned seems helpless and the physical characteristics remain +disregarded.</p> + +<p>A further reason for the lack of adaptation, and surely a most +important one, lies in the fact that the individual usually knows only +the most external conditions of the vocations from which he chooses. +The most essential requisite for a truly perfect adaptation, namely, a +real analysis of the <a name="Page_33" id="Page_33" />vocational demands with reference to the +desirable personal qualities, is so far not in existence. The young +people generally see some superficial traits of the careers which seem +to stand open, and, besides, perhaps they notice the great rewards of +the most successful. The inner labor, the inner values, and the inner +difficulties and frictions are too often unknown to those who decide +for a vocation, and they are unable to correlate those essential +factors of the life-calling with all that nature by inheritance, and +society by surroundings and training, have planted and developed in +their minds.</p> + +<p>In addition to this ignorance as to one's own mental disposition and +to the lack of understanding of the true mental requirements of the +various social tasks comes finally the abundance of trivial chances +which become decisive in the choice of a vocation. Vocation and +marriage are the two most consequential decisions in life. In the +selection of a husband or a wife, too, the decision is very frequently +made dependent upon the most superficial and trivial motives. Yet the +social philosopher may content himself with the belief that even in +the fugitive love desire a deeper instinct of nature is expressed, +which may at least serve the biological tasks of married life. In the +choice of a vocation, even such a belief in a <a name="Page_34" id="Page_34" />biological instinct is +impossible. The choice of a vocation, determined by fugitive whims and +chance fancies, by mere imitation, by a hope for quick earnings, by +irresponsible recommendation, or by mere laziness, has no internal +reason or excuse. Illusory ideas as to the prospects of a career, +moreover, often falsify the whole vista; and if we consider all this, +we can hardly be surprised that our total result is in many respects +hardly better than if everything were left entirely to accident. Even +on the height of a mental training to the end of adolescence, we see +how the college graduates are too often led by accidental motives to +the decision whether they shall become lawyers or physicians or +business men, but this superficiality of choice of course appears much +more strongly where the lifework is to be built upon the basis of a +mere elementary or high school education.</p> + +<p>The final result corresponds exactly to these conditions. Everywhere, +in all countries and in all vocations, but especially in the economic +careers, we hear the complaint that there is lack of really good men. +Everywhere places are waiting for the right man, while at the same +time we find everywhere an oversupply of mediocre aspirants. This, +however, does not in the least imply that there really are not enough +personalities who might be perfectly fit even for the highest demands +of <a name="Page_35" id="Page_35" />the vocations; it means only that as a matter of course the result +in the filling of positions cannot be satisfactory, if the placing of +the individuals is carried on without serious regard for the personal +mental qualities. The complaint that there is lack of fit human +material would probably never entirely disappear, as with a better +adjustment of the material, the demands would steadily increase; but +it could at least be predicted with high probability that this lack of +really fit material would not be felt so keenly everywhere if the +really decisive factor for the adjustment of personality and vocation, +namely, the dispositions of the mind, were not so carelessly ignored.</p> + +<p>Society, to be sure, has a convenient means of correction. The +individual tries, and when he is doing his work too badly, he loses +his job, he is pushed out from the career which be has chosen, with +the great probability that he will be crushed by the wheels of social +life. It is a rare occurrence for the man who is a failure in his +chosen vocation, and who has been thrown out of it, to happen to come +into the career in which he can make a success. Social statistics show +with an appalling clearness what a burden and what a danger to the +social body is growing from the masses of those who do not succeed and +who by their lack of success become discouraged and embittered. The +<a name="Page_36" id="Page_36" />social psychologist cannot resist the conviction that every single +one could have found a place in which he could have achieved something +of value for the commonwealth. The laborer, who in spite of his best +efforts shows himself useless and clumsy before one machine, might +perhaps have done satisfactory work in the next mill where the +machines demand another type of mental reaction. His psychical rhythm +and his inner functions would be able to adjust themselves to the +requirements of the one kind of labor and not to those of the other. +Truly the whole social body has had to pay a heavy penalty for not +making even the faintest effort to settle systematically the +fundamental problem of vocational choice, the problem of the psychical +adaptation of the individuality. An improvement would lie equally in +the interest of those who seek positions and those who have positions +to offer. The employers can hope that in all departments better work +will be done as soon as better adapted individuals can be obtained; +and, on the other hand, those who are anxious to make their working +energies effective may expect that the careful selection of individual +mental characters for the various tasks of the world will insure not +only greater success and gain, but above all greater joy in the work, +deeper satisfaction, and more harmonious unfolding of the personality.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="V" id="V" /><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37" />V</h2> + +<h3>SCIENTIFIC VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE</h3> + + +<p>Observations of this kind, which refer to the borderland region +between psychology and social politics, are valid for all modern +nations. Yet it is hardly a chance that the first efforts toward a +systematic overcoming of some of these difficulties have been made +with us in America. The barriers between the classes lie lower; here +the choice of a vocation is less determined by tradition; and it +belongs to the creed of political democracy that just as everybody can +be called to the highest elective offices, so everybody ought to be +fit for any vocation in any sphere of life. The wandering from calling +to calling is more frequent in America than anywhere else. To be sure, +this has the advantage that a failure in one vocation does not bring +with it such a serious injury as in Europe, but it contributes much to +the greater danger that any one may jump recklessly and without +preparation into any vocational stream.</p> + +<p>It is fresh in every one's mind how during the last decade the +economic conscience of the whole American nation became aroused. Up to +the end <a name="Page_38" id="Page_38" />of the last century the people had lived with the secure +feeling of possessing a country with inexhaustible treasures. The last +few years brought the reaction, and it became increasingly clear how +irresponsible the national attitude had been, how the richness of the +forests and the mines and the rivers had been recklessly squandered +without any thought of the future. Conservation of the national +possessions suddenly became the battle-cry, and this turned the eye +also to that limitless waste of human material, a waste going on +everywhere in the world, but nowhere more widely than in the United +States. The feeling grew that no waste of valuable possessions is so +reckless as that which results from the distributing of living force +by chance methods instead of examining carefully how work and workmen +can fit one another. While this was the emotional background, two +significant social movements originated in our midst. The two +movements were entirely independent of each other, but from two +different starting-points they worked in one respect toward the same +goal. They are social and economic movements, neither of which at +first had anything directly to do with psychological questions; but +both led to a point where the psychological turn of the problem seemed +unavoidable. Here begins the obligation of the <a name="Page_39" id="Page_39" />psychologist, and the +possibility of fulfilling this obligation will be the topic of our +discussion concerning the selection of the best man.</p> + +<p>These two American movements which we have in mind are the effort to +furnish to pupils leaving the school guidance in their choice of a +vocation, and the nowadays still better known movement toward +scientific management in commerce and industry. The movement toward +vocational guidance is externally still rather modest and confined to +very narrow circles, but it is rapidly spreading and is not without +significant achievements. It started in Boston. There the late Mr. +Parsons once called a meeting of all the boys of his neighborhood who +were to leave the elementary schools at the end of the year. He wanted +to consider with them whether they had reasonable plans for their +future. At the well-attended meeting it became clear that the boys +knew little concerning what they had to expect in practical life, and +Parsons was able to give them, especially in individual discussions, +much helpful information. They knew too little of the characteristic +features of the vocations to which they wanted to devote themselves, +and they had given hardly any attention to the question whether they +had the necessary qualifications for the special work. From this germ +grew a little office which was <a name="Page_40" id="Page_40" />opened in 1908, in which all Boston +boys and girls at the time when they left school were to receive +individual suggestions with reference to the most reasonable and best +adjusted selection of a calling. There is hardly any doubt that the +remarkable success of this modest beginning was dependent upon the +admirable personality of the late organizer, who recognized the +individual features with unusual tact and acumen. But he himself had +no doubt that such a merely impressionistic method could not satisfy +the demands. He saw that a threefold advance would become necessary. +First, it was essential to analyze the objective relations of the many +hundred kinds of accessible vocations. Their economic, hygienic, +technical, and social elements ought to be examined so that every boy +and girl could receive reliable information as to the demands of the +vocation and as to the prospects and opportunities in it. Secondly, it +would become essential to interest the schools in all these complex +questions of vocational choice, so that, by observation of individual +tendencies and abilities of the pupils, the teachers might furnish +preparatory material for the work of the institute for vocational +guidance. Thirdly,—and this is for us the most important point,—he +saw that the methods had to be elaborated in such a way that the +personal traits and dispositions<a name="Page_41" id="Page_41" /> might be discovered with much +greater exactitude and with much richer detail than was possible +through what a mere call on the vocational counselor could unveil.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3" /><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>It is well known how this Boston bureau has stimulated a number of +American cities to come forward with similar beginnings. The +pedagogical circles have been especially aroused by the movement, +municipal and philanthropic boards have at least approached this group +of problems, two important conferences for vocational guidance have +met in New York, and at various places the question has been discussed +whether or not a vocational counselor might be attached to the schools +in a position similar to that of the school physician. The chief +progress has been made in the direction of collecting reliable data +with reference to the economic and hygienic conditions of the various +vocations, the demand and supply and the scale of wages. In short, +everything connected with the externalities of the vocations has been +carefully analyzed, and sufficient reliable material has been gained, +at least regarding certain local conditions. In the place of +individual advice, we have thus to a certain degree obtained general +economic investigations from which each can gather what he needs. It +seems that sometimes the danger of letting such offices degenerate +<a name="Page_42" id="Page_42" />into mere agencies for employment has not been avoided, but that is +one of the perils of the first development. The mother institute in +Boston, too, under its new direction emphasizes more the economic and +hygienic side, and has set its centre of gravity in a systematic +effort to propagate understanding of the problems of vocational +guidance and to train professional vocational counselors in systematic +courses, who are then to carry the interest over the land.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4" /><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>The real psychological analysis with which the movement began has, +therefore, been somewhat pushed aside for a while, and the officers of +those institutes declare frankly that they want to return to the +mental problem only after professional psychologists have sufficiently +worked out the specific methods for its mastery. Most counselors seem +to feel instinctively that the core of the whole matter lies in the +psychological examination, but they all agree that for this they must +wait until the psychological laboratories can furnish them with really +reliable means and schemes. Certainly it is very important, for +instance, that boys with weak lungs be kept away from such industrial +vocations as have been shown by the statistics to be dangerous for the +lungs, or that the onrush to vocations be stopped where the statistics +allow it to be foreseen that there will soon be an over<a name="Page_43" id="Page_43" />supply of +workers. But, after all, it remains much more decisive for the welfare +of the community, and for the future life happiness of those who leave +the school, that every one turn to those forms of work to which his +psychological traits are adjusted, or at least that he be kept away +from those in which his mental qualities and dispositions would make a +truly successful advance improbable.</p> + +<p>The problem accordingly has been handed over from the vocational +counselors to the experimental psychologists, and it is certainly in +the spirit of the modern tendency toward applied psychology that the +psychological laboratories undertake the investigation and withdraw it +from the dilettantic discussion of amateur psychologists or the mere +impressionism of the school-teachers. Even those early beginnings +indicate clearly that the goal can be reached only through exact, +scientific, experimental research, and that the mere naïve +methods—for instance, the filling-out of questionnaires which may be +quite useful in the first approach—cannot be sufficient for a real, +persistent furtherance of economic life and of the masses who seek +their vocations. In order to gain an analysis of the individual, +Parsons made every applicant answer in writing a long series of +questions which referred to his habits and his <a name="Page_44" id="Page_44" />emotions, his +inclinations and his expectations, his traits and his experiences. The +psychologist, however, can hardly be in doubt that just the mental +qualities which ought to be most important for the vocational +counselor can scarcely be found out by such methods. We have +emphasized before that the ordinary individual knows very little of +his own mental functions: on the whole, he knows them as little as he +knows the muscles which be uses when he talks or walks. Among his +questions Parsons included such ones as: "Are your manners quiet, +noisy, boisterous, deferential, or self-assertive? Are you thoughtful +of the comfort of others? Do you smile naturally and easily, or is +your face ordinarily expressionless? Are you frank, kindly, cordial, +respectful, courteous in word and actions? Do you look people frankly +in the eye? Are your inflections natural, courteous, modest, musical, +or aggressive, conceited, pessimistic, repellent? What are your powers +of attention, observation, memory, reason, imagination, inventiveness, +thoughtfulness, receptiveness, quickness, analytical power, +constructiveness, breadth, grasp? Can you manage people well? Do you +know a fine picture when you see it? Is your will weak, yielding, +vacillating, or firm, strong, stubborn? Do you like to be with people +and do they like to be with you?"—and <a name="Page_45" id="Page_45" />so on. It is clear that the +replies to questions of this kind can be of psychological value only +when the questioner knows beforehand the mind of the youth, and can +accordingly judge with what degree of understanding, sincerity, and +ability the circular blanks have been filled out. But as the questions +are put for the very purpose of revealing the personality, the entire +effort tends to move in a circle.</p> + +<p>To break this circle, it indeed becomes necessary to emancipate one's +self from the method of ordinary self-observation and to replace it by +objective experiment in the psychological laboratory. Experimentation +in such a laboratory stands in no contrast to the method of +introspection. A contrast does exist between self-observation and +observation on children or patients or primitive peoples or animals. +In their case the psychologist observes his material from without. But +in the case of the typical laboratory experiment, everything is +ultimately based on self-observation; only we have to do with the +self-observation under exact conditions which the experimenter is able +to control and to vary at will. Even Parsons sometimes turned to +little experimental inquiries in which he simplified some well-known +methods of the laboratory in order to secure with the most elementary +means a <a name="Page_46" id="Page_46" />certain objective foundation for his mental analysis. For +instance, he sometimes examined the memory by reading to the boys +graded sentences containing from ten to fifty words and having them +repeat what they remembered, or he measured with a watch the rapidity +of reading and writing, or he determined the sensitiveness for the +discrimination of differences by asking them to make a point with a +pencil in the centres of circles of various sizes. But if such +experimental schemes, even of the simplest form, are in question, it +seems a matter of course that the plan ought to be prescribed by real +scientists who specialize in the psychological field. The +psychologist, for instance, surely cannot agree to a method which +measures the memory by such a method of having spoken sentences +repeated and the quality of the memory faculty naïvely graded +according to the results. He knows too well that there are many +different kinds of memory, and would always determine first which type +of memory functions is to be examined if memory achievements are +needed for a particular calling.</p> + +<p>But even with a more exact method of experimenting, such a procedure +would not be sufficient to solve the true problem. A second step would +still be necessary: namely, the adaptation of the experimental result +to the special psychological <a name="Page_47" id="Page_47" />requirements of the economic activity; +and this again presupposes an independent psychological analysis. Most +of the previous efforts have suffered from the carelessness with which +this second step was ignored, and the special mental requirements were +treated as a matter of course upon which any layman could judge. In +reality they need the most careful psychological analysis, and only if +this is carried out with the means of scientific psychology, can a +study of the abilities of the individual become serviceable to the +demands of the market. Such a psychological disentangling of the +requirements of the callings, in the interest of guidance, is +attempted in the material which the various vocational institutes have +prepared, but it seldom goes beyond commonplaces. We read there, for +instance,<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5" /><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> for the confectioner: "Boys in this industry must be +clean, quick, and strong. The most important qualities desired are +neatness and adaptability to routine"; or, for the future baker, the +boy "ought to know how to conduct himself and to meet the public"; or +for the future architectural designer, "he must have creative ability, +artistic feeling, and power to sketch"; or for the dressmaker, she +"should have good eyesight and good sense of color, and an ability to +use her hands readily; she should be able to apply herself steadily +and be <a name="Page_48" id="Page_48" />fairly quick in her movements; neatness of person is also +essential"; or for the stenographer, she must be "possessed of +intelligence, good judgment, and common sense; must have good +eyesight, good hearing, and a good memory; must have quick perception, +and be able to concentrate her attention completely on any matter in +hand." It is evident that all this is extremely far from any +psychological analysis in the terms of science. All taken together, we +may, therefore, say that in the movement for vocational guidance +practically nothing has been done to make modern experimental +psychology serviceable to the new task. But on the one side, it has +shown that this work of the experimental psychologist is the next step +necessary. On the other side, it has become evident that in the +vocation bureaus appropriate social agencies are existing which are +ready to take up the results of such work, and to apply them for the +good of the American youth and of commerce and industry, as soon as +the experimental psychologist has developed the significant methods.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="VI" id="VI" /><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49" />VI</h2> + +<h3>SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT</h3> + + +<p>Before we discuss some cases of such experimental investigations, we +may glance at that other American movement, the well-known systematic +effort toward scientific management which has often been interpreted +in an expansive literature.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6" /><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Enthusiastic followers have declared it +to be the greatest advance in industry since the introduction of the +mill system and of machinery. Opponents have hastily denounced it as a +mistake, and have insisted that it proved a failure in the factories +in which it has been introduced. A sober examination of the facts soon +demonstrates that the truth lies in the middle. Those followers of +Frederick W. Taylor who have made almost a religion out of his ideas +have certainly often exaggerated the practical applicability of the +new theories, and their actual reforms in the mills have not seldom +shown that the system is still too topheavy; that is, there are too +many higher employees necessary in order to keep the works running on +principles of scientific management. On the other hand, the opposition +which comes from certain quarters,—for instance, <a name="Page_50" id="Page_50" />from some +trade-unions,—may be disregarded, as it is not directed against the +claim that the efficiency can be heightened, but only against some +social features of the scheme, such as the resulting temporary +reduction of the number of workmen. But nobody can deny that this +revolutionary movement has introduced most valuable suggestions which +the industrial world cannot afford to ignore, and that as soon as +exaggerations are avoided and experience has created a broader +foundation, the principles of the new theory will prove of lasting +value. We shall have to discuss, at a later point, various special +features of the system, especially the highly interesting motion +study. Here we have to deal only with those tendencies of the movement +and with those interests which point toward our present problem, the +mental analysis of the individual employees in order to avoid misfits.</p> + +<p>The approach to this problem, indeed, seems unavoidable for the +students of scientific management, as its goal is an organization of +economic work by which the waste of energy will be avoided and the +greatest increase in the efficiency of the industrial enterprise will +be reached. The recognition that this can never be effected by a mere +excessive driving of the workingmen belongs to its very +presuppositions. The illusory means of <a name="Page_51" id="Page_51" />prolongation of the +working-time and similar devices by which the situation of the +individual deteriorates would be out of the question; on the contrary, +the heightening of the individual's joy in the work and of the +personal satisfaction in one's total life development belongs among +the most important, indirect agencies of the new scheme. This end is +reached by many characteristic changes in the division of labor; also +by a new division between supervisors and workers, by transformations +of the work itself and of the tools and vehicles. But as a by-product +of these efforts the demand necessarily arose for means by which the +fit individuals could be found for special kinds of labor. The more +scientific management introduced changes, by which the individual +achievement often had to become rather complicated and difficult, the +more it became necessary to study the skill and the endurance and the +intelligence of the individual laborers in order to entrust these new +difficult tasks only to the most appropriate men in the factories and +mills. The problem of individual selection accordingly forced itself +on the new efficiency engineers, and they naturally recognized that +the really essential traits and dispositions were the mental ones. In +the most progressive books of the new movement, this need of +emphasizing the selection of workers with reference<a name="Page_52" id="Page_52" /> to their mental +equipment comes to clear expression.</p> + +<p>Yet this is very far from a real application of scientific psychology +to the problem at hand. Wherever the question of the selection of the +fit men after psychological principles is mentioned in the literature +of this movement, the language becomes vague, and the same men, who +use the newest scientific knowledge whenever physics or mathematics or +physiology or chemistry are involved, make hardly any attempts to +introduce the results of science when psychology is in question. The +clearest insight into the general situation may be found in the most +recent books by Emerson. He says frankly: "It is psychology, not soil +or climate, that enables man to raise five times as many potatoes per +acre as the average in his own state";<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7" /><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> or: "In selecting human +assistants such superficialities as education, as physical strength, +even antecedent morality, are not as important as the inner attitudes, +proclivities, character, which after all determine the man or +woman."<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8" /><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> He also fully recognizes the necessity of securing as early +as possible the psychological essentials. He says: "The type for the +great newspaper is set up by linotype operators. Apprenticeship is +rigorously limited. Some operators can never get beyond the 2500-em +class, <a name="Page_53" id="Page_53" />others with no more personal effort can set 5000 ems. Do the +employers test out applicants for apprenticeship so as to be sure to +secure boys who will develop into the 5000-em class? They do not: they +select applicants for any near reason except the fundamental important +one of innate fitness."<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9" /><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> But all this points only to the existence +of the problem, and in reality gives not even a hint for its solution. +The theorists of scientific management seem to think that the most +subtle methods are indispensable for physical measurements, but for +psychological inquiry nothing but a kind of intuition is necessary. +Emerson tells how, for instance, "The competent specialist who has +supplemented natural gifts and good judgment by analysis and synthesis +can perceive attitudes and proclivities even in the very young, much +more readily in those semi-matured, and can with almost infallible +certainty point out, not only what work can be undertaken with fair +hope of success, but also what slight modification or addition and +diminution will more than double the personal power."<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10" /><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The true +psychological specialists surely ought to decline this flattering +confidence. Far from the "almost infallible certainty," they can +hardly expect even a moderate amount of success in such directions so +long as specific methods have not been elaborated, and so long as no +way has <a name="Page_54" id="Page_54" />been shown to make experimental measurements by which such +mere guesswork can be replaced by scientific investigation.</p> + +<p>The only modest effort to try a step in this direction toward the +psychological laboratory is recorded by Taylor,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11" /><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> who tells of Mr. +S.E. Thompson's work in a bicycle ball factory, where a hundred and +twenty girls were inspecting the balls. They had to place a row of +small polished steel balls on the back of the left hand and while they +were rolled over and over in the crease between two of the fingers +placed together, they were minutely examined in a strong light and the +defective balls were picked out with the aid of a magnet held in the +right hand. The work required the closest attention and concentration. +The girls were working ten and a half hours a day. Mr. Thompson soon +recognized that the quality most needed, beside endurance and +industry, was a quick power of perception accompanied by quick +responsive action. He knew that the psychological laboratory has +developed methods for a very exact measurement of the time needed to +react on an impression with the quickest possible movement; it is +called the reaction time, and is usually measured in thousandths of a +second. He therefore considered it advisable to measure the +reaction-time of the girls, and to eliminate from <a name="Page_55" id="Page_55" />service all those +who showed a relatively long time between the stimulus and reaction. +This involved laying off many of the most intelligent, hardest-working, +and most trustworthy girls. Yet the effect was the possibility of +shortening the hours and of reducing more and more the number of +workers, with the final outcome that thirty-five girls did the work +formerly done by a hundred and twenty, and that the accuracy of the +work at the higher speed was two thirds greater than at the former +slow speed. This allowed almost a doubling of the wages of the girls +in spite of their shorter working-day, and at the same time a +considerable reduction in the cost of the work for the factory. This +excursion of an efficiency engineer into the psychological laboratory +remained, however; an entirely exceptional case. Moreover, such a +reaction-time measurement did not demand any special development of +new methods or any particular mental analysis, and this exception thus +confirms the rule that the followers of scientific management +principles have recognized the need of psychological inquiries, but +have not done anything worth mentioning to apply the results of really +scientific psychology. Hence the situation is the same as in the field +of vocational guidance. In both cases a vague longing for +psychological analysis and psychological measurement<a name="Page_56" id="Page_56" />, but in both +cases so far everything has remained on the level of helpless +psychological dilettantism. It stands in striking contrast with the +scientific seriousness with which the economic questions are taken up +in the field of vocational guidance and the physical questions in the +field of scientific management. It is, therefore, evidently the duty +of the experimental psychologists themselves to examine the ground +from the point of view of the psychological laboratory.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="VII" id="VII" /><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57" />VII</h2> + +<h3>THE METHODS OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY</h3> + + +<p>We now see clearly the psychotechnical problem. We have to analyze +definite economic tasks with reference to the mental qualities which +are necessary or desirable for them, and we have to find methods by +which these mental qualities can be tested. We must, indeed, insist on +it that the interests of commerce and industry can be helped only when +both sides, the vocational demands and the personal function, are +examined with equal scientific thoroughness. One aspect alone is +unsatisfactory. It would of course be possible to confine the +examination to the individual mental traits, and then theoretically to +determine for which economic tasks the presence of these qualities +would be useful and for which tasks their absence or their deficiency +would be fatal. Common sense may be sufficient to lead us a few steps +in that direction. For instance, if we find by psychological +examination that an individual is color-blind for red and green +sensations, we may at once conclude, without any real psychological +analysis of the vocations, that he would be unfit <a name="Page_58" id="Page_58" />for the railroad +service or the naval service, in which red and green signals are of +importance. We may also decide at once that such a boy would be +useless for all artistic work in which the nuances of colors are of +consequence, or as a laborer in certain departments of a dyeing +establishment, and that such a color-blind girl would not do at a +dressmaker's or in a millinery store. But if we come to the question +whether such a color-blind individual may enter into the business of +gardening, in spite of the inability to distinguish the strawberries +in the bed or the red flowers among the green leaves, the first +necessity, after all, would be to find out how far the particular +demands of this vocation make the ability to discriminate color a +prerequisite, and how far psychical substitutions such as a +recognition of the forms and of differences in the light intensity, +may be sufficient for the practical task. Moreover, where not merely +such mental defects, but more subtly shaded variations within normal +limits are involved, it would be superficial, if only the mental +states were examined and not at the same time the mental requirements +of the vocations themselves. The vocation should rather remain the +starting-point. We must at first find out what demands on the mental +system are made by it and we must grade these demands in order to +recognize<a name="Page_59" id="Page_59" /> the more or less important ones, and, especially for the +important ones, we must then seek exact standards with experimental +methods.</p> + +<p>Such an experimental investigation may proceed according to either of +two different principles. One way is to take the mental process which +is demanded by the industrial work as an undivided whole. In this case +we have to construct experimental conditions under which this total +activity can be performed in a gradual, measurable way. The psychical +part of the vocational work thus becomes schematized, and is simply +rendered experimentally on a reduced scale. The other way is to +resolve the mental process into its components and to test every +single elementary function in its isolated form. In this latter case +the examination has the advantage of having at its disposal all the +familiar methods of experimental psychology, while in the first case +for every special vocational situation perfectly new experimental +tests must be devised.</p> + +<p>Whether the one or the other method is to be preferred must depend +upon the nature of the particular commercial or industrial calling, +and accordingly presupposes a careful analysis of the special +economical processes. It is, indeed, easy to recognize that in certain +industrial activities a series of psychical functions is in question +which <a name="Page_60" id="Page_60" />all lie side by side and which do not fuse into one united +total process, however much they may influence one another. But for +many industrial tasks just this unity is the essential condition. The +testing of the mental elements would be in such cases as insufficient +as if we were to test a machine with reference to its parts only and +not with reference to its total united performance. Even in this +latter case this unified function does not represent the total +personality: it is always merely a segment of the whole mental life. +We may examine with psychological methods, for instance, the fitness +of an employee for a technical vocation and may test the particular +complex unified combination of attention, imagination and +intelligence, will and memory, which is essential for that special +kind of labor. We may be able to reconstruct the conditions so +completely that we would feel justified in predicting whether the +individual can fulfill that technical task or not; and yet we may +disregard entirely the question whether that man is honest or +dishonest, whether he is pacific or quarrelsome; in short, whether his +mental disposition makes him a desirable member of that industrial +concern under other aspects.</p> + +<p>We best recognize the significance of these various methods by +selecting a few concrete cases as illustrations and analyzing them in +detail. But a <a name="Page_61" id="Page_61" />word of warning may be given beforehand so as to avoid +misunderstandings. These examples do not stand here as reports of +completed investigations, the results of which ought to be accepted as +conclusive parts of the new psychotechnical science; they are not +presented as if the results were to be recommended like a well-tested +machine for practical purposes. Such really completed investigations +do not as yet exist in this field. All that can be offered is modest +pioneer work, and just these inquiries into the mental qualities and +their relations to the industrial vocations have attracted my +attention only very recently, and therefore certainly still demand +long continuations of the experiments in every direction. But we may +hope for satisfactory results the earlier, the more coöperators are +entering the field, and the more such researches are started in other +places and in other institutions. I therefore offer these early +reports at the first stage of my research merely as stimulations, so +as to demonstrate the possibilities.</p> + +<p>As an illustration of the method of examining the mental process as a +whole, I propose to discuss the case of the motormen in the electric +railways. As an illustration of the other type, namely, of analyzing +the activity and testing the elementary functions, I shall discuss the +case of the employees<a name="Page_62" id="Page_62" /> in the telephone service. I select these two +functions, as both play a practically important rôle in the technique +of modern economic life and as in both occupations very large numbers +of individuals are engaged in the work.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="VIII" id="VIII" /><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63" />VIII</h2> + +<h3>EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF ELECTRIC RAILWAY SERVICE</h3> + + +<p>The problem of securing fit motormen for the electric railways was +brought to my attention from without. The accidents which occurred +through the fault, or at least not without the fault, of the motormen +in street railway transportation have always aroused disquietude and +even indignation in the public, and the street railway companies +suffered much from the many payments of indemnity imposed by the court +as they amounted to thirteen per cent of the gross earnings of some +companies. Last winter the American Association for Labor Legislation +called a meeting of vocational specialists to discuss the problem of +these accidents under various aspects. The street railways of various +cities were represented, and economic, physiological, and +psychological specialists took part in the general discussion. Much +attention was given, of course, to the questions of fatigue and to the +statistical results as to the number of accidents and their relation +to the various hours of the day and to the time of labor. But there +was a strong tendency <a name="Page_64" id="Page_64" />to recognize as still more important than the +mere fatigue, the whole mental constitution of the motormen. The +ability to keep attention constant, to resist distraction by chance +happenings on the street and especially the always needed ability to +foresee the possible movements of the pedestrians and vehicles were +acknowledged as extremely different from man to man. The companies +claimed that there are motormen who practically never have an +accident, because they feel beforehand even what the confused +pedestrian and the unskilled chauffeur will do, while others +relatively often experience accidents of all kinds because they do not +foresee how matters will develop. They can hardly be blamed, as they +were not careless, and yet the accidents did result from their +personal qualities; they simply lacked the gift of instinctive +foresight. All this turned the attention more and more to the +possibilities of psychological analysis, and the Association suggested +that I undertake an inquiry into this interesting problem with the +means of the psychological laboratory. I felt the practical importance +of the problem, considering that there are electric railway companies +in this country which have up to fifty thousand accident indemnity +cases a year. It therefore seemed to me decidedly worth while to +undertake a laboratory investigation.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65" />It would have been quite possible to treat the functions of the +motormen according to the method which resolves the complex +achievement into its various elements and tests every function +independently. For instance, the stopping of the car as soon as the +danger of an accident threatens is evidently effective only if the +movement controlling the lever is carried out with sufficient +rapidity. We should accordingly be justified in examining the +quickness with which the individual reacts on optical stimuli. If a +playing child suddenly runs across the track of the electric railway, +a difference of a tenth of a second in the reaction-time may decide +his fate. But I may say at once that I did not find characteristic +differences in the rapidity of reaction of those motormen whom the +company had found reliable and those who have frequent accidents. It +seems that the slow individuals do not remain in the service at all. +As a matter of course certain other indispensable single functions, +like sharpness of vision are examined before the entrance into the +service and so they cannot stand as characteristic conditions of good +or bad service among the actual employees.</p> + +<p>For this reason, in the case of the motormen I abstracted from the +study of single elementary functions and turned my attention to that +mental process which after some careful observations <a name="Page_66" id="Page_66" />seemed to me the +really central one for the problem of accidents. I found this to be a +particular complicated act of attention by which the manifoldness of +objects, the pedestrians, the carriages, and the automobiles, are +continuously observed with reference to their rapidity and direction +in the quickly changing panorama of the street. Moving figures come +from the right and from the left toward and across the track, and are +embedded in a stream of men and vehicles which moves parallel to the +track. In the face of such manifoldness there are men whose impulses +are almost inhibited and who instinctively desire to wait for the +movement of the nearest objects; they would evidently be unfit for the +service, as they would drive the electric car far too slowly. There +are others who, even with the car at high speed, can adjust themselves +for a time to the complex moving situation, but whose attention soon +lapses, and while they are fixating a rather distant carriage, may +overlook a pedestrian who carelessly crosses the track immediately in +front of their car. In short, we have a great variety of mental types +of this characteristic unified activity, which may be understood as a +particular combination of attention and imagination.</p> + +<p>My effort was to transplant this activity of the motormen into +laboratory processes. And here <a name="Page_67" id="Page_67" />I may include a remark on the +methodology of psychological industrial experiments. One might +naturally think that the experience of a special industrial +undertaking would be best reproduced for the experiment by repeating +the external conditions in a kind of miniature form. That would mean +that we ought to test the motormen of the electric railway by +experiments with small toy models of electric cars placed on the +laboratory table. But this would be decidedly inappropriate. A reduced +copy of an external apparatus may arouse ideas, feelings, and +volitions which have little in common with the processes of actual +life. The presupposition would be that the man to be tested for any +industrial achievement would have to think himself into the miniature +situation, and especially uneducated persons are often very +unsuccessful in such efforts. This can be clearly seen from the +experiences before naval courts, where it is usual to demonstrate +collisions of ships by small ship models on the table in the +courtroom. Experience has frequently shown that helmsmen, who have +found their course a life long among real vessels in the harbor and on +the sea, become entirely confused when they are to demonstrate by the +models the relative positions of the ships. Even in the naval war +schools where the officers play at war with small model ships, <a name="Page_68" id="Page_68" />a +certain inner readjustment is always necessary for them to bring the +miniature ships on the large table into the tactical game. On the +water, for instance, the navy officer sees the far-distant ships very +much smaller than those near by, while on the naval game table all the +ships look equally large. On the whole, I feel inclined to say from my +experience so far that experiments with small models of the actual +industrial mechanism are hardly appropriate for investigations in the +field of economic psychology. The essential point for the +psychological experiment is not the external similarity of the +apparatus, but exclusively the inner similarity of the mental +attitude. The more the external mechanism with which or on which the +action is carried out becomes schematized, the more the action itself +will appear in its true character.</p> + +<p>In the method of my experiments with the motormen, accordingly, I had +to satisfy only two demands. The method of examination promised to be +valuable if, first, it showed good results with reliable motormen and +bad results with unreliable ones; and secondly, if it vividly aroused +in all the motormen the feeling that the mental function which they +were going through during the experiment had the greatest possible +similarity with their experience on the front platform of the +electric<a name="Page_69" id="Page_69" /> car. These are the true tests of a desirable experimental +method, while it is not necessary that the apparatus be similar to the +electric car or that the external activities in the experiment be +identical with their performance in the service. After several +unsatisfactory efforts, in which I worked with too complicated +instruments, I finally settled on the following arrangement of the +experiment which seems to me to satisfy those two demands.</p> + +<p>The street is represented by a card 9 half-inches broad and 26 +half-inches long. Two heavy lines half an inch apart go lengthwise +through the centre of the card, and accordingly a space of 4 +half-inches remains on either side. The whole card is divided into +small half-inch squares which we consider as the unit. Thus there is +in any cross-section 1 unit between the two central lines and 4 units +on either side. Lengthwise there are 26 units. The 26 squares which +lie between the two heavy central lines are marked with the printed +letters of the alphabet from A to Z. These two heavy central lines are +to represent an electric railway track on a street. On either side the +4 rows of squares are filled in an irregular way with black and red +figures of the three first digits. The digit 1 always represents a +pedestrian who moves just one step, and that <a name="Page_70" id="Page_70" />means from one unit into +the next; the digit 2 a horse, which moves twice as fast, that is, +which moves 2 units; and the digit 3 an automobile which moves three +times as fast, that is, 3 units. Moreover, the black digits stand for +men, horses, and automobiles which move parallel to the track and +cannot cross the track, and are therefore to be disregarded in looking +out for dangers. The red digits, on the other hand, are the dangerous +ones. They move from either side toward the track. The idea is that +the man to be experimented on is to find as quickly as possible those +points on the track which are threatened by the red figures, that is, +those letters in the 26 track units at which the red figures would +land, if they make the steps which their number indicates. A red digit +3 which is 4 steps from the track is to be disregarded, because it +would not reach the track. A red digit 3 which is only 1 or 2 steps +from the track is also to be disregarded, because it would cross +beyond the track, if it took 3 steps. But a red 3 which is 3 units +from the track, a red 2 which is 2 units from the track, and a red 1 +which is 1 unit from the track would land on the track itself; and the +aim is quickly to find these points. The task is difficult, as the +many black figures divert the attention, and as the red figures too +near or too far are easily confused <a name="Page_71" id="Page_71" />with those which are just at the +dangerous distance.</p> + +<p>As soon as this principle for the experiment was recognized as +satisfactory, it was necessary to find a technical device by which a +movement over this artificial track could be produced in such a way +that the rapidity could be controlled by the subject of the experiment +and at the same time measured. Again we had to try various forms of +apparatus. Finally we found the following form most satisfactory. +Twelve such cards, each provided with a handle, lie one above another +under a glass plate through which the upper card can be seen. If this +highest card is withdrawn; the second is exposed, and from below +springs press the remaining cards against the glass plate. The glass +plate with the 12 cards below lies in a black wooden box and is +completely covered by a belt 8 inches broad, made of heavy black +velvet. This velvet belt moves over two cylinders at the front and the +rear ends of the apparatus. In the centre of the belt is a window +4-1/2 inches wide and 2-1/2 inches high. If the front cylinder is +turned by a metal crank, the velvet belt passes over the glass plate +and the little window opening moves over the card with its track and +figures. The whole breadth of the card, with its central track and its +4 units on either side, is visible through it over <a name="Page_72" id="Page_72" />an area of 5 units +in the length direction. If the man to be experimented on turns the +crank with his right hand, the window slips over the whole length of +the card, one part of the card after another becomes visible, and then +he simply has to call the letters of those units in the track at which +the red figures on either side would land, if they took the number of +steps indicated by the digit. At the moment the window has reached Z +on the card, the experimenter withdraws that card and the next becomes +visible, as a second window in the belt appears at the lower end when +the first disappears at the upper end. In this way the subject can +turn his crank uninterruptedly until he has gone through the 12 cards. +The experimenter notes down the numbers of the cards and the letters +which the subject calls. Besides this, the number of seconds required +for the whole experiment, from the beginning of the first card to the +end of the twelfth, is measured with a stopwatch. This time is, of +course, dependent upon the rapidity with which the crank is turned. +The result of the experiment is accordingly expressed by three +figures, the number of seconds, the number of omissions, that is, of +places at which red figures would land on the track which were not +noticed by the subject; and, thirdly, the number of incorrect places +where letters were called in spite <a name="Page_73" id="Page_73" />of the fact, that no danger +existed. In using the results, we may disregard this third figure and +give our attention to the speed and the number of omissions.</p> + +<p>The necessary condition for carrying out the experiments with this +apparatus is a careful, quiet, practical explanation of the device. +The experiment must not under any circumstances be started until the +subject completely understands what he has to do and for what he has +to look out. For this purpose I at first always show the man one card +outside of the apparatus and explain to him the differences between +the black and the red figures, and the counting of the steps, and show +to him in a number of cases how some red figures do not reach the +track, how others go beyond the track, and how some just land in +danger on the track. As soon as he has completely understood the +principle, we turn to the apparatus and he moves the window slowly +over a test card, and tries to find the dangerous spots, and I turn +his attention to every case in which he has omitted one or has given +an incorrect letter. We repeat this slowly until he completely masters +the rules of the game. Only then is he allowed to start the +experiment. I have never found a man with whom this preparation takes +more than a few minutes.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74" />After developing this method in the psychological laboratory, I +turned to the study of men actually in the service of a great electric +railway company which supported my endeavors in the most cordial +spirit. In accordance with my request, the company furnished me with a +number of the best motormen in its service, men who for twenty years +and more had performed their duties practically without accidents, +and, on the other hand, with a large number of motormen who had only +just escaped dismissal and whose record was characterized by many more +or less important collisions or other accidents. Finally, we had men +whose activity as motormen was neither especially good nor especially +bad.</p> + +<p>The test of the method lies first in the fact that the tried motormen +agreed that they really pass through the experiment with the feeling +which they have on their car. The necessity of looking out in both +directions, right and left, for possible obstacles, of distinguishing +those which move toward the track from the many which move along the +track, the quick discrimination among the various rates of rapidity, +the steady forward movement of the observation point, the constant +temptation to give attention to those which are still too far away or +to those which are so near that they will cross the track before the +approach <a name="Page_75" id="Page_75" />of the car, in short, the whole complex situation with its +demands on attention, imagination, and quick adjustment, soon brings +them into an attitude which they themselves feel as identical with +that in practical life. On the other hand, the results show a +far-reaching correspondence between efficiency in the experiment and +efficiency in the actual service. With a relatively small number of +experiments this correspondence cannot be expected to be complete, the +more as a large number of secondary features must enter which +interfere with an exact correlation between experiment and standing in +the railway company. We must consider, for instance, that those men +whom the company naturally selects as models are men who have had +twenty to thirty years of service without accidents, but consequently +they are rather old men, who no longer have the elasticity of youth +and are naturally less able to think themselves into an artificial +situation like that of such an experiment, and who have been for a +long time removed from contact with book work. It is therefore not +surprising, but only to be expected, that such older, model men, while +doing fair work in the test, are yet not seldom far surpassed by +bright, quick, young motormen who are twenty years younger, even +though they are not yet ideal motormen. Moreover, the standing in the +<a name="Page_76" id="Page_76" />company often depends upon features which have nothing to do with the +mental make-up of the man, while the experiment has to be confined to +these mental conditions which favor accidents. It is quite possible +that a man may happen to experience a slight collision, even though no +conditions for the accident were lying in his mental make-up. But we +may go still further. The experiment refers to those sides of his mind +which make him able to foresee the danger points, and that is +decidedly the most essential factor and the one from which most can be +hoped for the safety of the public. But this does not exclude the +possibility that some other mental traits may become causes of +accidents. The man may be too daring and may like to run risks, or he +may still need discipline, or he may not be sufficiently acquainted +with the local conditions. Any such secondary factors may cause some +slight accidents with the man who shows rather fair results in the +experimental test of his foresight. Finally, we must not forget that +some men enter into such tests under a certain nervous tension and +therefore may not show so well at the very first test as their mental +equipment should allow. Hence it is decidedly desirable not to rely on +the first test, but to repeat it. If those various interferences are +taken into account, the correspondence <a name="Page_77" id="Page_77" />between efficiency and the +results of the tests is fairly satisfactory. It justified me in +proposing that the experiments be continued and in regarding it as +quite possible that later tests on the basis of this principle may be +introduced at the employment of motormen.</p> + +<p>A difficulty is presented by the valuation of the numerical results. +The mere number of omissions alone cannot be decisive, as it is clear +that no intelligent man would make any omissions if he should give an +unlimited amount of time to it; for instance, if he were to spend +fifteen minutes on those 12 cards. But this is the same thing as to +say that a motorman would not run over any one if he were to drive his +car one mile in an hour. The practical problem is to combine the +greatest possible speed with the smallest number of oversights and +both factors must therefore be considered. The subject who makes +relatively many mistakes but uses a very short time must be +acknowledged to be as good as the man who makes fewer mistakes but +takes a longer time. In the results which I have gathered in +experiments with motormen, no one has gone through those 12 cards in a +shorter time than 140 seconds, while the longest time was 427 seconds. +On the other hand, no one of the motormen made less than 4 omissions, +while the worst ones made 28 <a name="Page_78" id="Page_78" />omissions. I abstract from one extreme +case with 36 omissions. On the whole, we may say that the time +fluctuates between 180 and 420, the mistakes between 4 and 28. The aim +is to find a formula which gives full value to both factors and makes +the material directly comparable in the form of one numerical value +instead of the two. If we were simply to add the number of seconds and +the number of omissions, the omissions would count far too little, +inasmuch as 10 additional omissions would then mean no more than 10 +additional seconds. On the other hand, if we were to multiply the two +figures the omissions would mean by far too much, as the transition +from 4 mistakes to 8 mistakes would then be as great a change as the +transition from 200 to 400 seconds, that is, from the one extreme of +time to the other. Evidently we balance both factors if we multiply +the number of omissions by 10 and add them to the number of seconds. +The variations between 4 and 28 omissions are 24 steps, which +multiplied by 10 correspond to the 240 steps which lie between 180 and +420 seconds. On that basis any additional 50 seconds would be equal to +5 additional omissions. If of two men one takes 100 seconds less than +his neighbor, he is equal to him in his ability to satisfy the demands +of the service, if he makes 10 mistakes more.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79" />On the basis of this calculation I find that the old, well-trained +motormen come to a result of about 450, and I should consider that an +average standard. This would mean that a man who uses 400 seconds +would not be allowed to make more than 5 omissions, in 350 seconds not +more than 10, in 300 not more than 15, in 250 not more than 20, under +the condition that these are the results of the first set of +experiments. Where there are more than 20 omissions made, mere +quickness ought not to be allowed as a substitute. The man who takes +150 seconds and makes 30 mistakes would come up to the same standard +level of 450. Yet his characteristics would probably not serve the +interests of the service. He would speed up his car and would make +better time than any one else, but would be liable to accidents. I +should consider 20 mistakes with a time not longer than 250 as the +permissible maximum. Among the younger motormen whom I examined, the +best result was 290, in which 270 seconds were used and only 2 +omissions made. Results below 350 may be considered as very good. One +man, for instance, carried out the experiment in 237 seconds with 11 +mistakes, which gives the result 347. From 350 to 450 may be counted +as fair, 450 to 550 as mediocre, and over 550 as very poor. In the +case of old men, who may <a name="Page_80" id="Page_80" />be expected to adjust themselves less easily +to artificial experiments, the limits may be shifted. If the +experiments are made repeatedly, the valuation of the results must be +changed accordingly. The training of the men in literary and +mathematical work or in experimentation may be considered, as our +experiments have shown that highly educated young people with long +training in experimental observations can pass through the test much +more quickly than any one of the motormen could. Among the most +advanced graduate students who do research work in my Harvard +laboratory there was no one whose result was more than 275, while, as +I said, among all the motormen there was no one whose result was less +than 290. The best result reached was by a student who passed through +the test in 223 seconds with only 1 mistake, the total therefore being +233. Next came a student who did it in 215 seconds with 3 mistakes, +total, 245; then in 228 seconds with 2 omissions, total, 248, and so +on.</p> + +<p>I recapitulate: With men on the educational level and at the age that +comes in question for their first appointment in the service of an +electric railway company, the test proposed ought to be applied +according to this scheme. If they make more than 20 mistakes, they +ought to be excluded; if they make less than 20 mistakes, the number +of <a name="Page_81" id="Page_81" />omissions is to be multiplied by 10 and added to the number of +seconds. If the sum is less than 350, their mental fitness for the +avoidance of accidents is very high, between 350 and 450 fair, and +more than 550 not acceptable under any conditions. I submit this, +however, with the emphasis on my previous statement that the +investigation is still in its first stage, and that it will need a +long coöperation between science and industry in order to determine +the desirable modifications and special conditions which may become +necessary in making the employment of men partly dependent upon such +psychological tests. There can be no doubt that the experiments could +be improved in many directions. But even in this first, not adequately +tested, form, an experimental investigation of this kind which demands +from each individual hardly 10 minutes would be sufficient to exclude +perhaps one fourth of those who are nowadays accepted into the service +as motormen. This 25 per cent of the applicants do not deserve any +blame. In many other occupations they might render excellent service; +they are neither careless nor reckless, and they do not act against +instructions, but their psychical mechanism makes them unfit for that +particular combination of attention and imagination which ought to be +demanded for the special task of the motorman.<a name="Page_82" id="Page_82" /> If the many thousands +of injury and the many hundreds of death cases could be reduced by +such a test at least to a half, then the conditions of transportation +would have been improved more than by any alterations in the technical +apparatus, which usually are the only objects of interest in the +discussion of specialists. The whole world of industry will have to +learn the great lesson, that of the three great factors, material, +machine, and man, the man is not the least, but the most important.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="IX" id="IX" /><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83" />IX</h2> + +<h3>EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF SHIP SERVICE</h3> + + +<p>Where the avoidance of accidents is in question, the test of a special +experimental method can seldom be made dependent upon a comparison +with practical results, as we do not want to wait until the candidate +has brought human life into danger. The ordinary way of reaching the +goal must therefore be an indirect one in such cases. For the study of +motormen the conditions are exceptionally favorable, as hundreds of +thousands of accidents occur every year, but another practical example +may be chosen from a field where it is, indeed, impossible to +correlate the results with actual misfortunes, because the dangerous +situations occur seldom; and nevertheless on account of their +importance they demand most serious study. I refer to the ship +service, where the officer on the bridge may bring thousands into +danger by one single slip of his mind. I turn to this as a further +concrete illustration in order to characterize at once the lengths to +which such vocational studies may advance.</p> + +<p>One of the largest ship companies had <a name="Page_84" id="Page_84" />approached me—long before the +disaster of the Titanic occurred—with the question whether it would +not be possible to find psychological methods for the elimination of +such ship officers as would not be able to face an unexpected suddenly +occurring complication. The director of the company wrote to me that +in his experience the real danger for the great ships lies in the +mental dispositions of the officers. They all know exactly what is to +be done in every situation, but there are too many who do not react in +the appropriate way when an unexpected combination of factors suddenly +confronts them, such as the quick approach of a ship in the fog. He +claimed that two different types ought to be excluded. There are ship +officers who know the requirements excellently, but who are almost +paralyzed when the dangerous conditions suddenly threaten. Their +ability for action is inhibited. In one moment they want to act under +the stimulus of one impression, but before the impulse is realized, +some other perhaps rather indifferent impression forces itself on +their minds and suggests the counteraction, and in this way they +vacillate and remain inactive until it is too late to give the right +order or to press the right button. The other type feels only the +necessity for rapid action, and under the pressure of greatest haste, +without clear thought, they <a name="Page_85" id="Page_85" />jump to the first decision which rushes +to their minds. Without carefully considering the conditions really +given, they explode in an action which they would never have chosen in +a state of quiet deliberation. They react on any accidental +circumstance, just as at a fire men sometimes carry out and save the +most useless parts of their belongings. Of course, beside these two +types, there is the third type, the desirable one, the men who in the +unexpected situation quickly review the totality of the factors in +their relative importance and with almost instinctive certainty +immediately come to the same decision to which they would have arrived +after quiet thought. The director of the company insisted that it +would be of highest importance for the ship service to discriminate +these three types of human beings, and to make sure that there stand +on the bridge of the ship only men who do not belong to those two +dangerous classes. He turned to me with this request, as he had heard +of the work toward economic psychology in the Harvard laboratory.</p> + +<p>As the problem interested me, I carried on a long series of +experiments in order to construct artificial conditions under which +the mental process of decision in a complicated situation, especially +the rapidity, correctness, and constancy of the decision, could be +made measurable. I started <a name="Page_86" id="Page_86" />from the conviction that this complex act +of decision must stand in definite relation to a number of simpler +mental functions. If, for instance, it stood in a clear definite +relation to the process of association, or discrimination, or +suggestibility, or perception, or memory, and so on, it would be +rather easy to foresee the behavior of the individual in the act of +decision, as every one of those other simple mental functions could be +tested by routine methods of the psychological laboratory. This +consideration led me to propose ramified investigations concerning the +psychology of decision in its relation to the elementary mental +processes. These studies by students of the laboratory are not yet +completed. But I soon saw that they would be unfit for the solution of +my practical problem, as we recognized that these relations between +the complex act of decision and the elementary functions of the +individual seem to have different form with different types of +men.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12" /><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> If I was to approach the solution of the practical problem, +accordingly, I had to reproduce in an experimental form the act of +decision under complex conditions.</p> + +<p>It seemed necessary to create a situation in which a number of +quantitatively measurable factors were combined without any one of +them forcing itself to consciousness as the most important. <a name="Page_87" id="Page_87" />The +subject to be experimented on then has to decide as quickly as +possible which of the factors is the relatively strongest one. As +usual, here, too, I began with rather complicated material and only +slowly did I simplify the apparatus until it finally took an entirely +inconspicuous form. But this is surely the most desirable outcome for +testing methods which are to be applied to large numbers of persons. +Complicated instruments, for the handling of which special training is +needed, are never so useful for practical purposes as the simple +schemes which can be easily applied. The form of which I finally made +use is the following. I work with 24 cards of the size of +playing-cards. On the upper half of every one of these cards we have 4 +rows of 12 capital letters, namely, A, E, O, and U in irregular +repetition. On 4 cards, one of these vowels appears 21 times and each +of the three others 9 times; on 8 cards, one appears 18 times and +every one of the three others 10 times; on 8 cards, one appears 15 +times and each of the others 11 times; and finally, on 4 cards one +vowel appears 16 times, each of the three others 8 times, and besides +them 8 different consonants are mixed in. The person to be tested has +to distribute these 24 cards as quickly as possible in 4 piles, in +such a way that in the first pile are placed all cards in which the +letter A is most frequent, in the second <a name="Page_88" id="Page_88" />those in which the letter E +predominates, and so on. As a matter of course the result must never +be secured by counting the letters. Any attempt to act against this +prescription and secretly to begin counting would moreover delay the +decision so long that the final result would be an unsatisfactory +achievement anyhow. It would accordingly bring no advantage to the +candidate.</p> + +<p>We measure with a stopwatch in fifths of a second the time for the +whole process from the subject's looking at the first card to his +laying down of the last card, and, secondly, we record the number and +the character of his mistakes, if cards are put into wrong piles. I +have made the experiment with very many persons, and results show that +those various mental traits which have been observed in the practical +ship service come clearly to light under the conditions of this +experiment. Some of the persons lose their heads entirely, and for +many of them it is a painful activity for which they require a long +time. Even if the number of mistakes is not considerable, they +themselves have the feeling that they are not coming to a satisfactory +decision, because their attention is pulled hither and thither so that +they feel an inner mental paralysis. Some chance letters stand out and +appear to them to be predominant, but in the next moment the attention +is <a name="Page_89" id="Page_89" />captured by some other letters which bring the suggestion that +they are in the majority and that they present the most important +factor. The outcome is that inner state of indecision which can become +so fatal in practical life. Other subjects distribute the cards in +piles at a relatively high speed, and they do it with the subjective +feeling that they have indeed recognized at the first glance the +predominant group of letters. The exact measurement of the results, +however, shows that they commit many errors which would have been +improbable after quiet consideration. Any small group of letters which +catches their eye makes on them, under the pressure of their haste, +such a strong impression that all the other letters are inhibited for +the moment and the wrong decision is quickly made. Finally, we find a +group of persons who carry out the experiment rather quickly and at +the same time with few mistakes. It is characteristic of them to pass +through it with the feeling that it is an agreeable and stimulating +mental activity. In all cases the subjects feel themselves under the +unified impression which results from all those 48 letters of the card +together; and this is the reason why the qualitative manifoldness of a +practical life situation can be compared with these intermingled, +quantitatively determined groups of letters.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90" />If I consider the general results of these experiments only with +reference to the time-measurement, I should say that a person who +completes the distribution of the cards in less than 80 seconds is +quick in his decisions; from 80 to 150, moderately quick; from 150 to +250, slow and deliberate and rather too deliberate for situations +which demand quick action; over 250 seconds, he would belong among +those wavering persons who hesitate too long in a life situation which +demands decision. The time which is needed for the mere distribution +of the cards themselves plays a very small rôle compared with the time +of the whole process, and can be neglected. In order to determine +this, I asked all the subjects before they made the real experiment to +distribute 24 other cards in 4 piles, on each of which one of the four +letters, A, E, O, and U was printed only once. Hence no comparison of +various factors was involved in this form of distribution. The average +time for this ordinary sorting was about 20 seconds. Only rather quick +individuals carried it out in less than 18 and only very slow ones +needed more than 25 seconds. This maximum variation of 10 seconds is +evidently insignificant, as the variations in the experiment amount to +more than 200 seconds. But it is very characteristic that the results +of the two experiments do not move parallel. Some <a name="Page_91" id="Page_91" />persons, who are +able to sort the cards on which only one of the 4 letters is printed +very quickly, are rather slow when they sort the cards with the 48 +letters for which the essential factor is the act of comparison. In +the first case the training in card-playing also seems to have a +certain influence, but in the second case, our real experiment on +decision, this influence does not seem to exist.</p> + +<p>We have emphasized from the start that it is no less important to give +consideration to the number of mistakes. A mere rapidity of +distribution with many mistakes characterizes, as we saw, a mental +system which is just as unfit for practical purposes as one which acts +with too great slowness. But it would not have been sufficient simply +to ask how many cards were put into wrong piles. The special +arrangement of the cards with four different types of combinations was +introduced for the purpose of discriminating among mistakes of unequal +seriousness. When one letter appeared 21 times and the three others +only 9 times, it was surely much easier to make the decision than when +the predominant letter appeared only 15 times and the other three each +11 times. The easier the right decision, the graver the mistake. Of +course the valuation of these mistakes must be rather arbitrary. We +decided to value as 4 every mistake in these cards on which the +predominant <a name="Page_92" id="Page_92" />letter appears 21 times; as 3, a mistake in the 18 letter +cards; as 2, a mistake in the 16 letter cards; and as 1, a mistake in +the most difficult ones, the 15 letter cards. If the mistakes are +calculated on this basis and are added together, a sum below 5 may +indicate a very safe and perfectly reliable ability for decision; 5 to +12, satisfactory; 12 to 20, uncertain; and over 20, very poor. In +order to take account of both factors, time and mistakes, we multiply +the sum of the calculated mistakes by the number of seconds. If the +product of these two figures is less than 400, it may be taken as a +sign of perfect reliability in making very quick, correct decisions, +in complex life situations; 400 to 1000 indicates the limits between +which the ability for such decisions may be considered as normal and +very satisfactory; 1000 to 2000, not good but still adequate; 2000 to +3000, unreliable, and over 3000, practically absent. It is clear that +the real proof of the value of this method cannot be offered. This is +just the reason why we selected this illustration as an example of the +particular difficulty. Wrong decisions, that is, cases in which the +man on the bridge waits too long before he makes his decision and thus +causes a collision of ships by his delay, or in which he rushes +blindly to a decision which he himself would have condemned after +quiet deliberation, are <a name="Page_93" id="Page_93" />rare. It would be impossible to group such +men together for the purpose of the experiment and to compare their +results with those of model captains, the more as experience has shown +that an officer may have a stainless record for many years and yet may +finally make a wrong decision which shows his faulty disposition. The +test of the method must therefore be a somewhat indirect one. My aim +was to compare the results of the experiments with the experiences of +the various individuals which they themselves reported concerning +their decisions in unexpected complicated situations, and moreover +with the judgments of their friends whom I asked to describe what they +would expect from the subjects under such conditions. The personal +differences in these respects are extremely great, and are also +evident in the midst of small groups of persons who may have great +similarity in their education and training and in many other aspects +of their lives.</p> + +<p>Among the most advanced students of my research laboratory, for +instance, all of whom have rather similar schooling and practically +the same training in experimental work, the product of mistakes and +seconds varied between 348 and 13,335. That smallest value occurred in +a case in which the time was 116 seconds and the sum of the mistakes +only 3, inasmuch as 3 cards of the most <a name="Page_94" id="Page_94" />difficult group where the +predominating letter occurred only 15 times were put in the wrong +piles. The shortest time among my laboratory students was 58 seconds, +but with this individual the sum of the mistakes, calculated on the +basis of the valuation agreed upon, was 13. The largest figure +mentioned resulted in a case in which the student needed 381 seconds +and yet made mistakes the sum of which amounted to 35. It is +characteristic that the person with the smallest product felt a +distinct joy in the experiment, while the one with the largest passed +through painful minutes which put him to real organic discomfort. If +we arrange the men simply in the order of these products, of course we +cannot recognize the various groups, as those who are quick but make +mistakes and those who make few mistakes but act slowly may be +represented by the same products. The coincidence of the results with +the self-characterization is frequently quite surprising. Every one +has at some time come into unexpected, suddenly arising situations and +many have received in such moments a very vivid impression of their +own mental reaction. They know quite well that they could not come to +a decision quickly enough, or that they rushed hastily to a wrong +decision, or that in just such instants a feeling of repose and +security came over them and that with sure instinct they <a name="Page_95" id="Page_95" />turned in +the direction which they would have chosen after mature thought. The +results of the experiments in sorting the cards confirmed this +self-observation in such frequent cases that it may indeed be hoped +that a more extended test of this method will prove its practical +usefulness. It is clear that the field is a wide one, as these +different types of mental dispositions must be of consequence not only +in the ship service, but also to a certain degree in the railroad +service and in many other industrial tasks.</p> + +<p>We have emphasized from the start that as a matter of course such a +tested function, while it is taken in its complex unity, is +nevertheless not the only psychophysical disposition of significance. +This is as true for the ship officer as it was for the motorman of the +electric car. If we were to study all the mental dispositions +necessary or desirable for the ship officer, we should find many other +qualities which are accessible to the psychological investigation. The +captain of the ship, for instance, is expected to recognize the +direction of a vessel passing in the fog by the signals of the +foghorn. But so far no one has given any attention to the +psychological conditions of localization of sound, which were for a +long while a much-studied problem of our psychological laboratories. +We know how this localization is dependent upon <a name="Page_96" id="Page_96" />the comparison of the +two ears and what particular mistakes occur from the different +sensibility of the two ears. Yet there are to-day men on the bridges +of the ships who hear much better with one ear than with the other, +but who still naïvely believe that, as they hear everything very +distinctly with one ear, this normal ear is also sufficient for +recognizing the direction of the sound. It is the same mistake which +we frequently see among laborers whose vision has become defective in +one of their eyes, or one of whose eyes is temporarily bandaged. They +are convinced that the one good eye is sufficient for their industrial +task, because they are able to recognize everything clearly and +distinctly. They do not know that both the eyes together are necessary +in order to produce that psychological combination by which the visual +impression is projected into the right distance, and that in the +factory they are always in danger of underestimating the distance of a +wheel or some other part of the machine and of letting the hand slip +between the wheels or knives. The results of experimental psychology +will have to be introduced systematically into the study of the +fitness of the personality from the lowest to the highest technical +activity and from the simplest sensory function to the most complex +mental achievement.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="X" id="X" /><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97" />X</h2> + +<h3>EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF TELEPHONE SERVICE</h3> + + +<p>Our plan was to illustrate the possibility of applying psychological +experiments to the selection of fit applicants also in cases in which +not one characteristic mental function stands out, but in which a +large number of relatively independent mental activities are in play. +I choose as an illustration of such cases the work of the employees at +the telephone switchboard. A study of the psychological factors in +this work is strongly suggested by the practical interests of the +telephone companies, and may be looked on here exclusively from this +point of view. The user of the telephone is little inclined to +consider how many actions have to be carried out in the central office +before the connection is made and finally broken again. From the +moment when the speaker takes off the receiver to the cutting off of +the connection, fourteen separate psychophysical processes are +necessary in the typical case, and even then it is presupposed that +the telephone girl understood the exchange and number correctly. It is +a common experience of the companies that these <a name="Page_98" id="Page_98" />demands cannot be +satisfactorily fulfilled when a telephone girl has to handle more than +225 calls in an hour. The official statistics show that this figure is +exceeded in not infrequent cases,<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13" /><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> in extreme cases the number may +even rise beyond 300. Moreover, in short periods of reinforced demands +it may happen that for a few minutes even the rapidity of 10 calls in +a minute is reached. Normally the burden is divided among the +employees in such a way that about 150 calls fall to each one in an +hour, and that this figure is passed considerably only in one morning +and one evening hour. A skillful distribution of pauses and ample +arrangements for rest, usually together with very excellent hygienic +conditions, make it possible for the fit persons to be able to carry +on this work without over-fatigue from 8 to 9 hours a day. On the +other hand, it is only natural that such rapid and yet subtle activity +under such high tension, where especially the quick localization of +the correct hole is a difficult and yet indispensable part, can be +carried out only by a relatively small number of human nervous +systems. The inability to keep attention at such a high point for a +long while, or to perform such rapid movements, or to retain the +numbers correctly, does not lead to fatal accidents like those in the +case of the unfit motormen, but it does lead to fatigue and finally to +<a name="Page_99" id="Page_99" />a nervous breakdown of the employees and to confusion in the service. +The result is that the company is continually obliged to dismiss a +considerable proportion of those who have entered the service and who +have spent some months in going through the training school of the +company. As one single company, the Bell Telephone Company, employs +16,000 operators, the problem is an expansive one, and it has bearing +on the health of the employees as well as on the patience of the +subscribers. But above all it refers to the economic interests of the +company, inasmuch as every girl who satisfies the entrance conditions +of hearing and sight, of school education and general personal +appearance, receives some salary throughout the months of training in +the telephone school. Since during the first half-year, in which the +employee still works entirely under supervision, more than a third of +those who had originally entered leave, partly on account of +unfitness, and inability, partly on account of over-fatigue or similar +reasons, the economic disadvantage to the company is evidently a very +great one. The candidates are paid for months of mere training, and +they themselves waste their energy and time with practice in a kind of +labor which cannot be serviceable to them in any other economic +activity. Under these circumstances it is not <a name="Page_100" id="Page_100" />surprising that one +city system approached me with the question whether it would not +interest me from a scientific point of view to examine how far the +mental fitness of the employees could be determined beforehand through +experimental means.</p> + +<p>After carefully observing the service in the central office for a +while, I came to the conviction that it would not be appropriate here +to reproduce the activity at the switchboard in the experiment, but +that it would be more desirable to resolve that whole function into +its elements and to undertake the experimental test of a whole series +of elementary mental dispositions. Every one of these mental acts can +then be examined according to well-known laboratory methods without +giving to the experiments any direct relation to the characteristic +telephone operation as such. I carried on the first series of +experiments with about thirty young women who a short time before had +entered into the telephone training school, where they are admitted +only at the age between seventeen and twenty-three years. I examined +them with reference to eight different psychophysical functions. In +saying this, I abstract from all those measurements and tests which +had somewhat anthropometric character, such as the measurement of the +length of the fingers, the rapidity of breathing, the rapidity of +pulse, <a name="Page_101" id="Page_101" />the acuity of vision and of hearing, the distinctness of the +pronunciation, and so on. A part of the psychological tests were +carried on in individual examinations, but the greater part with the +whole class together.</p> + +<p>These common tests referred to memory, attention, intelligence, +exactitude, and rapidity. I may characterize the experiments in a few +words. The memory examination consisted of reading to the whole class +at first two numbers of 4 digits, then two of 5 digits, then two of 6 +digits, and so on up to figures of 12 digits, and demanding that they +be written down as soon as a signal was given. The experiments on +attention, which in this case of the telephone operators seemed to me +especially significant, made use of a method the principle of which +has frequently been applied in the experimental psychology of +individual differences and which I adjusted to our special needs. The +requirement is to cross out a particular letter in a connected text. +Every one of the thirty women in the classroom received the same first +page of a newspaper of that morning. I emphasize that it was a new +paper, as the newness of the content was to secure the desired +distraction of the attention. As soon as the signal was given, each +one of the girls had to cross out with a pencil every "a" in the text +for six minutes. After a certain time, a <a name="Page_102" id="Page_102" />bell signal was given and +each then had to begin a new column. In this way we could find out, +first, how many letters were correctly crossed out in those six +minutes, secondly, how many letters were overlooked, and, thirdly, how +the recognition and the oversight were distributed in the various +parts of the text. In every one of these three directions strong +individual differences were indeed noticeable. Some persons crossed +out many, but also overlooked many, others overlooked hardly any of +the "a's," but proceeded very slowly so that the total number of the +crossed-out letters was small. Moreover, it was found that some at +first do poor work, but soon reach a point at which their attention +remains on a high level; others begin with a relatively high +achievement, but after a short time their attention flags, and the +number of crossed-out letters becomes smaller or the number of +unnoticed, overlooked letters increases. Fluctuations of attention, +deficiencies, and strong points can be discovered in much detail.</p> + +<p>The third test which was tried with the whole class referred to the +intelligence of the individuals. Discussion of the question how to +test intelligence in general would quickly lead us into as yet +unsettled controversies. It is a chapter of the psychology of tests +which, especially in the service of <a name="Page_103" id="Page_103" />pedagogy but to a certain degree +also in the service of medicine, has been more carefully elaborated +than any other. Often it has been contested whether we have any right +to speak of one general central intelligence factor, and whether this +apparently unified activity ought not to be resolved into a series of +mere elementary processes. The newer pedagogical investigations, +however, speak in favor of the view that besides all special +processes, or rather, above all of them, an ability must be recognized +which cannot be divided any further, and by which the individual +adjusts his knowledge, his experiences, and his dispositions to the +changing purposes of life. The grading of the pupils in a class +usually expresses this differentiation of the intelligence; and while +the differences of industry or of mere memory and similar secondary +features may sometimes interfere, it remains after all not difficult +for an observant teacher to grade the pupils of his class, whom he +knows well, according to their general intelligence. The psychological +experiments carried on in the schoolroom have demonstrated that this +ability can be tested by the measurement of some very simple mental +activities. The best method would be the one which would allow the +experimenter, on the basis of a single experiment, to grade the +individuals in the same order in which they <a name="Page_104" id="Page_104" />appear in the record of +the teacher. Among the various proposed schemes for this purpose the +figures suggest that the most reliable one is the following method, +the results of which show the highest agreement between the rank order +based on the experiments and the rank order of the teachers.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14" /><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The +experiment consists in reading to the pupils a long series of pairs of +words of which the two members of the pair always logically belong +together. Later, one word of each pair will be read to them and they +have to write down the word which belonged with it in the pair. This +is not a simple experiment on memory. The tests have shown that if +instead of logically connected words simply disconnected chance words +are offered and reproduced, no one can keep such a long series of +pairs in mind, while with the words which have related meaning, the +most intelligent pupils can master the whole series. The very +favorable results which this method had yielded in the classroom made +me decide to try it in this case too. I chose for an experiment 24 +pairs of words from the sphere of experience of the girls to be +tested. Two further class experiments belonged rather to the periphery +of psychology. The exactitude of space-perception was measured by +demanding that each divide first the long and then the short edge of a +folio sheet into two equal <a name="Page_105" id="Page_105" />halves by a pencil mark. And finally, to +measure the rapidity of movement, it was demanded that every one make +with a pencil on the paper zigzag movements of a particular size +during the ten seconds from one signal to another.</p> + +<p>After these class experiments I turned to individual tests. First, +every girl had to sort a pack of 48 cards into 4 piles as quickly as +possible. The time was measured in fifths of a second. The following +experiment which referred to the accuracy of movement impulses +demanded that every one try to reach with the point of a pencil 3 +different points on the table in the rhythm of metronome beats. On +each of these three places a sheet of paper was fixed with a fine +cross in the middle. The pencil should hit the crossing point, and the +marks on the paper indicated how far the movement had fallen short of +the goal. One of these movements demanded the full extension of the +arm and the other two had to be made with half-bent arm. I introduced +this last test because the hitting of the right holes in the +switchboard of the telephone office is of great importance. The last +individual experiment was an association test. I called six words like +"book," "house," "rain," and had them speak the first word which came +to their minds. The time was measured in fifths of a second only, as +subtler experiments, for which <a name="Page_106" id="Page_106" />hundredths of a second would have to +be considered, were not needed.</p> + +<p>In studying the results so far as the memory experiments were +concerned, we found that it would be useless to consider the figures +with more than 10 digits. We took the results only of those with 8,9, +and 10 digits. There were 54 possibilities of mistakes. The smallest +number of actual mistakes was 2, the largest, 29. In the experiment on +attention made with the crossing-out of letters, we found that the +smallest number of correctly marked letters was 107, the largest +number in the six minutes, 272; the smallest number of overlooked +letters was 2, the largest, 135; but this last case of abnormal +carelessness stood quite isolated. On the whole, the number of +overlooked letters fluctuated between 5 and 60. If both results, those +of the crossed-out and those of the overlooked letters, are brought +into relation, we find that the best results were a case of 236 +letters marked, with only 2 overlooked, and one of 257 marked, with 4 +overlooked. The very interesting details as to the various types of +attention which we see in the distribution of mistakes over the six +minutes were not taken into our final table. The word experiments by +which we tested the intelligence showed that no one was able to +reproduce more than 22 of the 24 words. The smallest <a name="Page_107" id="Page_107" />number of words +remembered was 7. The mistakes in the perception of distances +fluctuated between 1 and 14 millimeters; the time for the sorting of +the 48 cards, between, 35 and 58 seconds; the association-time for the +6 associated words taken together was between 9 and 21 seconds. The +pointing experiments could not be made use of in this first series, as +it was found that quite a number of participants were unable to +perform the act with the rapidity demanded.</p> + +<p>Several ways were open to make mathematical use of these results. I +preferred the simplest way. I calculated the grade of the girls for +each of these achievements. The same candidate who stood in the 7th +place in the memory experiment was in the 15th place with reference to +the number of letters marked, in the 3rd place with reference to the +letters overlooked, in the 21st place with reference to the number of +word pairs which she had grasped, in the 11th place with reference to +the exactitude of space-perception, in the 16th place with reference +to the association-time, and in the 6th place with reference to the +time of sorting. As soon as we had all these independent grades, we +calculated the average and in this way ultimately gained a common +order of grading. It is evident that this kind of calculation contains +accidental factors, especially as a consequence of the fact that we +<a name="Page_108" id="Page_108" />give equal value to every one of these results. It might be better, +for instance, to attribute a higher value to the attention experiment +or to the intelligence experiment. This could be done by multiplying +the results of some of these grades by 2 or by 3, which would bring +the high or low grade of a girl for a particular function to stronger +influence in the final result. But in this first trial I contented +myself with the simplest uniform scheme in order to exclude all +arbitrariness, and therefore considered the mere average of all the +grades as the expression of the experimental result.</p> + +<p>With this average rank list, we compared the practical results of the +telephone company after three months had passed. These three months +had been sufficient to secure at least a certain discrimination +between the best, the average, and the unfit. The result of this +comparison was on the whole satisfactory. First, the skeptical +telephone company had mixed with the class a number of women who had +been in the service for a long while and had even been selected as +teachers in the telephone school. I did not know, in figuring out the +results, which of the participants in the experiments these +particularly gifted outsiders were. If the psychological experiments +had brought the result that these individuals who stood so high <a name="Page_109" id="Page_109" />in +the estimation of the telephone company ranked low in the laboratory +experiment, it would have reflected strongly on the reliability of the +laboratory method. The results showed, on the contrary, that these +women who had proved most able in practical service stood at the top +of our list. Correspondingly, those who stood the lowest in our +psychological rank list had in the mean time been found unfit in +practical service and had either left the company of their own accord +or else had been eliminated. The agreement, to be sure, was not a +perfect one. One of the list of women stood rather low in the +psychological list, while the office reported that so far she had done +fair work in the service, and two others to whom the psychological +laboratory gave a good testimonial were considered by the telephone +office as only fair.</p> + +<p>But it is evident that certain disagreements would have occurred even +with a more ideal method, as on the one side no final achievement in +practical service can be given after only three months, and because on +the other side a large number of secondary factors may enter which +entirely overshadow the mere question of psychophysical fitness. Poor +health, for instance, may hinder even the most fit individual from +doing satisfactory work, and extreme industry and <a name="Page_110" id="Page_110" />energetic will may +for a while lead even the unfit to fair achievement, which, to be +sure, is likely to be coupled with a dangerous exhaustion. The slight +disagreements between the psychological results and the practical +valuation, therefore, do not in the least speak against the +significance of such a method. On the other hand, I emphasize that +this first series meant only the beginning of the investigation, and +it can hardly be expected that at such a first approach the best and +most suitable methods would at once be hit upon. A continuation of the +work will surely lead to much better combinations of test experiments +and to better adjusted schemes. But it would be most desirable that +such studies be undertaken at various places according to various +schemes in order to come nearer to the solution of a problem which is +economically important to the whole public and to many thousands of +employees. As soon as methods are really perfected it would seem not +at all impossible that by a short experiment of a few minutes +thousands of applicants might be saved long months of study and +training which are completely wasted. For us here the detailed +analysis of this particular case did not mean a suggestion to use +to-day in the telephone offices of the country the special scheme +which we applied, but it stood only as a clear, <a name="Page_111" id="Page_111" />simple illustration +of a method by which not the specific work itself is tested, but by +which the industrial work of the individual is resolved into a long +series of parallel functions each one of which is tested +independently. The experimental aid which the laboratory has to supply +in such cases is not a newly invented device, such as we needed in the +case of the motormen, but simply the methods well known as so-called +mental tests.</p> + +<p>The experiments with such tests by which single mental functions are +measured approximately in short quick examinations, has been much +discussed in psychological circles. For a long while the thorough +scholars remained very reluctant to accept such an apparently +superficial scheme, when these tests were proposed especially for the +pedagogical interests of the schoolroom. It was a time in which the +scientific efforts were completely devoted to the general problems of +the human mind and in which individual differences were very little +considered. Moreover, the questions of applied psychology still seemed +so far distant that the true scholar instinctively took his standards +from the methods of purely theoretical research. Seen from such a +point of view, it could not be denied that the tests were not +sufficient to give us a complete scientific analysis of <a name="Page_112" id="Page_112" />the +personality in its subtler structure. The theorists knew too well that +if the reactions, or associations, or memories, or tendencies of +attention, or emotions of a subject were measured really with that +scientific thoroughness which is the ideal of research, long months of +experiments would be needed, and little could be hoped for from tests +to be performed in half an hour. But this somewhat haughty reserve +which was quite justified twenty years ago has become obsolete and +would be meaningless to-day. On the one side the methods themselves +have been multiplied; for each mental act like memory, attention, and +so on, dozens of well-studied tests are at our disposal, which are +adjusted to the finest ramifications of the functions.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15" /><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> On the +other side the interest in individual differences and in applied +psychology has steadily grown, and through it an understanding for the +real meaning of the tests has been gained. Their value, indeed, lies +exclusively in their relation to the practical problems. Where +theoretical questions are to be answered and scientific studies +concerning the laws and variations of the mind are to be undertaken, +the long series of laboratory experiments carried on with patience and +devotion are indispensable and can never be replaced by the short-cut +methods of the tests. But where practical tasks of <a name="Page_113" id="Page_113" />pedagogy or +jurisprudence or medicine, or especially of commerce and industry, are +before us, the method of tests ought to be sovereign. It can be +adapted to the special situations and can succeed perfectly, if the +task is to discover the outlines of the mental individuality for +particular practical work.</p> + +<p>The only real difficulty of the method lies in the ease with which it +can be used. A device which presupposes complicated instruments deters +the layman and will be used only by those who are well trained. +Moreover, the amateur would not think of constructing and adapting +such apparatus himself. But when nothing is necessary but to use words +or numbers or syllables or pictures, or, as in those experiments which +we just described, newspapers and so on, any one feels justified in +applying the scheme or in replacing it by a new apparently better one +according to his caprice. The manifoldness of the proposed tests for +special functions, is therefore enormous to-day. What is needed now is +surely much more that order be brought into this chaos of +propositions, and that definite norms and standards be secured for +certain chief examinations, than that the number of variations simply +be increased.</p> + +<p>The chief danger, moreover, lies in the fact that those who are not +accustomed to psychological <a name="Page_114" id="Page_114" />laboratory research are easily misled. +They fancy that such an experiment can be carried out in a mere +mechanical way without careful study of all the conditions and +accompanying circumstances. Thereby a certain crudeness of procedure +may enter which is not at all suggested by the test method itself. The +psychological layman too seldom recognizes how many other psychical +functions may play a rôle in the result of the experiment beside the +one which is interesting him at that moment. The well-schooled +laboratory worker almost automatically gives consideration to all such +secondary circumstances. While his experiments may refer to the +process of memory, he will yet at the same time carefully consider the +particular situation as to the emotional setting of the subject, as to +his attention, as to his preceding experience, as to his intelligence, +as to his physiological condition, and many other factors which may +have indirect influence even on the simplest memory test. Hence the +real performance of the experiments ought to be undertaken only by +those who are thoroughly familiar and well trained in psychological +research. And they alone, moreover, can decide what particular form +such an experiment ought to take in a given practical situation. It +must be left to them, for instance, to judge in which cases the mental +<a name="Page_115" id="Page_115" />function of economic importance ought to be tested after being +resolved into its components and in which it ought to be examined in +its characteristic unity.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XI" id="XI" /><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116" />XI</h2> + +<h3>CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MEN OF AFFAIRS</h3> + + +<p>While the psychologists have to perform the actual labor, the +representatives of practical life are much better able to indicate the +points at which the psychological levers ought to be applied. In the +past year I have sought contact with several hundred large concerns in +America which belong to many different industrial realms. My time did +not allow me personal observation in so many cases, but everywhere I +begged for information from the leading men. I asked in individual +letters for the particular psychological qualities which from the +standpoint of the management seemed essential for the various kinds of +labor in their establishments. I always inquired to what extent +consideration was given to such psychological points of view at the +appointment of applicants, and asked for material concerning the +question how far individuals who proved to be unfit for one kind of +labor showed fitness at other kinds of work. The replies which I +received from all sides varied from a few meaningless lines to long +documents, which in some cases were composed of detailed reports from +all the department chiefs of a particular concern. <a name="Page_117" id="Page_117" />The common +fundamental turn was decidedly a feeling of strong interest in the +formulation of the question, which was practically new to all of them. +Whether the answer came from paper mills or machine shops, from +meat-packing houses or from breweries, from electrical or chemical +mills, from railroad or mining companies, from department stores or +from publishing houses, everywhere it was acknowledged that they had +given hardly any conscious attention to the real psychological +dispositions of their employees. They had of course noticed whether +their men were industrious or lazy, honest or dishonest, skillful or +clumsy, peaceful or quarrelsome people, but I had emphasized from the +start in all my letters that such points of view were not before my +mind. The mental qualities for which I asked were the psychological +functions of attention, memory, ideas, imagination, feeling, volition, +suggestibility, ability to learn, ability to discriminate, judgment, +space-sense, time-sense, and so on. It would lead too far here to +discuss why these two groups of characteristics indeed belong to two +different aspects of mental life, and why only the latter is strictly +psychological. The way in which the management is accustomed to look +on their men is the practical way of ordinary life, in which we try to +understand our neighbor by entering <a name="Page_118" id="Page_118" />into the meaning of his mental +functions and by seeking to grasp what his aim is. But such an +interpretation of the other man's mind is not a psychological +analysis. It gives us the purposes of his inner life, but does not +show us its structure and its component parts. We can abstract from +interpreting and appreciating in order to describe the elements of the +mind which in themselves have no meaning and no value, but which are +the only important factors, if we are to determine psychologically +what we may expect from the individual.</p> + +<p>While the replies to my letters showed that hardly any attention had +so far been given to such problems of objective psychology in the +industrial concerns, it became evident that the managers felt +distinctly that here a problem was touched which must be of highest +importance for economic success. From many different sides willingness +was shown to study the problem of employment under the psychological +aspect. As my material came mostly from very large establishments in +which labor of very many different kinds is carried on side by side, +of course I frequently received the assurance that whenever an +industrious energetic man is unsuccessful in one kind of work, a trial +is made with him in another department, and that by such shifting the +right place can often be found for him. Young people, <a name="Page_119" id="Page_119" />to whom, in +spite of long trial and the best will, it seems impossible to supply +certain automatic machines, become excellent workers at much more +difficult labor in the same establishment. Women who are apparently +careless and inattentive when they have to distribute their attention +over a number of operations do high-class work when they are engaged +in a single activity; and in other cases the opposite is reported.</p> + +<p>I may mention a few concrete chance illustrations. In a pencil factory +the women in one department have to grasp with one movement a dozen +pencils, no more and no less. Some learn this at once without effort, +and they earn high wages; others never can learn it in spite of +repeated trials. If those who fail in this department are transferred, +for instance, to the department where the gold-leaf is most carefully +to be applied to the pencils before stamping, very often they show +great fitness in spite of the extreme exactitude needed for this work. +To show how often activities which appear extremely similar may demand +different individuals, if the work is based on different psychical +functions, I may refer to a report from one of the largest +establishments in the country. In the accounting department a large +number of girls are occupied with looking over hundreds of thousands +of slips from <a name="Page_120" id="Page_120" />which the weekly pay-list is compiled. Each slip +contains six figures and small groups of twenty slips have to be +looked through to see whether those six figures on each correspond. +With moistened forefinger they turn up the slips one by one in much +the same manner that a bank clerk counts money. A good sorter will +turn up the slips so rapidly that a bystander is unable to read a +single figure, and yet she will not overlook an error in thousands of +slips. After the slips are sorted, the operation of obtaining the +totals on each order number is performed with the aid of an adding +machine. The machine operator rolls up the slips of the pile with the +thumb of her left hand and transfers the amount to the proper keys of +the machine. It has been found that the most rapid and accurate girls +at sorting are not seldom useless on the machines. They press the +wrong, keys and make errors in copying the total from the machine +indicators to the file-card. On the other hand, some of the best +machine operators are very slow and inaccurate at the sorting table. +Girls have been found very poor at the work at which they were first +set, and very successful and efficient as soon as they had been +transferred from the one to the other.</p> + +<p>Examples of this kind might be heaped up without end. But while the +very large establishments<a name="Page_121" id="Page_121" /> demonstrate by such reports only that they +can find somewhere a fit place for every able workingman if they take +enough trouble to seek for it, after all the essential element of the +reports remains, that successful achievement depends upon personal +mental traits which cannot be acquired by mere good will and training. +In view of this fact it is much more important that by far the +majority of establishments have not such a great manifoldness of +activities under one roof. The workingman who is a failure in the work +which he undertook would usually have no opportunity to show his +strong sides in the same factory, or at least to be protected against +the consequences of his weak points. If his achievement is deficient +in quality or quantity, he generally loses his place and makes a new +trial in another factory under the same accidental conditions, without +any deeper insight into his particular psychical traits and their +relation to special industrial activities. But even in the large +concerns, in which many kinds of labor are needed side by side, it is +not the rule but a rare exception when the individual is +systematically shifted to the psychologically correct place. A whole +combination of conditions is necessary for that. If his mental +unfitness makes him unsuccessful in one place, the position for which +he is fit must <a name="Page_122" id="Page_122" />happen to be vacant. Moreover, he himself must like +that other kind of work, and above all the foreman must recognize his +particular fitness. In a few model factories in which the apprentice +system is developed in the spirit of advanced sociological ideas, for +instance, in the Lynn factory of the General Electric Company, such +systematic efforts are being carried on and show fair results. But the +regulation plan seems to be a haphazard lack of plan, and even the +best endeavors probably fall short of what may be attained by the +introduction of scientific psychological methods. So far in most +factories the laborer who is not doing well simply loses his position, +and by such an unfortunate experience he is not mentally enriched but +impoverished, as he has lost much of his self-confidence and of his +joy in labor.</p> + +<p>If this limitless waste of human material, this pitiable crushing of +joy in the day's work, and this crippling of the economic output is at +last to be reduced, indeed nothing is more needed than a careful +scrutiny of the various psychophysical functions involved in the work. +A mere classification of the industrial occupations according to the +classes of manufactured objects would be of no value for this need, as +often a small industrial concern may embrace occupations which, <a name="Page_123" id="Page_123" />are +based on many different psychophysical functions. A harvester consists +of two hundred and fifty different parts, and almost every one of +these parts demands a long series of manufacturing, processes. +Thousands of different kinds of labor are thus combined in one factory +and each process demands for the best work particular psychophysical +traits, even though many of them can be carried out by quite unskilled +laborers. In a large manufacturing establishment the manager assured +me only recently that more than half a million different acts have to +be performed in order to complete the goods of that factory. On the +other hand, it evidently is proper to form larger groups in which +processes are brought together which are similar with reference to the +mental activity needed, while they may be dissimilar from the +standpoint of industrial technique.</p> + +<p>This analysis of the special processes can be furthered best by the +coöperation of the experienced men of industry. Many of the replies +which I received contained quite elaborated contributions to such a +study of various industrial processes from a psychological point of +view. They sometimes covered the ground from the simplest activity to +the subtlest and most difficult economic tasks, and this, not only +with reference to the functions of the laborer, but also even with +<a name="Page_124" id="Page_124" />reference to the function of the industrial manager. The outsider can +see these psychological requirements of the particular occupation only +in crude outlines. The subtler nuances of differences between tasks +can be gained only by an intimate knowledge of the industry. Again I +may give an illustration. In the case of a well-known typesetting +machine, thousand of which are in daily use, I had the impression that +the rapidity of the performance was dependent upon the quickness of +the finger reaction. The managers, on the other hand, have found that +the most essential condition for speed in the whole work is the +ability to retain a large number of words in memory before they are +set. The man who presses the keys rather slowly advances more rapidly +than another who moves his fingers quickly, but must make many pauses +in order to find his place in the manuscript and to provide himself +with new words.</p> + +<p>The factors which are to be brought into correlation are, accordingly, +first, the actual experiences of the managers, secondly, the +observations of skilled psychologists in the industrial concerns, +thirdly, psychological and experimental investigations with successful +and unsuccessful laborers, and, fourthly, experimental studies of the +normal variability. If such a programme is to be realized <a name="Page_125" id="Page_125" />in detail, +it will be necessary to discriminate carefully, between those mental +traits of the personality which must be accredited to a lasting +inherited disposition and such as have been developed under the +influences of the surroundings, by education and training, by bad or +good stimuli from the community. While those acquired traits may have +become relatively lasting dispositions, their transformation is, after +all, possible, and the limits in which changes may be expected will +have to be found out by exact studies. Individual psychological +rhythm, attention and emotion, memory and will energy, disposition to +fatigue and to restoration, imagination, suggestibility and +initiative, and many other features will have to be examined in their +relation to the special economic aims.</p> + +<p>Too much emphasis cannot be laid on another function as well, the +experimental testing of which has only recently been started. I refer +to the difference in the individual ability of men to profit from +training. If we test an individual at a certain point in his life with +regard to a variable ability, our result must be dependent upon three +factors, the original disposition for the performance, the original +disposition for the advance by training, and the training itself +actually passed through up to that moment. A small amount of +antecedent training for the particular task together with a <a name="Page_126" id="Page_126" />high +ability to profit from repetition may be a better reason for the +appointment of a man than a long training with small ability to profit +from schooling, in spite of the fact that his actual achievement at +this time may be in the first case smaller than in the second. He will +do less at first, but he promises to outrank the other man after a +period of further training. Special experiments must be carried on and +have been actually started to determine this plasticity of the +psychophysical apparatus as an independent inborn trait of the +individual.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16" /><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<p>This invasion of psychology into the field of economic activities is +still so little advanced that the thought of a real distribution of +the wage-earners among the various commercial and industrial positions +on the basis of psychological tests would lead far beyond the present +possibilities. Moreover, many factors would interfere with its being +carried out consistently, even if a much higher stage of experimental +research were reached. The thousands of social and local reasons which +influence the choice of a vocation to-day would to a certain degree +remain in force also in a period of better psychological analysis. +Moreover, the personal inclinations and interests naturally would and +ought to remain the mainspring of economic action. This inclination, +which gives <a name="Page_127" id="Page_127" />so much of the joy in labor, is by no means necessarily +coincident with those psychophysical dispositions which insure the +most successful work. Political economists have found this out +repeatedly from their statistical inquiries. Very careful studies of +the textile industry in Germany carried out in recent years<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17" /><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> +yielded the result that the intelligent, highly trained textile +laborer often dislikes his work the more, the more he shows ability +for it, this ability being measured by the wages the individuals earn +at piecework. The wage and the emotional attitude were not seldom +inversely related. Those who were able to produce by far more than +others and accordingly earned the most were sometimes the very ones +who hated the work, while the less skillful workers earned less but +enjoyed the work more. The consulting economic psychologist will, +therefore at first reasonably confine himself to warning the misfits +at an early time. Even within these limits his service can be useful +to both parties, the employers and the employees. He will only slowly +reach the stage at which this negative warning may be supplemented by +positive suggestions, as to the commercial industrial activities for +which the psychophysical dispositions promise particular success.</p> + +<p>A real assumption of responsibility for success <a name="Page_128" id="Page_128" />of course cannot be +risked by the psychologist, inasmuch as the man who may be fitted for +a task by his mental working dispositions may nevertheless destroy his +chances for success by secondary personal traits. He may be dishonest, +or dissipated, or a drinker, or a fighter, or physically ill. Finally, +we ought not to forget that all such efforts to adjust to one another +the psychological traits and the requirements of the work can never +have reference to the extreme variations of human traits. The +exceptionally talented man knows anyhow where he belongs, and the +exceptionally untalented one will be excluded anyhow. The +psychological aid in the selection of the fit refers only to the +remaining four fifths of mankind for whom the chances of success can +indeed be increased as soon as the psychological personal equation is +systematically and with scientific exactitude brought into the +calculation of the life development. How far a part of this effort +will have to be undertaken by the school is a social problem which +must be considered from various points of view. Its discussion would +lead us beyond the limits of our present inquiry, but it seems +probable that the real psychological laboratory experiment in the +service of vocational guidance does not belong in the schoolroom +itself, but ought to be left to special municipal institutions.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XII" id="XII" /><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129" />XII</h2> + +<h3>INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS</h3> + + +<p>One point here must not be overlooked. The effort to discover the +personal structure of the individual in the interest of his vocational +chance does not always necessarily involve a direct analysis of his +individuality, as material of some value can be gained indirectly. +Such indirect knowledge of a man's mental traits may be secured first +of all through referring the man to the groups to which he belongs and +inquiring into the characteristic traits of those groups. The +psychology of human variations gives not only an account of the +differences from person to person, but studies no less the psychical +inequalities of the races, of the nations, of the ages, of the +professions, and so on. If an economic activity demands a combination +of mental traits, we may take it for granted that an individual will +be fit for the work as soon as we find out that he belongs to a group +in which these required mental traits habitually occur. Such a +judgment based on group psychology can of course be no more than a +mere approach to a solution of the problem, as the psychical qualities +may vary strongly in the midst of the group. The special individual +may happen to <a name="Page_130" id="Page_130" />stand at the extreme limit of the group, and the traits +which are usually characteristic of it may be very little developed or +entirely lacking in his special case. We may know that the inhabitants +of a special country are rather alert, and yet the particular +individual with whom we have to deal may be clumsy and phlegmatic. The +interests of economy will, therefore, be served by such considerations +of group psychology only if the employment, not of a single person, +but of a large number, is in question, as it is most probable that the +average character will show itself in a sufficient degree as soon as +many members of the group are involved.</p> + +<p>Even in this case the presupposition ought to be that the average +characteristics found out with scientific exactitude by statistical +and experimental methods, and not that they are simply deduced from +superficial impressions. I have found that just this race +psychological diagnosis is frequently made in factories with great +superficiality. Some of the American industrial centres offer +extremely favorable conditions for the comparative study of +nationality. I have visited many manufacturing establishments in which +almost all workers are immigrants from foreign countries and in which +up to twenty different nationalities are represented. The employment +officers there easily develop some psychological <a name="Page_131" id="Page_131" />theories on the +basis of which they are convinced that they are selecting the men with +especial skill, knowing for each in which department he will be most +successful. They consider it settled that for a particular kind of +activity the Italians are the best, and for another, the Irish, and +for a third, the Hungarians, and for a fourth, the Russian Jews. But +as soon as these factory secrets have been revealed, you may be +surprised to find that in the next factory a decidedly different +classification of the wage-earners is in force. In a gigantic +manufacturing concern, I received the definite information that the +Swedish laborers are preferable wherever a steady eye is needed, and +in another large factory on the same street I was assured that just +the Swedes are unfit for such work. Sometimes this diversity of +opinion is the result of different points of view. In one factory in +which a certain industrial operation is rather dangerous, they told me +that they took no southern Europeans, especially no Italians and +Greeks, because they are too hasty and careless in their movements, +while they gladly filled the places with Irishmen. In a quite similar +factory, on the other hand, they had a prejudice against the Irishmen +alone for this work, because the Irish laborers are too willing to run +a risk and to expose themselves to danger. Probably both +psychological<a name="Page_132" id="Page_132" /> observations are on the whole correct, but in the first +factory only the one and in the second factory only the other was +recognized. Much more thorough statistical inquiries than those which +as yet exist, especially as to the actual differences of wages and +piecework for wage-earners of various nationalities, would have to +furnish a basis for such race psychological statements, until the time +arrives when the psychological experiment comes to its own.</p> + +<p>In a similar way so far we have to rely on general theories of group +psychology when the psychological differences of the sexes are to be +reckoned with in economic interests. So long as laboratory methods for +individual tests are not usual, the mental analysis of the general +groups of men and women must form the background for industrial +decisions. To be sure, it is not difficult to emphasize certain mental +traits as characteristic of women in general in contrast to men in +general, and to relate them to certain fundamental tendencies of their +psychophysical organism. As soon as this is done, it is easy +theoretically to deduce that certain industrial functions are +excellently adapted to the minds of women and that certain others +stand in striking antagonism to them. If the employment of large +numbers is in question, and average values alone are involved, such a +<a name="Page_133" id="Page_133" />decision on the basis of group psychology may be adequate. In most +factories this vague sex psychology, to be sure, usually with a strong +admixture of wage questions, suggests for which machines men and for +which women ought to be employed. But here again it is not at all +improbable that in the case of a particular woman the traditional +group value may be entirely misleading and the personality accordingly +unfit for the place. Only the subtle psychological individual analysis +can overcome the superficial prejudices of group psychology. The +situation lies differently when problems of economic policy are before +us. Such general policies as, for instance, colonial politics, or +immigration politics, or politics concerned with city and rural +communities, or with coast and mountain population, will always have +to be based on group psychology as far as the economic problems are +involved, inasmuch as they refer to the average and not to the +individual, differences.</p> + +<p>Finally, another indirect scheme to determine the personal qualities +needed for economic efficiency may be suggested by the psychology of +the typical correlations of human traits. We have seen that group +psychology proclaims that a certain individual probably has certain +traits because he belongs to this or that nation or to this <a name="Page_134" id="Page_134" />or that +otherwise well-known group. Correlation psychology proclaims that a +particular individual possesses or does not possess certain traits +because he shows or does not show some other definite qualities. A +correlation, for instance, which the commercial world often +presupposes, may exist between individual traits and the handwriting. +Graphologists are convinced that a certain loop or flourish, or the +steepness or the length of the letters, or the position of the <i>i</i> +dot, is a definite indication that the writer possesses certain +qualities of personality; and if just these qualities are essential +requirements for the position, the impression of the handwriting in a +letter may be taken as a sufficient basis for appointment. The +scientist has reason to look upon this particular case of +graphological correlation with distrust. Yet even he may acknowledge +that certain correlations exist between the neatness, carefulness, +uniformity energy, and similar features of the letter, and the general +carefulness, steadiness, neatness, and energy of the personality.</p> + +<p>However, the laboratory psychologists nowadays have gone far beyond +such superficial claims for correlations of symptoms. With +experimental and statistical methods they have gathered ample material +which demonstrates the exact degree of probability with which we have +a right to expect <a name="Page_135" id="Page_135" />that certain qualities will occur together. +Theoretically we may take it for granted that those traits which are +always present together or absent together ultimately have a common +mental root. Yet practically they appear as two independent traits, +and therefore it remains important to know that, if we can find one of +them, we may be sure that the other will exist there too. Inasmuch as +the one of the two traits may be easily detected, while the other may +be hidden and can be found out only by long careful tests, it would be +valuable, indeed, for the employment manager to become acquainted with +such correlations as the psychologist may discover: as soon as he +becomes aware of the superficially noticeable symptom, he can foresee +that the other disposition is most probably present. To give an +illustration: in the interest of such measurements of correlations we +have studied in the Harvard laboratory the various characteristics of +attention and their mutual dependence.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18" /><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> We found that typical +connections exist between apparently independent features of +attention. Persons who have a rather expansive span of attention for +acoustical impressions have also a wide span for the visual objects. +Persons whose attention is vivid and quick have on the whole the +expansive type of attention, while those who attend slowly have a +<a name="Page_136" id="Page_136" />narrow field of attention, and so on. Hence the manifestation of one +feature of attention allows us to presuppose without further tests +that certain other features may be expected in the particular +individual.</p> + +<p>The problem of attention, indeed, seems to stand quite in the centre +of the field of industrial efficiency. This conviction has grown upon +me in my observation of industrial life. The peculiar kind of +attention decides more than any mental trait for which economic +activity the individual is adapted. The essential point is that such +differences of attention cannot be characterized as good or bad; it is +not a question of the attentive and of the inattentive mind. One type +is not better than another, but is simply different. Two workingmen, +not only equally industrious and capable, but also equally attentive, +may yet occupy two positions in which they are both complete failures +because their attention does not fit the places, and both may become +highly efficient as soon as they exchange positions. Their particular +types of attention have now found the right places. The one may be +disposed to a strong concentration by which everything is inhibited +which lies on the mental periphery, the other may have the talent for +distributing his attention over a large field, while he is unable to +hold it for a long <a name="Page_137" id="Page_137" />while at one point. If the one industrial activity +demands the attentive observation of one little lever or one wheel at +one point, while the other demands that half a dozen large machines be +simultaneously supervised, all that is necessary is to find the man +with the right type of attention for each place. It would be utterly +arbitrary to claim that the expansive type of attention is +economically more or less valuable than the concentrated type. Both in +English and in German we have a long popular series of pamphlets with +descriptions of the requirements and conditions for the various +occupations to which a boy or a girl may turn, but I have nowhere +found any reference to the most essential mental functions such as the +particular kind of attention or memory or will. These pamphlets are +always cut after the same pattern. Where the detail refers at all to +the mental side, it points only to particular knowledge which may be +learned in school or trade or work, or to abilities which may be +developed by training. But the individual differences which are set by +the particular conditions and dispositions of the mind are neglected +with surprising uniformity in the vocational literature of all +countries. The time seems ripe for at last filling this blank in the +consciousness of the nation and in the institutions of the land.<a name="Page_138" id="Page_138" /><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139" /><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140" /></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="PART_II" id="PART_II" /><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141" />PART II</h2> + +<h3>THE BEST POSSIBLE WORK</h3> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XIII" id="XIII" />XIII</h2> + +<h3>LEARNING AND TRAINING</h3> + + +<p>We have placed our psychotechnical interest at the service of economic +tasks. We therefore had to start from the various economic purposes +and had to look backward, asking what ways might lead to these goals. +All our studies so far were in this sense subordinated to the one task +which ought to be the primary one in the economic world, and yet which +has been most ignored. The purpose before us was to find for every +economic occupation the best-fitted personality, both in the interest +of economic success and in the interest of personal development. +Individual traits under this point of view become for us the decisive +psychological factors, and experimental psychology had to show us a +method to determine those personal differences and their relation to +the demands for industrial efficiency. This first goal may be reached +with all the means of science, as we hope it will be in the future, or +<a name="Page_142" id="Page_142" />everything may be left to unscientific, haphazard methods as in the +past: in any case a second task stands before the community, namely, +the securing of the best possible work from every man in his place. +Indeed, the nation cannot delay the solution of this second problem +until the first has been solved in a satisfactory way. We might even +say that the answer to the second question is the more important, the +less satisfactory the answer to the first is. If every place in the +economic world were filled only by those who are perfectly adapted by +their mental traits, it would be much less difficult to get efficient +work from everyone. The fact that so many misfits are at work makes it +such an urgent necessity to find ways and means by which the +efficiency can be heightened.</p> + +<p>It must be acknowledged, however, that the problem of the best work is +not quite such a clear one as that of the best man. From various +standpoints a different answer may be given to the question which kind +of work is the best. A capitalistic, profit-seeking egotism may +consider the quickest performance, or, if differences of quality are +involved, the most skillful performance, the only desirable end. The +social reformers, on the other hand, may consider the best work that +which combines the greatest and best possible output with the highest +possible saving of the organism <a name="Page_143" id="Page_143" />and the fullest development of the +personality. We have emphasized from the start that the practical +psychologist as such has not the right to give a decision upon +problems of social civilization. He has to accept the economic tasks +from the community for which he is working and his impartial service +commences only when the goals have been determined. It is not his +share to select the ends, but simply to determine the means after the +valuable ends have been chosen. As a psychological scientist he has +not the right to enter into the arena of different social party +fights. Yet we find after all a broad region which seems rather +untouched by any conflict of reasonable opinions. A reckless +capitalism on the one side and a feeble sentimentality on the other +side may try to widen or to narrow the boundaries of this region, but +taken all together, a vigorous healthy nation which is eagerly devoted +to its work is on the whole in agreement as to the essential economic +demands for efficient labor.</p> + +<p>Experience, to be sure, shows that great changes in the conditions of +work can never enter into the history of civilization without certain +disturbances, and that opposition must therefore necessarily arise in +certain groups even against such changes as are undoubtedly +improvements and advances from the point of view of the whole <a name="Page_144" id="Page_144" />nation. +Such dissatisfaction arose when the factory system was introduced, and +it is only natural that some irritation should accompany the +introduction of psychological improvements in the methods of work, +inasmuch as not a few wage-earners may at first have to lose their +places because a small number of men will under the improved +conditions be sufficient for the performance of tasks which needed +many before. But the history of economics has clearly shown that from +the point of view of the whole community such an apparent disturbance +has always been only temporary. If the psychologists succeed in +fundamentally improving the conditions of labor, the increased +efficiency of the individual will promote such an enriched and +vivified economic life that ultimately an increase in the number of +laborers needed will result. The inquiry into the possible +psychological contributions to the question of reinforced achievement +must not be deterred by the superficial objection that in one or +another industrial concern a dismissal of wage-earners might at first +result. Psychotechnics does not stand in the service of a party, but +exclusively in the service of civilization.</p> + +<p>To begin at the beginning, we may start from the commonplace that +every form of economic labor in the workshop and in the factory, in +the field and in the mine, in the store and in the office, <a name="Page_145" id="Page_145" />must first +be learned. How far do the experiments of the psychologist offer +suggestions for securing the most economic method of learning +practical activities? Bodily actions in the service of economic work +are taught and learned in hundreds of thousands of places. It is +evident that one method of teaching must reach the goal more quickly +and more reliably than another. Some methods of teaching must +therefore be economically more advantageous, and yet on the whole the +methods of teaching muscular work are essentially left to chance. It +is indeed not difficult to observe how factory workers or artisans +have learned the same complex motion according to entirely different +methods. The result is that they carry out the various partial +movements in a different order, or with different auxiliary motions, +or in different positions, or in a different rhythm, or with different +emphasis, simply because they imitate different teachers, and because +no norm, no certainty as to the best methods for the teaching, has +been determined. But the process of learning is still more fluctuating +and still more dependent upon chance than the process of teaching. The +apprentice approaches the instruction, in any chance way, and the +beginner usually learns even the first steps with a psychophysical +attitude which is left to accident. An immense waste of <a name="Page_146" id="Page_146" />energy and a +quite anti-economic training in unfit movements is the necessary +result.</p> + +<p>The learning of the elements of school knowledge in the classroom in +earlier times proceeded after exactly such chance methods. Any one who +knew how to read, write, and calculate felt himself prepared to pour +reading, writing, and arithmetic into the unprotected children. +Methods which are based on scientific examination of the +psychophysical process of reading and writing were not at the disposal +of the schools, and exact results from comparative studies of +pedagogical methods had not been secured. The last few decades have +created an entirely new foundation for enlightened school work. The +experimental investigations of pedagogical psychology have determined +exactly how the consciousness of the child reacts on the various +methods of teaching and have built up a real systematic economic +learning. All which was left to dilettantic caprice has been +transformed into more or less definite standard forms. For instance, +the old scheme of teaching reading by the alphabet method is +practically eliminated from our modern schools. It is clear that this +learning of the names of the single letters as a starting-point for +the reading of words was not only a wasting of time and energy, but an +actual disturbance in the <a name="Page_147" id="Page_147" />development of the reading process in the +older generation. As those names of the letters do not occur at all in +the words to be read, but only their sounds, what had been learned in +seeing the single letters had to be inhibited in pronouncing the whole +word. It seems not too much to say that the learning of industrial +activities on the whole still stands on the level of such alphabet +methods, and this cannot be otherwise, as the real problem, namely, +the systematic investigation of the psychophysical activities +involved, has never been brought into the psychological laboratory.</p> + +<p>The pedagogical experiment has shown clearly enough that the +subjective feeling of easier or quicker learning may be entirely +unreliable and misleading. If the task is to learn a page by heart, we +may proceed after many different methods. We may learn very small +fractions of the text, repeating only a few words, or we may read +whole paragraphs every time; we may repeat the whole material again +and again, or we may put in long periods of rest after a few +repetitions; we may frequently recite it from memory and have some one +to prompt us; we may give our attention especially to the meaning of +the words, or merely to the sounds, or we may introduce any number of +similar variations. Now the careful experiment shows that of two such +methods one which <a name="Page_148" id="Page_148" />appears to us the better and more appropriate in +learning, perhaps even as the easier and more comfortable, may prove +itself the less efficient one in the practical result. The psychology +of learning, which won its success by introducing meaningless +syllables as experimental material, has slowly determined the most +reliable methods for impressing knowledge on memory. Where such +results have once been secured, it would surely be a grave mistake +simply to stick to the methods of so-called common sense and to leave +it to the caprice of the individual teacher to decide what method of +learning he will suggest to his pupils. The best method is always the +only one which should be considered. The psychology of economic work +must aim toward similar goals. We must secure a definite knowledge as +to the methods by which a group of movements can best be learned. We +must understand what value is to be attached to the repetitions and to +the pauses, to the imitations and to the special combinations of +movements, to the exercise in parts of the movements, to the rhythm of +the work, and to many similar influences which may shape the learning +process.</p> + +<p>The simplest aspect, that of the mere repetition of the movement, has +frequently been examined by psychophysicists. The real founder of +experimental psychology, Fechner, showed the <a name="Page_149" id="Page_149" />way; he performed +fatiguing experiments with lifted dumb-bells. Then came the time in +which the laboratories began to make a record of the muscular +activities with the help of the ergograph, an instrument with which +the movements of the arm and the fingers can easily be registered on +the smoked surface of a revolving drum. The subtlest variations of the +activity, the increase and decrease of the psychomotor impulse, the +mental fatigue, can be traced exactly in such graphic records. This +psychomotor side of the process, and not the mere muscle activity as +such, is indeed the essential factor which should interest us. The +results of exercise are a training of the central apparatus of the +brain and not of the muscular periphery. The further development of +those experiments soon led to complex questions, which referred not +only to the mere change in the motor efficiency, but to the learning +of particular groups of movements and to the influences on the +exactitude and reliability of the movements. The purely mental factors +of the will-impulse, especially the consciousness of the task, came +into the foreground. These experiences of the scientists concerning +the influences of training, the mechanization of repetition, and the +automatization of movements have been thoroughly discussed by a +brilliant political economist<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19" /><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> as an explana<a name="Page_150" id="Page_150" />tion of certain +industrial facts, but they have not yet practically influenced life in +the factory.</p> + +<p>The nearest approach from the experimental side to the study of the +effect of training in actual industrial tasks may be found in certain +laboratory investigations which refer to the learning of telegraphing, +typewriting, and so on. For instance, we have a careful study<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20" /><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> of +the progress made in learning telegraphy, both as to the transmitting +of the telegrams by the key movement and the receiving of the +telegrams by the ear. It was found that the rapidity of transmitting +increases more rapidly and more uniformly than the rapidity of +receiving. But while the curve of the latter rises more slowly and +more irregularly, it finally reaches the greater height. The ability +in transmitting, represented by a graphic record, shows an ascent +which corresponds to the typical, steady curve of training. In the +receiving curve, on the other hand, we find not far from the beginning +a characteristic period during which no progress whatever can be +noticed, and this is also repeated at a later stage. The psychological +analysis shows that the increase of ability in the receiving of +telegrams depends upon the development of a complex system of +psychophysical habits. The periods in which the curve does not ascend +represent stages of <a name="Page_151" id="Page_151" />training in which the elementary habits are +almost completely formed, but have not become sufficiently automatic. +The attention is therefore not yet ready to start habits of a higher +order. The lowest correlation refers to the single letters, after that +to the syllables and words. As soon as the apprentice has reached this +point, he stops, because he must learn to master more and more new +words until his telegraphic vocabulary is large enough to make it +possible for him to turn his consciousness to whole groups of words at +once. Only when this new habit has been made automatic by a training +of several months can he advance to a level at which whole groups of +words are perceived as telegraphic units. A time follows in which this +mastery of whole phrases advances rapidly, until a new period of rest +comes, from which, only after years and often quite suddenly, a last +new ascent can be noticed. Instead of concentrating the attention with +conscious strain on single phrases, the operator progresses to a +perfect liberty in which whole sentences are understood automatically.</p> + +<p>We also have a model experimental research into the psychological +conditions of learning in the case of writing on a typewriter.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21" /><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> By +electrical connections between the typewriting machine and a system of +levers which registered their <a name="Page_152" id="Page_152" />movements on the rotating drum of a +kymograph, graph, each striking of a key, each completion of a word, +or of a line, could be recorded in exact time-relations. Each glance +at the copy was also registered. It was found that the process of +learning consisted first of a continuous simplification of the +cumbersome methods with which the beginner commences. A steady +elimination of unfit movements, a selection, a reorganization, and +finally, a combination of psychophysical acts to impulses of higher +order, could be traced exactly. Here, too, the curve of learning at +first rises quickly and then more and more slowly. Of course the usual +fluctuations in the growth of the ability can also be found, and above +all the irregular periods of rest in which the learning itself does +not progress, for some of these so-called plateaus which lie between +the end of one ascent and the beginning of the next may cover a month +and more. At the beginning we have the elementary association between +the single letter and the position of the corresponding key, but soon +an immediate connection between the visual impression of the whole +syllable or the whole word and the total group of movements necessary +to strike the keys for it is developed. The more the ability grows, +the more these psychical impulses of higher order become organized +without conscious intention. <a name="Page_153" id="Page_153" />The study shows that this development of +higher habits has already begun before the lower habits are fully +settled.</p> + +<p>How far the special training involves at the same time a general +training which could be of advantage for other kinds of labor has not +yet been studied at all with reference to industrial technique. There +we are still completely dependent upon certain experiences in the +field of experimental pedagogy, and upon certain statistics, for +instance, in the textile industry. Many patient investigations, with +every independent group of apparatus and machines, may be necessary +before psychotechnics will be able to supply industry with reliable +advice for teaching and learning. Nor have we the least right hastily +to carry over the results from one group of movements to another. Even +where superficially a certain similarity between the technical factors +exists, the psychophysical conditions may be essentially different. In +the two cases mentioned, for instance, telegraphing and typewriting, +the chief factor seems the same, as in both cases the aim is to make +the quickest possible finger movements for purposes of signals; and +yet it is not surprising that the development of the ability from the +beginnings to the highest mastery is rather unlike, as all the +movements in telegraphing are <a name="Page_154" id="Page_154" />performed with the same finger, while +in typewriting the chief trait is the organization of groups from the +impulses to all ten fingers. At least it is certain that learning +always means far more than a mere facilitation of the movement by +mechanical repetition, and this is true of the simplest handling of +the tools in the workshop, of the movements at the machine in the +factory, and of the most complex performances at the subtlest +instruments. The chief factor in the development is always the +organization of the impulses by which the reactions which are at first +complicated become simplified, later mechanized, and finally +synthesized into a higher group which becomes subordinated to one +simple psychical impulse. The most reliable and psychophysically most +economic means for this organization will have to be studied in the +economic psychological laboratories of the future for every particular +technique. Then only can the enormous waste of psychical energy +resulting from haphazard methods be brought to an end.</p> + +<p>A problem which is still too little considered in industrial life is +the mutual interference of acquired technical activities. If one +connected series of movements is well trained by practice, does it +become less firmly fixed, if another series is studied in which the +same beginning is connected with <a name="Page_155" id="Page_155" />another path of discharge? I +approached this psychophysical question of learning by experiments +which I carried on for a long while with variations of ordinary habits +of daily life, asking whether a habit associated with a certain +sensory stimulus can function automatically while dispositions for a +different habit, previously acquired, remain in the psychophysical +system. For instance, I was accustomed to carry my watch in my +left-hand vest pocket. For a week I carried it in the right-hand +pocket of my trousers and recorded every case in which I first +automatically made the movement to the vest. After some time the +movement to the right-hand pocket became entirely automatic. When it +was sufficiently fixed, I again put the watch in the left-hand vest +pocket and recorded how often I unconsciously grasped at the right +side when I wanted to see what time it was. As soon as the vest pocket +movement had again become fixed, I went back to the right-hand +trousers pocket. And so I alternated for a long while, always changing +only after reaching complete automatism. But the results in this case +and in other similar experiments which I carried on showed that the +new automatic connection did not extinguish the after effects of the +previous habit. With every new change the number of wrong movements +became smaller and smaller, <a name="Page_156" id="Page_156" />and finally a point was reached at which +the dispositions for both movements were equally developed so that no +wrong movements occurred when the watch was put into the new +position.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22" /><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> + +<p>This problem has been followed up very recently in a valuable +investigation at Columbia University,<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23" /><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> in which various habits of +typewriting and of card-sorting were acquired and studied in their +mutual interference. These very careful experiments also show that +when two opposing associations are alternately practiced, they have an +interference effect on each other, but that the interference grows +less and less as the practice effect becomes greater. The interference +effect is gradually overcome and both opposing associations become +automatic, so that either of them can be called up independently +without the appearance of the other. Many details of the research +suggest that this whole group of interference problems deserves the +most careful attention by those who would practically profit from +increased industrial efficiency.</p> + +<p>Finally, in the experimental study of the problem of technical +learning, we cannot ignore the many side influences which may hasten +or delay, improve or disturb, the acquisition of industrial skill. In +the Harvard laboratory, for instance, we <a name="Page_157" id="Page_157" />are at present engaged in an +investigation which deals with the influence of feelings on the +rapidity with which new movement coördinations are mastered.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24" /><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> In +order to have unlimited comparable material a very simple technical +performance is required, namely, the distribution of the 52 +playing-cards into 52 boxes. Labels on the boxes indicate changing +combinations for the distribution to be learned. We examine, on the +one side, the influence of feelings of comfort or of discomfort on the +learning of the new habit, these feeling states being produced by +external conditions, such as pleasant or unpleasant sounds, odors, and +so on. On the other side we trace the effects of those feelings which +arise during the learning process itself, such as feelings of +satisfaction with progress, or disappointment, or discomfort, or +disgust or joy in the activity.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XIV" id="XIV" /><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158" />XIV</h2> + +<h3>THE ADJUSTMENT OF TECHNICAL TO PSYCHICAL CONDITIONS</h3> + + +<p>Teaching and learning represent only the preliminary problem. The +fundamental question remains, after all, how the work is to be done by +those who have learned it in accordance with the customs of the +economic surroundings and who are accordingly already educated and +trained for it. What can be done to eliminate everything which +diminishes and decreases efficiency, and what remains to be done to +reinforce it. Such influences are evidently exerted by the external +technical conditions, by variations of the activity itself, and by the +play of the psychical motives and counter-motives. It must seem as if +only this last factor would belong in the realm of psychology, but the +technical conditions, of which the machine itself is the most +important part, and the bodily movements also have manifold relations +to the psychical life. Only as far as these relations prevail has the +psychologist any reason to study the problem. The purely physical and +economic factors of technique do not interest him at all, but when a +technical arrangement makes a psychophysical<a name="Page_159" id="Page_159" /> achievement more +difficult or more easy, it belongs in the sphere of the psychologist, +and just this aspect of the work may become of greatest importance for +the total result. In all three of these directions, that is, with +reference to the technical, to the physiological, and to the purely +psychical, the scientific management movement has prepared the way. +The engineers of scientific management recognized, at least, that no +part of the industrial process is indifferent, even the apparently +most trivial activity, the slightest movement of arm or hand or leg, +became the object of their exact measurement. The stopwatch which +measures every movement in fractions of a second has become the symbol +of this new economic period. As long as special psychological +experiments in the service of industrial psychology are still so +exceptional, it may, indeed, be acknowledged that the practical +experiments in the service of scientific management have come nearest +to the solution of these special psychotechnical problems.</p> + +<p>To proceed from without toward the centre, we may begin our review +with the physical technique of the working conditions and its +relations to the mind. Tue history of technique shows on every page +this practical adjustment of external labor conditions to the +psychophysical necessities <a name="Page_160" id="Page_160" />and psychophysical demands. No machine +with which a human being is to work can survive in the struggle for +technical existence, unless it is to a certain degree adapted to the +human nerve and muscle system and to man's possibilities of +perception, of attention, of memory, of feeling, and of will. +Industrial technique with its restless improvements has always been +subordinated to this postulate. Every change which made it possible +for the workingman to secure equal effects with smaller effort or to +secure greater or better effects with equal effort counted as an +economic gain, which was welcome to the market. For instance, +throughout the history of industry we find the fundamental tendency to +transpose all activities from the great muscles to the small muscles. +Any activity which is performed with the robust muscles of the +shoulder when it can be done with the lower arm, or labor which is +demanded from the muscles of the lower arm when it can just as well be +carried out by the fingers, certainly involves a waste of +psychophysical energy. A stronger psychophysical excitement is +necessary in order to secure the innervation of the big muscles in the +central nervous system. This difference in the stimulation of the +various muscle groups has been of significant consequence for the +differentiation of work throughout the development of mankind.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25" /><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> +<a name="Page_161" id="Page_161" />Labor with the large muscles has, for these psychophysical reasons, +never been easily combined with the subtler training of the finer +muscles. Hence a social organization which obliged the men to give +their energy to war and the hunt, both, in primitive life, functions +of the strongest muscles, made it necessary for the domestic +activities, which are essentially functions of the small muscles, to +be carried out by women. The whole history of the machine demonstrates +this economic tendency to make activities dependent upon those muscles +which presuppose the smallest psychophysical effort. It is not only +the smaller effort which gives economic advantage to the stimulation +of the smaller muscles, but the no less important circumstance that +the psychophysical after-effect of their central excitement exerts +less inhibition than the after-effect of the brain excitement for the +big muscles.</p> + +<p>But we must not overlook another feature in the development of +technique. The machines have been constantly transformed in the +direction which made it possible to secure the greatest help from the +natural coördination of bodily movements. The physiological +organization and the psychophysical conditions of the nervous system +make it necessary that the movement impulses flow over into motor side +channels and thus <a name="Page_162" id="Page_162" />produce accessory effects without any special +effort. If a machine is so constructed that these natural accessory +movements must be artificially and intentionally suppressed, it means, +on the one side, a waste of available psychophysical energy, and on +the other side it demands a useless effort in order to secure this +inhibition. The industrial development has moved toward both the +fructification of those side impulses and the avoidance of these +inhibitions. It has adjusted itself practically to the natural +psychical conditions. Ultimately it is this tendency which shaped the +technical apparatus for the economic work until the muscle movements +could become rhythmical. The rhythmical activity necessarily involves +a psychophysical saving and this saving has been instinctively secured +throughout the history of civilization. All rhythm contains a +repetition of movement without making a real repetition of the +psychophysical impulse necessary. In the rhythmical activity a large +part of the first excitement still serves for the second, and the +second for the third. Inhibitions fall away and the mere after-effect +of each stimulus secures a great saving for the new impulse. The +history of the machine even indicates that the newer technical +development not only found the far-reaching division of labor already +in the workshops of <a name="Page_163" id="Page_163" />earlier centuries, but a no less far-reaching +rhythmization of the labor in fine adaptation to the needs of the +psychophysical organism, long before the appearance of the machines. +The beginnings of the machine period frequently showed nothing but an +imitation of the rhythmical movements of man.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26" /><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> To be sure, the +later improvements of the machine have frequently destroyed that +original rhythm of man's movement, as the movement itself, especially +in the electric machines, has become so quick that the subjective +rhythmical experience has been lost. Moreover, the rhythmical +horizontal and vertical movements were for physical reasons usually +replaced by uniform circular movements. But even the most highly +developed machine demands human activity, for instance, for the +supplying with material; and this again has opened new possibilities +for the adjustment of technical mechanism to the economic demand for +rhythmical muscle activity. The growth of technical devices has thus +been constantly under the control of psychological demands, in spite +of the absence of systematic psychological investigations. But the +decisive factor was, indeed, that these psychological motives always +remained in the subconsciousness of civilization. The improvements +were consciously referred to the machine as such, however much the +<a name="Page_164" id="Page_164" />practical success was really influenced by the degree of its +adjustment to the mental conditions of the workingmen. The new +movements of scientific management and of experimental psychology aim +toward bringing this adaptation consciously into the foreground and +toward testing and studying systematically what technical variations +can best suit the psychophysical status of man.</p> + +<p>Those who are familiar with the achievements of scientific management +remember that by no means only the complicated procedures on a high +level are in question. The successes are often the most surprising +where the technique is old, and where it might have been imagined that +the experiences of many centuries would have secured through mere +common sense the most effective performance. The best-known case is +perhaps that of the masons, which one of the leaders of the scientific +management movement has studied in all its details.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27" /><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> The movements +of the builders and the tools which they use were examined with +scientific exactitude and slowly reshaped under the point of view of +psychology and physiology. The total result was that after the new +method 30 masons completed without greater fatigue what after the old +methods it would have taken 100 masons to do, and that the total +<a name="Page_165" id="Page_165" />expense for the building was reduced to less than a half in spite of +the steady increase of the wages of the laborers. For this purpose it +was necessary that exact measurements be made of the height at which +the bricks were lying and of the height of the wall on which they must +be laid, and of the number of bricks which should be carried to the +masons at once. He studied how the trowel should be shaped and how the +mortar should be used and how the bricks should be carried to the +bricklayers. In short, everything which usually is left to tradition, +to caprice, and to an economy which looks out only for the most +immediate saving, was on the basis of experiments of many years +replaced by entirely new means and tools, where nothing was left to +arbitrariness. Yet these changes did not demand any invention or +physically or economically new ideas, but merely a more careful +adaptation of the apparatus to the psychological energies of the +masons. The new arrangement permitted a better organization of the +necessary bodily movements, fatigue was diminished, the accessory +movements were better fructified, fewer inhibitions were necessary, a +better playing together of the psychical energies was secured.</p> + +<p>The students of scientific management stepped still lower in the scale +of economic activity. There <a name="Page_166" id="Page_166" />is no more ordinary productive function +than shoveling. Yet in great establishments the shoveling of coal or +of dirt may represent an economically very important factor. It seems +that up to the days of scientific management, no one really looked +carefully into the technical conditions under which the greatest +possible economic effect might be reached. Now the act of shoveling +was approached with the carefulness with which a scholar turns to any +subtle process in his laboratory. The brilliant originator of the +scientific management movement, who carried out these investigations<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28" /><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> +in the great Bethlehem Steel Works, where hundreds of laborers had to +shovel heavy iron ore or light ashes, found that the usual chance +methods involve an absurd economic waste. The burden was sometimes so +heavy that rapid fatigue developed and the movements became too slow, +or the lifted mass was so light that the larger part of the laborer's +energies remained unused. In either case the final result of the day's +work must be anti-economic. He therefore tested with carefully graded +experiments what weight ensured the most favorable achievement by a +strong healthy workingman. The aim was to find the weight which would +secure with well-arranged pauses the maximum product in one day +without over-fatigue. As soon as this weight was determined,<a name="Page_167" id="Page_167" /> a +special set of shovels had to be constructed for every particular kind +of material. The laborers were now obliged to operate with 10 +different kinds of shovels, each of such a size that the burden always +remained an average of 21 pounds for any kind of material. The +following step was an exact determination of the most favorable +rapidity and the most perfect movement of shoveling, the best +distribution of pauses, and so on, and the final outcome was that only +140 men were needed where on the basis of the old plan about 500 +laborers had been engaged. The average workingman who had previously +shoveled 16 tons of material, now managed 59 tons without greater +fatigue. The wages were raised by two thirds and the expenses for +shoveling a ton of material were decreased one half This calculation +of expenses included, of course, a consideration of the increased cost +for tools and for the salaries of the scientific managers.</p> + +<p>Whoever visits factories in which the new system has been introduced +by real specialists must be surprised, indeed, by the great effects +which often result from the better psychophysical adaptation of the +simplest and apparently most indifferent tools and means. As far as +the complicated machines are concerned, we are accustomed to a steady +improvement by the efforts of the <a name="Page_168" id="Page_168" />technicians and we notice it rather +little if the changes in them are introduced for psychological instead +of the usual physical reasons. But the fact that even the least +complicated and most indifferent devices can undergo most influential +improvements, as soon as they are seriously studied from a +psychological point of view, remains really a source for surprise. +Sometimes no more is needed than a change in the windows or in the +electric lamps, by which the light can fall on the work in a +psychologically satisfactory way; sometimes long series of experiments +have to be made with a simple hammer or knife or table. Often +everything must be arranged against the wishes of the workingmen, who +feel any deviation from the accustomed conditions as a disturbance +which is to be regarded with suspicion. In one concern I heard that +the scientific manager became convinced that all the working-chairs +for the women were too low and that the laborers therefore had to hold +their arms in a psychophysically unfavorable position during the +handling of the apparatus. All were strongly opposed to the +introduction of higher chairs. The result was that the manager +arranged for the chairs to be raised a few millimeters every evening, +without the knowledge of the working-women, as soon as the factory was +empty. After a few weeks the chairs had reached <a name="Page_169" id="Page_169" />the right height +without those engaged in the work having noticed it at all. The +outcome was a decided increase of efficiency.</p> + +<p>But the most rational scheme will after all be to prepare for such +arrangements of tools and apparatus by systematic experiments in the +psychological laboratory. The subtlety of such investigations will +lead far beyond the point which is accessible to the attempts of +scientific management. Exact experiments on attention, for instance, +will have to determine how the various parts of the apparatus are to +be distributed best in space if the laborer must keep watch for +disturbances at various places. Only the laboratory experiment can +find the most favorable speed of the machine or can select the muscles +to which the mind can send the most effective impulses. The +construction of the machine must then be adapted to such results. In +the Harvard laboratory, for instance, a practical question led us to +examine which fingers would allow the quickest alternation of key +movements.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29" /><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> If any two of the ten fingers perform for ten seconds +the quickest possible alternation of motion, as in a trill, the +experiment can demonstrate exactly the differences between the various +combinations of fingers and the individual fluctuations for these +differences. With an electrical <a name="Page_170" id="Page_170" />registration of the movements of the +alternating fingers we studied in hundredths of a second the time for +the motions of two hands and of fingers of the same hand, in order to +adjust the keys of a certain machine to the most favorable impulses.</p> + +<p>We approach this group of problems from another side when we test the +relations of various kinds of machines to various mental types. +Psychologists have studied, for example, the various styles of +typewriting machines.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30" /><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> From a purely commercial point of view the +merits of one or another machine are praised as if they were +advantageous for every possible human being. The fact is that such +advantages for one may be disadvantages for another on account of +differences in the mental disposition. One man may write more quickly +on one, another on another machine. As every one knows, the chief +difference is that of the keyboard and that of the visible or +invisible writing. Machines like the Remington machine work with a +shift key; that is, a special key must be pressed when capital letters +are to be written. Other machines like the Oliver even demand double +shifting, one key for the capital letters, and one for the figures, +and so on. On the other hand, machines like the Smith Premier have no +shift key, but a double keyboard. <a name="Page_171" id="Page_171" />It is evident that both the +shift-key arrangement and the double keyboard have their particular +psychological advantages.</p> + +<p>The single alphabet demands much less from the optical memory, and the +corresponding motor inner attitude of consciousness is adjusted to a +smaller number of possibilities. But the pressure on the shift key, +which goes with the single alphabet, is not only a time-wasting act; +from the psychological point of view it is first of all a very strong +interruption of the uniform chain of impulses. If the capital and +small letters are written for a minute alternatingly with the greatest +possible speed, the experiment shows that the number of letters for +the machine with the double alphabet is about three times greater than +for the machine with simple alphabet and shift key. Both systems +accordingly have their psychological advantages and disadvantages. +Human beings of distinct visual ideational type or of highly developed +motor type will prefer the double alphabet, provided, of course, that +the touch system of writing is learned, and this will be especially +true if their inner attitude is easily disturbed by interruptions. But +those who have a feebly developed optical mental centre and who have +small ability for the development of complex motor habits will be more +efficient on the <a name="Page_172" id="Page_172" />machines with the single alphabet, especially if +their nervous system is little molested by interruptions and thus +undisturbed by the intrusion of the shift key act.</p> + +<p>In a similar way the visibility of the writing will be for certain +individuals the most valuable condition for quick writing, while for +others, who depend less upon visual support, it may mean rather a +distraction and an interference with the speediest work. The visible +writing attracts the involuntary attention, and thus forces +consciousness to stick to that which has been written instead of being +concentrated on that which is to be produced by the next writing +movements. The operator himself is not aware of this hindrance. On the +contrary, the public will always be inclined to prefer the typewriters +with visible writing, because by a natural confusion the feeling +arises that the production of the letter is somewhat facilitated, when +the eye is coöperating, just as in writing with a pen we follow the +lines of the written letter. But the situation lies differently in the +two cases. When we are writing with a pen, the letter grows under our +eyes, while in the machine writing we do not see any part of the +letter until the whole movement which produces the single letter is +finished. By such a misleading analogy many a man is led to prefer the +<a name="Page_173" id="Page_173" />typewriter with visible writing, while he would probably secure a +greater speed with a machine which does not tempt him to attend the +completed letters, while his entire attention ought to belong to the +following letters.</p> + +<p>These last observations point to another psychological aspect of the +machine and of the whole technical work, namely, their relations to +the impressions of the senses. The so-called dynamogenic experiments +of the psychological laboratory have demonstrated what a manifold +influence flows from the sense-impressions to the will-impulses. If +the muscle contraction of a man's fist is measured, the experiment +shows that the strongest possible pressure may be very different when +the visual field appears in different colors, or tones of different +pitch or different noises are stimulating the ear, and so on. As yet +no systematic experiments exist by which such results can be brought +into relation to the sense-stimuli which reach the laborer during his +technical work. The psychophysical effect of colors and noises has not +been fructified at all for industrial purposes. The mere subjective +judgment of the workingman himself cannot be acknowledged as reliable +in such questions. The laborer, for instance, usually believes that a +noise to which he has become accustomed does not disturb him in his +work, <a name="Page_174" id="Page_174" />while experimental results point strongly to the contrary. In a +similar way the effect of colored windows may appear indifferent to +the workmen, and yet may have considerable influence on his +efficiency. Numberless performances in the factory are reactions on +certain optical or acoustical or tactual signals. Both the engineer +and the workman are satisfied if such a signal is clearly perceivable. +The psychological laboratory experiment, however, shows that the whole +psychophysical effect depends upon the character of the signal; a more +intense light, a quicker change, a higher tone, a larger field of +light, a louder noise, or a harder touch may produce a very different +kind of reaction.</p> + +<p>With a careful time-measurement of the motions, it can often be +directly traced how purely technical processes in the machine itself +influence and control the whole psychical system of impulses in the +man. I observed, in a factory, for instance, the work at a machine +which performed most of its functions automatically. It had to hammer +fine grooves into small metal plates. A young laborer stood before +every such machine, took from a pile, alternately from the right and +from the left, the little plates to be serrated, placed them in the +machine, turned a lever to bring the hammer into motion, and then +removed <a name="Page_175" id="Page_175" />the serrated plates. The speed of the work was dependent upon +the operative, as he determined by his lever movement the instant at +which the automatic serrating hammer should be released. The man's +activity demanded 9 independent movements. I found that those who +worked the most quickly were able to carry out this labor for hours at +a uniform rapidity of 4 to 4-1/2 second for those 9 movements. But the +time-measurement showed that even these fastest workers were +relatively slow in the first 5 movements which they made while the +machine stood quiet, and that they reached an astonishing quickness of +movement in the 4 last actions during which at the same time the +serrating hammer in bewildering rapidity was beating on the plate with +sharp loud cracks. The hammer reinforced the energy of the young +laborers to an effectiveness which could never have been attained by +mere voluntary effort.</p> + +<p>Often the simplicity or complication of the stimulus may be decisive +in importance, and this also holds true where the most elementary +reactions are involved, for instance, the mere act of counting which +enters into many industrial functions. Experiments carried on in my +laboratory<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31" /><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> have shown that the time needed to count a certain +number of units becomes longer <a name="Page_176" id="Page_176" />as soon as the units themselves become +more complicated. Their inner manifoldness exerts a retarding +influence on the eye as it moves from one figure to another. A certain +psychical inhibition arises; the mind is held back by the complexity +of the impression and cannot proceed quickly enough to the next. +Psychologically no less important is the demand that the external +technical conditions so far as they influence consciousness, should +remain as far as possible the same, if the same psychical effect is +desired, because then only can a perfectly firm connection between +stimulus and movement be formed. In technical life this demand is much +sinned against. A typical case is that of the signals for which the +engineer on the locomotive has to watch. In the daytime the movable +arms of the semaphore indicate by their horizontal, oblique, or +vertical position whether the tracks are clear. At night-time, on the +other hand, the same information reaches him by the different colors +of the signal lanterns. From a psychical point of view it is probable +that the safety of the service would be increased if an unchangeable +connection between signal and movement were formed. It would be +sufficient for that purpose if the color signals at night were given +up and were replaced by horizontal, oblique, or vertical lines of +white light or <a name="Page_177" id="Page_177" />rows of points. Successful experiments of this kind +have been carried on by psychologists in the service of this railroad +problem.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32" /><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> + +<p>The interest in all these problems of large concerns, in +transportation and factory work and complex industries, ought not to +make us overlook the fact that on principle the same problems can be +found in the simplest industrial establishment. Even the housewife or +the cook destroys economic values if daily she has to spend useless +minutes or hours on account of arrangements in the household which are +badly adjusted to the psychological conditions. She sacrifices her +energy in vain and she wastes her means where she herself is under the +illusion of especial economy. Scientific management would perhaps be +nowhere so wholesome as in kitchen and pantry, in laundry and cellar, +just because here the saving would be multiplied millionfold and the +final sum of energy saved and of feeling values gained would be +enormous, even if it could not be calculated with the exactitude with +which the savings of a factory budget can be proven. The profusion of +small attractive devices which automatically perform the economic +household labor and disburden the human workers must not hide the fact +that the chief activities are still little adjusted to the +psychophysical conditions. The situation <a name="Page_178" id="Page_178" />is similar to that of the +masons, whose function has also been performed for thousands of years, +and yet which did not find a real adaptation to the psychical factors +until a systematic time-measuring study was introduced. A manufacturer +who sells an improved pan or mixing-spoon or broom expects success if +he brings to the market something the merits of which are evident and +make the housewife anticipate a decrease of work or a simplification +of work, but the development of scientific management has shown +clearly that the most important improvements are just those which are +deduced from scientific researches, without at first giving +satisfaction to the laborers themselves, until a new habit has been +formed.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most frequent technical activity of this simple kind is +sewing by hand, which is still entirely left to the traditions of +common sense, and yet which is evidently dependent upon the interplay +of many psychical factors which demand a subtle adaptation to the +psychical conditions. To approach, at least, this field of human labor +a careful investigation of the psychophysics of sewing has been +started in my laboratory.<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33" /><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> The sewing work is done, with the left +hand supported, and the right hand connected with a system of levers +which make a graphic record of every movement on the smoked surface of +a <a name="Page_179" id="Page_179" />revolving drum. For instance, we begin with simple over and over +stitches, measuring the time and the character of the right hand +movements for 50 stitches under a variety of technical conditions. The +first variation refers to the length of the thread. The thread itself, +fixed at the needle's eye, varied between 3 feet and 6 inches in +length. Other changes refer to the voluntary speed, to the number of +stitches, to fatigue, to external stimuli, to attention, to methods of +training, and so on, but the chief interest remains centred on the +psychical factors. We are still too much at the beginning already to +foresee whether it will be possible to draw from these psychophysical +experiments helpful conclusions. The four young women engaged in this +laboratory research will later extend it to the psychological +conditions of work with the various types of sewing-machines.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XV" id="XV" /><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180" />XV</h2> + +<h3>THE ECONOMY OF MOVEMENT</h3> + + +<p>The study of the technical aspect of labor can nowhere be separated by +a sharp demarcation line from the study of the labor itself as a +function of the individual organism. Many problems, indeed, extend in +both directions. The student of industrial efficiency is, for +instance, constantly led to the question of fatigue. He may consider +this fatigue as a function of brain and muscle activity and discuss it +with reference to the psychophysical effort, but he is equally +interested in the question of how far the apparatus or the machine or +the accessory conditions of the work might be changed in order to +avoid fatigue. The accidents of the electric street railways were +regarded as partly related to fatigue. The problem was accordingly how +to shorten the working time of the motormen in the interest of the +public, but it was soon recognized that the difficulty might also be +approached from the mere technical side. Some companies introduced +seats which the motormen can use whenever they feel fatigue coming and +excellent results have followed this innovation. In our last +discussions the technical <a name="Page_181" id="Page_181" />apparatus stood in the foreground. We may +now consider as our real topic the psychophysical activity.</p> + +<p>Here, too, the leaders of scientific management have secured some +signal successes. Their chief effort in this field was directed toward +the greatest possible achievement by eliminating all superfluous +movements and by training in those movement combinations which were +recognized as the most serviceable ones. We may return to the case of +the masons in order to clear up the principle. When Gilbreth began to +reform the labor of the mason after scientific principles, he gave his +chief interest to the men's motions. Every muscle contraction which +was needed to move the brick from the pile in the yard to the final +position in the wall was measured with reference to space-and +time-relations and the necessary effort. From here he turned to the +application of well-known psychophysical principles. A movement is +less fatiguing and therefore economically most profitable if it occurs +in a direction in which the greatest possible use of gravitation can +be made If both hands have to act at the same time, the labor can be +carried out most quickly and with the smallest effort if corresponding +muscle groups are at work and this means if symmetrical movements are +performed. If unequal movements have to <a name="Page_182" id="Page_182" />be made simultaneously, the +effort will become smaller if they are psychically bound together by a +common unified impulse. The distance which has to be overcome by +hands, arms, or feet must be brought to a minimum for each partial +movement. Most important, however, is this rule. If a definite +combination of movements has been determined as economically most +suitable, this method must be applied without any exception from the +beginning of the learning. The point is to train from the start those +impulse combinations which can slowly lead to the quickest and best +work. The usual method is the opposite. Generally the beginner learns +to produce from the beginning work which is as good and correct as +possible. In order to produce such qualitatively good results at an +early stage, it is left to him to choose any groups of movements which +happen to be convenient to him. Then these become habitual, and as +soon as he tries to go on to quicker work, these chance habits hinder +him in his progress. The movements which may be best suited for fair +production by a beginner may be entirely unsuited for really quick +work, such as would be expected from an experienced man. The laborer +must replace the first habits which he has learned by a new set, +instead of starting in the first place with motions which can be +continued <a name="Page_183" id="Page_183" />until the highest point of efficiency has been reached, +even if this involves rather a poor showing at the beginning. A final +maximum rapidity must be secured from the start by the choice of those +motions which have been standardized by careful experiments.</p> + +<p>It is also psychophysically important to demand that the movements +shall not be suddenly stopped, if that can be avoided. Any +interruption of a movement presupposes a special effort of the will +which absorbs energy, and after the interruption a new start must be +made of which the same is true. On the other hand, if chains of +movements become habitual, the psychophysical effort will be reduced +to the minimum, inasmuch as each movement finds its natural end and is +not artificially interrupted by will, and at the same time each +movement itself becomes a stimulus for the next movement by its +accompanying sensations. The traditional method, for instance, demands +that a brick be lifted with one hand and a trowel with mortar by the +other hand. After that the lifting movement is interrupted, the brick +comes to rest in the hand of the mason until the mortar has been +spread on and the place prepared for the new brick. Then only begins a +new action with the brick. This method was fundamentally changed. The +laborers learned to swing the brick <a name="Page_184" id="Page_184" />with one hand from the pack to +the wall and at the same time to distribute the mortar over the next +brick with the other hand. This whole complex movement is of course +more difficult and demands a somewhat longer period of learning, but +as soon as it is learned an extreme saving of psychophysical energy +and a correspondingly great economic gain is secured. The newly +trained masons are not even allowed to gather up with the trowel any +mortar which falls to the floor, because it was found that the loss of +mortar is economically less important than the waste of psychophysical +energy in bending down.</p> + +<p>Whoever has once schooled his eye to observe the limitless waste of +human motions and psychophysical efforts in social life has really no +difficulty in perceiving all this at every step. This ability to +recognize possible savings of impulse may be brought to a certain +virtuosity. Gilbreth, one of the leaders of the new movement, seems to +be such a virtuoso. When he was in London, there was pointed out to +him in the Japanese British Exhibition a young girl who worked so +quickly that there at least he would find a rhythm of finger movement +which could not any further be improved. In an exhibition booth the +woman attached advertisement labels to boxes with phenomenal rapidity. +Gilbreth watched her for a little <a name="Page_185" id="Page_185" />while and found that she was able +to manage 24 boxes in 40 seconds. Then he told the young girl that she +was doing it wrongly, and that she ought to try a new way which he +showed her. At the first attempt, she disposed of 24 boxes in 26 +seconds and at the second trial in 20 seconds. She did not have to +make more effort for it, but simply had fewer movements to make. If +such economic gain can be secured with little exertion in the simplest +processes, it cannot be surprising that in the case of more complex +and more advanced technical work which involves highly skilled labor, +a careful psychophysical study of motions must bring far-reaching +economic improvements.</p> + +<p>Yet the more important steps will have to be guided by special +experimental investigations, and here the psychological laboratory +must undertake the elaboration of the details. Only the systematic +experiment can determine what impulses can be released at the least +expense of energy and with the greatest exactitude of the motor +effect. Investigations on the psychophysics of movement and the +influences which lead toward making the movement too large or too +small have played an important rôle in the psychological laboratories +for several decades. It was recognized early that the mistakes which +are made in reproducing a movement may spring from two different +sources. <a name="Page_186" id="Page_186" />They result partly from an erroneous perception or memory of +the movement carried out, and partly from the inability to realize the +movement intention. One series of investigations was accordingly +devoted to the studies of those sensations and perceptions by which we +become aware of the actual movement. Everything which accentuates +these sensations must lead to an overestimation of the motion, and the +outcome is that the movement is made too small. The concentration of +attention, therefore, has the effect of reducing the actual motion, +and the same influence must result from any resistance which is not +recognized as such and hence is not subtracted in the judgment of the +perceiver. Another series of researches was concerned with the inner +attitude which causes a certain external movement effect and which may +lead to an unintended amount of movement as soon as the weight to be +lifted is erroneously judged upon. Closely related studies, finally, +deal with a mistake which enters when the movement is reproduced from +memory after a certain time. The exactitude of a simple arm movement +seems to increase in the first ten seconds, then rapidly to decrease. +The emotional attitude, too, is of importance for the reproduction of +a movement. I trained myself in making definite extensor and flexor +movements of the <a name="Page_187" id="Page_187" />arm until I was able to reproduce them under normal +conditions with great exactitude. In experiments extending over many +months, which were carried on through the changing emotional attitudes +of daily life, the exact measurement showed that both groups of +movements became too large in states of excitement and too small in +states of fatigue. But in a state of satisfaction and joy the extensor +movement became too large, the flexor movement too small, and <i>vice +versa</i>, in unpleasant emotional states the flexor movement was too +strong and the extensor movement too weak.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34" /><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>We have a very careful investigation into the relations between +rapidity of movement and exactitude.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35" /><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> The subjects had to perform a +hand movement simultaneously with the beat of a metronome, the beats +of which varied between 20 and 200 in the minute. In general the +accuracy of the movement decreases as the rapidity increases, but the +descent is not uniform. Motions in the rhythm of 40 to the minute were +on the whole just as exact as those in the rhythm of 20, and, on the +other hand movements in the rhythm of 200 almost as accurate as those +of 140 to the minute. Thus we have a lower limit below which decrease +of rapidity does not increase the accuracy any further, and an upper +limit beyond which a further increase of rapidity brings no +<a name="Page_188" id="Page_188" />additional deterioration. The mistakes of the unskilled left hand +increase still more rapidly than the number of movements. If the eyes +are closed, the rapid movements are usually too long and the slow ones +too short.</p> + +<p>An investigation in the Harvard laboratory varied this problem in a +direction which brings it still nearer to technical conditions of +industry. Our central question was whether the greatest exactitude of +rhythmical movement is secured at the same rapidity for different +muscle groups.<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36" /><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> We studied especially rhythmical movements of hand, +foot, arm, and head, and studied them, moreover, under various +conditions of resistance. The result from 340,000 measured movements +was the demonstration that every muscle group has its own optimum of +rapidity for the greatest possible accuracy and that the complexity of +the movement and the resistance which it finds has most significant +influence on the exactitude of the rhythmical achievement. If we +abstract at first from the fluctuations around the average value of a +particular group of movements and consider only this average itself in +its relation to the starting movement which it is meant to imitate, we +find characteristic tendencies toward enlargement or reduction +dependent upon the rapidity. The right foot, for instance, remained +nearest <a name="Page_189" id="Page_189" />to the original movement at a rapidity of 80 motions in the +minute, while the head did the same at about 20. For a hand movement +of 14 centimeters, the most favorable rapidity was 120 repetitions in +the minute, while for a hand movement of 1 centimeter the average +remained nearest to the standard at about 40 repetitions. The mean +variation from time average is the smallest for the left foot at 20 to +30 movements, for the right at 160 to 180, for the head at 40, for the +larger hand movement at 180, and so on. Investigations of this kind +have so far not affected industrial life in the least, but it seems +hardly doubtful that a systematic study of the movements necessary for +economic work will have to pass through such strictly experimental +phases. The essential point, however, will be for the managers of the +industrial concerns and the psychological laboratory workers really to +come nearer to each other from the start and undertake the work in +common, not in the sense that the laboratory is to emigrate to the +factory, but in the better sense that definite questions which grow +out of the industrial life be submitted to the scientific +investigation of the psychologists.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XVI" id="XVI" /><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190" />XVI</h2> + +<h3>EXPERIMENTS ON THE PROBLEM OF MONOTONY</h3> + + +<p>The systematic organization of movements with most careful regard to +the psychophysical conditions appeared to us the most momentous aid +toward the heightening of efficiency. But even if the superfluous, +unfit, and interfering movement impulses were eliminated and the +conditions of work completely adjusted to the demands of psychology, +there would still remain a large number of possibilities through which +productiveness might be greatly decreased, or at least kept far below +the possible maximum of efficiency. For instance, even the best +adapted labor might be repeated to the point of exhaustion, at which +the workman and the work would be ruined. Fatigue and restoration +accordingly demand especial consideration. In a similar way emotions +may be conditions of stimulation or interference, and no one ought to +underestimate the importance of higher motives, intellectual, +æsthetic, and moral motives, in their bearing on the psychophysical +impulses of the laborer. If these higher demands are satisfied, the +whole system gains a new tonus, and if they are disappointed, the +<a name="Page_191" id="Page_191" />irritation of the mental machinery may do more harm than any break in +the physical machine at which the man is working. In short, we must +still look in various directions to become aware of all the relations +between the psychological factors and the economic output. We may +begin with one question which plays a large, perhaps too large, rôle +in the economic and especially in the popular economic literature. I +refer to the problem of monotony of labor.</p> + +<p>In the discourses of our time on the lights and shades of our modern +industrial life, all seem to agree that the monotony of industrial +labor ought to be entered on the debit side of the ledger of +civilization. Since the days when factories began to spring up, the +accusation that through the process of division of labor the +industrial workingman no longer has any chance to see a whole product, +but that he has to devote himself to the minutest part of a part, has +remained one of the matter-of-course arguments. The part of a part +which he has to cut or polish or shape in endless repetition without +alteration cannot awake any real interest. This complete division of +labor has to-day certainly gone far beyond anything which Adam Smith +described, and therefore it now appears undeniable that the method +must create a mental starvation which presses down the whole <a name="Page_192" id="Page_192" />life of +the laborer, deprives it of all joy in work, and makes the factory +scheme a necessary but from the standpoint of psychology decidedly +regrettable evil. I have become more and more convinced that the +scientific psychologist is not obliged to endorse this judgment of +popular psychology.</p> + +<p>To be sure the problem of division of labor, as it appears in the +subdivision of manufacture, is intimately connected with many other +related questions. It quickly leads to the much larger question of +division of labor in our general social structure, which is necessary +for our social life with its vocational and professional demands, and +which undoubtedly narrows to a certain degree every individual in the +completeness of his human desires. No man in modern society can devote +himself to everything for which his mind may long. But as a matter of +course these large general problems of civilization lie outside of the +realm of our present inquiry. In another direction the problem of +monotony comes very near to the question of fatigue. But we must see +clearly that these two questions are not identical and that we may +discuss monotony here without arguing the problem of fatigue. The +frequent repetition of the same movement or of the same mental +activity certainly may condition an objective<a name="Page_193" id="Page_193" /> fatigue, which may +interfere with the economic output, but this is not the real meaning +of the problem of monotony. About fatigue we shall speak later. Here +we are concerned exclusively with that particular psychological +attitude which we know as subjective dislike of uniformity and lack of +change in the work. Within these limits the question of monotony is, +indeed, frequently misunderstood in its economic significance.</p> + +<p>Let us not forget that the outsider can hardly ever judge when work +offers or does not offer inner manifoldness. If we do not know and +really understand the subject, we are entirely unable to discriminate +the subtler inner differences. The shepherd knows every sheep, though +the passer-by has the impression that they all look alike. This +inability to recognize the differences which the man at work feels +distinctly shows itself even in the most complicated activities. The +naturalist is inclined to fancy that the study of a philologist must +be endlessly monotonous, and the philologist is convinced that it must +be utterly tiresome to devote one's self a life lone to some minute +questions of natural science. Only when one stands in the midst of the +work is he aware of its unlimited manifoldness, and feels how every +single case is somehow different from every other.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194" />In the situation of the industrial workman, the attention may be +directed toward some small differences which can only be recognized +after long familiarity with the particular field. Certainly this field +is small, as every workman must specialize, but whether he +manufactures a whole machine, or only a little wheel, makes no +essential difference in the attitude. The attraction of newness is +quickly lost also in the case of the most complicated machine. On the +other hand, the fact that such a machine has an independent function +does not give an independent attraction to the work. Or we might +rather say, as far as the work on a whole machine is of independent +value, the work of perfecting the little wheel is an independent task +also and offers equal value by its own possibilities. Whoever has +recognized the finest variations among the single little wheels and +has become aware of how they are produced sometimes better, sometimes +worse, sometimes more quickly, sometimes more slowly, becomes as much +interested in the perfecting of the minute part as another man in the +manufacture of the complex machine. It is true that the laborer does +not feel interest in the little wheel itself, but in the production of +the wheel. Every new movement necessary for it has a perfectly new +chance and stands in new relations, which have nothing to do <a name="Page_195" id="Page_195" />with the +repetition. As a matter of course this interest in the always new best +possible method of production is still strongly increased where +piece-wages are introduced. The laborer knows that the amount of his +earning depends upon the rapidity with which he finishes faultless +products. Under this stimulus he is in a continuous race with himself, +and thus has every reason to prefer the externally uniform and +therefore perfectly familiar work to another kind which may bring +alternation, but which also brings ever new demands.</p> + +<p>For a long while I have tried to discover in every large factory which +I have visited the particular job which from the standpoint of the +outsider presents itself as the most tiresome possible. As soon as I +found it, I had a full frank talk with the man or woman who performed +it and earnestly tried to get self-observational comment. My chief aim +was to bring out how far the mere repetition, especially when it is +continued through years, is felt as a source of discomfort. I may +again point to a few chance illustrations. In an electrical factory +with many thousands of employees I gained the impression that the +prize for monotonous work belonged to a woman who packs incandescent +lamps in tissue paper. She wraps them from morning until night, from +the first <a name="Page_196" id="Page_196" />day of the year to the last, and has been doing that for +the last 12 years. She performs this packing process at an average +rate of 13,000 lamps a day. The woman has reached about 50,000,000 +times for the next lamp with one hand and with the other to the little +pile of tissue sheets and then performed the packing. Each lamp +demands about 20 finger movements. As long as I watched her, she was +able to pack 25 lamps in 42 seconds, and only a few times did she need +as many as 44 seconds. Every 25 lamps filled a box, and the closing of +the box required a short time for itself. She evidently took pleasure +in expressing herself fully about her occupation. She assured me that +she found the work really interesting, and that she constantly felt an +inner tension, thinking how many boxes she would be able to fill +before the next pause. Above all, she told me that there is continuous +variation. Sometimes she grasps the lamp or paper in a different way, +sometimes the packing itself does not run smoothly, sometimes she +feels fresher, sometimes less in the mood for the work, and there is +always something to observe and something to think about.</p> + +<p>This was the trend which I usually found. In some large machine works +I sought for a long time before I found the type of labor which seemed +to me the most monotonous. I finally <a name="Page_197" id="Page_197" />settled on a man who was feeding +an automatic machine which was cutting holes in metal strips and who +simply had to push the strips slowly forward; only when the strip did +not reach exactly the right place, he could stop the automatic machine +by a lever. He made about 34,000 uniform movements daily and had been +doing that for the past 14 years. But he gave me the same account, +that the work was interesting and stimulating, while he himself made +the impression of an intelligent workingman. At the beginning, he +reported, the work had sometimes been quite fatiguing, but later he +began to like it more and more. I imagined that this meant that at +first he had to do the work with full attention and that the complex +movement had slowly become automatic, allowing him to perform it like +a reflex movement and to turn his thoughts to other things. But he +explained to me in full detail that this was not the case, that he +still feels obliged to devote his thoughts entirely to the work at +hand, and that he is able only under these conditions to bring in the +daily wage which he needs for his family, as he is paid for every +thousand holes. But he added especially that it is not only the wage +which satisfies him, but that he takes decided pleasure in the +activity itself.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, I not seldom found <a name="Page_198" id="Page_198" />wage-earners, both men and +women, who seemed to have really interesting and varied activities and +who nevertheless complained bitterly over the monotonous, tiresome +factory labor. I became more and more convinced that the feeling of +monotony depends much less upon the particular kind of work than upon +the special disposition of the individual. It cannot be denied that +the same contrast exists in the higher classes of work. We find +school-teachers who constantly complain that it is intolerably +monotonous to go on teaching immature children the rudiments of +knowledge, while other teachers with exactly the same task before them +are daily inspired anew by the manifoldness of life in the classroom. +We find physicians who complain that one case in their practice is +like another, and judges who despair because they always have to deal +with the same petty cases, while other judges and physicians feel +clearly that every case offers something new and that the repetition +as such is neither conspicuous nor disagreeable. We find actors who +feel it a torture to play the same rôle every evening for several +weeks, and there are actors who, as one of the most famous actresses +assured me after the four hundredth performance of her star rôle, +repeat their parts many hundred times with undiminished interest, +because they feel that <a name="Page_199" id="Page_199" />they are always speaking to new audiences. It +seems not impossible that this individual difference might be +connected with deeper-lying psychophysical conditions. I approached +the question, to be sure, with a preconceived theory. I fancied that +certain persons had a finer, subtler sense for differences than others +and that they would recognize a manifoldness of variations where the +others would see only uniformity. In that I silently presupposed that +the perception of the uniformity must be something disturbing and +disagreeable and the recognition of variations something which +stimulates the mind pleasantly. But when I came to examine the +question experimentally, I became convinced that such a hypothesis is +erroneous, and if I interpret the results correctly, I should say that +practically the opposite relation exists. Those who recognize the +uniformities readily are not the ones who are disturbed by them.</p> + +<p>I proceeded in the following way. To make use of a large number of +subjects accustomed to intelligent self-observation, I made the first +series of experiments with the regular students in my psychology +lecture course in Harvard University. Last winter I had more than four +hundred men students in psychology who all took part in that +introductory series. The task which I put before <a name="Page_200" id="Page_200" />them in a number of +variations was this: I used lists of words of which half, or one more +or less than half, belonged to one single conceptional group. There +were names of flowers, or cities, or poets, or parts of the body, or +wild animals, and so on. The remaining words of the list, on the other +hand, were without inner connection and without similarity. The +similar and the dissimilar words were mixed. The subjects listened to +such a list of words and then had to decide without counting from the +mere impression whether the similar words were more or equally or less +numerous than the dissimilar words. In other experiments the +arrangement was that two different lists were read and that in the two +lists a larger or smaller number of words were repeated from the first +list. Here, too, the subjects had to decide from the mere impression +whether the repeated words were in the majority or not. In every +experiment the judgment referred to those words which belonged to the +same group and which were in this sense uniform, or to the repeated +words, and it had to be stated with reference to them whether their +number was larger, equal to, or smaller than the different words. If +all replies had been correct, the judgment would have been 40 per cent +equal, 30 per cent smaller, and 30 per cent larger, as they were +arranged in perfect symmetry. As soon <a name="Page_201" id="Page_201" />as I had the results from the +students, we figured out for every one what number he judged equal, +smaller, or greater. Then we divided the equal judgments by 2 and +added half of them to the larger and half to the smaller judgments. In +this way we were enabled by one figure to characterize the whole +tendency of the individual. We found that in the whole student body +there was a tendency to underestimate the number of the similar or of +the repeated words. The majority of my students had a stronger +impression from the varying objects than from those which were in a +certain sense equal. Yet this tendency appeared in very different +degrees and for about a fourth of the participants the opposite +tendency prevailed. They received a stronger impression from the +uniform ideas.</p> + +<p>I had coupled with these experimental tests a series of questions, and +had asked every subject to express with fullest possible self-analysis +his practical attitude to monotony in life. Every one had to give an +account whether in the small habits of life he liked variety or +uniform repetition. He was asked especially as to his preferences for +or against uniformity in the daily meals, daily walks, and so on. +Furthermore he had to report how far he is inclined to stick to one +kind of work or to alternate his work, how far he <a name="Page_202" id="Page_202" />welcomes the idea +that vocational work may bring repetition, and so on. And finally I +tried to bring the results of these self-observations into relation +with the results of those experiments. It was here that the opposite +of the hypothesis which I had presupposed suggested itself to me with +surprising force. I found that just the ones who perceive the +repetition least hate it most, and that those who have a strong +perception of the uniform impressions and who overestimate their +number are the ones who on the whole welcome repetition in life.</p> + +<p>As soon as I had reached this first experimental result, I began to +see how it might harmonize with known psychological facts. Some years +ago a Hungarian psychologist<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37" /><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> showed by interesting experiments +that if a series of figures is exposed to the eye for a short fraction +of a second, equal digits are seen only once, and he came to the +conclusion that equal impressions in such a series inhibit each other. +In the Harvard laboratory we varied these experiments by eliminating +the spatial separation of those numbers. In our experiments the digits +did not stand side by side, but followed one another very quickly in +the same place.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38" /><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> Similar experiments we made with colors and so on. +Here, too, we found that quickly succeeding equal or very similar +impressions<a name="Page_203" id="Page_203" /> have a tendency to inhibit each other or to fuse with +each other. Where such an inhibition occurs, we probably ought to +suppose that the perception of the first impression exhausts the +psychical disposition for this particular mental experience. The +psychophysical apparatus becomes for a moment unable to arouse the +same impression once more.</p> + +<p>The above described new experiments suggest to me that this inhibition +of equal or similar impressions is found unequally developed in +different individuals. They possess a different tendency to temporary +exhaustion of psychophysical dispositions. There are evidently persons +who after they have received an impression are unable immediately to +seize the same impression again. Their attention and their whole inner +attitude fails. But there are evidently other persons for whom, on the +contrary, the experience of an impression is a kind of inner +preparation for arousing the same or a similar impression. In their +case the psychophysical dispositions become stimulated and excited, +and therefore favor the repetition. If, as in our experiments, the +task is simply to judge the existence of equal or similar impressions +without any strain of attention, the one group of persons must +underestimate the number of the equal impressions because many words +are <a name="Page_204" id="Page_204" />simply inhibited in their minds and remain neglected, the other +groups of persons must from their mental dispositions overestimate the +number of similar words. From here we have to take one step more. If +these two groups of persons have to perform a task in which it is +necessary that not a single member of a series of repetitions be +overlooked, it is clear that the two groups must react in a very +different way. Now a perfect perception of every single member is +forced on them. Those who grasp equal impressions easily, and who are +prepared beforehand for every new repetition by their inner +dispositions, will follow the series without strain and will +experience the repetition itself with true satisfaction. On the other +hand, those in whom every impression inhibits the readiness to receive +a repetition, and whose inner energy for the same experience is +exhausted, must feel it as a painful and fatiguing effort if they are +obliged to turn their attention to one member after another in a +uniform series. This mental torture is evidently the displeasure which +such individuals call the dislike of monotony in their work. Whether +this theoretical view is correct, we have to determine by future +studies. In our Harvard laboratory we have now proceeded from such +preparatory mass experiments to subtle investigations on a small +number of <a name="Page_205" id="Page_205" />persons well trained in psychological self-observation with +whom the conditions of the experiment can be varied in many +directions.<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39" /><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> + +<p>It would seem probable that such experiments might also win +psychotechnical significance. A short series of tests which would have +to be adapted to the special situations, and which for the simple +wage-earner would have to be much easier than those sketched above, +would allow it to be determined beforehand whether an individual will +suffer from repetition in work. Even if we abstract from arguments of +social reform and consider exclusively the economic significance, it +must seem important that labor which involves much repetition be +performed by men and women whose mental dispositions favor an easy +grasp of successive uniform impressions. Experimentation could secure +the selection of the fit workmen and the complaint of monotony would +disappear. The same selection could be useful in the opposite +direction, as many economic occupations, especially in our time of +automatic machines, demand a quick and often rhythmical transition +from one activity to another. It is evident that those whose natural +dispositions make every mental excitement a preparation not for the +identical but for the contrasting stimulation will be naturally +equipped for this kind of economic tasks.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XVII" id="XVII" /><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206" />XVII</h2> + +<h3>ATTENTION AND FATIGUE</h3> + + +<p>The problem of monotony may lead us on to other conditions through +which attention is hindered and the product of labor thereby +decreased. The psychologist naturally first thinks of external +distractions of attention. If he turns to practical studies of the +actual economic life, he is often decidedly surprised to find how +little regard is given to this psychophysical factor. In industrial +establishments in which the smallest disturbance in the machine is at +once remedied by a mechanic in order that the greatest possible +economic effect may be secured, frequently nobody takes any interest +in the most destructive disturbances which unnecessarily occur in the +subtlest part of the factory mechanism, namely, the attention +apparatus of the laborers. Such an interference with attention must, +for instance, be recognized when the workingman, instead of devoting +himself to one complex function, has to carry out secondary movements +which appear to be quite easily performed and not to hinder him in his +chief task. Often his own feeling may endorse this impression. Of +course the individual <a name="Page_207" id="Page_207" />differences in this direction are very great. +The faculty of carrying on at the same time various independent +functions is unequally distributed and the experiment can show this +clearly. It is also well known from practical life that some men can +easily go on dictating to a stenographer while they are affixing their +signature to several hundred circular letters, or can continue their +fluent lecture while they are performing experimental demonstrations. +With others such a side activity continually interrupts the chief +function. Then some succeed better than others in securing a certain +automatism of the accessory function to such a point that its special +acts do not come to consciousness at all. For example, I watched a +laborer who was constantly engaged in a complicated technical +performance, and he seemed to give to it his full attention. +Nevertheless he succeeded in moving a lever on an automatic machine +which stood near by whenever a certain wheel had made fifty +revolutions. During all his work he kept counting the revolutions +without being conscious of any idea of number. A system of motor +reactions had become organized which remained below the threshold of +consciousness and which produced only at the fiftieth recurrence the +conscious psychical impulse to perform the lever movement. Yet whether +the talent <a name="Page_208" id="Page_208" />for such simultaneous mastery of independent functions be +greater or smaller and the demand more or less complex, in every case +the principal action must be hampered by the side issue. To be sure, +it may sometimes be economically more profitable to allow the +hindrance to the chief work in order to save the expense of an extra +man to do the side work. In most cases, however, such a consideration +is not involved; it is simply an ignoring of the psychological +situation. As the accessory work seems easy, its hindering influence +on other functions is practically overlooked. Psychological laboratory +experiments have shown in many different directions that simultaneous +independent activities always disturb and inhibit one another.</p> + +<p>We must not forget that even the conversations of the laborers belong +in this psychophysical class. Where a continuous strain of attention +has produced a state of fatigue, a short conversation will bring a +certain relief and relaxation, and the words which the speaker hears +in reply will produce a general stimulation of psychical energy for +the moment. Moreover, the mere existence of the social conversational +intercourse will raise the general emotional mood, and this feeling of +social pleasure may be the source from which may spring new +psychophysical powers. Nevertheless the <a name="Page_209" id="Page_209" />fundamental fact, after all, +is that any talking during the labor, so far as it is not necessary +for the work itself, surely involves a distraction of attention. Here, +too, the individual is not conscious of the effect. He feels certain +that he can perform his task just as well, and even the piece-worker, +who is anxious to earn as much as possible, is convinced that he does +not retard himself by conversation. But the experiments which have +been carried on in establishments with scientific management speak +decidedly against such a supposition. A tyrannical demand for silence +would, of course, be felt as cruelty, and no suggestion of a jail-like +discipline would be wise in the case of industrial labor, for evident +psychological reasons. But various factories in rearranging their +establishments according to the principles of scientific management +have changed the positions of the workmen so that conversations become +more difficult or impossible. The result reported seems to be +everywhere a significant increase of production. The individual +concentrates his mind on the task with an intensity which seems beyond +his reach as long as the inner attitude is adjusted to social contact. +The help which is rendered by the feeling of social coöperation, on +the other hand, is not removed by the mere abstaining from speaking. +Interesting <a name="Page_210" id="Page_210" />psychopedagogical experiments have, indeed, demonstrated +that working in a common room produces better results than isolated +activity. This is not true of the most brilliant, somewhat nervous +school children, who achieve in their own room at home more than in +the classroom. But for the average, which almost alone is in question +for life in the factory, the consciousness of common effort is a +source of psychophysical reinforcement. This evidently remains +effective when the workingmen can see one another, even if the +arrangement of the seats precludes the possibility of chatting during +the work.</p> + +<p>However, by far the more important cause of distraction of attention +lies in those disturbances which come from without. Here again the +chief interest ought to be attached to those interferences which the +workman himself no longer feels as such. In a great printing-shop a +woman who was occupied with work which demanded her fullest attention +was seated at her task in an aisle where trucking was done. Removing +this operator to a quiet corner caused an increase of 25 per cent in +her work.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40" /><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> To be sure there are many such disturbances in factory +life which can hardly be eliminated with the technical means of +to-day. For instance, the noise of the machines, which in many +factories makes it impossible to <a name="Page_211" id="Page_211" />communicate except by shouting, must +be classed among the real psychological interferences in spite of the +fact that the laborers themselves usually feel convinced that they no +longer notice it at all. Still more disturbing are strong rhythmical +sounds, such as heavy hammer blows which dominate the continuous +noises, as they force on every individual consciousness a +psychophysical rhythm of reaction which may stand in strong contrast +to that of a man's own work. From the incessant inner struggle of the +two rhythms, the one suggested by the labor, the other by the external +intrusion, quick exhaustion becomes unavoidable.</p> + +<p>If it were our purpose to elaborate a real system of psychological +economics, we should have to proceed here to a careful study of the +influences of fatigue on the industrial achievement. We should have to +discuss the various kinds of fatigue and exhaustion, the conditions of +restoration, and the whole group of related problems of psychophysics. +But this is the one field which has been thoroughly ploughed over by +science and by practical life in the course of the last decades. No +new suggestion and no new hint of the importance of the problem is +needed here. Our short discussion was planned to be confined to those +regions which have not been worked up in <a name="Page_212" id="Page_212" />systematic investigations +and for which new devices seemed desirable. Hence we do not reproduce +here the rich material of facts which the physiologists and +psychophysicists have brought together in the last half-century, the +importance of which for industrial labor is perfectly evident. +Moreover, the practical applications and the insight into the social +needs have transformed the factories themselves into one big +laboratory in which the problem of fatigue has been studied by +practical experiments. The problem of the dependence of fatigue and +output upon the length of the working day has been tested in +numberless places with the methods of really exact research, as it was +easy to find out how the achievement of the laborers became +quantitatively and qualitatively changed by the shortening of the +working hours.</p> + +<p>When in one civilized country after another the exhaustingly long +working days of the industrial wage-earner were shortened more and +more, the theoretical discussions of the legislators and of the social +reformers were soon supplemented by careful statistical inquiries in +the factories. It was found that everywhere, even abstracting from all +other cultural and social interests, a moderate shortening of the +working day did not involve loss, but brought a direct gain. The +German<a name="Page_213" id="Page_213" /> pioneer in the movement for the shortening of the workingman's +day, Ernst Abbé, the head of one of the greatest German factories, +wrote many years ago that the shortening from nine to eight hours, +that is, a cutting-down of more than 10 per cent, did not involve a +reduction of the day's product, but an increase, and that this +increase did not result from any supplementary efforts by which the +intensity of the work would be reinforced in an unhygienic way.<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41" /><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> +This conviction of Abbé still seems to hold true after millions of +experiments over the whole globe. But the problem of fatigue has +forced itself on the consideration of the men of affairs from still +another side. It has been well known for a long while how intimate the +relations are between fatigue and industrial accidents. The statistics +of the various countries and of the various industries do not +harmonize exactly, but a close connection between the number of +accidents and the hours of the day can be recognized everywhere. +Usually the greatest number of injuries occurs between ten and eleven +o'clock in the forenoon and between three and four o'clock in the +afternoon. The different distribution of the working hours, and of the +pauses for the meals, make the various statistical tables somewhat +incomparable. But it can be traced everywhere that in the first +working hours <a name="Page_214" id="Page_214" />in which fatigue does not play any considerable rôle, +the number of accidents is small, and that this number sinks again +after the long pauses. It is true that the number also becomes +somewhat smaller at the end of the forenoon and of the afternoon +period, but this seems to have its cause in the fact that with growing +fatigue and with the feeling that the end of the working period is +near, the rhythm of the activity becomes much slower, and with such +slower movements the danger of accidents is greatly reduced. In a +similar way the factories have had to give the fullest attention to +the fatigue problem in its relation to the distribution of pauses, and +above all in its relation to the advisable speed of the machines, the +limits of which are set by the fatigue of the workingmen, and still +more of the working-women.</p> + +<p>The legislatures, the labor unions, and the manufacturers have then +had this problem of fatigue constantly before their eyes.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42" /><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> On the +other hand, the psychologists and physiologists have continuously +studied the fatigue and restoration of the muscle system and of the +central nervous system, and have analyzed the facts with the subtlest +methods. Yet, in spite of this, it cannot be denied that a real mutual +enrichment has so far hardly been in question. On the contrary, the +whole situation has again demonstrated the old <a name="Page_215" id="Page_215" />experience. The mere +trying and trying again in practical life can never reach the maximum +effects which may be secured by systematic, scientifically conducted +efforts. On the other side the studies of the theoretical scholars can +never yield the highest values for civilization if the problems which +offer themselves in practical life are ignored. The theorists have to +prepare the ground, and in this preparatory work they must, indeed, +remain utterly regardless of any practical situations. But after that +a second stage must be reached at which on the foundation of this +neutral research special theoretical investigations are undertaken +which originate from practical conditions. As long as industrial +managers have no contact with the experiments of the laboratory and +the experimentalists are shy of any contact with the industrial +reality, humanity will pass through social suffering. The hope of +mankind will be realized by the mutual fertilization of knowing and +doing.</p> + +<p>The practical efforts of the factories have, indeed, not yet reached +the point at which the greatest possible achievement which can be +reached without over-fatigue may be secured. We called the +abbreviation of the working day an experimental scheme. The question +of reducing the working hours is so simple that no further special +<a name="Page_216" id="Page_216" />experiments are needed. But when we come to the questions of the +pauses at work, the speed of work and similar factors related to +fatigue, the situation is by far more complicated, and the often +capricious changes in the plant have very little in common with a +systematic experiment. Some well-known studies of the efficiency +engineers clearly demonstrate the possibility of such systematic +efforts. The best-known case is probably Taylor's study of the +pig-iron handlers of the Bethlehem Steel Company. He found that the +gang of 75 men was loading on the average about 12-1/2 tons per man +per day. When he discussed with various managers the question of what +output would be the possible maximum, they agreed that under premium +work, piecework, or any of the ordinary plans for stimulating the men, +an output of 18 to 25 tons would be the extreme possibility. Then he +proceeded to a systematic study of the fatigue in its relation to the +burden and of the best possible relation between working time and +resting time. His first efforts to find formulas were unsuccessful, +because he calculated only the actual mechanical energy exerted and +found that some men were tired after exerting energy of 1/8 hp., while +others seemed to be able to produce the energy of 1/2 hp. without +greater fatigue. But soon he discovered the mistake in his figures. +<a name="Page_217" id="Page_217" />He had considered only the actual movements, and had neglected the +period in which the laborer was not moving and was not exerting +energy, but in which a weight was pulling his arms and demanding a +corresponding muscular effort. As soon as this muscular achievement +was taken into account, too, he found that for each particular weight +a definite relation exists between the time that a man is under a +heavy load and the time of rest. For the usual loads of 90 pounds, he +found that a first-class laborer must not work more than 43 per cent +of time working day and must be entirely without load 57 per cent. If +the load becomes lighter, the relation is changed. If the workman is +handling a half pig weighing 46 pounds, he can be under load 58 per +cent of the day and only has to rest during 42 per cent.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43" /><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<p>As soon as these figures were experimentally secured, Taylor selected +fit men, and did not allow them to lift and to carry the loads as they +pleased, but every movement was exactly prescribed by foremen who +timed exactly the periods of work and rest. If he had simply promised +his men a high premium in case they should carry more than the usual +12 tons a day, they would have burdened themselves as heavily as +possible and would have carried the load as quickly as possible, thus +completely exhausting themselves after three <a name="Page_218" id="Page_218" />or four hours of labor. +In spite of such senseless exaggeration of effort in the first hours, +the total output for the day would have been relatively small. Now the +foremen determined exactly when every individual should lift and move +the load and when he should sit quietly. The result was that the men, +without greater fatigue, were able to carry 47-1/2 tons a day instead +of the 12-1/2 tons. Their wages were increased 60 per cent. Such a +trivial illustration demonstrates very clearly the extreme difference +between an increase of the economic achievement by scientific, +experimental investigation and a mere enforcing of more work by +artificially whipping-up the mind with promises of extraordinary +wages. Yet even such rules as the scientific management engineers have +formed, may be elaborated to more lasting prescriptions as soon as the +purely psychological factors are brought more into the foreground and +are approached with the careful analysis of the experimental +psychologist.</p> + +<p>Such a systematic psychological inquiry is the more important for +questions of fatigue, as we know that the subjective feeling of +displeasure in fatigue is no reliable measure for the objective +fatigue, that is, for the real reduction of the ability for work. +Daily experience teaches us how easily some people overstep the limits +of normal <a name="Page_219" id="Page_219" />fatigue, and in extreme cases even come to a nervous +breakdown because nature did not protect them by the timely appearance +of strong fatigue feelings. On the other hand, we find many men and +still more women who feel tired even after a small exertion, because +they did not learn early to inhibit the superficial feelings of +fatigue, or because the sensations of fatigue have in fact a certain +abnormal intensity in their case. The question how far the +psychophysical apparatus has really been exhausted by a certain effort +must be answered with the help of objective research and not on the +basis of mere subjective feelings. But such objective measurements +demand systematic experiments in the laboratory.</p> + +<p>The experiments which really have been carried on in the laboratory as +yet, as far as they were not merely physiological, have on the whole +been confined to so-called mental labor, and were essentially devoted +to problems of school instruction or medical diagnosis. We have no +doubt excellent experiments which are devoted to the study of the +individual differences of exhaustion, fatigue, exhaustibility, ability +to recover the lost energy, ability to learn from practice, and so on, +but they are still exclusively adjusted to the needs of the +school-teacher and of the nerve specialist and would hardly be +immediately useful to the <a name="Page_220" id="Page_220" />manager of a factory. We shall need a long +careful series of investigations in order to determine how far those +manifold results from experiments with memory work, thought work, +writing work, and so on can be applied to the work which the +industrial laborer is expected to perform.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XVIII" id="XVIII" /><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221" />XVIII</h2> + +<h3>PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE WORKING POWER</h3> + + +<p>The increase and decrease of the ability to do good work depends of +course not only upon the direct fatigue from labor and the pauses for +rest; a large variety of other factors may lead to fluctuations which +are economically important. The various hours of the day, the seasons +of the year, the atmospheric conditions of weather and climate, may +have such influence. Some elements of this interplay have been cleared +up in recent years. Just as the experiments of pedagogical psychology +have determined the exact curve of efficiency during the period of an +hour in school, so other investigations have traced the typical curve +of psychical efficiency throughout the day and the year. Sociological +and criminological statistics concerning the fluctuations in the +behavior of the masses, common-sense experience of practical life, and +finally, economic statistics concerning the quantity and quality of +industrial output in various parts of the day and of the year, have +supplemented one another. The systematic <a name="Page_222" id="Page_222" />assistance of the +psychological laboratory, however, has been confined to the +educational aspect of the problem. Psychological experiments have +determined how the achievement of the youth in the schoolroom changes +with the months of the year and the hours of the day. It seems as if +it could not be difficult to secure here, too, a connection between +exact experiment and economic work. Much will have to be reduced to +individual variations. The laboratory has already confirmed the +experience of daily life that there are morning workers whose +strongest psychophysical efficiency comes immediately after the +night's rest, while the day's work fatigues them more and more; and +that there are evening workers who in the morning still remain under +the after effects of the night's sleep, and who slowly become fresher +and fresher from the stimuli of the day. It would seem not impossible +to undertake a systematic selection of various individuals under this +point of view, as different industrial tasks demand a different +distribution of efficiency between morning and night.</p> + +<p>Such a selection and adjustment may be economically still more +important with reference to the fluctuations during the course of the +year. Economic inquiries, for instance, have suggested that younger +and older workingmen who ordinarily<a name="Page_223" id="Page_223" /> show the same efficiency become +unequal in their ability to do good work in the spring months, and the +economists have connected this inequality with sexual conditions. But +other factors as well, especially the blood circulation of the +organism and the resulting reactions to external temperature, +different gland activities, and so on, cause great personal +differences in efficiency during the various seasons of the year. +Inasmuch as we know many economic occupations in which the chief +demand is made in one or another period of the year, a systematic +study of these individual variations might be of high economic value, +where large numbers are involved, and might contribute much to the +individual comfort of the workers. But a constant relation to day and +year also seems to exist independent of all personal variations. When +the sun stands at its meridian, a minimum of efficiency is to be +expected and a similar minimum is to be found at the height of summer. +Correspondingly we have an increase of the total psychical efficiency +in winter-time. During the spring-time the behavior seems, as far as +the investigations go, to be different in the intellectual and in the +psychomotor activities. It is claimed that the efficiency of the +intellectual functions decreases as the winter recedes, but that the +efficiency of psychomotor impulses increases.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44" /><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> + +<p><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224" />The influences of the daily temperature, of the weather and of the +seasons may be classed among the physical conditions of efficiency. We +may group with them the effects of nourishment, of stimulants, of +sleep, and so on. As far as the relations between these external +factors and purely bodily muscle work are involved, the interests of +the psychologists are not engaged. But it is evident that every one of +these relations also has its psychological aspect, and that a really +scientific psychotechnical treatment of these problems can become +possible only through the agency of psychological experiments. We have +excellent experimental investigations concerning the influence of the +loss of sleep on intellectual labor and on simple psychomotor +activities. But it would be rather arbitrary to deduce from the +results of those researches anything as to the effect of reduction of +sleep on special economic occupations. Yet such knowledge would be of +high importance. We have in the literature concerned with accidents in +transportation numerous popular discussions about the destructive +influence of loss of sleep on the attention of the locomotive engineer +or of the helmsman or of the chauffeur, but an analysis of the +particular psychophysical processes does not as yet exist and can be +expected only from systematic experiments. Nor has the influence <a name="Page_225" id="Page_225" />of +hunger on psychotechnical activities been studied in a satisfactory +way.</p> + +<p>A number of psychological investigations have been devoted to the +study of the influence of alcohol on various psychical functions and +in this field at least the strictly economic problem of industrial +labor has sometimes been touched. We have the much quoted and much +misinterpreted experiments <a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45" /><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> which were carried on in Germany with +typesetters. The workmen received definite quantities of heavy wine at +a particular point in the work and the number of letters which they +were able to set during the following quarter-hours were measured and +compared with their normal achievement in fifteen minutes. The +reduction of efficiency amounted on the average to 15 per cent of the +output. It may be mentioned that the loss referred only to the +quantity of the work and not at all to the quality. The well-known +subjective illusory feeling of the subjects was not lacking; they +themselves believed that the wine had reinforced their working power. +As soon as such experiments are put into the service of economic life, +they will have to be carried on with much more accurate adjustment to +the special conditions, with subtler gradation of the stimuli, and +especially with careful study of individual factors. But at first it +seems more in the <a name="Page_226" id="Page_226" />interest of the practical task that the extremely +complicated problem of the influence of alcohol be followed up by +purely theoretical research in the laboratory in order that the effect +may be resolved into its various components. We must first find the +exact facts concerning the influence of alcohol on elementary +processes of mental life, such as perception, attention, memory, and +so on, and this will slowly prepare the way for the complete economic +experiment.</p> + +<p>At present the greatest significance for the economic field may be +attached to those alcohol experiments which dealt with the +apprehension of the outer world. They proved a reduction in the +ability to grasp the impressions and a narrowing of the span of +consciousness. The indubitable decrease of certain memory powers, of +the acuity in measuring distance, of the time estimation, and similar +psychical disturbances after alcohol, must evidently be of high +importance for industry and transportation, while the well-known +increase of the purely sensory sensibility, especially of the visual +acuity after small closes of alcohol, hardly plays an important rôle +in practical life. The best-known and experimentally most studied +effect of alcohol, the increase of motor excitability, also evidently +has its importance for industrial achievements. It cannot be denied +that this facility<a name="Page_227" id="Page_227" /> of the motor impulses after small doses of alcohol +is not a real gain, which might be utilized economically, but is +ultimately an injury to the apparatus, even if we abstract from the +retardation of the reaction which comes as an after-effect. The +alcoholic facilitation, after all, reduces the certainty and the +perfection of the reaction and creates conditions under which wrong, +and this in economic life means often dangerous, motor responses +arise. The energy of the motor discharge suffers throughout from the +alcohol.</p> + +<p>Some experiments which were recently carried on with reference to the +influence of alcohol on the power of will seem to have especial +significance for the field of economic activity. The method applied in +the experiment was the artificial creation of an exactly measurable +resistance to the will-impulse directed toward a purpose. The +experiment had to determine what power of resistance could be overcome +by the will and how far this energy changes under the influence of +alcohol. For this end combinations of meaningless syllables were +learned and repeated until they formed a close connection in memory. +If one syllable was given, the mechanical tendency of the mind was to +reproduce the next syllable in the memorized series. The +will-intention was then directed toward breaking this memory type. For +<a name="Page_228" id="Page_228" />instance, it was demanded, when a syllable was called, that the +subject should not answer with the next following syllable, but with a +rhyming syllable. This will-impulse easily succeeded when the +syllables to be learned had been repeated only a few times, while +after a very frequent repetition the memory connection offered a +resistance which the simple will-intention could not break. The +syllable which followed in the series rushed to the mind before the +intention to seek a rhyming syllable could be realized. The number of +repetitions thus became a measure for the power of the will. After +carrying out these experiments at first under normal conditions, they +were repeated while the subjects were under the influence of exactly +graded doses of alcohol.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46" /><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> From such simple tasks the experiment was +turned to more and more complex ones of similar structure. All +together they showed clearly that the alcohol did not influence the +ability to make the will effective and that the actual decrease of +achievement results from a decrease in the ability to grasp the +material. As long as the alcohol doses are small, this feeling of +decreased ability stirs up a reinforcement in the tension of the +will-impulse. This may go to such an extent that the increased +will-effort not only compensates for the reduced understanding, but +even over-compensates for it, producing an <a name="Page_229" id="Page_229" />improvement in the mental +work. But as soon as the alcohol doses amount to about 100 cubic +centimeters, the increased tension of the will is no longer sufficient +to balance the paralyzing effect in the understanding. Yet it must not +be overlooked that in all these experiments only isolated will acts +were in question which were separated from one another by pauses of +rest. Evidently, however, the technical laborer is more often in a +situation in which not isolated impulses, but a continuous tension of +the will is demanded. How far such an uninterrupted will-function is +affected by alcohol has not as yet been studied with the exact means +of the experiment.</p> + +<p>To be sure an obvious suggestion would be that the whole problem, as +far as economics, and especially industry, are concerned, might be +solved in a simpler way than by the performance of special +psychological experiments, namely, by the complete elimination of +alcohol itself from the life of the wage-earner. The laboratory +experiment which seems to demonstrate a reduction of objective +achievement in the case of every important mental function merely +supplements in exact language the appalling results indicated by +criminal statistics, disease statistics, and inheritance statistics. +It seems as if the time had come when scientists could not with a good +<a name="Page_230" id="Page_230" />conscience suggest any other remedy than the merciless suppression of +alcohol. Indeed, there can be no doubt that alcohol is one of the +worst enemies of civilized life, and it is therefore almost with +regret that the scientist must acknowledge that all the psychological +investigations, which have so often been misused in the partisan +writings of prohibitionists, are not a sufficient basis to justify the +demand for complete abstinence.</p> + +<p>First, newer experiments make it very clear that many of the so-called +effects of alcohol which the experiment has demonstrated are produced +or at least heightened by influences of suggestion. Experiments which +have been carried on in England for the study of that point show +clearly that certain psychical disturbances which seem to result from +small doses of alcohol fail to appear as soon as the subject does not +know that he has taken alcohol. For that purpose it was necessary to +eliminate the odor, and this was accomplished by introducing the +beverages into the organism by a stomach pump. When by this method +sometimes water and sometimes diluted alcohol was given without the +knowledge of the subject, the usual effects of small doses of alcohol +did not arise. But another point is far more important. We may take it +for granted that alcohol reduces the ability for achievement as soon +as such very small <a name="Page_231" id="Page_231" />doses are exceeded. But from the standpoint of +economic life we have no right to consider a reduction of the +psychical ability to produce work as identical with a decrease in the +economic value of the personality. Such a view would be right if the +influence necessarily set in at the beginning of the working period. +But if, for instance, a moderate quantity of beer is introduced into +the organism after the closing of the working day, it would certainly +produce an artificial reduction of the psychical ability, and yet this +decrease of psychophysical activity might be advantageous to the total +economic achievement of the workingman in the course of the week or +the year. To be sure the glass of beer in the evening paralyzes +certain inhibitory centres of the brain and therefore puts the mind +out of gear, but such a way of expressing it may easily be misleading, +as it suggests too much that a real injury is done. From the point of +view of scientific psychology, we must acknowledge that such a +paralyzing effect in certain parts of the psychophysical system sets +in with every act of attention and reaches its climax in sleep, which +surely does no harm to the mind. It may be thoroughly advantageous for +the total work of the normal, healthy, average workingman if the after +effects of the motor excitement of the day are eliminated by a mild, +short alcoholic <a name="Page_232" id="Page_232" />poisoning in the evening. It may produce that +narrowing and dulling of consciousness which extinguishes the cares +and sorrows of the day and secures the night's sleep, and through it +increased efficiency the next morning. Systematic experiments with +exact relation to the various technical demands must slowly bring real +insight into this complex situation. The usual hasty generalization +from a few experiments with alcohol for partisan interests is surely +not justified in the present unsatisfactory state of knowledge.<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47" /><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> + +<p>Perhaps we know still less of the influences which coffee, tea, +tobacco, sweets, and so on exert on the life of the industrial worker. +It will be wise to resolve these stimuli in daily use into their +elements and to study the effects of each element in isolated form. To +know, for instance, the effects of caffein on the psychophysical +activities does not mean to know the effects of tea or coffee, which +contain a variety of other substances besides the caffein, substances +which may be supposed to modify the effect of the caffein. Yet the +first step must in this case be the study of the effects of the +isolated caffein, before the total influences of the familiar +beverages can be followed up. An excellent investigation of this +caffein effect on various psychological and psychomotor functions has +recently been completed.<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48" /><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> When <a name="Page_233" id="Page_233" />the caffein effect on tapping +movements was studied, it was found that it works as a stimulation, +sometimes preceded by a slight initial retardation. It persists from +one to two hours after doses of from one to three grains and as long +as four hours after doses of six grains. The steadiness test showed a +slight nervousness after several hours after doses of from one to four +grains. After six grains there is pronounced unsteadiness. A complex +test in coördination indicated that the effect of small, amounts of +caffein is a stimulation and that of large amounts a retardation. +Correspondingly the speed of performance in typewriting is heightened +by small doses of caffein and retarded by larger doses. In both cases +the quality of the performance as measured by the number of errors is +superior to the normal result.</p> + +<p>The influences of the physiological stimulants have many points of +contact with the effects of social entertainment, the significance of +which for the economic life is still rather unknown in any exact +detail. Many factories in which the labor is noiseless, as in the +making of cigars, have introduced gramophone music or reading aloud, +and it is easy to understand theoretically that a certain animating +effect results, which stimulates the whole psychophysical activity But +only the experiment would be able to decide how this <a name="Page_234" id="Page_234" />stimulation is +related, for instance, to the distraction of attention, which is +necessarily involved, or how it influences various periods of the work +and various types of work, how far it is true that the musical key +exerts an exciting or relaxing influence, what intensity and what +local position, what rhythm and what duration of such æsthetic +stimuli, would bring the best possible economic results. We all have +read of the favorable effects which were secured in a factory when a +cat was brought into every working-room in which women laborers were +engaged in especially fatiguing work. The cat became a living toy for +the employees, which stimulated their social consciousness. In not a +few plants the reinforced achievement is explained by the social means +of entertainment, which have been introduced under the pressure of +modern philanthropic ideas. The lounging-rooms with the newspapers and +periodicals the clubrooms with libraries, the excursions and dances +and patriotic festivities, fill up the reservoir of psychophysical +energies. As a matter of course all the social movements which enhance +the consciousness of solidarity among the laborers and the feeling of +security as to their future development in their career have a similar +effect of reinforcing the normal psychical achievement.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235" />As the strongest factor, finally, the direct material interest must +be added to these conditions. The literature of political economy is +full of discussions of the effect of increase of wages, of the payment +of bonuses and premiums, of piece-wages, of promised pensions, and, as +far as Europe is concerned, of state insurance. In short, the whole +individual financial situation in its relation to the psychophysical +achievement of the wage-earner is a favorite topic of economic +inquiry. We cannot participate here in these inexhaustible +discussions, because all these questions are to-day still so endlessly +far from the field of psychological experiments. Nevertheless we ought +not to forget the experience through which general experimental +psychology has gone in the last few decades. When the first +experiments were undertaken in order to deal systematically with the +mental life, the friends of this new science and its opponents agreed, +on the whole, in the belief that certainly only the most elementary +phenomena of consciousness, the sensations and the reactions of +impulses, would be accessible to the new method. The opponents +naturally compared this modest field with the great problems of the +mental totality, and therefore ridiculed the new narrow task as +unimportant. The friends, on the other hand, were eager to follow the +<a name="Page_236" id="Page_236" />fresh path, because they were content to gain real exactitude by the +experiment at least in these simplest questions. Yet as soon as the +new independent workshops were established for the young science, it +was discovered that the method was able to open fields in which no one +had anticipated its usefulness. The experiments turned to the problems +of attention, of memory, of imagination, of feeling, of judgment, of +character, of æsthetic experience and so on. It is not improbable that +the method of the economic psychological experiment may also quickly +lead beyond the more elementary problems, as soon as it is +systematically applied, and then it, too, may conquer regions of +inquiry in which to-day no exact calculation of the psychological +factors seems possible.</p> + +<p>If such an advance is to be a steady one, the economic psychologist +will emancipate himself from the chance question of what problems are +at this moment important for commerce and industry and will proceed +systematically step by step from those results which the psychological +laboratory has yielded under the non-economic points of view. Many +previous psychological or psychophysical inquiries almost touch the +problems of industrial achievement. For instance, the experiments on +imitation, which psychophysicists have carried on in purely +theoretical <a name="Page_237" id="Page_237" />or pedagogical interests, move parallel to industrial +experiences. It is well known that the pacemaker plays his rôle not +only in the field of sport but also in the factory. The rhythm of one +laborer gains controlling importance for the others, who instinctively +imitate him. Some plants even have automatically working machines with +the special intention that the sharp rhythm of these lifeless +forerunners shall produce an involuntary imitation in the +psychophysical system. In a similar way many laboratory investigations +on suggestion and suggestibility point to such economic processes, and +it seems to me that especially the studies on the influence of the +ideas of purpose which are being undertaken nowadays in many +psychological laboratories may easily be connected with the problems +of economic life. We know how the consciousness of the task to be +performed has an organizing influence on the system of those +psychophysical acts which lead to the goal. The experiment has shown +under which conditions this effect can be reinforced and under which +reduced. Pedagogical experiments have also shown exactly what +influence belongs to the consciousness of the approach to the end of +work; the feeling of the nearness of the close heightens the +achievement, even of the fatigued subject. It would not be <a name="Page_238" id="Page_238" />difficult +to connect psychophysical experiments of this kind with the problems +of the task and bonus system, which is nowadays so much discussed in +industrial life. The practical successes seem to prove that the +individual can do more with equal effort if he does not stand before +an unlimited mass of work of which he has to do as much as possible in +the course of the day, but if he is before a definitely determined, +limited task with the demand that he complete it in an exactly +calculated time. Scientific management has made far-reaching use of +this principle, but whether constant results for the various +industries can be hoped for from such methods must again be +ascertained by the psychological experiment.</p> + +<p>These hopes surely will not weaken the interest of the psychologist +for those many psychological methods which lie outside of the +experimental research. A sociologist, who himself had been a laborer +in his earlier life, undertook in Germany last year an inquiry into +the psychological status of the laborers' achievement by the +questionnaire method.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49" /><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> He sent to 8000 workingmen in the mining +industries, textile industries, and metal industries, blanks +containing 26 questions, and received more than 5000 replies. The +questions referred to the pleasure and interest in the work, to +preferences, to fatigue, to the thoughts during <a name="Page_239" id="Page_239" />the work, to the +means of recreation, to the attitude toward the wages, to the +emotional situation, and so on. The 5000 answers allowed manifold +classifications. The various mental types of men could be examined, +the influence of the machine, the attitude toward monotony, the +changes of pleasure and interest in the work with the age of the +laborer, the time at which fatigue becomes noticeable, and so on. Many +psychological elements of industrial life thus come to a sharp focus +and the strong individual differences could not be brought out in a +more characteristic way. Yet, all taken together, even such a careful +investigation on a psychostatistical basis strongly suggests that a +few careful experimental investigations could lead further than such a +heaping-up of material gathered from men who are untrained in +self-observation and in accurate reports, and above all who are +accessible to any kind of suggestion and preconceived idea. The +experimental method is certainly not the only one which can contribute +to reforms in industrial life and the reinforcement of industrial +efficiency, but all signs indicate that the future will find it the +most productive and most reliable.<a name="Page_240" id="Page_240" /><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241" /><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242" /></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="PART_III" id="PART_III" /><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243" />PART III</h2> + +<h3>THE BEST POSSIBLE EFFECT</h3> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XIX" id="XIX" />XIX</h2> + +<h3>THE SATISFACTION OF ECONOMIC DEMANDS</h3> + + +<p>Every economic function comes in contact with the mental life of man, +first from the fact that the work is produced by the psyche of +personalities. This gave us the material for the first two parts of +our discussion. We asked what mind is best fitted for the particular +kind of work, and how the mind can be led to the best output of work. +But it is evident that the real meaning of the economic process +expresses itself in an entirely different contact between work and +mind. The economic activity is separated from all other processes in +the world, not by the fact that it involves labor and achievement by +personalities, but by the fact that this labor satisfies a certain +group of human desires which we acknowledge as economic. The mere +performance of labor, with all the psychical traits of attention and +fatigue and will-impulses and personal qualities, does not in itself +constitute anything of economic value. <a name="Page_244" id="Page_244" />For instance, the sportsman +who climbs a glacier also performs such a fatiguing activity which +demands the greatest effort of attention and will; and yet the +psychotechnics of sport do not belong in economic psychology, because +this mountain climbing does not satisfy economic desires. The ultimate +characteristic which designates an activity as economic is accordingly +a certain effect on human souls. The whole whirl of the economic world +is ultimately controlled by the purpose of satisfying certain +psychical desires. Hence this psychical effect is still more +fundamental for the economic process than its psychical origin in the +mental conditions of the worker. The task of psychotechnics is +accordingly to determine by exact psychological experiments how this +mental effect, the satisfaction of economic desires, can be secured in +the quickest, in the easiest, in the safest, in the most enduring, and +in the most satisfactory way.</p> + +<p>But we must not deceive ourselves as to the humiliating truth that so +far not the slightest effort has been made toward the answering of +this central scientific question. If the inquiry into the psychical +effects were really to be confined to this problem of the ultimate +satisfaction of economic desires, scientific psychology could not +contribute any results and could not offer anything but hopes <a name="Page_245" id="Page_245" />and +wishes for the future. At the first glance it might appear as if just +here a large amount of literature exists; moreover, a literature rich +in excellent investigations and ample empirical material. On the one +side the political economists, with their theories of economic value +and their investigations concerning the conditions of prices and the +development of luxury, the calculation of economic values from +pleasure and displeasure and many similar studies, have connected the +economic processes with mental life; on the other side the +philosophers, with their theories of value, have not confined +themselves to the ethical and æsthetic motives, but have gone deeply +into the economic life too. While such studies of the economists and +of the philosophers are chiefly meant to serve theoretical +understanding, it might seem easy to deduce from them technical +practical prescriptions as well. If we know that under particular +conditions certain demands will be satisfied, we draw the conclusion +that we must realize those conditions whenever such demands are to be +satisfied. The theoretical views of the economists and of the +philosophers of value might thus be directly translated into +psychotechnical advice.</p> + +<p>As soon as we look deeper into the situation, we must recognize that +this surface impression <a name="Page_246" id="Page_246" />is entirely misleading. Certainly whenever +the philosophers or political economists discuss the problems of value +and of the satisfaction of human demands, they are using psychological +terms, but the whole meaning which they attach to these terms, +feeling, emotion, will, desire, pleasure, displeasure, joy, and pain, +is essentially different from that which controls the causal +explanations of scientific psychology. We cannot enter into the real +fundamental questions here, which are too often carelessly ignored +even in scientific quarters. Too often psychology is treated, even by +psychologists, as if it covered every possible systematic treatment of +inner experience, and correspondingly outsiders like the economists +fancy that they are on psychological ground and are handling +psychological conceptions as soon as they make any statements +concerning the inner life. But if we examine the real purposes and +presuppositions of the various sciences, we must recognize that the +human experience can be looked on from two entirely different points +of view. Only from one of the two does it present itself as +psychological material and as a fit object for psychological study. +From the other point of view, which is no less valuable and no less +important for the understanding of our inner life, human experience +offers itself as a reality with which psychology <a name="Page_247" id="Page_247" />as such has nothing +to do, even though it may be difficult to eliminate the usual +psychological words.</p> + +<p>The psychologist considers human experience as a series of objects for +consciousness. All the perceptions and memory ideas and imaginative +ideas and feelings and emotions, are taken by him as mental objects of +which consciousness becomes aware, and his task is to describe and to +explain them and to find the laws for their succession. He studies +them as a naturalist studies the chemical elements or the stars. It +makes no difference whether his explanation leads him to connect these +mental contents with brain processes as one theory proposes, or with +subconscious processes as another theory suggests. The entirely +different aspect of inner life is the one which is most natural in our +ordinary intercourse. Whenever we give an account of our inner life or +are interested in the experience of our friends, we do not consider +how their mental experiences as such objective contents of +consciousness are to be described and explained, but we take them as +inner actions and attitudes toward the world, and our aim is not to +describe and to explain them but to interpret and to understand them. +We do not seek their elements but their meaning, we do not seek their +causes and effects but their inner <a name="Page_248" id="Page_248" />relations and their inner +purposes. In short, we do not take them at all as objects but as +functions of the subject, and our dealing with them has no similarity +to the method of the naturalist.</p> + +<p>This method of practical life in which we seek to express and to +understand a meaning, and relate every will-act to its aim, is not +confined to the mere popular aspect; it can lead to very systematic +scholarly treatment. It is exactly the treatment which is fundamental +in the case of all history, for example, or of law, or of logic. That +is, the historian makes us understand the meaning of a personality of +the past and is really interested in past events only as far as human +needs are to be interpreted. It would be pseudo-psychology, if we +called such an account in the truly historical spirit a psychological +description and explanation. The student of law interprets the meaning +of the will of the legislator; he does not deal with the idea of the +law as a psychological content. And the logician has nothing to do +with the idea as a conscious object in the mind; he asks as to the +inner relations of it and as to the conclusions from the premises. In +short, wherever historical interpretations or logical deductions are +needed, we move on in the sphere of human life as it presents itself +from the standpoint of immediate true experience without artificially +moulding it into the <a name="Page_249" id="Page_249" />conceptions of psychology. On the other hand, as +soon as the psychological method is applied, this immediate life +meaning of human experience is abandoned, and instead of it is gained +the possibility of considering the whole experience as a system of +causes and effects. Mental life is then no longer what it is to us in +our daily intercourse, because it is reconstructed for the purposes of +this special treatment, just as the water which we drink is no longer +our beverage if we consider it under the point of view of chemistry as +a combination of hydrogen and oxygen. Hence we have not two statements +one of which is true and the other ultimately untrue; on the contrary, +both are true. We have a perfect right to give the value of truth to +our experience with water as a refreshing drink, and also to the +formula of the chemist. With a still better right we may claim that +both kinds of mental experience are equally true. Hence not a word of +objection is raised against the discussions of the historians and the +philosophers, if we insist that their so-called psychology stands +outside of the really descriptive and explanatory account of mental +life, and is therefore not psychology in the technical sense of the +word.</p> + +<p>It is this historical attitude which controls all the studies of the +political economists. They <a name="Page_250" id="Page_250" />speak of the will-acts of the individuals +and of their demands and desires and satisfactions, but they do not +describe and explain them; they want to interpret and understand them. +They may analyze the motives of the laborer or of the manufacturer, +but those motives and impulses interest them not as contents of +consciousness, but only as acts which are directed toward a goal. The +aim toward which these point by their meaning, and not the elements +from which they are made up or their causes and effects, is the +substance of such economic studies. For such a subjective account of +the meaning of actions the only problem is, indeed, the correct +understanding and interpretation, and the consistent psychologist who +knows that it is not his task to interpret but to explain has no right +to raise any questions here. It is, therefore, only a confusing +disturbance, if a really psychological, causal explanation is mixed +into the interpretation of such a system of will-acts and purposes. It +is true we find this confusion in many modern works on economics. +Economists know that a scientific explanatory study of the human mind +exists, and they have a vague feeling that they have no right to +ignore this real psychology, instead of recognizing that the +psychology really has nothing to do with their particular problem. The +result is that they constantly <a name="Page_251" id="Page_251" />try to discuss the impulses and +instincts, the hunger and thirst and sexual desire, and the higher +demands for fighting and playing and acquiring, for seeking power and +social influence, as a psychologist would discuss them, referring them +to biological and physiological conditions and explaining them +causally. Yet as soon as they come to their real problems and enter +into the interpretation and meaning of these economic energies, they +naturally slide back into the historical, economic point of view and +discuss the economic relations of men without any reference to their +psychologizing preambles. The application of the psychological, +scientific method to the true economic experience is therefore not +secured at all in this way. The demands and volitions which they +disentangle are not the ones which the psychophysiologist studies, +because they are left in their immediate form of life reality. They +are accordingly inaccessible to the point of view of experimental +psychology, and nothing can be expected from such interpretative +discussions of the economists for the psychotechnics at which the +psychologist is aiming. Even where the political economists deal with +the problems of value in exact language, nothing is gained for the +kind of insight for which the psychologist hopes, and the +psychologists must therefore go on with their <a name="Page_252" id="Page_252" />own methods, if they +are ever to reach a causal understanding of the means by which a +satisfaction of the economic demands may be effected.</p> + +<p>So far the psychologists have not even started to examine these +economic feelings, demands, and satisfactions with the means of +laboratory psychology. Hence no one can say beforehand how it ought to +be done and how to gain access to the important problems, inasmuch as +the right formulation of the problem and the selection of the right +method would here as everywhere be more than half of the solution. It +must be left to the development of science for the right +starting-point and the right methods to be discovered. Sometimes, to +be sure, the experiment has at least approached this group of economic +questions. For instance, the investigations of the so-called +psychophysical law have often been brought into contact with the +experiences of ownership and acquirement. The law, well known to every +student of psychology, is that the differences of intensity in two +pairs of sensations are felt as equal, when the two pairs of stimuli +are standing in the same relation. The difference between the +intensities of the light sensations from 10 candles and 11 candles is +equal to that from 50 candles and 55 candles, from 100 candles and +110, from 500 candles and 550: that is, the difference of one +additional <a name="Page_253" id="Page_253" />candle between 10 and 11 appears just as great as the +difference of 50 candles between 500 and 550. The psychologists have +claimed that in a corresponding way the same feeling of difference +arises when the amounts of possessions stand in the same relation. +That is, the man who owns $100 feels the gain or loss of $1 as much as +one who owns $100,000 feels the gain or loss of $1000. Not the +absolute amount of the difference, but the relative value of the +increase or decrease is the decisive influence on the psychological +effect. Some experimental investigations concerning feelings have also +come near to the economic boundaries. The study of the contrast +feelings and of the relativity of feelings, for instance, has points +of contact with the economic problem of how far economic progress, +with its stirring up and satisfying of continually new demands, really +adds to the quantity of human enjoyment. In other words, how far are +those sociologists right who are convinced that by the technical +complexity of modern life, with all its comforts and mechanizations, +the level of individual life is raised, but that the oscillations +about this average level remain the same and produce the same amount +of pleasure and pain? The technical advance would therefore bring no +increase of human pleasure.</p> + +<p>We might also put into this class the meagre <a name="Page_254" id="Page_254" />experimental +investigations concerning the mutual influence of feelings. When +sound, light, and touch impressions, each of which, isolated, produces +a feeling of a certain degree, are combined with one another, the +experiment can show very characteristic changes in the intensity of +pleasure and displeasure. From such routine experiments of the +laboratory it might not be difficult to come to more complex +experiments on the mutual relations of feeling values and especially +of the combinations of pleasure with displeasure. This would lead to +an insight into the processes which are involved in the fixing of +prices, as they are always dependent upon the pleasure in the +acquisition and the displeasure in the outlay. The exact psychology of +the future may thus very well determine the conditions under which the +best effects for the satisfaction of economic demands may be secured, +but our present-day science is still far from such an achievement: and +it seems hardly justifiable to propose methods to-day, as it would be +like drawing a map with detailed paths for a primeval forest which is +still inaccessible.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XX" id="XX" /><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255" />XX</h2> + +<h3>EXPERIMENTS ON THE EFFECTS OF ADVERTISEMENTS</h3> + + +<p>We have said that the time has not yet come for discussing from the +standpoint of experimental psychology the means to secure the ultimate +effects of economic life, namely, the satisfaction of economic +demands. If this were the only effect which had economic significance, +this whole last part of our little book would have to remain a blank, +as we wanted to deal here with the securing of the best effects after +having studied the securing of the best man and of the best work. Yet +these ultimate ends are certainly not the only mental effects which +become important in the course of economic processes. In order to +reach that final end of the economic movement, often an unlimited +number of part processes distributed over space and time must +coöperate. The satisfaction of our thirst in a tea-room may be a +trivial illustration of such a final effect, but it is clear that in +order to produce this ultimate mental effect of satisfying the thirst, +thousands of economic processes must have preceded. To bring the tea +and the sugar and the lemon to the table, <a name="Page_256" id="Page_256" />the porcelain cup and the +silver spoon, wage-earners, manufacturers and laborers, exporters, +importers, storekeepers, salesmen, and customers had to coöperate. +Among such part processes which serve the economic achievement are +always many which succeed only if they produce characteristic effects +in human minds. The propaganda which the storekeeper makes, for +instance, his display and his posters, serve the economic interplay by +psychical effects without themselves satisfying any ultimate economic +demand. They must attract the passer-by or impress the reader or +stimulate his impulse to buy, and through all this they reach an end +which is in itself not final, as no human desire to read +advertisements exists. When the salesman influences the customer to +buy something which may later help to satisfy a real economic demand, +the art of his suggestive words secures a mental effect which again is +in itself not ultimate. If the manufacturer influences his employees +to work with more attention or with greater industry, or if the +community stirs up the desire for luxury or the tendency to saving, we +have mental effects which are of economic importance without being +really ultimate economic effects.</p> + +<p>As far as these effects are necessary and justified stages leading to +the ultimate satisfaction of <a name="Page_257" id="Page_257" />economic demands, it certainly is the +duty of applied psychology to bring psychological experience and exact +methods into their service. We emphasize the necessary and justified +character of these steps, as it is evident that psychological methods +may be made use of also by those who aim toward mental effects which +are unjustified and which are not necessary for the real satisfaction +of valuable demands. Psychological laws can also be helpful in +fraudulent undertakings or in advertisements for unfair competition. +The psychotechnical scientist cannot be blamed if the results of his +experiments are misused for immoral purposes, just as the chemist is +not responsible if chemical knowledge is applied to the construction +of anarchistic bombs. But while psychology, as we have emphasized +before, cannot from its own point of view determine the value of the +end, the psychologist as a human being is certainly willing to +coöperate only where the soundness and correctness of the ends are +evident from the point of view of social welfare.</p> + +<p>In order to demonstrate the principle of this kind of psychotechnical +help with fuller detail, at least by one illustration, I may discuss +the case of the advertisements, the more as this problem has already +been taken up in a somewhat systematic way by the psychological +laboratories. We <a name="Page_258" id="Page_258" />have a number of careful experimental investigations +referring to the memory-value, the attention-value, the +suggestion-value, and other mental effects of the printed business +advertisements. Of course this group of experimental investigations at +once suggests an objection which we cannot ignore. A business +advertisement, as it appears in the newspapers, is such an extremely +trivial thing and so completely devoted to the egotistical desire for +profit that it seems undignified for the scientist to spend his time +on such nothings and to shoot sparrows with his laboratory +cannon-balls. But on the one side nothing can be unworthy of thorough +study from a strictly theoretical point of view. The dirtiest chemical +substance may become of greatest importance for chemistry, and the +ugliest insect for zoölogy. On the other side, if the practical point +of view of the applied sciences is taken, the importance of the +inquiry may stand in direct relation to the intensity of the human +demand which is to be satisfied by the new knowledge. Present-day +society is so organized that the economic advertisement surely serves +a need, and its intensity is expressed by the well-known fact that in +every year billions are paid for advertising. Measured by the amount +of expenditure, advertising has become one of the largest and +economically most important human <a name="Page_259" id="Page_259" />industries. It is, then, not +astonishing that scientists consider it worth while to examine the +exact foundations of this industry, but it is surprising that this +industry could reach such an enormous development without being guided +by the spirit of scientific exactitude which appears a matter of +course in every other large business. As it is a function of science +to study the physics of incandescent lamps or gas motors so as to +bring the economically most satisfactory devices into the service of +the community, it cannot be less important from the standpoint of +national economics to study scientifically the efficiency of the +advertisements in order that the national means may in this industry, +too, secure the greatest possible effects. It is only a secondary +point that experiments of this kind are of high interest to the +theoretical scientist as well. For us the advertisement is simply an +instrument constructed to satisfy certain human demands by its effects +on the mind. It is a question for psychology to determine the +conditions under which this instrument may be best adapted to its +purpose.</p> + +<p>The mental effect of a well-adapted advertisement is manifold. It +appeals to the memory. Whatever we read at the street corner, or in +the pages of the newspaper or magazine, is not printed with the idea +that we shall immediately turn to <a name="Page_260" id="Page_260" />the store, but first of all with +the expectation that we keep the content of the advertisement in our +memory for a later purchase. It will therefore be the more valuable +the more vividly it forces itself on the memory. But if practical +books about the art of advertising usually presuppose that this +influence on the memory will be proportionate to the effect on the +attention, the psychologist cannot fully agree. The advertisement may +attract the attention of the reader strongly and yet by its whole +structure may be unfit to force on the memory its characteristic +content, especially the name of the firm and of the article. The pure +memory-value is especially important, as according to a well-known +psychological law the pleasure in mere recognition readily attaches +itself to the recognized object. The customer who has the choice among +various makes and brands in the store may not have any idea how far +one is superior to another, but the mere fact that one among them +bears a name which has repeatedly approached his consciousness before +through advertisements is sufficient to arouse a certain warm feeling +of acquaintance, and by a transposition of feeling this pleasurable +tone accentuates the attractiveness of that make and leads to its +selection. This indirect help through the memory-value is economically +no less important than the direct service.</p> + +<p><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261" />In order to produce a strong effect on memory the advertisement must +be easily apprehensible. Psychological laboratory experiments with +exact time-measurement of the grasping of various advertisements of +the same size for the same article, but in different formulations, +demonstrated clearly how much easier or harder the apprehension became +through relatively small changes. No mistake in the construction of +the advertisement causes so much waste as a grouping which makes the +quick apperception difficult. The color, the type, the choice of +words, every element, allows an experimental analysis, especially by +means of time-measurement. If we determine in thousandths of a second +the time needed to recognize the characteristic content of an +advertisement, we may discriminate differences which would escape the +naïve judgment, and yet which in practical life are of considerable +consequence, as the effect of a deficiency is multiplied by the number +of readers.</p> + +<p>We must insist on the further demand that the advertisement make a +vivid impression, so that it may influence the memory through its +vividness. Size is naturally the most frequent condition for the +increase of vividness, but only the relative size is decisive. The +experiment shows that the full-page advertisement in a folio magazine +does not <a name="Page_262" id="Page_262" />influence the memory more than the full page in a quarto +magazine, if the reader is for the time adjusted to the particular +size. No less important than the size is the originality and the +unusual form, the vivid color, the skillful use of empty spaces, the +associative elements, the appeal to humor or to curiosity, to sympathy +or to antipathy. Every emotion can help to impress the content of the +advertisement on the involuntary memory. Unusual announcements +concerning the prices or similar factors move in the same direction.</p> + +<p>Together with the question of the apprehension and the vividness of +the impression, we must acknowledge the frequency of repetition as an +equally important factor. We know from daily life how an indifferent +advertisement can force itself on our mind, if it appears daily in the +same place in the newspaper or is visible on every street corner. But +the psychologically decisive factor here is not the fact of the mere +repetition of the impression, but rather the stimulation of the +attention which results from the repetition. If we remained simply +passive and received the impression the second and third and fourth +time with the same indifference with which we noticed it the first +time, the mere summation would not be sufficient for a strong effect. +But the second <a name="Page_263" id="Page_263" />impression makes the consciousness of recognition, +thus exciting the attention, and through it we now turn actively to +the repeated impression which forces itself on our memory with +increased vividness on account of this active personal reaction.</p> + +<p>We may consider how such factors can be tested by the psychotechnical +experiment. Scott, for instance, studied the direct influence of the +relative size of the advertisements.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50" /><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> He constructed a book of a +hundred pages from advertisements which had been cut from various +magazines and which referred to many different articles. Fifty persons +who did not know anything about the purpose of the experiment had to +glance over the pages of the book as they would look though the +advertising parts of a monthly. The time which they used for it was +about ten minutes. As soon as they had gone through the hundred pages, +they were asked to write down what they remembered. The result from +this method was that the 50 persons mentioned on an average every +full-page advertisement 6-1/2 times, every half-page less than 3 +times, every fourth-page a little more than 1 time, and the still +smaller advertisements only about 1/7 time. This series of experiments +suggested accordingly that the memory value of a fourth-page +advertisement is much <a name="Page_264" id="Page_264" />smaller than one fourth of the memory-value of +a full-page advertisement, and that of an eighth-page again much +smaller than one half of the psychical value of a fourth-page. The +customer who pays for one eighth of a page receives not the eighth +part, but hardly the twentieth part of the psychical influence which +is produced by a full page.</p> + +<p>These experiments, which were carried on in various forms, demanded as +a natural supplement a study of the effects of repetition in relation +to size. This was the object of a series of tests which I carried on +recently in the Harvard laboratory. I constructed the following +material: 60 sheets of Bristol board in folio size were covered with +advertisements which were cut from magazines the size of the "Saturday +Evening Post" and the "Ladies' Home Journal." We used advertisements +ranging from full-page to twelfth-page in size. Every one of the 6 +full-page advertisements which we used occurred only once, each of the +12 half-page advertisements was given 2 times, each of the fourth-page +size, 4 times, each of the eighth-page size, 8 times, and each of the +twelfth-page size, 12 times. The repetitions were cut from 12 copies +of the magazine number. The same advertisement never occurred on the +same page; every page, unless it was covered by a full-page +<a name="Page_265" id="Page_265" />advertisement, offered a combination of various announcements. It is +evident that by this arrangement every single advertisement occupied +the same space, as the 8 times repeated eighth-page advertisement +filled a full page too. Thus no one of the 60 announcements which we +used was spatially favored above another.</p> + +<p>Thirty persons took part in the experiment. Each one had to devote +himself to the 60 pages in such a way that every page was looked at +for exactly 20 seconds. Between each two pages was a pause of 3 +seconds, sufficient to allow one sheet to be laid aside and the next +to be grasped. In 23 minutes the whole series had been gone through, +and immediately after that every one had to write down what he +remembered, both the names of the firms and the article announced. In +the cases where only the name or only the article was correctly +remembered, the result counted 1/2. We found great individual +differences, probably not only because the memory of the different +persons was different, but also because they varied in the degree of +interest with which they looked at such material. The smallest number +of reproductions was 18, of which 14 were only half remembered, that +is, only the name or only the article, and as we counted these half +reproductions 1/2, the memory-value for this person was counted 11. +The <a name="Page_266" id="Page_266" />maximum reproduction was 46, of which 6 were half remembered.</p> + +<p>If these calculated values are added and the sum divided by the number +of participants, that is, 30, and this finally by the number of the +advertisements shown, that is, 60, we obtain the average memory-value +of a single advertisement. The results showed that this was 0.44. But +our real interest referred to the distribution for the advertisements +of different size. If we make the same calculation, not for the +totality of the advertisements but for those of a particular size, we +find that the memory-value for the full-page advertisement was 0.33, +for the 2 times repeated half-page advertisement, 0.30, for the 4 +times repeated fourth-page advertisement, 0.49, for the 8 times +repeated eighth-page advertisement, 0.44, and for the 12 times +repeated twelfth-page advertisement, 0.47. Hence we come to the result +that the 4 times repeated fourth-page advertisement as 1-1/2 times +stronger than one offering of a full-page, or the 2 times repeated +half-page, but that this relation does not grow with a further +reduction of the size. Two thirds of the subjects were men and one +third women. On the whole, the same relation exists for both groups, +but the climax of psychical efficiency was reached in the case of the +men by the 4 times repeated <a name="Page_267" id="Page_267" />fourth-page, in the case of the women by +the 8 times repeated eighth-page. The 4 times repeated fourth-page in +the case of the women was 0.45, in the case of the men, 0.51, the 8 +times repeated eighth-page, women, 0.53, men, 0.37.</p> + +<p>I am inclined to believe that the ascent of the curve of the +memory-value from the full-page to the fourth-page or eighth-page +would have been still more continuous, if the whole-page +advertisements had not naturally been such as are best known to the +American reader. The whole-page announcement, therefore, had a certain +natural advantage. But when we come to another calculation, even the +effect of this advantage is lost. We examined the relations for the +first 10 names and articles, which every one of the 30 persons wrote +down. These first 10 were mostly dashed down quickly without special +thought. They also included only a few half reproductions. When we +study these 300 answers which the 30 persons wrote as their first 10 +reproductions, and calculate from them the chances which every one of +the 60 advertisements had for being remembered, we obtain the +following values: The probability of being remembered among the first +10 was for the full-page advertisement, 0.5, for the half-page 2 times +repeated, 1.2, for the fourth-page 4 times repeated, 2.9, for the +eighth-page 8 times repeated, <a name="Page_268" id="Page_268" />2.3, and for the twelfth-page 12 times +repeated, 2.4. The superiority of repetition over mere size appears +most impressively in this form, but we see again in this series that +the effect decreases even with increased number of repetitions as soon +as the single advertisement sinks below a certain relative size, so +that the 12 times repeated twelfth-page advertisement does not possess +the memory-value of the 4 times repeated fourth-page advertisement. If +Scott's experiments concerning the size and these experiments of mine +concerning the repetition are right, the memory-value of the +advertisements for economic purposes is dependent upon complicated +conditions. A business man who brings out a full-page advertisement +once in a paper which has 100,000 readers would leave the desired +memory-impression on a larger number of individuals than if he were to +print a fourth-page advertisement in four different cities in four +local papers, each of which has 100,000 readers. But if he uses the +same paper in one town, he would produce a much greater effect by +printing a fourth of a page four times than by using a full-page +advertisement once only.</p> + +<p>As a matter of course this would hold true only as far as size and +repetition are concerned. Many other factors have to be considered +besides. Some of these could even be studied with our material. <a name="Page_269" id="Page_269" />We +could study from our results what memory-value is attached to the +various forms of type or suggestive words, what influence to +illustrations, how far they reinforce the impressiveness and how far +they draw away the attention from the name and the object, how these +various factors influence men and women differently, and so on. Other +questions, however, demand entirely different forms of experiment. We +may examine the effects of special contrast phenomena, of unusual +background, of irregular borders and original headings. The particular +position of the advertisement also deserves our psychological +interest. The magazines receive higher prices for the cover pages and +the newspapers for advertisements which are surrounded by reading +matter. In both cases obvious practical motives are decisive. The +cover page comes into the field of vision more frequently. What is +surrounded by reading matter is less easily overlooked.</p> + +<p>But the newspaper world hardly realizes how much other variations of +position influence the psychological effect. Starch<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51" /><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> made +experiments in which he did not use real advertisements, but +meaningless syllables so as to exclude the influence of familiarity +with any announcement. He arranged little booklets, each of 12 pages, +on which a syllable such as <i>lod</i>, <i>zan</i>, <i>mep</i>, <i>dut</i>, <i>yib</i>, <a name="Page_270" id="Page_270" />and so +on was printed in the middle of each page. Each of his 50 subjects +glanced over the book and then wrote down what syllables remained in +memory. He found that the syllables which stood on the first and last +page were remembered by 34 persons, those on the second and eleventh +by about 26, and those on the eight other pages by an average of 17 +persons. In the next experiment he printed one syllable in the middle +of the upper and one in the middle of the lower half of each page. The +results now showed that of those syllables which were remembered 54 +per cent stood on the upper half and 46 per cent on the lower half of +the page. Finally, he divided every page into four parts and printed +one syllable on the middle of each fourth of a page. The results +showed that of the remembered syllables 28 per cent stood on the +left-hand upper fourth, 33 per cent on the right-hand upper fourth, 16 +per cent left-hand lower, and 23 per cent right-hand lower. A +fourth-page advertisement which is printed on the outer side of the +upper half of the page thus probably has more than twice the +psychological value of one which is printed on the inner side of the +lower half. The economic world spends millions every year for +advertisements on the upper right-hand side and millions for +advertisements on the lower left-hand side, and is not aware that one +represents twice <a name="Page_271" id="Page_271" />the value of the other. These little illustrations +of advertisement experiments may suffice to indicate how much +haphazard methods are still prevalent in the whole field of economic +psychotechnics, methods which would not be tolerated in the sphere of +physical and chemical technology.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XXI" id="XXI" /><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272" />XXI</h2> + +<h3>THE EFFECT OF DISPLAY</h3> + + +<p>If we turn from the simple newspaper advertisement to the means of +propaganda in general, we at once stand before a question which is +often wrongly answered. The practical handbooks of advertisements and +means of display treat it as a self-evident fact that every +presentation should be as beautiful as possible. In the first place, +we cannot deny that the ugly and even the disgusting possess a strong +power for attracting attention. Yet it is true that by a transposition +of feelings the displeasure in the advertisement may easily become a +displeasure in the advertised object. But, on the other hand, it is +surely a mistake to believe that pure beauty best fulfills the +function of the advertisement. Even the draftsman who draws a poster +ought to give up the ambition to create a perfect picture. It might +have the power to attract attention, but it would hardly serve its +true purpose of fixing the attention on the article which is +advertised by the picture. The very meaning of beauty lies in its +self-completeness. The beautiful picture rests in itself and does not +point beyond itself. A really <a name="Page_273" id="Page_273" />beautiful landscape painting is an end +in itself, and must not stir up the practical wish to visit the +landscape which has stimulated the eye of the painter. If the display +is to serve economic interests, every line and every curve, every form +and every color, must be subordinated to the task of leading to a +practical resolution, and to an action, and yet this is exactly the +opposite of the meaning of art. Art must inhibit action, if it is +perfect. The artist is not to make us believe that we deal with a real +object which suggests a practical attitude. The æsthetic forms are +adjusted to the main æsthetic aim, the inhibition of practical +desires. The display must be pleasant, tasteful, harmonious, and +suggestive, but should not be beautiful, if it is to fulfill its +purpose in the fullest sense. It loses its economic value, if by its +artistic quality it oversteps the boundaries of that middle region of +arts and crafts. This of course stands in no contradiction to the +requirement that the advertised article should be made to appear as +beautiful as possible. The presentation of something beautiful is not +necessarily a beautiful presentation, just as a perfectly beautiful +picture need not have something beautiful as its content. A perfect +painting may be the picture of a most ugly person.</p> + +<p>We have not yet spoken of the suggestive <a name="Page_274" id="Page_274" />power of the means of +propaganda. Every one knows the influence on taste and smell, on +social vanity, on local pride, on the gambling instinct, on the +instinctive fear of diseases, and above all on the sexual instinct, +can gain suggestive power. Everywhere among the uncritical masses such +appeals reach individuals whose psychophysical attitudes make such +influences vivid and overpowering. Every one knows, too, those often +clever linguistic forms which are to aid the suggestion. They are to +inhibit the opposing impulses. The mere use of the imperative, to be +sure, has gradually become an ineffective, used-up pattern. It is a +question for special economic psychotechnics to investigate how the +suggestive strength of a form can be reinforced or weakened by various +secondary influences. What influence, for example, belongs to the +electric sign advertisements in which the sudden change from light to +darkness produces strong psychophysical effects, and what value +belongs to moving parts in the picture?</p> + +<p>The psychologist takes the same interest in the examples of window +displays, sample distributions, and similar vehicles of commerce by +which the offered articles themselves and not their mere picture or +description are to influence the consciousness of the prospective +customer. <a name="Page_275" id="Page_275" />Here, too, every element may be isolated and may be brought +under psychotechnical rules. The most external question would refer to +the mere quantity of the presented material. The psychologist would +ask how the mere mass of the offering influences the attention, how +far the feeling of pleasure in the fullness, how far the æsthetic +impression of repetition, how far the associative thought of a +manifold selection, how far the mere spatial expansion, affects the +impression. In any case, as soon as it is acknowledged as desirable to +produce with certain objects the impression of the greatest possible +number, the experimental psychologist stands before the concrete +problem of how a manifoldness of things is to be distributed so that +it will not be underestimated, perhaps even overestimated as to +quantity. Again, the laboratory experiment would not proceed with real +window displays or real exhibitions, but would work out the principle +with the simplified experimental means.</p> + +<p>An investigation in the Harvard laboratory, for instance, tested the +influence which various factors have upon the estimation of a number +of objects seen.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52" /><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The question was how far the form or the size or +the distribution makes a group of objects appear larger or smaller. +The experiment was started by showing 20 small cards <a name="Page_276" id="Page_276" />on a black +background in comparison with another group of cards the number of +which varied between 17 and 23. At first the form of these little +cards was changed: triangles, squares, and circles were tried. Or the +color was changed: light and dark, saturated and unsaturated colors +were used. Or the order was varied: sometimes the little cards lay in +regular rows, sometimes in close clusters, sometimes widely +distributed, sometimes in quite irregular fashion. Or the background +was changed, or the surrounding frame, or the time of exposure, and so +on. Each time the subjects had to estimate whether the second group +was the larger or equal or the smaller. These experiments indicated +that such comparative estimation was indeed influenced by every one of +the factors mentioned. If the experiments show that an irregular +distribution makes the number appear larger or a close clustering +reduces the apparent number, and so on, the business man would be +quite able to profit from such knowledge. The jeweler who shows his +rings and watches in his window wishes to produce with his small stock +the impression of an ample supply. He lacks the psychology which might +teach him whether he would act more wisely in having the rings and the +watches separated, or whether he should mix the two, whether he ought +to choose <a name="Page_277" id="Page_277" />a background which is similar in color or one which +contrasts with the pieces exhibited, whether he ought to present the +single object in a special background as in a case, or to show it +without one. He is not aware that by simple psychological illusions, +it is not difficult to change the apparent size of an isolated object +by special treatment, making his show-piece appear larger by a fitting +background or intentionally making a dainty object appear smaller by +contrasting surroundings. These, to be sure, are very trivial +illustrations, but the same fundamental psychological laws which are +true for the show-window of the next corner store are true for the +world-display of the nation. The point is to present clearly the idea, +which can be most simply expressed in such trivial material. But it +may be added that even in the case of the most indifferent example a +few hasty experiments with one or two subjects cannot yield any +results of value.</p> + +<p>All parts of physiological psychological optics can contribute similar +material. The questions of color harmony and color contrast, light +intensity and mutual support of uniformly colored objects, of +irradiation, depth and perspective, are significant for an effective +display in the show-window, and the laboratory results can easily be +translated into psychotechnical prescriptions. <a name="Page_278" id="Page_278" />But here it is still +more necessary to separate carefully the merely optical impression +from its æsthetic side. All that we claimed as to the poster is still +more justified for the presentation of the saleable objects +themselves. As soon as the display of the articles forms a real work +of art, it must produce inhibitions in the soul of the spectator by +which the practical economic desire is turned aside. Beauty here too +has strong power of attraction, and moreover the suggestive power, by +which it withdraws our senses from the chance surroundings, forces us +to lose ourselves in the offered presentation. But just through this +process the content of the display becomes isolated and separated from +the world of our practical interests. Our desires are brought to +silence, we do not seek a personal relation to the things which we +face as admiring spectators, and the intended economic effect is +therefore eliminated. Whoever is to examine the psychotechnics of +displays and exhibitions must therefore study the psychology of +æsthetic stimulation, of suggestion, of the effects of light, color, +form and movement, of apperception and attention, and ought not to +forget the psychology of humor and curiosity, of instincts and +emotions. For us the essential point is that here too the experimental +psychological method alone is able to lead from <a name="Page_279" id="Page_279" />mere chance +arrangements founded on personal taste to the systematic construction +which secures with the greatest possible certainty the greatest +possible mental effect in the service of the economic purpose.</p> + +<p>The problems of the storekeeper who arranges his windows, however, +overlap the problems of the manufacturer who prepares his goods for +the world-market, and who must from the start take care that the outer +appearance of his goods stimulate the readiness to buy. In factories +in which these questions have been carefully considered, the +psychological elements have always been found to be the most +influential, but often the most puzzling. I received material from a +number of industrial plants which sold the same article in a variety +of packings. The material which was sent to me included all kinds of +soaps and candies, writing-papers and breakfast foods, and other +articles which are handled by the retailer, the sale of which depends +upon the inclination and caprice of the customer in the store. For +every one of these objects a number of external covers and labels were +sent and with them a confidential report with details about their +relative success. For instance, a certain kind of chocolate was sold +under 12 different labels. One of them was highly successful in the +whole country, and one <a name="Page_280" id="Page_280" />other had made the same article entirely +unsaleable. The other 10 could be graded between these extremes. In +all 12 cases the covers were decorated with pictures of women with a +scenic background. As long as only æsthetic values were considered, +all were on nearly the same level, and æsthetically skilled observers +repeatedly expressed their preference for some of the unsuccessful +pictures over some of the successful ones. But as soon as an internal +relation was formed between the pictures and the chocolate, in the one +case a mental harmony resulted which had strong suggestive power, in +the other case a certain unrest and inner disturbance which +necessarily had an inhibiting influence. The picture which was +unsuccessful with the sweets would perhaps have been eminently +successful for tobacco. From such elementary starting-points, the +laboratory experiment might proceed systematically into spheres of +economic life hitherto untouched by scientific methods. The psychology +of the influence of external forms on the conscious reactions of the +masses is so far usually considered only when, as often happens, the +most fundamental demands are violated; for instance, when objects +which are to give the impression of ease are painted in colors which +give a heavy, clumsy appearance, or <i>vice versa</i>, when book-bindings +are <a name="Page_281" id="Page_281" />lettered in archaic type which makes the reading of the title +impossible for a passer-by, and in many similar antipsychological +absurdities which any stroll through the streets of a modern city +forces on us.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XXII" id="XXII" /><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282" />XXII</h2> + +<h3>EXPERIMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO ILLEGAL IMITATION</h3> + + +<p>It is perhaps not without interest to turn into a by-path at this +point of our road. All the illustrations which we have picked out so +far have referred to strictly economic conditions. But we ought not to +forget that these economic problems of commerce and industry are +everywhere in contact with legal interests as well. In order to +indicate the manifoldness of problems accessible to the experimental +method, we may discuss our last question, the question of packing and +of labels, in this legal relation too. All the packings, covers, +labels, trademarks, and names by which the manufacturer tries to +stimulate the attention, the imagination, and the suggestibility of +the customer may easily draw a large part of their psychological +effectiveness from without, as soon as they imitate the appearance of +articles which are well introduced and favored in the market. If the +public is familiar with and favorably inclined toward an article on +account of its inner values or on account of its being much +<a name="Page_283" id="Page_283" />advertised, a similar name or a similar packing may offer efficient +help to a rival article. The law of course protects the label and the +deceiving imitation can be prosecuted. But no law can determine by +general conceptions the exact point at which the similarity becomes +legally unallowable. This creates a situation which has given rise to +endless difficulties in practical life.</p> + +<p>If everything were forbidden which by its similarity to an accredited +article might lead to a possible confusion in the mind of the quite +careless and inattentive customer, any article once in the market +would have a monopoly in its line. As soon as a typewriter or an +automobile or a pencil or a mineral water existed, no second kind +could have access to the market, as with a high degree of carelessness +one economic rival may be taken for another, even if the new +typewriter or the new pencil has a new form and color and name. On the +other side, the purchaser could never have a feeling of security if +imitations were considered as still legally justifiable when the +difference is so small that it needs an intense mental effort and +careful examination of details to notice it.</p> + +<p>The result is that the jurisdiction fluctuates between these two +extremes in a most alarming way, and this seems to hold true in all +countries. In <a name="Page_284" id="Page_284" />theory: "There is substantial agreement that +infringement occurs when the marks, names, labels, or packings of one +trader resemble those of another sufficiently to make it probable that +ordinary purchasers, exercising no more care than such persons usually +do in purchasing the article in question, will be deceived." But it +depends upon the trade experts and the judges to give meaning to such +a statement in the particular case, as the amount of care which +purchasers usually exercise can be understood very differently. +Sometimes the customer is expected to proceed with an attention which +is most subtly adjusted to the finest differences, and sometimes it is +taken for granted that he is unable to notice even strong variations. +It is clear that this uncertainty which disturbs the whole trade +cannot be eliminated as long as the psychological background has not +been systematically studied. Mere talking about the attention of the +customer, and his ability to decide and select, and of his +observations and his habits in the spirit of popular common-sense +psychology, can never secure exact standards and definite demarcation +lines. The question is important not only where imitations of morally +doubtful character are in the market. Even the most honest +manufacturer is in a certain sense obliged to imitate his +predecessors, <a name="Page_285" id="Page_285" />as they have directed the taste and habits of the +public in particular directions, and as the product of his company +would suffer unnecessarily if he were to disregard this psychical +attitude of the prospective customers. The economic legal situation +accordingly suggests the question whether it would not be possible to +devise methods for an exact measurement of the permissible similarity, +and this demand for exactitude naturally points to the methods of the +psychological experiment. E.S. Rogers, Esq., of Chicago, who has +thoroughly discussed the legal aspect of the problem,<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53" /><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> first turned +my attention to the psychological difficulty involved.</p> + +<p>When I approached the question in the Harvard psychological +laboratory, it was clear to me that the degree of attention and +carefulness which the court may presuppose on the part of the customer +can never be determined by the psychologist and his experimental +methods. It would be meaningless, if we tried to discover by +experiments a particular degree of similarity which every one ought to +recognize or a particular degree of attention which would be +sufficient for protection against fraud. Such degrees must always +remain dependent upon arbitrary decision. They are not settled by +natural conditions, but <a name="Page_286" id="Page_286" />are entirely dependent upon social agreement. +A decision outside of the realm of psychology must fix upon a +particular degree in the scale of various similarity values as the +limit which is not to be passed. The aim of the psychologist can be +only to construct such a scale by which decisions may be made +comparable and by which standards may become possible. The experiment +cannot deduce from the study of mental phenomena what degrees of +similarity ought to be still admissible, but it may be able to develop +methods by which different degrees of similarity can be discriminated +and by which a certain similarity value once selected can always be +found again with objective certainty. After many fruitless efforts I +settled on the following form of experiments, which I hope may bring +us nearer to the attainment of the purpose.</p> + +<p>A group of objects is observed for a definite time and after a +definite interval another group of objects is offered for comparison. +This second group is identical with the first in all but one of the +objects, and this is replaced by a similar one. The question is how +often this substitution will be noticed by the observers. I may give +in detail a characterization of the set of experiments in which we are +at present engaged. We are working with picture postal cards, using +many <a name="Page_287" id="Page_287" />hundred cards of different kinds, but for each one we have one +or several similar cards. As postal cards are generally manufactured +in sets, it is not difficult to purchase pairs of pictures with any +degree of similarity. Two cards with Christmas trees, or two with +Easter eggs, or two with football players, or two with forest +landscapes, and so on, may differ all the way from a slight variation +of color or a hardly noticeable change in the position of details to +variations which keep the same motive or the same general arrangement, +but after all make the card strikingly different. The first step is to +determine for each pair the degree of similarity, on a percentage +basis. To overcome mere arbitrariness, we ask thirty to forty educated +persons to express the similarity value, calling identical postal +cards 100 per cent and two postal cards as different as a colored +flower piece and a black picture of a street scene O. The average +value of these judgments is then considered as expressing the +objective degree of similarity between the two pictures of a pair. +After securing such standard values, we carry on the experiments in +the following form. Six different postal cards, for instance, are seen +on a black background through the opening of a shutter which is closed +after 5 seconds. The six may be made up of a landscape, a building, a +head, a genre scene, and <a name="Page_288" id="Page_288" />so forth. After 20 seconds the same group of +postal cards is shown once more, except that one is replaced by a +similar one, instead of one church another church building, or instead +of a vase with roses a vase with pinks. If the substituted picture has +the average similarity value of 80 per cent and we make the experiment +with 10 persons, the substitution may be discovered by 7 persons and +remain unnoticed by 3. We can now easily vary every one of the factors +involved. If instead of 6 cards, we take 10, it may be that only 4 out +of 10 persons, instead of 7, will discover the substitution, while if +we take 4 cards instead of 6, perhaps 9 persons out of 10 will +recognize the difference under these otherwise equal conditions. Only +an especially careless observer will overlook it. But instead of +changing the number of objects, we may change the periods of exposure. +If we show the 6 cards only for 2 seconds instead of 5 seconds, the +number of those who recognize the difference may sink from 7 to 5 or +4, and if we make the time considerably longer, we shall of course +reach a point where all 10 will recognize the substitution. The same +holds true of the shortening or lengthening of the time-interval +between the two presentations. The third variable factor is the +similarity itself. If instead of one church, not another church, but a +theatre or a skyscraper is <a name="Page_289" id="Page_289" />shown, that is, if the similarity value of +80 per cent sinks down to a similarity of 60 per cent or 50 per cent, +the number of those who recognize the substitution will again become +larger; if, on the other hand, the substituted card shows the same +church, only from a slightly different angle, bringing the similarity +value up to 90 per cent or 95 per cent, the number of observers who +recognize the substitution may sink to 2 or 3. To make the experiments +reliable, it is also necessary frequently to mix in cases in which no +substitution at all is introduced.</p> + +<p>If these experiments are varied sufficiently and a large mass of +material brought together, we must be able to secure definite formulæ. +We may find that if the critical card appears among 6 cards, is shown +for 5 seconds, and the group is again exposed after 20 seconds, 80 per +cent of the subjects will recognize the substitution of a similar +card, if the degree of similarity is 30 per cent, but only 60 per cent +will recognize it if the degree of similarity is 70 per cent, and only +30 per cent will recognize it if the degree of similarity is 90 per +cent. These are entirely fictitious figures and are only to indicate +the principle. If such an exact formula were definitely discovered, we +should still be unable to say from mere psychological reasoning what +similarity value is legally permissible. If <a name="Page_290" id="Page_290" />the rules against +infringement are interpreted in a very rigorous spirit, it may seem +desirable to prohibit imitations which are as little similar as those +postal cards which were graded as 40 per cent in our similarity scale, +and if the interpretation is a loose one, it may appear permissible to +have imitations on the market which are as strongly similar as our +postal cards graded at 80 per cent in our similarity scale. All this +would have to be left to the lawmakers and to the judges. But what we +would have gained is this. We could say: if our object exposed for 5 +seconds in a group of 6 other objects is replaced after an interval of +20 seconds by an imitation and this change is recognized by 8 persons +among 10, the degree of similarity is 30 per cent and if it is +recognized by 3 out of 10 subjects, the degree of similarity is 90 per +cent. In short, from any percentage of subjects who under these +conditions discovered the substitution, we could determine the degree +of similarity, independent of any individual arbitrariness. If such +methods were accepted by the trade and the courts, it would only be +necessary, to agree on the percentage of similarity which ought to be +permitted, and all uncertainty would disappear. There would be no +wrangling of opposing interests; it would be possible to find out +whether the permitted limit were overstepped or <a name="Page_291" id="Page_291" />not with an +exactitude similar to that with which the weight or the chemical +constitution of a trade commodity is examined. Certainly the +experiment establishes here conditions which are very different from +those of practical life. The customer who wants to buy a particular +picture postal card which he saw once before and to whom the salesman +offers a similar one, suggesting that it is the same, is facing only +one card and not a group of six. But in practical life the card which +be has seen was not observed with the definite intention of keeping +the memory picture in mind, and months may have passed since it was +seen. The memory picture which the customer has in his consciousness +when he seeks the particular card is much weakened by this +circumstance too. We secure this weakening artificially by the +arrangement of the experiment in placing the card in a group of six or +ten and exposing them for a few seconds only. The force of attention +and the corresponding memory-value are by this distribution diminished +in a definite degree in the case of every single card.</p> + +<p>The investigation must include a careful study of the size of the +groups, of the time-relations, of the percentage of correct answers, +all under the point of view of greatest fitness for practical +application. In the Harvard laboratory the research <a name="Page_292" id="Page_292" />has been carried +on partly with such picture material, partly with word material, and +partly with concrete objects.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54" /><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Whatever the details of the outcome +may be, we hope that the work will lead to results which may, indeed, +make such a psychotechnical use possible. Its principles and formulæ +might easily be adjusted to any marketable material. As a matter of +course, if in future the courts were ever to accept such +psychological, experimental methods, it would be intolerable +dilettantism if such experiments were carried on by lawyers and +district attorneys. It is as true of this economic legal question as +of many other legal psychological problems that its introduction into +the courtroom can become desirable only when psychological experts are +engaged and called in the same way as chemical or medical experts are +invited to the court. On the other hand, there is surely not the +slightest desire on the part of psychologists to be dragged into +humiliating performances like those which not only handwriting +experts, but even psychiatric specialists have had to undergo +repeatedly in sensational court trials. The day for the expert +activity in the courtroom will came for the psychologist only when the +country has attached the expert to the court and has eliminated the +expert retained by the plaintiff or the defendant. But this general +<a name="Page_293" id="Page_293" />practical question as to the position of the psychologist in the +courtroom and as to the need of a psychological laboratory in +connection with the courts would lead us too far aside.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XXIII" id="XXIII" /><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294" />XXIII</h2> + +<h3>BUYING AND SELLING</h3> + + +<p>The effects which we have studied so far were produced by inanimate +objects, posters or displays, advertisements or labels and packings. +The economic psychotechnics of the future will surely study with +similar methods the effects of the living commercial agencies. +Experiments will trace the exact effects which the salesman or +customer may produce. But here not even a modest beginning can be +discovered, and it would be difficult to mention a single example of +experimental research. The desired psychological influences of the +salesman are not quite dissimilar to those of the printed means of +propaganda. Here, too, it is essential to turn the attention of the +customer to different points, to awaken a vivid favorable impression, +to emphasize the advantages of the goods, to throw full light on them, +and finally to influence the will-decision either by convincing +arguments or by persuasion and suggestion. In either case the point is +to enhance the impulse to buy and to suppress the opposing ideas. Yet +every one of these factors, when it starts from a man and not from a +thing or paper, changes its <a name="Page_295" id="Page_295" />form. The influence becomes narrower, it +is directed toward a smaller number of persons; but, on the other +hand, it gains just by the new possibility of individualization. The +salesman in the store or the commercial traveler adjusts himself to +the wishes, reactions, and replies of the buyer. Above all, when it +becomes necessary to direct the attention to the decisive points, the +personal agent has the possibility of developing the whole process +through a series of stages so that the attention slowly becomes +focused on one definite point. The salesman observes at first only the +general limits of the interest of the customer as far as it is +indicated by his reactions, but slowly he can find out in this whole +field the region of strongest desires. As soon as he has discovered +this narrower region in which the prospects of success seem to be +greatest, he can systematically eliminate everything which distracts +and scatters the attention. He can discover whether the psyche of the +individual with whom he is dealing can be influenced more strongly by +logical arguments or by suggestion, and how far he may calculate on +the pleasure instincts, on the excitement of emotions, on the impulse +to imitate, on the natural vanity, on the desire for saving, and on +the longing for luxury. In every one of these directions the whole +play of human suggestion may be helpful. <a name="Page_296" id="Page_296" />The voice may win or destroy +confidence, the statement may by its firmness overcome counter-motives +or by its uncertainty reinforce them. Even hand or arm movements by +their motor suggestion may focus the desires of the customers, while +unskillful, erratic movements may scatter the attention and lead to an +inner oscillation of the will to buy.</p> + +<p>At every one of these points the psychological experiment may find a +foothold, and only through such methodological study can the haphazard +proceedings of the commercial world be transformed into really +economic schemes. Indeed, it seems nothing but chance that just this +field is controlled by chance alone. The enormous social interplay of +energies which are discharged in the selling and buying of the +millions becomes utterly planless as soon as salesman and customer +come into contact, and this tremendous waste of energy cannot appear +desirable for any possible interest of civilization. The time alone +which is wasted by useless psychophysical operations in front of and +behind the counter represents a gigantic part of the national budget. +Even the complaints about the long working day of the salesgirls might +be eliminated from the debit account of the national ledger, if the +commercial companies could study the psychical processes in <a name="Page_297" id="Page_297" />selling +and buying with the same carefulness with which they analyze all +details in preparing the stock and fixing the prices. In the army or +in the fire department, in the railroad service, and even in the +factory, all necessary activities are so arranged that as far as +possible the greatest achievement is secured by the smallest amount of +energy. But when the hundreds of millions of customers in the +civilized world want to satisfy their economic demands in the stores, +the whole dissolves into a flood of talk, because no one has taken the +trouble to examine scientifically the psychotechnics of selling and to +put it on a firm psychological foundation.</p> + +<p>The idea of scientific management must be extended from the industrial +concerns to the commercial establishments. The questioning and +answering, the showing and replacing of the goods, the demonstrating +and suggesting by the salesmen, must be brought into an economic +system which saves time and energy, as has been tried with the laborer +in the factory. Wherever economic processes are carried out with +superfluous, haphazard movements, the national resources have to +suffer a loss. The single individual can never find the ideal form of +motion and the ideal process by mere instinct. A systematic +investigation is needed to determine the way to the great<a name="Page_298" id="Page_298" />est saving +of energy, and the result ought to be made a binding rule for every +apprentice. How the smallest influences grow by summation may be +illustrated by the experience of a large department store, in which +the expense for delivery of the articles sold was felt as too large an +item in the budget. The hundreds of saleswomen therefore received the +order after every sale of moderate-sized articles not to ask, as +before, "May we send it to you?" but instead, "Will you take it with +you?" Probably none of the many thousand daily customers observed the +difference, the more as it was indifferent to most of them whether +they took the little package home themselves or not. In cases in which +it was inconvenient, they would anyhow oppose the suggestion and +insist that the purchase be sent to them. Yet it is claimed that this +hardly noticeable suggestion led to a considerable saving in the +following year, distinctly felt in the budget of the whole +establishment.</p> + +<p>We must not forget, however, that the process of buying deserves the +same psychological interest as that of selling. If psychotechnics is +to be put into the service of a valuable economic task, the goal +cannot possibly be to devise schemes by which the customer may easily +be trapped. The purpose of science cannot be to help any one to <a name="Page_299" id="Page_299" />sell +articles to a man who does not need them and who would regret the +purchase after quiet thought. The applied psychologist should help the +prospective buyer no less, and must protect him so that his true +intention may become realized in the economic process. Otherwise +through his suggestibility, the determining idea of his goal might +fade in his consciousness and the appeal to his vanity or to his +instincts might awaken an anti-economic desire which he would be too +weak to inhibit. The salesman must know how to use arguments and +suggestions and how to make them effective,<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55" /><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> but the customer too +must know how to see through a misleading argument and how to resist +mere suggestion.</p> + +<p>The postulate that the psychical factors in commercial life are to be +carefully regarded is repeated in more complex form in the wholesale +business and in the stock exchange. It is a perfectly justified and +consistent thought which recently led a large credit bureau to an +effort to base its information on psychological analysis. It is well +known that there are bureaus in which the ledger experiences of a +large circle of companies in the same commercial line are collected, +tabulated, and recorded, thus affording an automatic review of the +occurrences, focusing early attention on doubtful accounts and +pointing out weaknesses <a name="Page_300" id="Page_300" />in the customers' conditions, as they +develop, as well as evidences of prosperity. The ledger experience +which a single company has with all its customers is tabulated without +revealing its identity to the associates, who get reports containing +it, and the many combined ledgers become a valuable guide. Yet all +such methods can show only actual movements in the market, and cannot +allow the prospects of future development to be determined, simply +because they cannot take into account the personal equations. Only an +acquaintance with the character and the temperament, the intelligence +and the habits, the energy and the weakness, of the head of a firm can +tell us whether the company, even with satisfactory resources, may go +down, or whether, even though embarrassed, it may hold out. The +psychological pioneer, therefore, aims not only toward an exchange of +ledger accounts, but toward a real psychological diagnosis and +prognosis. If a member of a firm is personally known to some scores of +business men who have had commercial dealings with him, and each one +of them, without disclosing his identity to any one but the central +bureau, sends to it a statement of personal impressions, a composite +picture of the mental physiognomy can be worked out. Of course all +this has been often done in the terms of popular psychology <a name="Page_301" id="Page_301" />and in a +haphazard, amateurish way. The new plan is to arrange the questions +systematically under the point of view of scientific descriptive +psychology. Regular psychograms, in which the probability of a +particular kind of behavior is to be determined in an exact percentage +calculation, are to replace the traditional vagueness, as soon as a +sufficient number of reliable answers have been tabulated.</p> + +<p>Commercial life as a whole finds its contact with psychology, of +course, not only in the problem of how to secure the best mental +effect. Those other questions which we have discussed essentially with +reference to factory life and industrial concerns, namely, how the +best man and the best work are to be secured, recur in the circle of +commercial endeavors. It seems, indeed, most desirable to devise +psychological tests by which the ability to be a successful salesman +or saleswoman may be determined at an early stage. The lamentable +shifting of the employees in all commercial spheres, with its +injurious social consequences, would then be unnecessary, and both +employers and employees would profit. Moreover, like the selection of +the men, the means of securing the most satisfactory work from them, +has also so far been left entirely to common sense. Commercial work +stands under an abundance <a name="Page_302" id="Page_302" />of varying conditions, and each may have +influences the isolated effects of which are not known, because they +have not been studied in that systematic form which only the +experiment can establish. The popular literature on this whole group +of subjects is extensive, and in its expansion corresponds to the +widespread demand for real information and advice to the salesman. But +hardly any part of the literature in the borderland regions of +economics is so disappointing in its vagueness, emptiness, and +helplessness. Experimental psychology has nothing with which to +replace it to-day, but it can at least show the direction from which +decisive help may be expected in future.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="XXIV" id="XXIV" /><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303" />XXIV</h2> + +<h3>THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC PSYCHOLOGY</h3> + + +<p>Here we may stop. From those elementary questions concerning the +mental effects, the path would quickly lead to questions of gravest +importance. What is the mental effect which the economic labor +produces in the laborer himself? How do economic movements influence +the mind of the community? How far do non-economic factors produce +effects on the psychical mechanism of the economic agents? But it +would be idle to claim to-day for exact psychology, with its methods +of causal thought, regions in which so far popular psychology, with +its methods of purposive thought, is still sovereign. Our aim +certainly was not to review the totality of possible problems related +to economic efficiency, but merely to demonstrate the principles and +the methods of experimental economic psychology by a few +characteristic illustrations. As all the examples which we selected +were chosen only in order to make clear the characteristic point of +view of psychotechnics, it is unimportant whether the particular +results will stand the test of further <a name="Page_304" id="Page_304" />experimental investigations, +or will have to be modified by new researches. What is needed to-day +is not to distribute the results so far reached as if they were parts +of a definite knowledge, but only to emphasize that the little which +has been accomplished should encourage continuous effort. To stimulate +such further work is the only purpose of this sketch.</p> + +<p>This further work will have to be a work of coöperation. The nature of +this problem demands a relatively large number of persons for the +experimental treatment. With most experimental researches in our +psychological laboratories, the number of the subjects experimented on +is not so important as the number of experiments made with a few +well-trained participants. But with the questions of applied +psychology the number of persons plays a much more significant rôle, +as the individual differences become of greatest importance. The same +problems ought therefore to be studied in various places, so that the +results may be exchanged and compared. Moreover, these psychological +economic investigations naturally lead beyond the possibilities of the +university laboratories. To a certain degree this was true of other +parts of applied psychology as well. Educational and medical +experimental psychology could not reach their fullest productivity +until <a name="Page_305" id="Page_305" />the experiment was systematically carried into the schoolroom +and the psychiatric clinic. But the classroom and the hospital are +relatively accessible places for the scientific worker, as both are +anyhow conducted under a scientific point of view. The teacher and the +physician can easily learn to perform valuable experiments with school +children or with patients. This favorable condition is lacking in the +workshop and the factory, in the banks and the markets. The academic +psychologist will be able to undertake work there only with a very +disturbing expenditure of time and only under exceptional conditions. +If such experiments, for instance, with laborers in a factory or +employees of a railway are to advance beyond the faint first efforts +of to-day and are really to become serviceable to the cultural +progress of our time with effective completeness, they ought not to +remain an accidental appendix to the theoretical laboratories. Either +the universities must create special laboratories for applied +psychology or independent research institutes must be founded which +attack the new concrete problems under the point of view of national +political economy. Experimental workshops could be created which are +really adjusted to the special practical needs and to which a +sufficiently large number of persons could be <a name="Page_306" id="Page_306" />drawn for the +systematic researches. The ideal solution for the United States would +be a governmental bureau for applied psychology, with special +reference to the psychology of commerce and industry, similar to the +model agricultural stations all over the land under the Department of +Agriculture.</p> + +<p>Only when such a broad foundation has been secured will the time be +ripe to carry the method systematically into the daily work. The aim +will never be for real experimental researches to be performed by the +foreman in the workshop or by the superintendent in the factory. But +slowly a certain acknowledged system of rules and prescriptions may be +worked out which may be used as patterns, and which will not +presuppose any scientific knowledge, any more than an understanding of +the principles of electricity is necessary for one who uses the +telephone. But besides the rigid rules which any one may apply, +particular prescriptions will be needed fitting the special situation. +This leads to the demand for the large establishments to appoint +professionally trained psychologists who will devote their services to +the psychological problems of the special industrial plant. There are +many factories that have scores of scientifically trained chemists or +physicists at work, but who would <a name="Page_307" id="Page_307" />consider it an unproductive luxury +to appoint a scientifically schooled experimental psychologist to +their staff. And yet his observations and researches might become +economically the most important factor. Similar expectations might be +justified for the large department stores and especially for the big +transportation companies. In smaller dimensions the same real needs +exist in the ordinary workshop and store. It is obvious that the +professional consulting psychologist would satisfy these needs most +directly, and if such a new group of engineers were to enter into +industrial life, very soon a further specialization might be expected. +Some of these psychological engineers would devote themselves to the +problems of vocational selection and appointment; others would +specialize on questions of advertisement and display and propaganda; a +third group on problems of fatigue, efficiency, and recreation; a +fourth on the psychological demands for the arrangement of the +machines; and every day would give rise to new divisions. Such a +well-schooled specialist, if he spent a few hours in a workshop or a +few days in a factory, could submit propositions which might refer +exclusively to the psychological factors and yet which might be more +important for the earning and the profit of the establishment than the +mere buying of new <a name="Page_308" id="Page_308" />machines or the mere increase in the number of +laborers.</p> + +<p>No one can deny that such a transition must be burdened with difficult +complications and even with dangers; and still less will any one doubt +that it may be caricatured. One who demands that a chauffeur or a +motorman of an electric railway be examined as to his psychical +abilities by systematic psychological methods, so that accidents may +be avoided, does not necessarily demand that a congressman or a +cabinet minister or a candidate for marriage be tested too by +psychological laboratory experiments, as the witty ones have proposed. +And one who believes that the work in the factory ought to be studied +with reference to the smallest possible expenditure of psychical +impulses is not convinced that the same experimental methods will be +necessary for the functions of eating and drinking and love-making, as +has been suggested.</p> + +<p>And if it is true that difficulties and discomforts are to be feared +during the transition period, they should be more than outweighed by +the splendid betterments to be hoped for. We must not forget that the +increase of industrial efficiency by future psychological adaptation +and by improvement of the psychophysical conditions is not only in the +interest of the employers, but still more of the <a name="Page_309" id="Page_309" />employees; their +working time can be reduced, their wages increased, their level of +life raised. And above all, still more important than the naked +commercial profit on both sides, is the cultural gain which will come +to the total economic life of the nation, as soon as every one can be +brought to the place where his best energies may be unfolded and his +greatest personal satisfaction secured. The economic experimental +psychology offers no more inspiring idea than this adjustment of work +and psyche by which mental dissatisfaction in the work, mental +depression and discouragement, may be replaced in our social community +by overflowing joy and perfect inner harmony.</p> + + +<div class="center">THE END<a name="Page_310" id="Page_310" /><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311" /><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312" /></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="NOTES" id="NOTES" /><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313" />NOTES</h2> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1" /><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The fullest account of the modern studies on individual +differences is to be found in: William Stern: Die differentielle +Psychologie in ihren methodischen Grundlagen. (Leipzig, 1911.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2" /><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The practical applications of psychology in education, +law, and medicine, I have discussed in detail in the books: +Münsterberg: Psychology and the Teacher. (New York, 1910.) +Münsterberg: On the Witness Stand. (New York, 1908.) (English edition +under the title: Psychology and Crime.) Münsterberg: Psychotherapy +(New York, 1909.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3" /><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Frank Parsons: Choosing a Vocation. (Boston, 1909.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4" /><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> M. Bloomfield: The Vocational Guidance of Youth. (Boston, +1911.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5" /><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Vocations for Boys. (Issued by the Vocation Bureau of +Boston. 1912.) Vocations for Boston Girls. (Issued by the Girls' Trade +Education League. 1911.) Bulletins of Vocation Series. (Issued by the +Women's Educational and Industrial Union. 1911.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6" /><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. +(New York, 1911.) H.L. Gantt: Work, Wages, and Profits. (New York, +1912.) And the books of Emerson, Gilbreth, Goldmark, etc., to be +mentioned later.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7" /><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> H. Emerson: Efficiency as a Basis for Operation and +Wages. (New York, 1912, p. 107.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8" /><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> H. Emerson: The Twelve Principles of Efficiency. (New +York, 1912, p. 176.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9" /><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> H Emerson: The Twelve Principles, p. 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10" /><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> H. Emerson: The Twelve Principles, p. 177.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11" /><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management, +pp. 86-97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12" /><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The experiments are being conducted and will be +published by Mr. J.W. Bridges.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314" /><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13" /><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Investigation of Telephone Companies: Bureau of Labor. +(Washington, Government Printing Office, 1910.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14" /><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Ries: Beiträge zur Methodik der Intelligenzprüfung. +(Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 1910, vol. 56.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15" /><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> For a survey of a large number of such tests and +bibliography, compare: G.M. Whipple: Manual of Mental and Physical +Tests. (Baltimore, 1911.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16" /><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> F.L. Wells: The Relation of Practice to Individual +Differences. (American Journal of Psychology, 1912, vol. 23, pp. +75-88.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17" /><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> M. Bernays: Auslese und Anpassung der Arbeiterschaft der +geschlossenen Grossindustrie, dargestellt an den Verhältnissen der +Gladbacher Spinnerei und Weberei. (Leipzig, 1910, p. 337.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18" /><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> H.C. McComas: Some Types of Attention. (Psychological +Review Monographs, vol. 13, 3, 1911.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19" /><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Max Weber: Zur Psychophysik der industriellen Arbeit. +(Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, 1908 and 1909, vols. +27 and 28.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20" /><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Bryan and Harter: Studies in the Telegraphic Language. +(Psychological Review, vol. 4.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21" /><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> W.F. Book: The Psychology of Skill. (University of +Montana, Publications in Psychology, 1910.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22" /><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> H. Münsterberg: Beiträge zur experimentellen +Psychologie. (Book iv, 1892.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23" /><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> A.J. Culler: Interference and Adaptability. (Archives of +Psychology, 1912.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24" /><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> The experiments are being conducted and will be +published by Mr. L.W. Kline.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25" /><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Adolf Gerson: Die physiologischen Grundlagen der +Arbeitsteilung. (Zeitschrift für Sozialwissenschaft, 1907.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26" /><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Karl Bücher: Arbeit und Rhythmus. (Fourth Edition, +Leipzig, 1909, p. 438.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27" /><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Frank G. Gilbreth: Motion Study. (New York, 1911.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28" /><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New +York, 1911, p. 71.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315" /><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29" /><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> The experiments are being conducted and will be +published by Mr. E.R. Riesen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30" /><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> R. Herbertz: Zur Psychologie des Maschinenschreibens. +(Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie, 1908, vol. 2, p. 551.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31" /><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> C.L. Vaughan: The Moter Power of Complexity. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906, p. 527.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32" /><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> G.M. Stratton: Some Experiments in the Perception of the +Movement, Color, and Direction of Lights. (Psychological Review +Monographs, vol. 10, 1908.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33" /><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> The experiments are being conducted and will be +published by Miss L.M. Seeley.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34" /><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> H. Münsterberg: Beiträge sur experimentellen +Psychologie. (Book iv, 1892.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35" /><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> R.S. Woodworth: Accuracy of Voluntary Movement. +(Psychological Review Monographs, vol. 8, 1899.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36" /><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> B.A. Lenfest: The Accuracy of Linear Movement. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37" /><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Ranschburg: Ueber die Bedeutung der Ähnlichkeit beim +Erlernen, Behalten und bei der Reproduktion. (Journal für Psychologie +und Neurologie, vol. 6.) Ranschburg: Zeitschrift für Psychologie und +Physiologie der Sinnesorgane. (Vol. 80, 1902.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38" /><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> H. Kleinknecht: The Interference of Optical Stimuli. +(Harvard Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39" /><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The experiments are being conducted and will be +published by Miss O.E. Martin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40" /><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Henry P. Kendall: Unsystematized, Systematized, and +Scientific Management. (In Addresses and Discussions at the Conference +on Scientific Management held at Dartmouth College, 1912.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41" /><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Ernst Abbé: Gesammelte Abhandlungen. (Jena, 1908, vol. +3, p. 206.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42" /><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> A full survey of the problem and its literature is +contained in: Josephine Goldmark: Fatigue and Efficiency. (New York, +1912.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43" /><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. +(New York, 1911, p. 58.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316" /><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44" /><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> W. Hellpach: Die geopsychischen Erscheinungen, Wetter, +Klima und Landschaft und ihr Einfluss auf das Seelenleben (Leipzig, +1911 p. 176-212.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45" /><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Aschaffenburg: Praktische Arbeit unter Alkoholwirkung +(Psychologische Arbeiten—Kraepelin, vol 1, 1906.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46" /><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Hildebrand Die Beeinflussung der Willenskraft durch den +Alkohol (Königsberg, 1910.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47" /><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> For the scientific facts concerning alcohol and +bibliography compare Hugo Hoppe: Die Tatsachen über den Alkohol +(Munich, 1912.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48" /><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> H.L. Hollingworth: The Influence of Caffein on Mental +and Motor Efficiency. (New York, 1912.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49" /><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Levenstein: Die Arbeiterfrage. (Munich, 1912.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50" /><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> W.D. Scott: The Psychology of Advertising. (Boston, +1908, p. 166.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51" /><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> D. Starch: Psychology of Preferred Positions. (Judicious +Advertising, New York, November, 1909.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52" /><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> C.T. Burnett: The Estimation of Number. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, p. 349.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53" /><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> E.S. Rogers: The Unwary Purchaser: A Study in the +Psychology of Trade Mark Infringement. (Michigan Law Review, vol. 8, +1910.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54" /><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> The experiments are being conducted and will be +published by Mr. G.A. Feingold.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55" /><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> W.D. Scott: Influencing Men in Business. (New York, +1911.)<a name="Page_317" id="Page_317" /><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318" /></p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX" /><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319" />INDEX</h2> + + +<p>Abstinence, <a href='#Page_230'>230</a>.</p> + +<p>Accidents, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>. </p> + +<p>Adjustment, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>. </p> + +<p>Advertisement, <a href='#Page_255'>255</a>. </p> + +<p>Alcohol, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>. </p> + +<p>Analysis, <a href='#Page_47'>47</a>, <a href='#Page_123'>123</a>. </p> + +<p>Apperception, <a href='#Page_266'>266</a>. </p> + +<p>Applied psychology, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_15'>15</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>. </p> + +<p>Appointment, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>. </p> + +<p>Apprentice, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>. </p> + +<p>Arguments, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>. </p> + +<p>Art, <a href='#Page_273'>273</a>. </p> + +<p>Artificial track, <a href='#Page_71'>71</a>. </p> + +<p>Association, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_156'>156</a>. </p> + +<p>Attention, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_106'>106</a>, <a href='#Page_135'>135</a>, <a href='#Page_197'>197</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>. </p> + +<p>Attitude, <a href='#Page_68'>68</a>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Beauty, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>, <a href='#Page_278'>278</a>. </p> + +<p>Beginner, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>. </p> + +<p>Buying, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Caffein, <a href='#Page_232'>232</a>. </p> + +<p>Capitalism, <a href='#Page_143'>143</a>. </p> + +<p>Card test, <a href='#Page_87'>87</a>. </p> + +<p>Choice of vocation, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>. </p> + +<p>Color blindness, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>. </p> + +<p>Complication, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>. </p> + +<p>Concentration, <a href='#Page_136'>136</a>. </p> + +<p>Confession, <a href='#Page_18'>18</a>. </p> + +<p>Consciousness, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>. </p> + +<p>Conservation, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>. </p> + +<p>Consulting psychologist, <a href='#Page_307'>307</a>. </p> + +<p>Conversation, <a href='#Page_208'>208</a>. </p> + +<p>Counting, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>. </p> + +<p>Correlation, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>. </p> + +<p>Court, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>. </p> + +<p>Credit bureau, <a href='#Page_299'>299</a>. </p> + +<p>Criminal, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>. </p> + +<p>Customer, <a href='#Page_298'>298</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Decision, <a href='#Page_85'>85</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a>. </p> + +<p>Discrimination, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>. </p> + +<p>Display, <a href='#Page_272'>272</a>. </p> + +<p>Dispositions, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>. </p> + +<p>Distraction, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>. </p> + +<p>Distribution, <a href='#Page_276'>276</a>. </p> + +<p>Disturbances, <a href='#Page_210'>210</a>. </p> + +<p>Division of labor, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>. </p> + +<p>Dynamogenic, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Economics, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_243'>243</a>, <a href='#Page_250'>250</a>. </p> + +<p>Educational psychology, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>. </p> + +<p>Efficiency, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a>, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>, <a href='#Page_225'>225</a>. </p> + +<p>Effort, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>. </p> + +<p>Electric railway, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>. </p> + +<p>Energy, <a href='#Page_175'>175</a>. </p> + +<p>Entertainment, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>. </p> + +<p>Ergograph, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>. </p> + +<p>Exactitude, <a href='#Page_186'>186</a>. </p> + +<p>Examinations, <a href='#Page_29'>29</a>. </p> + +<p>Excitability, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>. </p> + +<p>Experimental psychology, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>, <a href='#Page_57'>57</a>, <a href='#Page_251'>251</a>. </p> + +<p>Expert, <a href='#Page_292'>292</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Factory, <a href='#Page_122'>122</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_306'>306</a>. </p> + +<p>Failure, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>. </p> + +<p>Fatigue, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_206'>206</a>, <a href='#Page_211'>211</a>, <a href='#Page_218'>218</a>. </p> + +<p>Feeling, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>, <a href='#Page_253'>253</a>. </p> + +<p>Fitness, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>, <a href='#Page_60'>60</a>, <a href='#Page_116'>116</a>. </p> + +<p>Foresight, <a href='#Page_64'>64</a>. </p> + +<p><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320" /> </p> +<p>Grading, <a href='#Page_103'>103</a>, <a href='#Page_107'>107</a>. </p> + +<p>Groups, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Habits, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>, <a href='#Page_182'>182</a>. </p> + +<p>Handwriting, <a href='#Page_134'>134</a>. </p> + +<p>History, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>. </p> + +<p>Household, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Illusions, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>. </p> + +<p>Imagination, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>. </p> + +<p>Imitation, <a href='#Page_236'>236</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>. </p> + +<p>Inclination, <a href='#Page_126'>126</a>. </p> + +<p>Individual differences, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_129'>129</a>, <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>, <a href='#Page_222'>222</a>. </p> + +<p>Industrial experiments, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>. </p> + +<p>Industry, <a href='#Page_59'>59</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_191'>191</a>. </p> + +<p>Inhibition, <a href='#Page_84'>84</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>, <a href='#Page_203'>203</a>. </p> + +<p>Injuries, <a href='#Page_213'>213</a>. </p> + +<p>Intelligence, <a href='#Page_102'>102</a>. </p> + +<p>Interest, <a href='#Page_194'>194</a>. </p> + +<p>Interference, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>. </p> + +<p>Interruption, <a href='#Page_183'>183</a>. </p> + +<p>Intuition, <a href='#Page_53'>53</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Jurisdiction, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Labels, <a href='#Page_279'>279</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>. </p> + +<p>Labor legislation, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>. </p> + +<p>Learning, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>. </p> + +<p>Legal psychology, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>. </p> + +<p>Localization of sound, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>. </p> + +<p>Locomotives, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>. </p> + +<p>Logic, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Machine, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>. </p> + +<p>Mason, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>. </p> + +<p>Meaning, <a href='#Page_247'>247</a>. </p> + +<p>Medical psychology, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>. </p> + +<p>Memory, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>, <a href='#Page_147'>147</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>, <a href='#Page_226'>226</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>. </p> + +<p>Methods, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>. </p> + +<p>Mills, <a href='#Page_117'>117</a>. </p> + +<p>Miniature models, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>. </p> + +<p>Monotony, <a href='#Page_190'>190</a>, <a href='#Page_198'>198</a>. </p> + +<p>Motormen, <a href='#Page_63'>63</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>. </p> + +<p>Movement, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>, <a href='#Page_185'>185</a>. </p> + +<p>Muscles, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Nationality, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>. </p> + +<p>Nervous disease, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>. </p> + +<p>Newspaper, <a href='#Page_259'>259</a>. </p> + +<p>Noise, <a href='#Page_173'>173</a>. </p> + +<p>Number, <a href='#Page_275'>275</a>. </p> + +<p>Numerical results, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Optics, <a href='#Page_277'>277</a>. </p> + +<p>Organization, <a href='#Page_154'>154</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Packing, <a href='#Page_282'>282</a>. </p> + +<p>Pauses, <a href='#Page_214'>214</a>. </p> + +<p>Pedagogy, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>. </p> + +<p>Personality, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>. </p> + +<p>Position, <a href='#Page_269'>269</a>. </p> + +<p>Postal cards, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>. </p> + +<p>Prejudices, <a href='#Page_133'>133</a>. </p> + +<p>Psychiatry, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>. </p> + +<p>Psychological laboratories, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a>, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>, <a href='#Page_257'>257</a>, <a href='#Page_304'>304</a>. </p> + +<p>Psychophysical law, <a href='#Page_252'>252</a>. </p> + +<p>Psychotechnics, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Qualities, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>. </p> + +<p>Questionnaires, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Race, <a href='#Page_130'>130</a>. </p> + +<p>Rapidity, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>. </p> + +<p>Reaction-time, <a href='#Page_54'>54</a>, <a href='#Page_65'>65</a>. </p> + +<p>Recognition, <a href='#Page_268'>268</a>. </p> + +<p>Repetition, <a href='#Page_148'>148</a>, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_192'>192</a>, <a href='#Page_262'>262</a>. </p> + +<p>Rest, <a href='#Page_217'>217</a>. </p> + +<p>Rhythm, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a>, <a href='#Page_187'>187</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Salesman, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>. </p> + +<p>Satisfaction, <a href='#Page_248'>248</a>. </p> + +<p>Saving, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_184'>184</a>. </p> + +<p>School, <a href='#Page_128'>128</a>, <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>, <a href='#Page_219'>219</a>. </p> + +<p>Scientific management, <a href='#Page_49'>49</a>, <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, <a href='#Page_164'>164</a>, <a href='#Page_168'>168</a>, <a href='#Page_297'>297</a>. </p> + +<p>Selection, <a href='#Page_51'>51</a>. <a name="Page_321" id="Page_321" /></p> + +<p>Self-knowledge, <a href='#Page_30'>30</a>, <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>. </p> + +<p>Self-observation, <a href='#Page_45'>45</a>. </p> + +<p>Selling, <a href='#Page_294'>294</a>. </p> + +<p>Sewing, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>. </p> + +<p>Sex, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>. </p> + +<p>Shifting, <a href='#Page_118'>118</a>. </p> + +<p>Ship models, <a href='#Page_67'>67</a>. </p> + +<p>Ship service, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>. </p> + +<p>Shoveling, <a href='#Page_166'>166</a>. </p> + +<p>Signals, <a href='#Page_176'>176</a>. </p> + +<p>Similarity, <a href='#Page_283'>283</a>, <a href='#Page_286'>286</a>. </p> + +<p>Size, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>. </p> + +<p>Sleep, <a href='#Page_224'>224</a>. </p> + +<p>Social influences, <a href='#Page_221'>221</a>. </p> + +<p>Speed, <a href='#Page_169'>169</a>, <a href='#Page_233'>233</a>. </p> + +<p>Subdivision, <a href='#Page_22'>22</a>. </p> + +<p>Suggestion, <a href='#Page_274'>274</a>, <a href='#Page_295'>295</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Task, <a href='#Page_237'>237</a>. </p> + +<p>Technical sciences, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>. </p> + +<p>Technique, <a href='#Page_158'>158</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>. </p> + +<p>Telegraphy, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>. </p> + +<p>Telephone Service, <a href='#Page_97'>97</a>. </p> + +<p>Temperature, <a href='#Page_223'>223</a>. </p> + +<p>Tests, <a href='#Page_76'>76</a>, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>, <a href='#Page_105'>105</a>, <a href='#Page_111'>111</a>. </p> + +<p>Trade Unions, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>. </p> + +<p>Training, <a href='#Page_125'>125</a>, <a href='#Page_141'>141</a>, <a href='#Page_150'>150</a>. </p> + +<p>Type-setting, <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>. </p> + +<p>Typewriting, <a href='#Page_151'>151</a>, <a href='#Page_170'>170</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Uncertainty, <a href='#Page_284'>284</a>. </p> + +<p>Unfitness, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>. </p> + +<p>Uniformity, <a href='#Page_193'>193</a>. <a href='#Page_199'>199</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Values, <a href='#Page_245'>245</a>. </p> + +<p>Visibility, <a href='#Page_172'>172</a>. </p> + +<p>Vividness, <a href='#Page_261'>261</a>. </p> + +<p>Vocation, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>. </p> + +<p>Vocational counselor, <a href='#Page_41'>41</a>. </p> + +<p>Vocational guidance, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a>, <a href='#Page_48'>48</a>. </p> + +<p> </p> +<p>Wages, <a href='#Page_127'>127</a>, <a href='#Page_165'>165</a>, <a href='#Page_195'>195</a>, <a href='#Page_235'>235</a>. </p> + +<p>Waste, <a href='#Page_38'>38</a>, <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>. </p> + +<p>Will-impulse, <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>, <a href='#Page_227'>227</a>. </p> + +<p>Witness, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>. </p> + +<p>Women, <a href='#Page_132'>132</a>, <a href='#Page_161'>161</a>. </p> + +<p>Working-day, <a href='#Page_212'>212</a>, <a href='#Page_296'>296</a>. </p> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Psychology and Industrial Efficiency +by Hugo Münsterberg + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY *** + +***** This file should be named 15154-h.htm or 15154-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/1/5/15154/ + +Produced by Rick Niles, Karen Dalrymple, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Psychology and Industrial Efficiency + +Author: Hugo Muensterberg + +Release Date: February 23, 2005 [EBook #15154] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY *** + + + + +Produced by Rick Niles, Karen Dalrymple, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + +PSYCHOLOGY AND +INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY + + +BY + +HUGO MUeNSTERBERG + + +BOSTON AND NEW YORK +HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY +The Riverside Press Cambridge +1913 + + + +TO +HAROLD F. McCORMICK + + + + +PREFATORY NOTE + +This book corresponds to a German book, which I published a few months +ago, under the title _Psychologie und Wirlschaftsleben: Ein Beitrag +zur angewandten Experimental-Psychologie_ (Leipzig: J.A. Barth). It is +not a translation, as some parts of the German volume have been +abbreviated or entirely omitted and other parts have been enlarged and +supplemented. Yet the essential substance of the two books is +identical. + + + +CONTENTS + + +INTRODUCTION + + I. APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY + + II. THE DEMANDS OF PRACTICAL LIFE + + III. MEANS AND ENDS + + +I. THE BEST POSSIBLE MAN + + IV. VOCATION AND FITNESS + + V. SCIENTIFIC VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE + + VI. SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT + + VII. THE METHODS OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY + + VIII. EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF ELECTRIC RAILWAY SERVICE + + IX. EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF SHIP SERVICE + + X. EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF TELEPHONE SERVICE + + XI. CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MEN OF AFFAIRS + + XII. INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS + + +II. THE BEST POSSIBLE WORK + + XIII. LEARNING AND TRAINING + + XIV. THE ADJUSTMENT OF TECHNICAL TO PSYCHICAL CONDITIONS + + XV. THE ECONOMY OF MOVEMENT + + XVI. EXPERIMENTS ON THE PROBLEM OF MONOTONY + + XVII. ATTENTION AND FATIGUE + + XVIII. PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE WORKING POWER + + +III. THE BEST POSSIBLE EFFECT + + XIX. THE SATISFACTION OF ECONOMIC DEMANDS + + XX. EXPERIMENTS ON THE EFFECTS OF ADVERTISEMENTS + + XXI. THE EFFECT OF DISPLAY + + XXII. EXPERIMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO ILLEGAL IMITATION + + XXIII. BUYING AND SELLING + + XXIV. THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC PSYCHOLOGY + + +NOTES + +INDEX + + + + +PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + + + +I + +APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY + + +Our aim is to sketch the outlines of a new science which is to +intermediate between the modern laboratory psychology and the problems +of economics: the psychological experiment is systematically to be +placed at the service of commerce and industry. So far we have only +scattered beginnings of the new doctrine, only tentative efforts and +disconnected attempts which have started, sometimes in economic, and +sometimes in psychological, quarters. The time when an exact +psychology of business life will be presented as a closed and +perfected system lies very far distant. But the earlier the attention +of wider circles is directed to its beginnings and to the importance +and bearings of its tasks, the quicker and the more sound will be the +development of this young science. What is most needed to-day at the +beginning of the new movement are clear, concrete illustrations which +demonstrate the possibilities of the new method. In the following +pages, accordingly, it will be my aim to analyze the results of +experiments which have actually been carried out, experiments +belonging to many different spheres of economic life. But these +detached experiments ought always at least to point to a connected +whole; the single experiments will, therefore, always need a general +discussion of the principles as a background. In the interest of such +a wider perspective we may at first enter into some preparatory +questions of theory. They may serve as an introduction which is to +lead us to the actual economic life and the present achievements of +experimental psychology. + +It is well known that the modern psychologists only slowly and very +reluctantly approached the apparently natural task of rendering useful +service to practical life. As long as the study of the mind was +entirely dependent upon philosophical or theological speculation, no +help could be expected from such endeavors to assist in the daily +walks of life. But half a century has passed since the study of +consciousness was switched into the tracks of exact scientific +investigation. Five decades ago the psychologists began to devote +themselves to the most minute description of the mental experiences +and to explain the mental life in a way which was modeled after the +pattern of exact natural sciences. Their aim was no longer to +speculate about the soul, but to find the psychical elements and the +constant laws which control their connections. Psychology became +experimental and physiological. For more than thirty years the +psychologists have also had their workshops. Laboratories for +experimental psychology have grown up in all civilized countries, and +the new method has been applied to one group of mental traits after +another. And yet we stand before the surprising fact that all the +manifold results of the new science have remained book knowledge, +detached from any practical interests. Only in the last ten years do +we find systematic efforts to apply the experimental results of +psychology to the needs of society. + +It is clear that the reason for this late beginning is not an +unwillingness of the last century to make theoretical knowledge +serviceable to the demands of life. Every one knows, on the contrary, +that the glorious advance of the natural sciences became at the same +time a triumphal march of technique. Whatever was brought to light in +the laboratories of the physicists and chemists, of the physiologists +and pathologists, was quickly transformed into achievements of +physical and chemical industry, of medicine and hygiene, of +agriculture and mining and transportation. No realm of the external +social life remained untouched. The scientists, on the other hand, +felt that the far-reaching practical effect which came from their +discoveries exerted a stimulating influence on the theoretical +researches themselves. The pure search for truth and knowledge was not +lowered when the electrical waves were harnessed for wireless +telegraphy, or the Roentgen rays were forced into the service of +surgery. The knowledge of nature and the mastery of nature have always +belonged together. + +The persistent hesitation of the psychologists to make similar +practical use of their experimental results has therefore come from +different causes. The students of mental life evidently had the +feeling that quiet, undisturbed research was needed for the new +science of psychology in order that a certain maturity might be +reached before a contact with the turmoil of practical life would be +advisable. The sciences themselves cannot escape injury if their +results are forced into the rush of the day before the fundamental +ideas have been cleared up, the methods of investigation really tried, +and an ample supply of facts collected. But this very justified +reluctance becomes a real danger if it grows into an instinctive fear +of coming into contact at all with practical life. To be sure, in any +single case there may be a difference of opinion as to when the right +time has come and when the inner consolidation of a new science is +sufficiently advanced for the technical service, but it ought to be +clear that it is not wise to wait until the scientists have settled +all the theoretical problems involved. True progress in every +scientific field means that the problems become multiplied and that +ever new questions keep coming to the surface. If the psychologists +were to refrain from practical application until the theoretical +results of their laboratories need no supplement, the time for applied +psychology would never come. Whoever looks without prejudice on the +development of modern psychology ought to acknowledge that the +hesitancy which was justified in the beginning would to-day be +inexcusable lack of initiative. For the sciences of the mind too, the +time has come when theory and practice must support each other. An +exceedingly large mass of facts has been gathered, the methods have +become refined and differentiated, and however much may still be under +discussion, the ground common to all is ample enough to build upon. + +Another important reason for the slowness of practical progress was +probably this. When the psychologists began to work with the new +experimental methods, their most immediate concern was to get rid of +mere speculation and to take hold of actual facts. Hence they regarded +the natural sciences as their model, and, together with the +experimental method which distinguishes scientific work, the +characteristic goal of the sciences was accepted too. This scientific +goal is always the attainment of general laws; and so it happened that +in the first decades after the foundation of psychological +laboratories the general laws of the mind absorbed the entire +attention and interest of the investigators. The result of such an +attitude was, that we learned to understand the working of the typical +mind, but that all the individual variations were almost neglected. +When the various individuals differed in their mental behavior, these +differences appeared almost as disturbances which the psychologists +had to eliminate in order to find the general laws which hold for +every mind. The studies were accordingly confined to the general +averages of mental experience, while the variations from such averages +were hardly included in the scientific account. In earlier centuries, +to be sure, the interest of the psychological observers had been given +almost entirely to the rich manifoldness of human characters and +intelligences and talents. In the new period of experimental work, +this interest was taken as an indication of the unscientific fancies +of the earlier age, in which the curious and the anecdotal attracted +the view. The new science which was to seek the laws was to overcome +such popular curiosity. In this sign experimental psychology has +conquered. The fundamental laws of the ideas and of the attention, of +the memory and of the will, of the feeling and of the emotions, have +been elaborated. Yet it slowly became evident that such one-sidedness, +however necessary it may have been at the beginning, would make any +practical application impossible. In practical life we never have to +do with what is common to all human beings, even when we are to +influence large masses; we have to deal with personalities whose +mental life is characterized by particular traits of nationality, or +race, or vocation, or sex, or age, or special interests, or other +features by which they differ from the average mind which the +theoretical psychologist may construct as a type. Still more +frequently we have to act with reference to smaller groups or to +single individuals whose mental physiognomy demands careful +consideration. As long as experimental psychology remained essentially +a science of the mental laws, common to all human beings, an +adjustment to the practical demands of daily life could hardly come in +question. With such general laws we could never have mastered the +concrete situations of society, because we should have had to leave +out of view the fact that there are gifted and ungifted, intelligent +and stupid, sensitive and obtuse, quick and slow, energetic and weak +individuals. + +But in recent years a complete change can be traced in our science. +Experiments which refer to these individual differences themselves +have been carried on by means of the psychological laboratory, at +first reluctantly and in tentative forms, but within the last ten +years the movement has made rapid progress. To-day we have a +psychology of individual variations from the point of view of the +psychological laboratory.[1] This development of schemes to compare +the differences between the individuals by the methods of experimental +science was after all the most important advance toward the practical +application of psychology. The study of the individual differences +itself is not applied psychology, but it is the presupposition without +which applied psychology would have remained a phantom. + + + + +II + +THE DEMANDS OF PRACTICAL LIFE + + +While in this way the progress of psychology itself and the +development of the psychology of individual differences favored the +growth of applied psychology, there arose at the same time an +increasing demand in the midst of practical life. Especially the +teachers and the physicians, later the lawyers as well, looked for +help from exact psychology. The science of education and instruction +had always had some contact with the science of the mind, as the +pedagogues could never forget that the mental development of the child +has to stand in the centre of educational thought. For a long while +pedagogy was still leaning on a philosophical psychology, after that +old-fashioned study of the soul had been given up in psychological +quarters. At last, in the days of progressive experimental psychology, +the time came when the teachers under the pressure of their new needs +began to inquire how far the modern laboratory could aid them in the +classroom. The pedagogical psychology of memory, of attention, of +will, and of intellect was systematically worked up by men with +practical school interests. We may notice in the movement a slow but +most important shifting. At first the results of theoretical +psychology were simply transplanted into the pedagogical field. +Experiments which were carried on in the interest of pure theoretical +science were made practical use of, but their application remained a +mere chance by-product. Only slowly did the pedagogical problems +themselves begin to determine the experimental investigation. The +methods of laboratory psychology were applied for the solving of those +problems which originated in the school experience, and only when this +point was reached could a truly experimental pedagogy be built on a +psychological foundation. We stand in the midst of this vigorous and +healthy movement, which has had a stimulating effect on theoretical +psychology itself. + +We find a similar situation in the sphere of the physician. He could +not pass by the new science of the mind without instinctively feeling +that his medical diagnosis and therapy could be furthered in many +directions by the experimental method. Not only the psychiatrist and +nerve specialist, but in a certain sense every physician had made use +of a certain amount of psychology in his professional work. He had +always had to make clear to himself the mental experiences of the +patient, to study his pain sensations and his feelings of comfort, +his fears and his hopes, his perceptions and his volitions, and to a +certain degree he had always tried to influence the mental life of the +patient, to work on him by suggestion and to help him by stimulating +his mind. But as far as a real description and explanation of such +mental experiences came in question, all remained a dilettantic +semi-psychology which worked with the most trivial conceptions of +popular thinking. The medical men recognized the disproportion between +the exactitude of their anatomical, physiological, and pathological +observation and the superficiality of their self-made psychology. Thus +the desire arose in their own medical circle to harmonize their +psychological means of diagnosis and therapy with the schemes of +modern scientific psychology. The physician who examines the +sensations in a nervous disease, or the intelligence in a mental +disease, or heals by suggestion or hypnotism, tries to apply the +latest discoveries of the psychological laboratory. But here, too, the +same development as in pedagogy can be traced. The physicians at first +made use only of results which had been secured under entirely +different points of view, but later the experiments were subordinated +to the special medical problems. Then the physician was no longer +obliged simply to use what he happened to find among the results of +the theoretical psychologist, but carried on the experiments in the +service of medical problems. The independent status of experimental +medical psychology could be secured only by this development. + +In somewhat narrower limits the same may be said as to the problems of +law. A kind of popular psychology was naturally involved whenever +judges or lawyers analyzed the experience on the witness stand or +discussed the motives of crime or the confessions of the criminal or +the social conditions of criminality. But when every day brought new +discoveries in the psychological laboratory, it seemed natural to make +use of the new methods and of the new results in the interest of the +courtroom. The power of observation in the witness, the exactitude of +his memory, the character of his illusions and imagination, his +suggestibility and his feeling, appeared in a new light in view of the +experimental investigations, and the emotions and volitions of the +criminal were understood with a new insight. Here, too, the last step +was taken. Instead of being satisfied with experiments which the +psychologist had made for his own purposes, the students of legal +psychology adjusted experiments to the particular needs of the +courtroom. Investigations were carried on to determine, the fidelity +of testimony or to find methods for the detection of hidden thoughts +and so on. Efforts toward the application of psychology have +accordingly grown up in the fields of pedagogy, medicine, and +jurisprudence, but as these studies naturally do not remain +independent of one another, they all together form the one unified +science of applied psychology.[2] + +As soon as the independence of this new science was felt, it was +natural that new demands and new problems should continue to originate +within its own limits. There must be applied psychology wherever the +investigation of mental life can be made serviceable to the tasks of +civilization. Criminal law, education, medicine, certainly do not +constitute the totality of civilized life. It is therefore the duty of +the practical psychologist systematically to examine how far other +purposes of modern society can be advanced by the new methods of +experimental psychology. There is, for instance, already, far-reaching +agreement that the problems of artistic creation, of scientific +observation, of social reform, and many similar endeavors must be +acknowledged as organic parts of applied psychology. Only one group of +purposes is so far surprisingly neglected in the realm of the +psychological laboratory: the purposes of the economic life, the +purposes of commerce and industry, of business and the market in the +widest sense of the word. The question how far applied psychology can +be extended in this direction is the topic of the following +discussions. + + + + +III + +MEANS AND ENDS + + +Applied psychology is evidently to be classed with the technical +sciences. It may be considered as psychotechnics, since we must +recognize any science as technical if it teaches us to apply +theoretical knowledge for the furtherance of human purposes. Like all +technical sciences, applied psychology tells us what we ought to do if +we want to reach certain ends; but we ought to realize at the +threshold where the limits of such a technical science lie, as they +are easily overlooked, with resulting confusion. We must understand +that every technical science says only: you must make use of this +means, if you wish to reach this or that particular end. But no +technical science can decide within its limits whether the end itself +is really a desirable one. The technical specialist knows how he ought +to build a bridge or how he ought to pierce a tunnel, presupposing +that the bridge or the tunnel is desired. But whether they are +desirable or not is a question which does not concern the technical +scientist, but which must be considered from economic or political or +other points, of view. Everywhere the engineer must know how to reach +an end, and must leave it to others to settle whether the end in +itself is desirable. Often the end may be a matter of course for every +reasonable being. The extreme case is presented by the applied science +of medicine, where the physician subordinates all his technique to the +end of curing the patient. Yet if we are consistent we must +acknowledge that all his medical knowledge can prescribe to him only +that he proceed in a certain way if the long life of the patient is +acknowledged as a desirable end. The application of anatomy, +physiology, and pathology may just as well be used for the opposite +end of killing a man. Whether it is wise to work toward long life, or +whether it is better to kill people, is again a problem which lies +outside the sphere of the applied sciences. Ethics or social +philosophy or religion have to solve these preliminary' questions. The +physician as such has only to deal with the means which lead toward +that goal. + +We must make the same discrimination in the psychotechnical field. The +psychologist may point out the methods by which an involuntary +confession can be secured from a defendant, but whether it is +justifiable to extort involuntary confessions is a problem which does +not concern the psychologist. The lawyers or the legislators must +decide as to the right or wrong, the legality or illegality, of +forcing a man to show his bidden ideas. If such an end is desirable, +the psychotechnical student can determine the right means, and that is +the limit of his office. We ought to keep in mind that the same holds +true for the application of psychology in economic life. Economic +psychotechnics may serve certain ends of commerce and industry, but +whether these ends are the best ones is not a care with which the +psychologist has to be burdened. For instance, the end may be the +selection of the most efficient laborers for particular industries. +The psychologist may develop methods in his laboratory by which this +purpose can be fulfilled. But if some mills prefer another goal,--for +instance, to have not the most efficient but the cheapest possible +laborers,--entirely different means for the selection are necessary. +The psychologist is, therefore, not entangled in the economic +discussions of the day; it is not his concern to decide whether the +policy of the trusts or the policy of the trade-unions or any other +policy for the selection of laborers is the ideal one. He is confined +to the statement; if you wish this end, then you must proceed in this +way; but it is left to you to express your preference among the ends. +Applied psychology can, therefore, speak the language of an exact +science in its own field, independent of economic opinions and +debatable partisan interests. This is necessary limitation, but in +this limitation lies the strength of the new science. The psychologist +may show how a special commodity can be advertised; but whether from a +social point of view it is desirable to reinforce the sale of these +goods is no problem for psychotechnics. If a sociologist insists that +it would be better if not so many useless goods were bought, and that +the aim ought rather to be to protect the buyer than to help the +seller, the psychologist would not object. His interest would only be +to find the right psychological means to lead to this other social +end. He is partisan neither of the salesman nor of the customer, +neither of the capitalist nor of the laborer, he is neither Socialist +nor anti-Socialist, neither high-tariff man nor free-trader. Here, +too, of course, there are certain goals which are acknowledged on all +sides, and which therefore hardly need any discussion, just as in the +case of the physician, where the prolongation of life is practically +acknowledged as a desirable end by every one. But everywhere where the +aim is not perfectly a matter of course, the psychotechnical +specialist fulfills his task only when he is satisfied with +demonstrating that certain psychical means serve a certain end, and +that they ought to be applied as soon as that end is accepted. + +The whole system of psychotechnical knowledge might be subdivided +under either of the two aspects. Either we might start from the +various mental processes and ask for what end each mental factor can +be practically useful and important, or we can begin with studying +what significant ends are acknowledged in our society and then we can +seek the various psychological facts which are needed as means for the +realization of these ends. The first way offers many conveniences. +There we should begin with the mental states of attention, memory, +feeling, and so on, and should study how the psychological knowledge +of every one of these mental states can render service in many +different practical fields. The attention, for instance, is important +in the classroom when the teacher tries to secure the attention of the +pupils, but the judge expects the same attention from the jurymen in +the courtroom, the artist seeks to stir up the attention of the +spectator, the advertiser demands the attention of the newspaper +readers. Whoever studies the characteristics of the mental process of +attention may then be able to indicate how in every one of these +unlike cases the attention can be stimulated and retained. +Nevertheless the opposite way which starts from the tasks to be +fulfilled seems more helpful and more fundamentally significant. The +question, then, is what mental processes become important for the +tasks of education, what for the purposes of the courtroom, what for +the hospital, what for the church, what for politics, and so on. + +As this whole essay is to be devoted exclusively to the economic +problems, we are obliged to choose the second way; that is, to arrange +applied psychology with reference to its chief ends and not with +reference to the various means. But the same question comes up in the +further subdivision of the material. In the field of economic +psychology, too, we might ask how far the study of attention, or of +perception, or of feeling, or of will, or of memory, and so on, can be +useful for the purposes of the business man. Or here, too, we might +begin with the consideration of the various ends and purposes. The +ends of commerce are different from those of industry, those of +publishing different from those of transportation, those of +agriculture different from those of mining; or, in the field of +commerce, the purposes of the retailer are different from those of the +wholesale merchant. There can be no limit to such subdivisions; each +particular industry has its own aims, and in the same industry a large +variety of tasks are united. We should accordingly be led to an ample +classification of special economic ends with pigeonholes for every +possible kind of business and of labor. The psychologist would have to +find for every one of these ends the right mental means. This would be +the ideal system of economic psychology. + +But we are still endlessly far from such a perfect system. Modern +educational psychology and medical psychology have reached a stage at +which an effort for such a complete system might be realized, but +economic psychology is still at too early a stage of development. It +would be entirely artificial to-day to aim at such ideal completeness. +If we were to construct such a complete system of questions, we should +have no answers. In the present stage nothing can be seriously +proposed but the selection of a few central purposes which occur in +every department of business life, and a study of the means to reach +these special ends by the discussion of some typical cases which may +clearly illustrate the methods involved. + +From this point of view we select three chief purposes of business +life, purposes which are important in commerce and industry and every +economic endeavor. We ask how we can find the men whose mental +qualities make them best fitted for the work which they have to do; +secondly, under what psychological conditions we can secure the +greatest and most satisfactory output of work from every man; and +finally, how we can produce most completely the influences on human +minds which are desired in the interest of business. In other words, +we ask how to find the best possible man, how to produce the best +possible work, and how to secure the best possible effects. + + + + +PART I + +THE BEST POSSIBLE MAN + + + + +IV + +VOCATION AND FITNESS + + +Instead of lingering over theoretical discussions, we will move +straight on toward our first practical problem. The economic task, +with reference to which we want to demonstrate the new psychotechnic +method, is the selection of those personalities which by their mental +qualities are especially fit for a particular kind of economic work. +This problem is especially useful to show what the new method can do +and what it cannot do. Whether the method is sufficiently developed to +secure full results to-day, or whether they will come to-morrow, is +unimportant. It is clear that the success of to-morrow is to be hoped +for, only if understanding and interest in the problem is already +alive to-day. + +When we inquire into the qualities of men, we use the word here in its +widest meaning. It covers, on the one side, the mental dispositions +which may still be quite undeveloped and which may unfold only under +the influence of special conditions in the surroundings; but, on the +other side, it covers the habitual traits of the personality, the +features of the individual temperament and character, of the +intelligence and of the ability, of the collected knowledge and of the +acquired experience. All variations of will and feeling, of perception +and thought, of attention and emotion, of memory and imagination, are +included here. From a purely psychological standpoint, quite +incomparable contents and functions and dispositions of the +personality are thus thrown together, but in practical life we are +accustomed to proceed after this fashion: if a man applies for a +position, he is considered with regard to the totality of his +qualities, and at first nobody cares whether the particular feature is +inherited or acquired, whether it is an individual chance variation or +whether it is common to a larger group, perhaps to all members of a +certain nationality or race. We simply start from the clear fact that +the personalities which enter into the world of affairs present an +unlimited manifoldness of talents and abilities and functions of the +mind. From this manifoldness, it necessarily follows that some are +more, some less, fit for the particular economic task. In view of the +far-reaching division of labor in our modern economic life, it is +impossible to avoid the question how we can select the fit +personalities and reject the unfit ones. + +How has modern society prepared itself to settle this social demand? +In case that certain knowledge is indispensable for the work or that +technical abilities must have been acquired, the vocation is +surrounded by examinations. This is true of the lower as well as of +the higher activities. The direct examination is everywhere +supplemented by testimonials covering the previous achievements, by +certificates referring to the previous education, and in frequent +cases by the endeavor to gain a personal impression from the +applicant. But if we take all this together, the total result remains +a social machinery by which perhaps the elimination of the entirely +unfit can be secured. But no one could speak of a really satisfactory +adaptation of the manifold personalities to the economic vocational +tasks. All those examinations and tests and certificates refer +essentially to what can be learned from without, and not to the true +qualities of the mind and the deeper traits. The so-called +impressions, too, are determined by the most secondary and external +factors. Society relies instinctively on the hope that the natural +wishes and interests will push every one to the place for which his +dispositions, talents, and psychophysical gifts prepare him. + +In reality this confidence is entirely unfounded. A threefold +difficulty exists. In the first place, young people know very little +about themselves and their abilities. When the day comes on which they +discover their real strong points and their weaknesses, it is often +too late. They have usually been drawn into the current of a +particular vocation, and have given too much energy to the preparation +for a specific achievement to change the whole life-plan once more. +The entire scheme of education gives to the individual little chance +to find himself. A mere interest for one or another subject in school +is influenced by many accidental circumstances, by the personality of +the teacher or the methods of instruction, by suggestions of the +surroundings and by home traditions, and accordingly even such a +preference gives rather a slight final indication of the individual +mental qualities. Moreover, such mere inclinations and interests +cannot determine the true psychological fitness for a vocation. To +choose a crude illustration, a boy may think with passion of the +vocation of a sailor, and yet may be entirely unfit for it, because +his mind lacks the ability to discriminate red and green. He himself +may never have discovered that he is color-blind, but when he is ready +to turn to the sailor's calling, the examination of his +color-sensitiveness which is demanded may have shown the disturbing +mental deficiency. Similar defects may exist in a boy's attention or +memory, judgment or feeling, thought or imagination, suggestibility or +emotion, and they may remain just as undiscovered as the defect of +color-blindness, which is characteristic of four per cent of the male +population. All such deficiencies may be dangerous in particular +callings. But while the vocation of the ship officer is fortunately +protected nowadays by such a special psychological examination, most +other vocations are unguarded against the entrance of the mentally +unfit individuals. + +As the boys and girls grow up without recognizing their psychical +weaknesses, the exceptional strength of one or another mental function +too often remains unnoticed by them as well. They may find out when +they are favored with a special talent for art or music or +scholarship, but they hardly ever know that their attention, or their +memory, or their will, or their intellectual apprehension, or their +sensory perceptions, are unusually developed in a particular +direction; yet such an exceptional mental disposition might be the +cause of special success in certain vocations. But we may abstract +from the extremes of abnormal deficiency and abnormal overdevelopment +in particular functions. Between them we find the broad region of the +average minds with their numberless variations, and these variations +are usually quite unknown to their possessors. It is often surprising +to see how the most manifest differences of psychical organization +remain unnoticed by the individuals themselves. Men with a pronounced +visual type of memory and men with a marked acoustical type may live +together without the slightest idea that their contents of +consciousness are fundamentally different from each other. Neither the +children nor their parents nor their teachers burden themselves with +the careful analysis of such actual mental qualities when the choice +of a vocation is before them. They know that a boy who is completely +unmusical must not become a musician, and that the child who cannot +draw at all must not become a painter, just as on physical grounds a +boy with very weak muscles is not fit to become a blacksmith. But as +soon as the subtler differentiation is needed, the judgment of all +concerned seems helpless and the physical characteristics remain +disregarded. + +A further reason for the lack of adaptation, and surely a most +important one, lies in the fact that the individual usually knows only +the most external conditions of the vocations from which he chooses. +The most essential requisite for a truly perfect adaptation, namely, a +real analysis of the vocational demands with reference to the +desirable personal qualities, is so far not in existence. The young +people generally see some superficial traits of the careers which seem +to stand open, and, besides, perhaps they notice the great rewards of +the most successful. The inner labor, the inner values, and the inner +difficulties and frictions are too often unknown to those who decide +for a vocation, and they are unable to correlate those essential +factors of the life-calling with all that nature by inheritance, and +society by surroundings and training, have planted and developed in +their minds. + +In addition to this ignorance as to one's own mental disposition and +to the lack of understanding of the true mental requirements of the +various social tasks comes finally the abundance of trivial chances +which become decisive in the choice of a vocation. Vocation and +marriage are the two most consequential decisions in life. In the +selection of a husband or a wife, too, the decision is very frequently +made dependent upon the most superficial and trivial motives. Yet the +social philosopher may content himself with the belief that even in +the fugitive love desire a deeper instinct of nature is expressed, +which may at least serve the biological tasks of married life. In the +choice of a vocation, even such a belief in a biological instinct is +impossible. The choice of a vocation, determined by fugitive whims and +chance fancies, by mere imitation, by a hope for quick earnings, by +irresponsible recommendation, or by mere laziness, has no internal +reason or excuse. Illusory ideas as to the prospects of a career, +moreover, often falsify the whole vista; and if we consider all this, +we can hardly be surprised that our total result is in many respects +hardly better than if everything were left entirely to accident. Even +on the height of a mental training to the end of adolescence, we see +how the college graduates are too often led by accidental motives to +the decision whether they shall become lawyers or physicians or +business men, but this superficiality of choice of course appears much +more strongly where the lifework is to be built upon the basis of a +mere elementary or high school education. + +The final result corresponds exactly to these conditions. Everywhere, +in all countries and in all vocations, but especially in the economic +careers, we hear the complaint that there is lack of really good men. +Everywhere places are waiting for the right man, while at the same +time we find everywhere an oversupply of mediocre aspirants. This, +however, does not in the least imply that there really are not enough +personalities who might be perfectly fit even for the highest demands +of the vocations; it means only that as a matter of course the result +in the filling of positions cannot be satisfactory, if the placing of +the individuals is carried on without serious regard for the personal +mental qualities. The complaint that there is lack of fit human +material would probably never entirely disappear, as with a better +adjustment of the material, the demands would steadily increase; but +it could at least be predicted with high probability that this lack of +really fit material would not be felt so keenly everywhere if the +really decisive factor for the adjustment of personality and vocation, +namely, the dispositions of the mind, were not so carelessly ignored. + +Society, to be sure, has a convenient means of correction. The +individual tries, and when he is doing his work too badly, he loses +his job, he is pushed out from the career which be has chosen, with +the great probability that he will be crushed by the wheels of social +life. It is a rare occurrence for the man who is a failure in his +chosen vocation, and who has been thrown out of it, to happen to come +into the career in which he can make a success. Social statistics show +with an appalling clearness what a burden and what a danger to the +social body is growing from the masses of those who do not succeed and +who by their lack of success become discouraged and embittered. The +social psychologist cannot resist the conviction that every single +one could have found a place in which he could have achieved something +of value for the commonwealth. The laborer, who in spite of his best +efforts shows himself useless and clumsy before one machine, might +perhaps have done satisfactory work in the next mill where the +machines demand another type of mental reaction. His psychical rhythm +and his inner functions would be able to adjust themselves to the +requirements of the one kind of labor and not to those of the other. +Truly the whole social body has had to pay a heavy penalty for not +making even the faintest effort to settle systematically the +fundamental problem of vocational choice, the problem of the psychical +adaptation of the individuality. An improvement would lie equally in +the interest of those who seek positions and those who have positions +to offer. The employers can hope that in all departments better work +will be done as soon as better adapted individuals can be obtained; +and, on the other hand, those who are anxious to make their working +energies effective may expect that the careful selection of individual +mental characters for the various tasks of the world will insure not +only greater success and gain, but above all greater joy in the work, +deeper satisfaction, and more harmonious unfolding of the personality. + + + + +V + +SCIENTIFIC VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE + + +Observations of this kind, which refer to the borderland region +between psychology and social politics, are valid for all modern +nations. Yet it is hardly a chance that the first efforts toward a +systematic overcoming of some of these difficulties have been made +with us in America. The barriers between the classes lie lower; here +the choice of a vocation is less determined by tradition; and it +belongs to the creed of political democracy that just as everybody can +be called to the highest elective offices, so everybody ought to be +fit for any vocation in any sphere of life. The wandering from calling +to calling is more frequent in America than anywhere else. To be sure, +this has the advantage that a failure in one vocation does not bring +with it such a serious injury as in Europe, but it contributes much to +the greater danger that any one may jump recklessly and without +preparation into any vocational stream. + +It is fresh in every one's mind how during the last decade the +economic conscience of the whole American nation became aroused. Up to +the end of the last century the people had lived with the secure +feeling of possessing a country with inexhaustible treasures. The last +few years brought the reaction, and it became increasingly clear how +irresponsible the national attitude had been, how the richness of the +forests and the mines and the rivers had been recklessly squandered +without any thought of the future. Conservation of the national +possessions suddenly became the battle-cry, and this turned the eye +also to that limitless waste of human material, a waste going on +everywhere in the world, but nowhere more widely than in the United +States. The feeling grew that no waste of valuable possessions is so +reckless as that which results from the distributing of living force +by chance methods instead of examining carefully how work and workmen +can fit one another. While this was the emotional background, two +significant social movements originated in our midst. The two +movements were entirely independent of each other, but from two +different starting-points they worked in one respect toward the same +goal. They are social and economic movements, neither of which at +first had anything directly to do with psychological questions; but +both led to a point where the psychological turn of the problem seemed +unavoidable. Here begins the obligation of the psychologist, and the +possibility of fulfilling this obligation will be the topic of our +discussion concerning the selection of the best man. + +These two American movements which we have in mind are the effort to +furnish to pupils leaving the school guidance in their choice of a +vocation, and the nowadays still better known movement toward +scientific management in commerce and industry. The movement toward +vocational guidance is externally still rather modest and confined to +very narrow circles, but it is rapidly spreading and is not without +significant achievements. It started in Boston. There the late Mr. +Parsons once called a meeting of all the boys of his neighborhood who +were to leave the elementary schools at the end of the year. He wanted +to consider with them whether they had reasonable plans for their +future. At the well-attended meeting it became clear that the boys +knew little concerning what they had to expect in practical life, and +Parsons was able to give them, especially in individual discussions, +much helpful information. They knew too little of the characteristic +features of the vocations to which they wanted to devote themselves, +and they had given hardly any attention to the question whether they +had the necessary qualifications for the special work. From this germ +grew a little office which was opened in 1908, in which all Boston +boys and girls at the time when they left school were to receive +individual suggestions with reference to the most reasonable and best +adjusted selection of a calling. There is hardly any doubt that the +remarkable success of this modest beginning was dependent upon the +admirable personality of the late organizer, who recognized the +individual features with unusual tact and acumen. But he himself had +no doubt that such a merely impressionistic method could not satisfy +the demands. He saw that a threefold advance would become necessary. +First, it was essential to analyze the objective relations of the many +hundred kinds of accessible vocations. Their economic, hygienic, +technical, and social elements ought to be examined so that every boy +and girl could receive reliable information as to the demands of the +vocation and as to the prospects and opportunities in it. Secondly, it +would become essential to interest the schools in all these complex +questions of vocational choice, so that, by observation of individual +tendencies and abilities of the pupils, the teachers might furnish +preparatory material for the work of the institute for vocational +guidance. Thirdly,--and this is for us the most important point,--he +saw that the methods had to be elaborated in such a way that the +personal traits and dispositions might be discovered with much +greater exactitude and with much richer detail than was possible +through what a mere call on the vocational counselor could unveil.[3] + +It is well known how this Boston bureau has stimulated a number of +American cities to come forward with similar beginnings. The +pedagogical circles have been especially aroused by the movement, +municipal and philanthropic boards have at least approached this group +of problems, two important conferences for vocational guidance have +met in New York, and at various places the question has been discussed +whether or not a vocational counselor might be attached to the schools +in a position similar to that of the school physician. The chief +progress has been made in the direction of collecting reliable data +with reference to the economic and hygienic conditions of the various +vocations, the demand and supply and the scale of wages. In short, +everything connected with the externalities of the vocations has been +carefully analyzed, and sufficient reliable material has been gained, +at least regarding certain local conditions. In the place of +individual advice, we have thus to a certain degree obtained general +economic investigations from which each can gather what he needs. It +seems that sometimes the danger of letting such offices degenerate +into mere agencies for employment has not been avoided, but that is +one of the perils of the first development. The mother institute in +Boston, too, under its new direction emphasizes more the economic and +hygienic side, and has set its centre of gravity in a systematic +effort to propagate understanding of the problems of vocational +guidance and to train professional vocational counselors in systematic +courses, who are then to carry the interest over the land.[4] + +The real psychological analysis with which the movement began has, +therefore, been somewhat pushed aside for a while, and the officers of +those institutes declare frankly that they want to return to the +mental problem only after professional psychologists have sufficiently +worked out the specific methods for its mastery. Most counselors seem +to feel instinctively that the core of the whole matter lies in the +psychological examination, but they all agree that for this they must +wait until the psychological laboratories can furnish them with really +reliable means and schemes. Certainly it is very important, for +instance, that boys with weak lungs be kept away from such industrial +vocations as have been shown by the statistics to be dangerous for the +lungs, or that the onrush to vocations be stopped where the statistics +allow it to be foreseen that there will soon be an oversupply of +workers. But, after all, it remains much more decisive for the welfare +of the community, and for the future life happiness of those who leave +the school, that every one turn to those forms of work to which his +psychological traits are adjusted, or at least that he be kept away +from those in which his mental qualities and dispositions would make a +truly successful advance improbable. + +The problem accordingly has been handed over from the vocational +counselors to the experimental psychologists, and it is certainly in +the spirit of the modern tendency toward applied psychology that the +psychological laboratories undertake the investigation and withdraw it +from the dilettantic discussion of amateur psychologists or the mere +impressionism of the school-teachers. Even those early beginnings +indicate clearly that the goal can be reached only through exact, +scientific, experimental research, and that the mere naive +methods--for instance, the filling-out of questionnaires which may be +quite useful in the first approach--cannot be sufficient for a real, +persistent furtherance of economic life and of the masses who seek +their vocations. In order to gain an analysis of the individual, +Parsons made every applicant answer in writing a long series of +questions which referred to his habits and his emotions, his +inclinations and his expectations, his traits and his experiences. The +psychologist, however, can hardly be in doubt that just the mental +qualities which ought to be most important for the vocational +counselor can scarcely be found out by such methods. We have +emphasized before that the ordinary individual knows very little of +his own mental functions: on the whole, he knows them as little as he +knows the muscles which be uses when he talks or walks. Among his +questions Parsons included such ones as: "Are your manners quiet, +noisy, boisterous, deferential, or self-assertive? Are you thoughtful +of the comfort of others? Do you smile naturally and easily, or is +your face ordinarily expressionless? Are you frank, kindly, cordial, +respectful, courteous in word and actions? Do you look people frankly +in the eye? Are your inflections natural, courteous, modest, musical, +or aggressive, conceited, pessimistic, repellent? What are your powers +of attention, observation, memory, reason, imagination, inventiveness, +thoughtfulness, receptiveness, quickness, analytical power, +constructiveness, breadth, grasp? Can you manage people well? Do you +know a fine picture when you see it? Is your will weak, yielding, +vacillating, or firm, strong, stubborn? Do you like to be with people +and do they like to be with you?"--and so on. It is clear that the +replies to questions of this kind can be of psychological value only +when the questioner knows beforehand the mind of the youth, and can +accordingly judge with what degree of understanding, sincerity, and +ability the circular blanks have been filled out. But as the questions +are put for the very purpose of revealing the personality, the entire +effort tends to move in a circle. + +To break this circle, it indeed becomes necessary to emancipate one's +self from the method of ordinary self-observation and to replace it by +objective experiment in the psychological laboratory. Experimentation +in such a laboratory stands in no contrast to the method of +introspection. A contrast does exist between self-observation and +observation on children or patients or primitive peoples or animals. +In their case the psychologist observes his material from without. But +in the case of the typical laboratory experiment, everything is +ultimately based on self-observation; only we have to do with the +self-observation under exact conditions which the experimenter is able +to control and to vary at will. Even Parsons sometimes turned to +little experimental inquiries in which he simplified some well-known +methods of the laboratory in order to secure with the most elementary +means a certain objective foundation for his mental analysis. For +instance, he sometimes examined the memory by reading to the boys +graded sentences containing from ten to fifty words and having them +repeat what they remembered, or he measured with a watch the rapidity +of reading and writing, or he determined the sensitiveness for the +discrimination of differences by asking them to make a point with a +pencil in the centres of circles of various sizes. But if such +experimental schemes, even of the simplest form, are in question, it +seems a matter of course that the plan ought to be prescribed by real +scientists who specialize in the psychological field. The +psychologist, for instance, surely cannot agree to a method which +measures the memory by such a method of having spoken sentences +repeated and the quality of the memory faculty naively graded +according to the results. He knows too well that there are many +different kinds of memory, and would always determine first which type +of memory functions is to be examined if memory achievements are +needed for a particular calling. + +But even with a more exact method of experimenting, such a procedure +would not be sufficient to solve the true problem. A second step would +still be necessary: namely, the adaptation of the experimental result +to the special psychological requirements of the economic activity; +and this again presupposes an independent psychological analysis. Most +of the previous efforts have suffered from the carelessness with which +this second step was ignored, and the special mental requirements were +treated as a matter of course upon which any layman could judge. In +reality they need the most careful psychological analysis, and only if +this is carried out with the means of scientific psychology, can a +study of the abilities of the individual become serviceable to the +demands of the market. Such a psychological disentangling of the +requirements of the callings, in the interest of guidance, is +attempted in the material which the various vocational institutes have +prepared, but it seldom goes beyond commonplaces. We read there, for +instance,[5] for the confectioner: "Boys in this industry must be +clean, quick, and strong. The most important qualities desired are +neatness and adaptability to routine"; or, for the future baker, the +boy "ought to know how to conduct himself and to meet the public"; or +for the future architectural designer, "he must have creative ability, +artistic feeling, and power to sketch"; or for the dressmaker, she +"should have good eyesight and good sense of color, and an ability to +use her hands readily; she should be able to apply herself steadily +and be fairly quick in her movements; neatness of person is also +essential"; or for the stenographer, she must be "possessed of +intelligence, good judgment, and common sense; must have good +eyesight, good hearing, and a good memory; must have quick perception, +and be able to concentrate her attention completely on any matter in +hand." It is evident that all this is extremely far from any +psychological analysis in the terms of science. All taken together, we +may, therefore, say that in the movement for vocational guidance +practically nothing has been done to make modern experimental +psychology serviceable to the new task. But on the one side, it has +shown that this work of the experimental psychologist is the next step +necessary. On the other side, it has become evident that in the +vocation bureaus appropriate social agencies are existing which are +ready to take up the results of such work, and to apply them for the +good of the American youth and of commerce and industry, as soon as +the experimental psychologist has developed the significant methods. + + + + +VI + +SCIENTIFIC MANAGEMENT + + +Before we discuss some cases of such experimental investigations, we +may glance at that other American movement, the well-known systematic +effort toward scientific management which has often been interpreted +in an expansive literature.[6] Enthusiastic followers have declared it +to be the greatest advance in industry since the introduction of the +mill system and of machinery. Opponents have hastily denounced it as a +mistake, and have insisted that it proved a failure in the factories +in which it has been introduced. A sober examination of the facts soon +demonstrates that the truth lies in the middle. Those followers of +Frederick W. Taylor who have made almost a religion out of his ideas +have certainly often exaggerated the practical applicability of the +new theories, and their actual reforms in the mills have not seldom +shown that the system is still too topheavy; that is, there are too +many higher employees necessary in order to keep the works running on +principles of scientific management. On the other hand, the opposition +which comes from certain quarters,--for instance, from some +trade-unions,--may be disregarded, as it is not directed against the +claim that the efficiency can be heightened, but only against some +social features of the scheme, such as the resulting temporary +reduction of the number of workmen. But nobody can deny that this +revolutionary movement has introduced most valuable suggestions which +the industrial world cannot afford to ignore, and that as soon as +exaggerations are avoided and experience has created a broader +foundation, the principles of the new theory will prove of lasting +value. We shall have to discuss, at a later point, various special +features of the system, especially the highly interesting motion +study. Here we have to deal only with those tendencies of the movement +and with those interests which point toward our present problem, the +mental analysis of the individual employees in order to avoid misfits. + +The approach to this problem, indeed, seems unavoidable for the +students of scientific management, as its goal is an organization of +economic work by which the waste of energy will be avoided and the +greatest increase in the efficiency of the industrial enterprise will +be reached. The recognition that this can never be effected by a mere +excessive driving of the workingmen belongs to its very +presuppositions. The illusory means of prolongation of the +working-time and similar devices by which the situation of the +individual deteriorates would be out of the question; on the contrary, +the heightening of the individual's joy in the work and of the +personal satisfaction in one's total life development belongs among +the most important, indirect agencies of the new scheme. This end is +reached by many characteristic changes in the division of labor; also +by a new division between supervisors and workers, by transformations +of the work itself and of the tools and vehicles. But as a by-product +of these efforts the demand necessarily arose for means by which the +fit individuals could be found for special kinds of labor. The more +scientific management introduced changes, by which the individual +achievement often had to become rather complicated and difficult, the +more it became necessary to study the skill and the endurance and the +intelligence of the individual laborers in order to entrust these new +difficult tasks only to the most appropriate men in the factories and +mills. The problem of individual selection accordingly forced itself +on the new efficiency engineers, and they naturally recognized that +the really essential traits and dispositions were the mental ones. In +the most progressive books of the new movement, this need of +emphasizing the selection of workers with reference to their mental +equipment comes to clear expression. + +Yet this is very far from a real application of scientific psychology +to the problem at hand. Wherever the question of the selection of the +fit men after psychological principles is mentioned in the literature +of this movement, the language becomes vague, and the same men, who +use the newest scientific knowledge whenever physics or mathematics or +physiology or chemistry are involved, make hardly any attempts to +introduce the results of science when psychology is in question. The +clearest insight into the general situation may be found in the most +recent books by Emerson. He says frankly: "It is psychology, not soil +or climate, that enables man to raise five times as many potatoes per +acre as the average in his own state";[7] or: "In selecting human +assistants such superficialities as education, as physical strength, +even antecedent morality, are not as important as the inner attitudes, +proclivities, character, which after all determine the man or +woman."[8] He also fully recognizes the necessity of securing as early +as possible the psychological essentials. He says: "The type for the +great newspaper is set up by linotype operators. Apprenticeship is +rigorously limited. Some operators can never get beyond the 2500-em +class, others with no more personal effort can set 5000 ems. Do the +employers test out applicants for apprenticeship so as to be sure to +secure boys who will develop into the 5000-em class? They do not: they +select applicants for any near reason except the fundamental important +one of innate fitness."[9] But all this points only to the existence +of the problem, and in reality gives not even a hint for its solution. +The theorists of scientific management seem to think that the most +subtle methods are indispensable for physical measurements, but for +psychological inquiry nothing but a kind of intuition is necessary. +Emerson tells how, for instance, "The competent specialist who has +supplemented natural gifts and good judgment by analysis and synthesis +can perceive attitudes and proclivities even in the very young, much +more readily in those semi-matured, and can with almost infallible +certainty point out, not only what work can be undertaken with fair +hope of success, but also what slight modification or addition and +diminution will more than double the personal power."[10] The true +psychological specialists surely ought to decline this flattering +confidence. Far from the "almost infallible certainty," they can +hardly expect even a moderate amount of success in such directions so +long as specific methods have not been elaborated, and so long as no +way has been shown to make experimental measurements by which such +mere guesswork can be replaced by scientific investigation. + +The only modest effort to try a step in this direction toward the +psychological laboratory is recorded by Taylor,[11] who tells of Mr. +S.E. Thompson's work in a bicycle ball factory, where a hundred and +twenty girls were inspecting the balls. They had to place a row of +small polished steel balls on the back of the left hand and while they +were rolled over and over in the crease between two of the fingers +placed together, they were minutely examined in a strong light and the +defective balls were picked out with the aid of a magnet held in the +right hand. The work required the closest attention and concentration. +The girls were working ten and a half hours a day. Mr. Thompson soon +recognized that the quality most needed, beside endurance and +industry, was a quick power of perception accompanied by quick +responsive action. He knew that the psychological laboratory has +developed methods for a very exact measurement of the time needed to +react on an impression with the quickest possible movement; it is +called the reaction time, and is usually measured in thousandths of a +second. He therefore considered it advisable to measure the +reaction-time of the girls, and to eliminate from service all those +who showed a relatively long time between the stimulus and reaction. +This involved laying off many of the most intelligent, hardest-working, +and most trustworthy girls. Yet the effect was the possibility of +shortening the hours and of reducing more and more the number of +workers, with the final outcome that thirty-five girls did the work +formerly done by a hundred and twenty, and that the accuracy of the +work at the higher speed was two thirds greater than at the former +slow speed. This allowed almost a doubling of the wages of the girls +in spite of their shorter working-day, and at the same time a +considerable reduction in the cost of the work for the factory. This +excursion of an efficiency engineer into the psychological laboratory +remained, however; an entirely exceptional case. Moreover, such a +reaction-time measurement did not demand any special development of +new methods or any particular mental analysis, and this exception thus +confirms the rule that the followers of scientific management +principles have recognized the need of psychological inquiries, but +have not done anything worth mentioning to apply the results of really +scientific psychology. Hence the situation is the same as in the field +of vocational guidance. In both cases a vague longing for +psychological analysis and psychological measurement, but in both +cases so far everything has remained on the level of helpless +psychological dilettantism. It stands in striking contrast with the +scientific seriousness with which the economic questions are taken up +in the field of vocational guidance and the physical questions in the +field of scientific management. It is, therefore, evidently the duty +of the experimental psychologists themselves to examine the ground +from the point of view of the psychological laboratory. + + + + +VII + +THE METHODS OF EXPERIMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY + + +We now see clearly the psychotechnical problem. We have to analyze +definite economic tasks with reference to the mental qualities which +are necessary or desirable for them, and we have to find methods by +which these mental qualities can be tested. We must, indeed, insist on +it that the interests of commerce and industry can be helped only when +both sides, the vocational demands and the personal function, are +examined with equal scientific thoroughness. One aspect alone is +unsatisfactory. It would of course be possible to confine the +examination to the individual mental traits, and then theoretically to +determine for which economic tasks the presence of these qualities +would be useful and for which tasks their absence or their deficiency +would be fatal. Common sense may be sufficient to lead us a few steps +in that direction. For instance, if we find by psychological +examination that an individual is color-blind for red and green +sensations, we may at once conclude, without any real psychological +analysis of the vocations, that he would be unfit for the railroad +service or the naval service, in which red and green signals are of +importance. We may also decide at once that such a boy would be +useless for all artistic work in which the nuances of colors are of +consequence, or as a laborer in certain departments of a dyeing +establishment, and that such a color-blind girl would not do at a +dressmaker's or in a millinery store. But if we come to the question +whether such a color-blind individual may enter into the business of +gardening, in spite of the inability to distinguish the strawberries +in the bed or the red flowers among the green leaves, the first +necessity, after all, would be to find out how far the particular +demands of this vocation make the ability to discriminate color a +prerequisite, and how far psychical substitutions such as a +recognition of the forms and of differences in the light intensity, +may be sufficient for the practical task. Moreover, where not merely +such mental defects, but more subtly shaded variations within normal +limits are involved, it would be superficial, if only the mental +states were examined and not at the same time the mental requirements +of the vocations themselves. The vocation should rather remain the +starting-point. We must at first find out what demands on the mental +system are made by it and we must grade these demands in order to +recognize the more or less important ones, and, especially for the +important ones, we must then seek exact standards with experimental +methods. + +Such an experimental investigation may proceed according to either of +two different principles. One way is to take the mental process which +is demanded by the industrial work as an undivided whole. In this case +we have to construct experimental conditions under which this total +activity can be performed in a gradual, measurable way. The psychical +part of the vocational work thus becomes schematized, and is simply +rendered experimentally on a reduced scale. The other way is to +resolve the mental process into its components and to test every +single elementary function in its isolated form. In this latter case +the examination has the advantage of having at its disposal all the +familiar methods of experimental psychology, while in the first case +for every special vocational situation perfectly new experimental +tests must be devised. + +Whether the one or the other method is to be preferred must depend +upon the nature of the particular commercial or industrial calling, +and accordingly presupposes a careful analysis of the special +economical processes. It is, indeed, easy to recognize that in certain +industrial activities a series of psychical functions is in question +which all lie side by side and which do not fuse into one united +total process, however much they may influence one another. But for +many industrial tasks just this unity is the essential condition. The +testing of the mental elements would be in such cases as insufficient +as if we were to test a machine with reference to its parts only and +not with reference to its total united performance. Even in this +latter case this unified function does not represent the total +personality: it is always merely a segment of the whole mental life. +We may examine with psychological methods, for instance, the fitness +of an employee for a technical vocation and may test the particular +complex unified combination of attention, imagination and +intelligence, will and memory, which is essential for that special +kind of labor. We may be able to reconstruct the conditions so +completely that we would feel justified in predicting whether the +individual can fulfill that technical task or not; and yet we may +disregard entirely the question whether that man is honest or +dishonest, whether he is pacific or quarrelsome; in short, whether his +mental disposition makes him a desirable member of that industrial +concern under other aspects. + +We best recognize the significance of these various methods by +selecting a few concrete cases as illustrations and analyzing them in +detail. But a word of warning may be given beforehand so as to avoid +misunderstandings. These examples do not stand here as reports of +completed investigations, the results of which ought to be accepted as +conclusive parts of the new psychotechnical science; they are not +presented as if the results were to be recommended like a well-tested +machine for practical purposes. Such really completed investigations +do not as yet exist in this field. All that can be offered is modest +pioneer work, and just these inquiries into the mental qualities and +their relations to the industrial vocations have attracted my +attention only very recently, and therefore certainly still demand +long continuations of the experiments in every direction. But we may +hope for satisfactory results the earlier, the more cooeperators are +entering the field, and the more such researches are started in other +places and in other institutions. I therefore offer these early +reports at the first stage of my research merely as stimulations, so +as to demonstrate the possibilities. + +As an illustration of the method of examining the mental process as a +whole, I propose to discuss the case of the motormen in the electric +railways. As an illustration of the other type, namely, of analyzing +the activity and testing the elementary functions, I shall discuss the +case of the employees in the telephone service. I select these two +functions, as both play a practically important role in the technique +of modern economic life and as in both occupations very large numbers +of individuals are engaged in the work. + + + + +VIII + +EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF ELECTRIC RAILWAY SERVICE + + +The problem of securing fit motormen for the electric railways was +brought to my attention from without. The accidents which occurred +through the fault, or at least not without the fault, of the motormen +in street railway transportation have always aroused disquietude and +even indignation in the public, and the street railway companies +suffered much from the many payments of indemnity imposed by the court +as they amounted to thirteen per cent of the gross earnings of some +companies. Last winter the American Association for Labor Legislation +called a meeting of vocational specialists to discuss the problem of +these accidents under various aspects. The street railways of various +cities were represented, and economic, physiological, and +psychological specialists took part in the general discussion. Much +attention was given, of course, to the questions of fatigue and to the +statistical results as to the number of accidents and their relation +to the various hours of the day and to the time of labor. But there +was a strong tendency to recognize as still more important than the +mere fatigue, the whole mental constitution of the motormen. The +ability to keep attention constant, to resist distraction by chance +happenings on the street and especially the always needed ability to +foresee the possible movements of the pedestrians and vehicles were +acknowledged as extremely different from man to man. The companies +claimed that there are motormen who practically never have an +accident, because they feel beforehand even what the confused +pedestrian and the unskilled chauffeur will do, while others +relatively often experience accidents of all kinds because they do not +foresee how matters will develop. They can hardly be blamed, as they +were not careless, and yet the accidents did result from their +personal qualities; they simply lacked the gift of instinctive +foresight. All this turned the attention more and more to the +possibilities of psychological analysis, and the Association suggested +that I undertake an inquiry into this interesting problem with the +means of the psychological laboratory. I felt the practical importance +of the problem, considering that there are electric railway companies +in this country which have up to fifty thousand accident indemnity +cases a year. It therefore seemed to me decidedly worth while to +undertake a laboratory investigation. + +It would have been quite possible to treat the functions of the +motormen according to the method which resolves the complex +achievement into its various elements and tests every function +independently. For instance, the stopping of the car as soon as the +danger of an accident threatens is evidently effective only if the +movement controlling the lever is carried out with sufficient +rapidity. We should accordingly be justified in examining the +quickness with which the individual reacts on optical stimuli. If a +playing child suddenly runs across the track of the electric railway, +a difference of a tenth of a second in the reaction-time may decide +his fate. But I may say at once that I did not find characteristic +differences in the rapidity of reaction of those motormen whom the +company had found reliable and those who have frequent accidents. It +seems that the slow individuals do not remain in the service at all. +As a matter of course certain other indispensable single functions, +like sharpness of vision are examined before the entrance into the +service and so they cannot stand as characteristic conditions of good +or bad service among the actual employees. + +For this reason, in the case of the motormen I abstracted from the +study of single elementary functions and turned my attention to that +mental process which after some careful observations seemed to me the +really central one for the problem of accidents. I found this to be a +particular complicated act of attention by which the manifoldness of +objects, the pedestrians, the carriages, and the automobiles, are +continuously observed with reference to their rapidity and direction +in the quickly changing panorama of the street. Moving figures come +from the right and from the left toward and across the track, and are +embedded in a stream of men and vehicles which moves parallel to the +track. In the face of such manifoldness there are men whose impulses +are almost inhibited and who instinctively desire to wait for the +movement of the nearest objects; they would evidently be unfit for the +service, as they would drive the electric car far too slowly. There +are others who, even with the car at high speed, can adjust themselves +for a time to the complex moving situation, but whose attention soon +lapses, and while they are fixating a rather distant carriage, may +overlook a pedestrian who carelessly crosses the track immediately in +front of their car. In short, we have a great variety of mental types +of this characteristic unified activity, which may be understood as a +particular combination of attention and imagination. + +My effort was to transplant this activity of the motormen into +laboratory processes. And here I may include a remark on the +methodology of psychological industrial experiments. One might +naturally think that the experience of a special industrial +undertaking would be best reproduced for the experiment by repeating +the external conditions in a kind of miniature form. That would mean +that we ought to test the motormen of the electric railway by +experiments with small toy models of electric cars placed on the +laboratory table. But this would be decidedly inappropriate. A reduced +copy of an external apparatus may arouse ideas, feelings, and +volitions which have little in common with the processes of actual +life. The presupposition would be that the man to be tested for any +industrial achievement would have to think himself into the miniature +situation, and especially uneducated persons are often very +unsuccessful in such efforts. This can be clearly seen from the +experiences before naval courts, where it is usual to demonstrate +collisions of ships by small ship models on the table in the +courtroom. Experience has frequently shown that helmsmen, who have +found their course a life long among real vessels in the harbor and on +the sea, become entirely confused when they are to demonstrate by the +models the relative positions of the ships. Even in the naval war +schools where the officers play at war with small model ships, a +certain inner readjustment is always necessary for them to bring the +miniature ships on the large table into the tactical game. On the +water, for instance, the navy officer sees the far-distant ships very +much smaller than those near by, while on the naval game table all the +ships look equally large. On the whole, I feel inclined to say from my +experience so far that experiments with small models of the actual +industrial mechanism are hardly appropriate for investigations in the +field of economic psychology. The essential point for the +psychological experiment is not the external similarity of the +apparatus, but exclusively the inner similarity of the mental +attitude. The more the external mechanism with which or on which the +action is carried out becomes schematized, the more the action itself +will appear in its true character. + +In the method of my experiments with the motormen, accordingly, I had +to satisfy only two demands. The method of examination promised to be +valuable if, first, it showed good results with reliable motormen and +bad results with unreliable ones; and secondly, if it vividly aroused +in all the motormen the feeling that the mental function which they +were going through during the experiment had the greatest possible +similarity with their experience on the front platform of the +electric car. These are the true tests of a desirable experimental +method, while it is not necessary that the apparatus be similar to the +electric car or that the external activities in the experiment be +identical with their performance in the service. After several +unsatisfactory efforts, in which I worked with too complicated +instruments, I finally settled on the following arrangement of the +experiment which seems to me to satisfy those two demands. + +The street is represented by a card 9 half-inches broad and 26 +half-inches long. Two heavy lines half an inch apart go lengthwise +through the centre of the card, and accordingly a space of 4 +half-inches remains on either side. The whole card is divided into +small half-inch squares which we consider as the unit. Thus there is +in any cross-section 1 unit between the two central lines and 4 units +on either side. Lengthwise there are 26 units. The 26 squares which +lie between the two heavy central lines are marked with the printed +letters of the alphabet from A to Z. These two heavy central lines are +to represent an electric railway track on a street. On either side the +4 rows of squares are filled in an irregular way with black and red +figures of the three first digits. The digit 1 always represents a +pedestrian who moves just one step, and that means from one unit into +the next; the digit 2 a horse, which moves twice as fast, that is, +which moves 2 units; and the digit 3 an automobile which moves three +times as fast, that is, 3 units. Moreover, the black digits stand for +men, horses, and automobiles which move parallel to the track and +cannot cross the track, and are therefore to be disregarded in looking +out for dangers. The red digits, on the other hand, are the dangerous +ones. They move from either side toward the track. The idea is that +the man to be experimented on is to find as quickly as possible those +points on the track which are threatened by the red figures, that is, +those letters in the 26 track units at which the red figures would +land, if they make the steps which their number indicates. A red digit +3 which is 4 steps from the track is to be disregarded, because it +would not reach the track. A red digit 3 which is only 1 or 2 steps +from the track is also to be disregarded, because it would cross +beyond the track, if it took 3 steps. But a red 3 which is 3 units +from the track, a red 2 which is 2 units from the track, and a red 1 +which is 1 unit from the track would land on the track itself; and the +aim is quickly to find these points. The task is difficult, as the +many black figures divert the attention, and as the red figures too +near or too far are easily confused with those which are just at the +dangerous distance. + +As soon as this principle for the experiment was recognized as +satisfactory, it was necessary to find a technical device by which a +movement over this artificial track could be produced in such a way +that the rapidity could be controlled by the subject of the experiment +and at the same time measured. Again we had to try various forms of +apparatus. Finally we found the following form most satisfactory. +Twelve such cards, each provided with a handle, lie one above another +under a glass plate through which the upper card can be seen. If this +highest card is withdrawn; the second is exposed, and from below +springs press the remaining cards against the glass plate. The glass +plate with the 12 cards below lies in a black wooden box and is +completely covered by a belt 8 inches broad, made of heavy black +velvet. This velvet belt moves over two cylinders at the front and the +rear ends of the apparatus. In the centre of the belt is a window +4-1/2 inches wide and 2-1/2 inches high. If the front cylinder is +turned by a metal crank, the velvet belt passes over the glass plate +and the little window opening moves over the card with its track and +figures. The whole breadth of the card, with its central track and its +4 units on either side, is visible through it over an area of 5 units +in the length direction. If the man to be experimented on turns the +crank with his right hand, the window slips over the whole length of +the card, one part of the card after another becomes visible, and then +he simply has to call the letters of those units in the track at which +the red figures on either side would land, if they took the number of +steps indicated by the digit. At the moment the window has reached Z +on the card, the experimenter withdraws that card and the next becomes +visible, as a second window in the belt appears at the lower end when +the first disappears at the upper end. In this way the subject can +turn his crank uninterruptedly until he has gone through the 12 cards. +The experimenter notes down the numbers of the cards and the letters +which the subject calls. Besides this, the number of seconds required +for the whole experiment, from the beginning of the first card to the +end of the twelfth, is measured with a stopwatch. This time is, of +course, dependent upon the rapidity with which the crank is turned. +The result of the experiment is accordingly expressed by three +figures, the number of seconds, the number of omissions, that is, of +places at which red figures would land on the track which were not +noticed by the subject; and, thirdly, the number of incorrect places +where letters were called in spite of the fact, that no danger +existed. In using the results, we may disregard this third figure and +give our attention to the speed and the number of omissions. + +The necessary condition for carrying out the experiments with this +apparatus is a careful, quiet, practical explanation of the device. +The experiment must not under any circumstances be started until the +subject completely understands what he has to do and for what he has +to look out. For this purpose I at first always show the man one card +outside of the apparatus and explain to him the differences between +the black and the red figures, and the counting of the steps, and show +to him in a number of cases how some red figures do not reach the +track, how others go beyond the track, and how some just land in +danger on the track. As soon as he has completely understood the +principle, we turn to the apparatus and he moves the window slowly +over a test card, and tries to find the dangerous spots, and I turn +his attention to every case in which he has omitted one or has given +an incorrect letter. We repeat this slowly until he completely masters +the rules of the game. Only then is he allowed to start the +experiment. I have never found a man with whom this preparation takes +more than a few minutes. + +After developing this method in the psychological laboratory, I +turned to the study of men actually in the service of a great electric +railway company which supported my endeavors in the most cordial +spirit. In accordance with my request, the company furnished me with a +number of the best motormen in its service, men who for twenty years +and more had performed their duties practically without accidents, +and, on the other hand, with a large number of motormen who had only +just escaped dismissal and whose record was characterized by many more +or less important collisions or other accidents. Finally, we had men +whose activity as motormen was neither especially good nor especially +bad. + +The test of the method lies first in the fact that the tried motormen +agreed that they really pass through the experiment with the feeling +which they have on their car. The necessity of looking out in both +directions, right and left, for possible obstacles, of distinguishing +those which move toward the track from the many which move along the +track, the quick discrimination among the various rates of rapidity, +the steady forward movement of the observation point, the constant +temptation to give attention to those which are still too far away or +to those which are so near that they will cross the track before the +approach of the car, in short, the whole complex situation with its +demands on attention, imagination, and quick adjustment, soon brings +them into an attitude which they themselves feel as identical with +that in practical life. On the other hand, the results show a +far-reaching correspondence between efficiency in the experiment and +efficiency in the actual service. With a relatively small number of +experiments this correspondence cannot be expected to be complete, the +more as a large number of secondary features must enter which +interfere with an exact correlation between experiment and standing in +the railway company. We must consider, for instance, that those men +whom the company naturally selects as models are men who have had +twenty to thirty years of service without accidents, but consequently +they are rather old men, who no longer have the elasticity of youth +and are naturally less able to think themselves into an artificial +situation like that of such an experiment, and who have been for a +long time removed from contact with book work. It is therefore not +surprising, but only to be expected, that such older, model men, while +doing fair work in the test, are yet not seldom far surpassed by +bright, quick, young motormen who are twenty years younger, even +though they are not yet ideal motormen. Moreover, the standing in the +company often depends upon features which have nothing to do with the +mental make-up of the man, while the experiment has to be confined to +these mental conditions which favor accidents. It is quite possible +that a man may happen to experience a slight collision, even though no +conditions for the accident were lying in his mental make-up. But we +may go still further. The experiment refers to those sides of his mind +which make him able to foresee the danger points, and that is +decidedly the most essential factor and the one from which most can be +hoped for the safety of the public. But this does not exclude the +possibility that some other mental traits may become causes of +accidents. The man may be too daring and may like to run risks, or he +may still need discipline, or he may not be sufficiently acquainted +with the local conditions. Any such secondary factors may cause some +slight accidents with the man who shows rather fair results in the +experimental test of his foresight. Finally, we must not forget that +some men enter into such tests under a certain nervous tension and +therefore may not show so well at the very first test as their mental +equipment should allow. Hence it is decidedly desirable not to rely on +the first test, but to repeat it. If those various interferences are +taken into account, the correspondence between efficiency and the +results of the tests is fairly satisfactory. It justified me in +proposing that the experiments be continued and in regarding it as +quite possible that later tests on the basis of this principle may be +introduced at the employment of motormen. + +A difficulty is presented by the valuation of the numerical results. +The mere number of omissions alone cannot be decisive, as it is clear +that no intelligent man would make any omissions if he should give an +unlimited amount of time to it; for instance, if he were to spend +fifteen minutes on those 12 cards. But this is the same thing as to +say that a motorman would not run over any one if he were to drive his +car one mile in an hour. The practical problem is to combine the +greatest possible speed with the smallest number of oversights and +both factors must therefore be considered. The subject who makes +relatively many mistakes but uses a very short time must be +acknowledged to be as good as the man who makes fewer mistakes but +takes a longer time. In the results which I have gathered in +experiments with motormen, no one has gone through those 12 cards in a +shorter time than 140 seconds, while the longest time was 427 seconds. +On the other hand, no one of the motormen made less than 4 omissions, +while the worst ones made 28 omissions. I abstract from one extreme +case with 36 omissions. On the whole, we may say that the time +fluctuates between 180 and 420, the mistakes between 4 and 28. The aim +is to find a formula which gives full value to both factors and makes +the material directly comparable in the form of one numerical value +instead of the two. If we were simply to add the number of seconds and +the number of omissions, the omissions would count far too little, +inasmuch as 10 additional omissions would then mean no more than 10 +additional seconds. On the other hand, if we were to multiply the two +figures the omissions would mean by far too much, as the transition +from 4 mistakes to 8 mistakes would then be as great a change as the +transition from 200 to 400 seconds, that is, from the one extreme of +time to the other. Evidently we balance both factors if we multiply +the number of omissions by 10 and add them to the number of seconds. +The variations between 4 and 28 omissions are 24 steps, which +multiplied by 10 correspond to the 240 steps which lie between 180 and +420 seconds. On that basis any additional 50 seconds would be equal to +5 additional omissions. If of two men one takes 100 seconds less than +his neighbor, he is equal to him in his ability to satisfy the demands +of the service, if he makes 10 mistakes more. + +On the basis of this calculation I find that the old, well-trained +motormen come to a result of about 450, and I should consider that an +average standard. This would mean that a man who uses 400 seconds +would not be allowed to make more than 5 omissions, in 350 seconds not +more than 10, in 300 not more than 15, in 250 not more than 20, under +the condition that these are the results of the first set of +experiments. Where there are more than 20 omissions made, mere +quickness ought not to be allowed as a substitute. The man who takes +150 seconds and makes 30 mistakes would come up to the same standard +level of 450. Yet his characteristics would probably not serve the +interests of the service. He would speed up his car and would make +better time than any one else, but would be liable to accidents. I +should consider 20 mistakes with a time not longer than 250 as the +permissible maximum. Among the younger motormen whom I examined, the +best result was 290, in which 270 seconds were used and only 2 +omissions made. Results below 350 may be considered as very good. One +man, for instance, carried out the experiment in 237 seconds with 11 +mistakes, which gives the result 347. From 350 to 450 may be counted +as fair, 450 to 550 as mediocre, and over 550 as very poor. In the +case of old men, who may be expected to adjust themselves less easily +to artificial experiments, the limits may be shifted. If the +experiments are made repeatedly, the valuation of the results must be +changed accordingly. The training of the men in literary and +mathematical work or in experimentation may be considered, as our +experiments have shown that highly educated young people with long +training in experimental observations can pass through the test much +more quickly than any one of the motormen could. Among the most +advanced graduate students who do research work in my Harvard +laboratory there was no one whose result was more than 275, while, as +I said, among all the motormen there was no one whose result was less +than 290. The best result reached was by a student who passed through +the test in 223 seconds with only 1 mistake, the total therefore being +233. Next came a student who did it in 215 seconds with 3 mistakes, +total, 245; then in 228 seconds with 2 omissions, total, 248, and so +on. + +I recapitulate: With men on the educational level and at the age that +comes in question for their first appointment in the service of an +electric railway company, the test proposed ought to be applied +according to this scheme. If they make more than 20 mistakes, they +ought to be excluded; if they make less than 20 mistakes, the number +of omissions is to be multiplied by 10 and added to the number of +seconds. If the sum is less than 350, their mental fitness for the +avoidance of accidents is very high, between 350 and 450 fair, and +more than 550 not acceptable under any conditions. I submit this, +however, with the emphasis on my previous statement that the +investigation is still in its first stage, and that it will need a +long cooeperation between science and industry in order to determine +the desirable modifications and special conditions which may become +necessary in making the employment of men partly dependent upon such +psychological tests. There can be no doubt that the experiments could +be improved in many directions. But even in this first, not adequately +tested, form, an experimental investigation of this kind which demands +from each individual hardly 10 minutes would be sufficient to exclude +perhaps one fourth of those who are nowadays accepted into the service +as motormen. This 25 per cent of the applicants do not deserve any +blame. In many other occupations they might render excellent service; +they are neither careless nor reckless, and they do not act against +instructions, but their psychical mechanism makes them unfit for that +particular combination of attention and imagination which ought to be +demanded for the special task of the motorman. If the many thousands +of injury and the many hundreds of death cases could be reduced by +such a test at least to a half, then the conditions of transportation +would have been improved more than by any alterations in the technical +apparatus, which usually are the only objects of interest in the +discussion of specialists. The whole world of industry will have to +learn the great lesson, that of the three great factors, material, +machine, and man, the man is not the least, but the most important. + + + + +IX + +EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF SHIP SERVICE + + +Where the avoidance of accidents is in question, the test of a special +experimental method can seldom be made dependent upon a comparison +with practical results, as we do not want to wait until the candidate +has brought human life into danger. The ordinary way of reaching the +goal must therefore be an indirect one in such cases. For the study of +motormen the conditions are exceptionally favorable, as hundreds of +thousands of accidents occur every year, but another practical example +may be chosen from a field where it is, indeed, impossible to +correlate the results with actual misfortunes, because the dangerous +situations occur seldom; and nevertheless on account of their +importance they demand most serious study. I refer to the ship +service, where the officer on the bridge may bring thousands into +danger by one single slip of his mind. I turn to this as a further +concrete illustration in order to characterize at once the lengths to +which such vocational studies may advance. + +One of the largest ship companies had approached me--long before the +disaster of the Titanic occurred--with the question whether it would +not be possible to find psychological methods for the elimination of +such ship officers as would not be able to face an unexpected suddenly +occurring complication. The director of the company wrote to me that +in his experience the real danger for the great ships lies in the +mental dispositions of the officers. They all know exactly what is to +be done in every situation, but there are too many who do not react in +the appropriate way when an unexpected combination of factors suddenly +confronts them, such as the quick approach of a ship in the fog. He +claimed that two different types ought to be excluded. There are ship +officers who know the requirements excellently, but who are almost +paralyzed when the dangerous conditions suddenly threaten. Their +ability for action is inhibited. In one moment they want to act under +the stimulus of one impression, but before the impulse is realized, +some other perhaps rather indifferent impression forces itself on +their minds and suggests the counteraction, and in this way they +vacillate and remain inactive until it is too late to give the right +order or to press the right button. The other type feels only the +necessity for rapid action, and under the pressure of greatest haste, +without clear thought, they jump to the first decision which rushes +to their minds. Without carefully considering the conditions really +given, they explode in an action which they would never have chosen in +a state of quiet deliberation. They react on any accidental +circumstance, just as at a fire men sometimes carry out and save the +most useless parts of their belongings. Of course, beside these two +types, there is the third type, the desirable one, the men who in the +unexpected situation quickly review the totality of the factors in +their relative importance and with almost instinctive certainty +immediately come to the same decision to which they would have arrived +after quiet thought. The director of the company insisted that it +would be of highest importance for the ship service to discriminate +these three types of human beings, and to make sure that there stand +on the bridge of the ship only men who do not belong to those two +dangerous classes. He turned to me with this request, as he had heard +of the work toward economic psychology in the Harvard laboratory. + +As the problem interested me, I carried on a long series of +experiments in order to construct artificial conditions under which +the mental process of decision in a complicated situation, especially +the rapidity, correctness, and constancy of the decision, could be +made measurable. I started from the conviction that this complex act +of decision must stand in definite relation to a number of simpler +mental functions. If, for instance, it stood in a clear definite +relation to the process of association, or discrimination, or +suggestibility, or perception, or memory, and so on, it would be +rather easy to foresee the behavior of the individual in the act of +decision, as every one of those other simple mental functions could be +tested by routine methods of the psychological laboratory. This +consideration led me to propose ramified investigations concerning the +psychology of decision in its relation to the elementary mental +processes. These studies by students of the laboratory are not yet +completed. But I soon saw that they would be unfit for the solution of +my practical problem, as we recognized that these relations between +the complex act of decision and the elementary functions of the +individual seem to have different form with different types of +men.[12] If I was to approach the solution of the practical problem, +accordingly, I had to reproduce in an experimental form the act of +decision under complex conditions. + +It seemed necessary to create a situation in which a number of +quantitatively measurable factors were combined without any one of +them forcing itself to consciousness as the most important. The +subject to be experimented on then has to decide as quickly as +possible which of the factors is the relatively strongest one. As +usual, here, too, I began with rather complicated material and only +slowly did I simplify the apparatus until it finally took an entirely +inconspicuous form. But this is surely the most desirable outcome for +testing methods which are to be applied to large numbers of persons. +Complicated instruments, for the handling of which special training is +needed, are never so useful for practical purposes as the simple +schemes which can be easily applied. The form of which I finally made +use is the following. I work with 24 cards of the size of +playing-cards. On the upper half of every one of these cards we have 4 +rows of 12 capital letters, namely, A, E, O, and U in irregular +repetition. On 4 cards, one of these vowels appears 21 times and each +of the three others 9 times; on 8 cards, one appears 18 times and +every one of the three others 10 times; on 8 cards, one appears 15 +times and each of the others 11 times; and finally, on 4 cards one +vowel appears 16 times, each of the three others 8 times, and besides +them 8 different consonants are mixed in. The person to be tested has +to distribute these 24 cards as quickly as possible in 4 piles, in +such a way that in the first pile are placed all cards in which the +letter A is most frequent, in the second those in which the letter E +predominates, and so on. As a matter of course the result must never +be secured by counting the letters. Any attempt to act against this +prescription and secretly to begin counting would moreover delay the +decision so long that the final result would be an unsatisfactory +achievement anyhow. It would accordingly bring no advantage to the +candidate. + +We measure with a stopwatch in fifths of a second the time for the +whole process from the subject's looking at the first card to his +laying down of the last card, and, secondly, we record the number and +the character of his mistakes, if cards are put into wrong piles. I +have made the experiment with very many persons, and results show that +those various mental traits which have been observed in the practical +ship service come clearly to light under the conditions of this +experiment. Some of the persons lose their heads entirely, and for +many of them it is a painful activity for which they require a long +time. Even if the number of mistakes is not considerable, they +themselves have the feeling that they are not coming to a satisfactory +decision, because their attention is pulled hither and thither so that +they feel an inner mental paralysis. Some chance letters stand out and +appear to them to be predominant, but in the next moment the attention +is captured by some other letters which bring the suggestion that +they are in the majority and that they present the most important +factor. The outcome is that inner state of indecision which can become +so fatal in practical life. Other subjects distribute the cards in +piles at a relatively high speed, and they do it with the subjective +feeling that they have indeed recognized at the first glance the +predominant group of letters. The exact measurement of the results, +however, shows that they commit many errors which would have been +improbable after quiet consideration. Any small group of letters which +catches their eye makes on them, under the pressure of their haste, +such a strong impression that all the other letters are inhibited for +the moment and the wrong decision is quickly made. Finally, we find a +group of persons who carry out the experiment rather quickly and at +the same time with few mistakes. It is characteristic of them to pass +through it with the feeling that it is an agreeable and stimulating +mental activity. In all cases the subjects feel themselves under the +unified impression which results from all those 48 letters of the card +together; and this is the reason why the qualitative manifoldness of a +practical life situation can be compared with these intermingled, +quantitatively determined groups of letters. + +If I consider the general results of these experiments only with +reference to the time-measurement, I should say that a person who +completes the distribution of the cards in less than 80 seconds is +quick in his decisions; from 80 to 150, moderately quick; from 150 to +250, slow and deliberate and rather too deliberate for situations +which demand quick action; over 250 seconds, he would belong among +those wavering persons who hesitate too long in a life situation which +demands decision. The time which is needed for the mere distribution +of the cards themselves plays a very small role compared with the time +of the whole process, and can be neglected. In order to determine +this, I asked all the subjects before they made the real experiment to +distribute 24 other cards in 4 piles, on each of which one of the four +letters, A, E, O, and U was printed only once. Hence no comparison of +various factors was involved in this form of distribution. The average +time for this ordinary sorting was about 20 seconds. Only rather quick +individuals carried it out in less than 18 and only very slow ones +needed more than 25 seconds. This maximum variation of 10 seconds is +evidently insignificant, as the variations in the experiment amount to +more than 200 seconds. But it is very characteristic that the results +of the two experiments do not move parallel. Some persons, who are +able to sort the cards on which only one of the 4 letters is printed +very quickly, are rather slow when they sort the cards with the 48 +letters for which the essential factor is the act of comparison. In +the first case the training in card-playing also seems to have a +certain influence, but in the second case, our real experiment on +decision, this influence does not seem to exist. + +We have emphasized from the start that it is no less important to give +consideration to the number of mistakes. A mere rapidity of +distribution with many mistakes characterizes, as we saw, a mental +system which is just as unfit for practical purposes as one which acts +with too great slowness. But it would not have been sufficient simply +to ask how many cards were put into wrong piles. The special +arrangement of the cards with four different types of combinations was +introduced for the purpose of discriminating among mistakes of unequal +seriousness. When one letter appeared 21 times and the three others +only 9 times, it was surely much easier to make the decision than when +the predominant letter appeared only 15 times and the other three each +11 times. The easier the right decision, the graver the mistake. Of +course the valuation of these mistakes must be rather arbitrary. We +decided to value as 4 every mistake in these cards on which the +predominant letter appears 21 times; as 3, a mistake in the 18 letter +cards; as 2, a mistake in the 16 letter cards; and as 1, a mistake in +the most difficult ones, the 15 letter cards. If the mistakes are +calculated on this basis and are added together, a sum below 5 may +indicate a very safe and perfectly reliable ability for decision; 5 to +12, satisfactory; 12 to 20, uncertain; and over 20, very poor. In +order to take account of both factors, time and mistakes, we multiply +the sum of the calculated mistakes by the number of seconds. If the +product of these two figures is less than 400, it may be taken as a +sign of perfect reliability in making very quick, correct decisions, +in complex life situations; 400 to 1000 indicates the limits between +which the ability for such decisions may be considered as normal and +very satisfactory; 1000 to 2000, not good but still adequate; 2000 to +3000, unreliable, and over 3000, practically absent. It is clear that +the real proof of the value of this method cannot be offered. This is +just the reason why we selected this illustration as an example of the +particular difficulty. Wrong decisions, that is, cases in which the +man on the bridge waits too long before he makes his decision and thus +causes a collision of ships by his delay, or in which he rushes +blindly to a decision which he himself would have condemned after +quiet deliberation, are rare. It would be impossible to group such +men together for the purpose of the experiment and to compare their +results with those of model captains, the more as experience has shown +that an officer may have a stainless record for many years and yet may +finally make a wrong decision which shows his faulty disposition. The +test of the method must therefore be a somewhat indirect one. My aim +was to compare the results of the experiments with the experiences of +the various individuals which they themselves reported concerning +their decisions in unexpected complicated situations, and moreover +with the judgments of their friends whom I asked to describe what they +would expect from the subjects under such conditions. The personal +differences in these respects are extremely great, and are also +evident in the midst of small groups of persons who may have great +similarity in their education and training and in many other aspects +of their lives. + +Among the most advanced students of my research laboratory, for +instance, all of whom have rather similar schooling and practically +the same training in experimental work, the product of mistakes and +seconds varied between 348 and 13,335. That smallest value occurred in +a case in which the time was 116 seconds and the sum of the mistakes +only 3, inasmuch as 3 cards of the most difficult group where the +predominating letter occurred only 15 times were put in the wrong +piles. The shortest time among my laboratory students was 58 seconds, +but with this individual the sum of the mistakes, calculated on the +basis of the valuation agreed upon, was 13. The largest figure +mentioned resulted in a case in which the student needed 381 seconds +and yet made mistakes the sum of which amounted to 35. It is +characteristic that the person with the smallest product felt a +distinct joy in the experiment, while the one with the largest passed +through painful minutes which put him to real organic discomfort. If +we arrange the men simply in the order of these products, of course we +cannot recognize the various groups, as those who are quick but make +mistakes and those who make few mistakes but act slowly may be +represented by the same products. The coincidence of the results with +the self-characterization is frequently quite surprising. Every one +has at some time come into unexpected, suddenly arising situations and +many have received in such moments a very vivid impression of their +own mental reaction. They know quite well that they could not come to +a decision quickly enough, or that they rushed hastily to a wrong +decision, or that in just such instants a feeling of repose and +security came over them and that with sure instinct they turned in +the direction which they would have chosen after mature thought. The +results of the experiments in sorting the cards confirmed this +self-observation in such frequent cases that it may indeed be hoped +that a more extended test of this method will prove its practical +usefulness. It is clear that the field is a wide one, as these +different types of mental dispositions must be of consequence not only +in the ship service, but also to a certain degree in the railroad +service and in many other industrial tasks. + +We have emphasized from the start that as a matter of course such a +tested function, while it is taken in its complex unity, is +nevertheless not the only psychophysical disposition of significance. +This is as true for the ship officer as it was for the motorman of the +electric car. If we were to study all the mental dispositions +necessary or desirable for the ship officer, we should find many other +qualities which are accessible to the psychological investigation. The +captain of the ship, for instance, is expected to recognize the +direction of a vessel passing in the fog by the signals of the +foghorn. But so far no one has given any attention to the +psychological conditions of localization of sound, which were for a +long while a much-studied problem of our psychological laboratories. +We know how this localization is dependent upon the comparison of the +two ears and what particular mistakes occur from the different +sensibility of the two ears. Yet there are to-day men on the bridges +of the ships who hear much better with one ear than with the other, +but who still naively believe that, as they hear everything very +distinctly with one ear, this normal ear is also sufficient for +recognizing the direction of the sound. It is the same mistake which +we frequently see among laborers whose vision has become defective in +one of their eyes, or one of whose eyes is temporarily bandaged. They +are convinced that the one good eye is sufficient for their industrial +task, because they are able to recognize everything clearly and +distinctly. They do not know that both the eyes together are necessary +in order to produce that psychological combination by which the visual +impression is projected into the right distance, and that in the +factory they are always in danger of underestimating the distance of a +wheel or some other part of the machine and of letting the hand slip +between the wheels or knives. The results of experimental psychology +will have to be introduced systematically into the study of the +fitness of the personality from the lowest to the highest technical +activity and from the simplest sensory function to the most complex +mental achievement. + + + + +X + +EXPERIMENTS IN THE INTEREST OF TELEPHONE SERVICE + + +Our plan was to illustrate the possibility of applying psychological +experiments to the selection of fit applicants also in cases in which +not one characteristic mental function stands out, but in which a +large number of relatively independent mental activities are in play. +I choose as an illustration of such cases the work of the employees at +the telephone switchboard. A study of the psychological factors in +this work is strongly suggested by the practical interests of the +telephone companies, and may be looked on here exclusively from this +point of view. The user of the telephone is little inclined to +consider how many actions have to be carried out in the central office +before the connection is made and finally broken again. From the +moment when the speaker takes off the receiver to the cutting off of +the connection, fourteen separate psychophysical processes are +necessary in the typical case, and even then it is presupposed that +the telephone girl understood the exchange and number correctly. It is +a common experience of the companies that these demands cannot be +satisfactorily fulfilled when a telephone girl has to handle more than +225 calls in an hour. The official statistics show that this figure is +exceeded in not infrequent cases,[13] in extreme cases the number may +even rise beyond 300. Moreover, in short periods of reinforced demands +it may happen that for a few minutes even the rapidity of 10 calls in +a minute is reached. Normally the burden is divided among the +employees in such a way that about 150 calls fall to each one in an +hour, and that this figure is passed considerably only in one morning +and one evening hour. A skillful distribution of pauses and ample +arrangements for rest, usually together with very excellent hygienic +conditions, make it possible for the fit persons to be able to carry +on this work without over-fatigue from 8 to 9 hours a day. On the +other hand, it is only natural that such rapid and yet subtle activity +under such high tension, where especially the quick localization of +the correct hole is a difficult and yet indispensable part, can be +carried out only by a relatively small number of human nervous +systems. The inability to keep attention at such a high point for a +long while, or to perform such rapid movements, or to retain the +numbers correctly, does not lead to fatal accidents like those in the +case of the unfit motormen, but it does lead to fatigue and finally to +a nervous breakdown of the employees and to confusion in the service. +The result is that the company is continually obliged to dismiss a +considerable proportion of those who have entered the service and who +have spent some months in going through the training school of the +company. As one single company, the Bell Telephone Company, employs +16,000 operators, the problem is an expansive one, and it has bearing +on the health of the employees as well as on the patience of the +subscribers. But above all it refers to the economic interests of the +company, inasmuch as every girl who satisfies the entrance conditions +of hearing and sight, of school education and general personal +appearance, receives some salary throughout the months of training in +the telephone school. Since during the first half-year, in which the +employee still works entirely under supervision, more than a third of +those who had originally entered leave, partly on account of +unfitness, and inability, partly on account of over-fatigue or similar +reasons, the economic disadvantage to the company is evidently a very +great one. The candidates are paid for months of mere training, and +they themselves waste their energy and time with practice in a kind of +labor which cannot be serviceable to them in any other economic +activity. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that one +city system approached me with the question whether it would not +interest me from a scientific point of view to examine how far the +mental fitness of the employees could be determined beforehand through +experimental means. + +After carefully observing the service in the central office for a +while, I came to the conviction that it would not be appropriate here +to reproduce the activity at the switchboard in the experiment, but +that it would be more desirable to resolve that whole function into +its elements and to undertake the experimental test of a whole series +of elementary mental dispositions. Every one of these mental acts can +then be examined according to well-known laboratory methods without +giving to the experiments any direct relation to the characteristic +telephone operation as such. I carried on the first series of +experiments with about thirty young women who a short time before had +entered into the telephone training school, where they are admitted +only at the age between seventeen and twenty-three years. I examined +them with reference to eight different psychophysical functions. In +saying this, I abstract from all those measurements and tests which +had somewhat anthropometric character, such as the measurement of the +length of the fingers, the rapidity of breathing, the rapidity of +pulse, the acuity of vision and of hearing, the distinctness of the +pronunciation, and so on. A part of the psychological tests were +carried on in individual examinations, but the greater part with the +whole class together. + +These common tests referred to memory, attention, intelligence, +exactitude, and rapidity. I may characterize the experiments in a few +words. The memory examination consisted of reading to the whole class +at first two numbers of 4 digits, then two of 5 digits, then two of 6 +digits, and so on up to figures of 12 digits, and demanding that they +be written down as soon as a signal was given. The experiments on +attention, which in this case of the telephone operators seemed to me +especially significant, made use of a method the principle of which +has frequently been applied in the experimental psychology of +individual differences and which I adjusted to our special needs. The +requirement is to cross out a particular letter in a connected text. +Every one of the thirty women in the classroom received the same first +page of a newspaper of that morning. I emphasize that it was a new +paper, as the newness of the content was to secure the desired +distraction of the attention. As soon as the signal was given, each +one of the girls had to cross out with a pencil every "a" in the text +for six minutes. After a certain time, a bell signal was given and +each then had to begin a new column. In this way we could find out, +first, how many letters were correctly crossed out in those six +minutes, secondly, how many letters were overlooked, and, thirdly, how +the recognition and the oversight were distributed in the various +parts of the text. In every one of these three directions strong +individual differences were indeed noticeable. Some persons crossed +out many, but also overlooked many, others overlooked hardly any of +the "a's," but proceeded very slowly so that the total number of the +crossed-out letters was small. Moreover, it was found that some at +first do poor work, but soon reach a point at which their attention +remains on a high level; others begin with a relatively high +achievement, but after a short time their attention flags, and the +number of crossed-out letters becomes smaller or the number of +unnoticed, overlooked letters increases. Fluctuations of attention, +deficiencies, and strong points can be discovered in much detail. + +The third test which was tried with the whole class referred to the +intelligence of the individuals. Discussion of the question how to +test intelligence in general would quickly lead us into as yet +unsettled controversies. It is a chapter of the psychology of tests +which, especially in the service of pedagogy but to a certain degree +also in the service of medicine, has been more carefully elaborated +than any other. Often it has been contested whether we have any right +to speak of one general central intelligence factor, and whether this +apparently unified activity ought not to be resolved into a series of +mere elementary processes. The newer pedagogical investigations, +however, speak in favor of the view that besides all special +processes, or rather, above all of them, an ability must be recognized +which cannot be divided any further, and by which the individual +adjusts his knowledge, his experiences, and his dispositions to the +changing purposes of life. The grading of the pupils in a class +usually expresses this differentiation of the intelligence; and while +the differences of industry or of mere memory and similar secondary +features may sometimes interfere, it remains after all not difficult +for an observant teacher to grade the pupils of his class, whom he +knows well, according to their general intelligence. The psychological +experiments carried on in the schoolroom have demonstrated that this +ability can be tested by the measurement of some very simple mental +activities. The best method would be the one which would allow the +experimenter, on the basis of a single experiment, to grade the +individuals in the same order in which they appear in the record of +the teacher. Among the various proposed schemes for this purpose the +figures suggest that the most reliable one is the following method, +the results of which show the highest agreement between the rank order +based on the experiments and the rank order of the teachers.[14] The +experiment consists in reading to the pupils a long series of pairs of +words of which the two members of the pair always logically belong +together. Later, one word of each pair will be read to them and they +have to write down the word which belonged with it in the pair. This +is not a simple experiment on memory. The tests have shown that if +instead of logically connected words simply disconnected chance words +are offered and reproduced, no one can keep such a long series of +pairs in mind, while with the words which have related meaning, the +most intelligent pupils can master the whole series. The very +favorable results which this method had yielded in the classroom made +me decide to try it in this case too. I chose for an experiment 24 +pairs of words from the sphere of experience of the girls to be +tested. Two further class experiments belonged rather to the periphery +of psychology. The exactitude of space-perception was measured by +demanding that each divide first the long and then the short edge of a +folio sheet into two equal halves by a pencil mark. And finally, to +measure the rapidity of movement, it was demanded that every one make +with a pencil on the paper zigzag movements of a particular size +during the ten seconds from one signal to another. + +After these class experiments I turned to individual tests. First, +every girl had to sort a pack of 48 cards into 4 piles as quickly as +possible. The time was measured in fifths of a second. The following +experiment which referred to the accuracy of movement impulses +demanded that every one try to reach with the point of a pencil 3 +different points on the table in the rhythm of metronome beats. On +each of these three places a sheet of paper was fixed with a fine +cross in the middle. The pencil should hit the crossing point, and the +marks on the paper indicated how far the movement had fallen short of +the goal. One of these movements demanded the full extension of the +arm and the other two had to be made with half-bent arm. I introduced +this last test because the hitting of the right holes in the +switchboard of the telephone office is of great importance. The last +individual experiment was an association test. I called six words like +"book," "house," "rain," and had them speak the first word which came +to their minds. The time was measured in fifths of a second only, as +subtler experiments, for which hundredths of a second would have to +be considered, were not needed. + +In studying the results so far as the memory experiments were +concerned, we found that it would be useless to consider the figures +with more than 10 digits. We took the results only of those with 8,9, +and 10 digits. There were 54 possibilities of mistakes. The smallest +number of actual mistakes was 2, the largest, 29. In the experiment on +attention made with the crossing-out of letters, we found that the +smallest number of correctly marked letters was 107, the largest +number in the six minutes, 272; the smallest number of overlooked +letters was 2, the largest, 135; but this last case of abnormal +carelessness stood quite isolated. On the whole, the number of +overlooked letters fluctuated between 5 and 60. If both results, those +of the crossed-out and those of the overlooked letters, are brought +into relation, we find that the best results were a case of 236 +letters marked, with only 2 overlooked, and one of 257 marked, with 4 +overlooked. The very interesting details as to the various types of +attention which we see in the distribution of mistakes over the six +minutes were not taken into our final table. The word experiments by +which we tested the intelligence showed that no one was able to +reproduce more than 22 of the 24 words. The smallest number of words +remembered was 7. The mistakes in the perception of distances +fluctuated between 1 and 14 millimeters; the time for the sorting of +the 48 cards, between, 35 and 58 seconds; the association-time for the +6 associated words taken together was between 9 and 21 seconds. The +pointing experiments could not be made use of in this first series, as +it was found that quite a number of participants were unable to +perform the act with the rapidity demanded. + +Several ways were open to make mathematical use of these results. I +preferred the simplest way. I calculated the grade of the girls for +each of these achievements. The same candidate who stood in the 7th +place in the memory experiment was in the 15th place with reference to +the number of letters marked, in the 3rd place with reference to the +letters overlooked, in the 21st place with reference to the number of +word pairs which she had grasped, in the 11th place with reference to +the exactitude of space-perception, in the 16th place with reference +to the association-time, and in the 6th place with reference to the +time of sorting. As soon as we had all these independent grades, we +calculated the average and in this way ultimately gained a common +order of grading. It is evident that this kind of calculation contains +accidental factors, especially as a consequence of the fact that we +give equal value to every one of these results. It might be better, +for instance, to attribute a higher value to the attention experiment +or to the intelligence experiment. This could be done by multiplying +the results of some of these grades by 2 or by 3, which would bring +the high or low grade of a girl for a particular function to stronger +influence in the final result. But in this first trial I contented +myself with the simplest uniform scheme in order to exclude all +arbitrariness, and therefore considered the mere average of all the +grades as the expression of the experimental result. + +With this average rank list, we compared the practical results of the +telephone company after three months had passed. These three months +had been sufficient to secure at least a certain discrimination +between the best, the average, and the unfit. The result of this +comparison was on the whole satisfactory. First, the skeptical +telephone company had mixed with the class a number of women who had +been in the service for a long while and had even been selected as +teachers in the telephone school. I did not know, in figuring out the +results, which of the participants in the experiments these +particularly gifted outsiders were. If the psychological experiments +had brought the result that these individuals who stood so high in +the estimation of the telephone company ranked low in the laboratory +experiment, it would have reflected strongly on the reliability of the +laboratory method. The results showed, on the contrary, that these +women who had proved most able in practical service stood at the top +of our list. Correspondingly, those who stood the lowest in our +psychological rank list had in the mean time been found unfit in +practical service and had either left the company of their own accord +or else had been eliminated. The agreement, to be sure, was not a +perfect one. One of the list of women stood rather low in the +psychological list, while the office reported that so far she had done +fair work in the service, and two others to whom the psychological +laboratory gave a good testimonial were considered by the telephone +office as only fair. + +But it is evident that certain disagreements would have occurred even +with a more ideal method, as on the one side no final achievement in +practical service can be given after only three months, and because on +the other side a large number of secondary factors may enter which +entirely overshadow the mere question of psychophysical fitness. Poor +health, for instance, may hinder even the most fit individual from +doing satisfactory work, and extreme industry and energetic will may +for a while lead even the unfit to fair achievement, which, to be +sure, is likely to be coupled with a dangerous exhaustion. The slight +disagreements between the psychological results and the practical +valuation, therefore, do not in the least speak against the +significance of such a method. On the other hand, I emphasize that +this first series meant only the beginning of the investigation, and +it can hardly be expected that at such a first approach the best and +most suitable methods would at once be hit upon. A continuation of the +work will surely lead to much better combinations of test experiments +and to better adjusted schemes. But it would be most desirable that +such studies be undertaken at various places according to various +schemes in order to come nearer to the solution of a problem which is +economically important to the whole public and to many thousands of +employees. As soon as methods are really perfected it would seem not +at all impossible that by a short experiment of a few minutes +thousands of applicants might be saved long months of study and +training which are completely wasted. For us here the detailed +analysis of this particular case did not mean a suggestion to use +to-day in the telephone offices of the country the special scheme +which we applied, but it stood only as a clear, simple illustration +of a method by which not the specific work itself is tested, but by +which the industrial work of the individual is resolved into a long +series of parallel functions each one of which is tested +independently. The experimental aid which the laboratory has to supply +in such cases is not a newly invented device, such as we needed in the +case of the motormen, but simply the methods well known as so-called +mental tests. + +The experiments with such tests by which single mental functions are +measured approximately in short quick examinations, has been much +discussed in psychological circles. For a long while the thorough +scholars remained very reluctant to accept such an apparently +superficial scheme, when these tests were proposed especially for the +pedagogical interests of the schoolroom. It was a time in which the +scientific efforts were completely devoted to the general problems of +the human mind and in which individual differences were very little +considered. Moreover, the questions of applied psychology still seemed +so far distant that the true scholar instinctively took his standards +from the methods of purely theoretical research. Seen from such a +point of view, it could not be denied that the tests were not +sufficient to give us a complete scientific analysis of the +personality in its subtler structure. The theorists knew too well that +if the reactions, or associations, or memories, or tendencies of +attention, or emotions of a subject were measured really with that +scientific thoroughness which is the ideal of research, long months of +experiments would be needed, and little could be hoped for from tests +to be performed in half an hour. But this somewhat haughty reserve +which was quite justified twenty years ago has become obsolete and +would be meaningless to-day. On the one side the methods themselves +have been multiplied; for each mental act like memory, attention, and +so on, dozens of well-studied tests are at our disposal, which are +adjusted to the finest ramifications of the functions.[15] On the +other side the interest in individual differences and in applied +psychology has steadily grown, and through it an understanding for the +real meaning of the tests has been gained. Their value, indeed, lies +exclusively in their relation to the practical problems. Where +theoretical questions are to be answered and scientific studies +concerning the laws and variations of the mind are to be undertaken, +the long series of laboratory experiments carried on with patience and +devotion are indispensable and can never be replaced by the short-cut +methods of the tests. But where practical tasks of pedagogy or +jurisprudence or medicine, or especially of commerce and industry, are +before us, the method of tests ought to be sovereign. It can be +adapted to the special situations and can succeed perfectly, if the +task is to discover the outlines of the mental individuality for +particular practical work. + +The only real difficulty of the method lies in the ease with which it +can be used. A device which presupposes complicated instruments deters +the layman and will be used only by those who are well trained. +Moreover, the amateur would not think of constructing and adapting +such apparatus himself. But when nothing is necessary but to use words +or numbers or syllables or pictures, or, as in those experiments which +we just described, newspapers and so on, any one feels justified in +applying the scheme or in replacing it by a new apparently better one +according to his caprice. The manifoldness of the proposed tests for +special functions, is therefore enormous to-day. What is needed now is +surely much more that order be brought into this chaos of +propositions, and that definite norms and standards be secured for +certain chief examinations, than that the number of variations simply +be increased. + +The chief danger, moreover, lies in the fact that those who are not +accustomed to psychological laboratory research are easily misled. +They fancy that such an experiment can be carried out in a mere +mechanical way without careful study of all the conditions and +accompanying circumstances. Thereby a certain crudeness of procedure +may enter which is not at all suggested by the test method itself. The +psychological layman too seldom recognizes how many other psychical +functions may play a role in the result of the experiment beside the +one which is interesting him at that moment. The well-schooled +laboratory worker almost automatically gives consideration to all such +secondary circumstances. While his experiments may refer to the +process of memory, he will yet at the same time carefully consider the +particular situation as to the emotional setting of the subject, as to +his attention, as to his preceding experience, as to his intelligence, +as to his physiological condition, and many other factors which may +have indirect influence even on the simplest memory test. Hence the +real performance of the experiments ought to be undertaken only by +those who are thoroughly familiar and well trained in psychological +research. And they alone, moreover, can decide what particular form +such an experiment ought to take in a given practical situation. It +must be left to them, for instance, to judge in which cases the mental +function of economic importance ought to be tested after being +resolved into its components and in which it ought to be examined in +its characteristic unity. + + + + +XI + +CONTRIBUTIONS FROM MEN OF AFFAIRS + + +While the psychologists have to perform the actual labor, the +representatives of practical life are much better able to indicate the +points at which the psychological levers ought to be applied. In the +past year I have sought contact with several hundred large concerns in +America which belong to many different industrial realms. My time did +not allow me personal observation in so many cases, but everywhere I +begged for information from the leading men. I asked in individual +letters for the particular psychological qualities which from the +standpoint of the management seemed essential for the various kinds of +labor in their establishments. I always inquired to what extent +consideration was given to such psychological points of view at the +appointment of applicants, and asked for material concerning the +question how far individuals who proved to be unfit for one kind of +labor showed fitness at other kinds of work. The replies which I +received from all sides varied from a few meaningless lines to long +documents, which in some cases were composed of detailed reports from +all the department chiefs of a particular concern. The common +fundamental turn was decidedly a feeling of strong interest in the +formulation of the question, which was practically new to all of them. +Whether the answer came from paper mills or machine shops, from +meat-packing houses or from breweries, from electrical or chemical +mills, from railroad or mining companies, from department stores or +from publishing houses, everywhere it was acknowledged that they had +given hardly any conscious attention to the real psychological +dispositions of their employees. They had of course noticed whether +their men were industrious or lazy, honest or dishonest, skillful or +clumsy, peaceful or quarrelsome people, but I had emphasized from the +start in all my letters that such points of view were not before my +mind. The mental qualities for which I asked were the psychological +functions of attention, memory, ideas, imagination, feeling, volition, +suggestibility, ability to learn, ability to discriminate, judgment, +space-sense, time-sense, and so on. It would lead too far here to +discuss why these two groups of characteristics indeed belong to two +different aspects of mental life, and why only the latter is strictly +psychological. The way in which the management is accustomed to look +on their men is the practical way of ordinary life, in which we try to +understand our neighbor by entering into the meaning of his mental +functions and by seeking to grasp what his aim is. But such an +interpretation of the other man's mind is not a psychological +analysis. It gives us the purposes of his inner life, but does not +show us its structure and its component parts. We can abstract from +interpreting and appreciating in order to describe the elements of the +mind which in themselves have no meaning and no value, but which are +the only important factors, if we are to determine psychologically +what we may expect from the individual. + +While the replies to my letters showed that hardly any attention had +so far been given to such problems of objective psychology in the +industrial concerns, it became evident that the managers felt +distinctly that here a problem was touched which must be of highest +importance for economic success. From many different sides willingness +was shown to study the problem of employment under the psychological +aspect. As my material came mostly from very large establishments in +which labor of very many different kinds is carried on side by side, +of course I frequently received the assurance that whenever an +industrious energetic man is unsuccessful in one kind of work, a trial +is made with him in another department, and that by such shifting the +right place can often be found for him. Young people, to whom, in +spite of long trial and the best will, it seems impossible to supply +certain automatic machines, become excellent workers at much more +difficult labor in the same establishment. Women who are apparently +careless and inattentive when they have to distribute their attention +over a number of operations do high-class work when they are engaged +in a single activity; and in other cases the opposite is reported. + +I may mention a few concrete chance illustrations. In a pencil factory +the women in one department have to grasp with one movement a dozen +pencils, no more and no less. Some learn this at once without effort, +and they earn high wages; others never can learn it in spite of +repeated trials. If those who fail in this department are transferred, +for instance, to the department where the gold-leaf is most carefully +to be applied to the pencils before stamping, very often they show +great fitness in spite of the extreme exactitude needed for this work. +To show how often activities which appear extremely similar may demand +different individuals, if the work is based on different psychical +functions, I may refer to a report from one of the largest +establishments in the country. In the accounting department a large +number of girls are occupied with looking over hundreds of thousands +of slips from which the weekly pay-list is compiled. Each slip +contains six figures and small groups of twenty slips have to be +looked through to see whether those six figures on each correspond. +With moistened forefinger they turn up the slips one by one in much +the same manner that a bank clerk counts money. A good sorter will +turn up the slips so rapidly that a bystander is unable to read a +single figure, and yet she will not overlook an error in thousands of +slips. After the slips are sorted, the operation of obtaining the +totals on each order number is performed with the aid of an adding +machine. The machine operator rolls up the slips of the pile with the +thumb of her left hand and transfers the amount to the proper keys of +the machine. It has been found that the most rapid and accurate girls +at sorting are not seldom useless on the machines. They press the +wrong, keys and make errors in copying the total from the machine +indicators to the file-card. On the other hand, some of the best +machine operators are very slow and inaccurate at the sorting table. +Girls have been found very poor at the work at which they were first +set, and very successful and efficient as soon as they had been +transferred from the one to the other. + +Examples of this kind might be heaped up without end. But while the +very large establishments demonstrate by such reports only that they +can find somewhere a fit place for every able workingman if they take +enough trouble to seek for it, after all the essential element of the +reports remains, that successful achievement depends upon personal +mental traits which cannot be acquired by mere good will and training. +In view of this fact it is much more important that by far the +majority of establishments have not such a great manifoldness of +activities under one roof. The workingman who is a failure in the work +which he undertook would usually have no opportunity to show his +strong sides in the same factory, or at least to be protected against +the consequences of his weak points. If his achievement is deficient +in quality or quantity, he generally loses his place and makes a new +trial in another factory under the same accidental conditions, without +any deeper insight into his particular psychical traits and their +relation to special industrial activities. But even in the large +concerns, in which many kinds of labor are needed side by side, it is +not the rule but a rare exception when the individual is +systematically shifted to the psychologically correct place. A whole +combination of conditions is necessary for that. If his mental +unfitness makes him unsuccessful in one place, the position for which +he is fit must happen to be vacant. Moreover, he himself must like +that other kind of work, and above all the foreman must recognize his +particular fitness. In a few model factories in which the apprentice +system is developed in the spirit of advanced sociological ideas, for +instance, in the Lynn factory of the General Electric Company, such +systematic efforts are being carried on and show fair results. But the +regulation plan seems to be a haphazard lack of plan, and even the +best endeavors probably fall short of what may be attained by the +introduction of scientific psychological methods. So far in most +factories the laborer who is not doing well simply loses his position, +and by such an unfortunate experience he is not mentally enriched but +impoverished, as he has lost much of his self-confidence and of his +joy in labor. + +If this limitless waste of human material, this pitiable crushing of +joy in the day's work, and this crippling of the economic output is at +last to be reduced, indeed nothing is more needed than a careful +scrutiny of the various psychophysical functions involved in the work. +A mere classification of the industrial occupations according to the +classes of manufactured objects would be of no value for this need, as +often a small industrial concern may embrace occupations which, are +based on many different psychophysical functions. A harvester consists +of two hundred and fifty different parts, and almost every one of +these parts demands a long series of manufacturing, processes. +Thousands of different kinds of labor are thus combined in one factory +and each process demands for the best work particular psychophysical +traits, even though many of them can be carried out by quite unskilled +laborers. In a large manufacturing establishment the manager assured +me only recently that more than half a million different acts have to +be performed in order to complete the goods of that factory. On the +other hand, it evidently is proper to form larger groups in which +processes are brought together which are similar with reference to the +mental activity needed, while they may be dissimilar from the +standpoint of industrial technique. + +This analysis of the special processes can be furthered best by the +cooeperation of the experienced men of industry. Many of the replies +which I received contained quite elaborated contributions to such a +study of various industrial processes from a psychological point of +view. They sometimes covered the ground from the simplest activity to +the subtlest and most difficult economic tasks, and this, not only +with reference to the functions of the laborer, but also even with +reference to the function of the industrial manager. The outsider can +see these psychological requirements of the particular occupation only +in crude outlines. The subtler nuances of differences between tasks +can be gained only by an intimate knowledge of the industry. Again I +may give an illustration. In the case of a well-known typesetting +machine, thousand of which are in daily use, I had the impression that +the rapidity of the performance was dependent upon the quickness of +the finger reaction. The managers, on the other hand, have found that +the most essential condition for speed in the whole work is the +ability to retain a large number of words in memory before they are +set. The man who presses the keys rather slowly advances more rapidly +than another who moves his fingers quickly, but must make many pauses +in order to find his place in the manuscript and to provide himself +with new words. + +The factors which are to be brought into correlation are, accordingly, +first, the actual experiences of the managers, secondly, the +observations of skilled psychologists in the industrial concerns, +thirdly, psychological and experimental investigations with successful +and unsuccessful laborers, and, fourthly, experimental studies of the +normal variability. If such a programme is to be realized in detail, +it will be necessary to discriminate carefully, between those mental +traits of the personality which must be accredited to a lasting +inherited disposition and such as have been developed under the +influences of the surroundings, by education and training, by bad or +good stimuli from the community. While those acquired traits may have +become relatively lasting dispositions, their transformation is, after +all, possible, and the limits in which changes may be expected will +have to be found out by exact studies. Individual psychological +rhythm, attention and emotion, memory and will energy, disposition to +fatigue and to restoration, imagination, suggestibility and +initiative, and many other features will have to be examined in their +relation to the special economic aims. + +Too much emphasis cannot be laid on another function as well, the +experimental testing of which has only recently been started. I refer +to the difference in the individual ability of men to profit from +training. If we test an individual at a certain point in his life with +regard to a variable ability, our result must be dependent upon three +factors, the original disposition for the performance, the original +disposition for the advance by training, and the training itself +actually passed through up to that moment. A small amount of +antecedent training for the particular task together with a high +ability to profit from repetition may be a better reason for the +appointment of a man than a long training with small ability to profit +from schooling, in spite of the fact that his actual achievement at +this time may be in the first case smaller than in the second. He will +do less at first, but he promises to outrank the other man after a +period of further training. Special experiments must be carried on and +have been actually started to determine this plasticity of the +psychophysical apparatus as an independent inborn trait of the +individual.[16] + +This invasion of psychology into the field of economic activities is +still so little advanced that the thought of a real distribution of +the wage-earners among the various commercial and industrial positions +on the basis of psychological tests would lead far beyond the present +possibilities. Moreover, many factors would interfere with its being +carried out consistently, even if a much higher stage of experimental +research were reached. The thousands of social and local reasons which +influence the choice of a vocation to-day would to a certain degree +remain in force also in a period of better psychological analysis. +Moreover, the personal inclinations and interests naturally would and +ought to remain the mainspring of economic action. This inclination, +which gives so much of the joy in labor, is by no means necessarily +coincident with those psychophysical dispositions which insure the +most successful work. Political economists have found this out +repeatedly from their statistical inquiries. Very careful studies of +the textile industry in Germany carried out in recent years[17] +yielded the result that the intelligent, highly trained textile +laborer often dislikes his work the more, the more he shows ability +for it, this ability being measured by the wages the individuals earn +at piecework. The wage and the emotional attitude were not seldom +inversely related. Those who were able to produce by far more than +others and accordingly earned the most were sometimes the very ones +who hated the work, while the less skillful workers earned less but +enjoyed the work more. The consulting economic psychologist will, +therefore at first reasonably confine himself to warning the misfits +at an early time. Even within these limits his service can be useful +to both parties, the employers and the employees. He will only slowly +reach the stage at which this negative warning may be supplemented by +positive suggestions, as to the commercial industrial activities for +which the psychophysical dispositions promise particular success. + +A real assumption of responsibility for success of course cannot be +risked by the psychologist, inasmuch as the man who may be fitted for +a task by his mental working dispositions may nevertheless destroy his +chances for success by secondary personal traits. He may be dishonest, +or dissipated, or a drinker, or a fighter, or physically ill. Finally, +we ought not to forget that all such efforts to adjust to one another +the psychological traits and the requirements of the work can never +have reference to the extreme variations of human traits. The +exceptionally talented man knows anyhow where he belongs, and the +exceptionally untalented one will be excluded anyhow. The +psychological aid in the selection of the fit refers only to the +remaining four fifths of mankind for whom the chances of success can +indeed be increased as soon as the psychological personal equation is +systematically and with scientific exactitude brought into the +calculation of the life development. How far a part of this effort +will have to be undertaken by the school is a social problem which +must be considered from various points of view. Its discussion would +lead us beyond the limits of our present inquiry, but it seems +probable that the real psychological laboratory experiment in the +service of vocational guidance does not belong in the schoolroom +itself, but ought to be left to special municipal institutions. + + + + +XII + +INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS + + +One point here must not be overlooked. The effort to discover the +personal structure of the individual in the interest of his vocational +chance does not always necessarily involve a direct analysis of his +individuality, as material of some value can be gained indirectly. +Such indirect knowledge of a man's mental traits may be secured first +of all through referring the man to the groups to which he belongs and +inquiring into the characteristic traits of those groups. The +psychology of human variations gives not only an account of the +differences from person to person, but studies no less the psychical +inequalities of the races, of the nations, of the ages, of the +professions, and so on. If an economic activity demands a combination +of mental traits, we may take it for granted that an individual will +be fit for the work as soon as we find out that he belongs to a group +in which these required mental traits habitually occur. Such a +judgment based on group psychology can of course be no more than a +mere approach to a solution of the problem, as the psychical qualities +may vary strongly in the midst of the group. The special individual +may happen to stand at the extreme limit of the group, and the traits +which are usually characteristic of it may be very little developed or +entirely lacking in his special case. We may know that the inhabitants +of a special country are rather alert, and yet the particular +individual with whom we have to deal may be clumsy and phlegmatic. The +interests of economy will, therefore, be served by such considerations +of group psychology only if the employment, not of a single person, +but of a large number, is in question, as it is most probable that the +average character will show itself in a sufficient degree as soon as +many members of the group are involved. + +Even in this case the presupposition ought to be that the average +characteristics found out with scientific exactitude by statistical +and experimental methods, and not that they are simply deduced from +superficial impressions. I have found that just this race +psychological diagnosis is frequently made in factories with great +superficiality. Some of the American industrial centres offer +extremely favorable conditions for the comparative study of +nationality. I have visited many manufacturing establishments in which +almost all workers are immigrants from foreign countries and in which +up to twenty different nationalities are represented. The employment +officers there easily develop some psychological theories on the +basis of which they are convinced that they are selecting the men with +especial skill, knowing for each in which department he will be most +successful. They consider it settled that for a particular kind of +activity the Italians are the best, and for another, the Irish, and +for a third, the Hungarians, and for a fourth, the Russian Jews. But +as soon as these factory secrets have been revealed, you may be +surprised to find that in the next factory a decidedly different +classification of the wage-earners is in force. In a gigantic +manufacturing concern, I received the definite information that the +Swedish laborers are preferable wherever a steady eye is needed, and +in another large factory on the same street I was assured that just +the Swedes are unfit for such work. Sometimes this diversity of +opinion is the result of different points of view. In one factory in +which a certain industrial operation is rather dangerous, they told me +that they took no southern Europeans, especially no Italians and +Greeks, because they are too hasty and careless in their movements, +while they gladly filled the places with Irishmen. In a quite similar +factory, on the other hand, they had a prejudice against the Irishmen +alone for this work, because the Irish laborers are too willing to run +a risk and to expose themselves to danger. Probably both +psychological observations are on the whole correct, but in the first +factory only the one and in the second factory only the other was +recognized. Much more thorough statistical inquiries than those which +as yet exist, especially as to the actual differences of wages and +piecework for wage-earners of various nationalities, would have to +furnish a basis for such race psychological statements, until the time +arrives when the psychological experiment comes to its own. + +In a similar way so far we have to rely on general theories of group +psychology when the psychological differences of the sexes are to be +reckoned with in economic interests. So long as laboratory methods for +individual tests are not usual, the mental analysis of the general +groups of men and women must form the background for industrial +decisions. To be sure, it is not difficult to emphasize certain mental +traits as characteristic of women in general in contrast to men in +general, and to relate them to certain fundamental tendencies of their +psychophysical organism. As soon as this is done, it is easy +theoretically to deduce that certain industrial functions are +excellently adapted to the minds of women and that certain others +stand in striking antagonism to them. If the employment of large +numbers is in question, and average values alone are involved, such a +decision on the basis of group psychology may be adequate. In most +factories this vague sex psychology, to be sure, usually with a strong +admixture of wage questions, suggests for which machines men and for +which women ought to be employed. But here again it is not at all +improbable that in the case of a particular woman the traditional +group value may be entirely misleading and the personality accordingly +unfit for the place. Only the subtle psychological individual analysis +can overcome the superficial prejudices of group psychology. The +situation lies differently when problems of economic policy are before +us. Such general policies as, for instance, colonial politics, or +immigration politics, or politics concerned with city and rural +communities, or with coast and mountain population, will always have +to be based on group psychology as far as the economic problems are +involved, inasmuch as they refer to the average and not to the +individual, differences. + +Finally, another indirect scheme to determine the personal qualities +needed for economic efficiency may be suggested by the psychology of +the typical correlations of human traits. We have seen that group +psychology proclaims that a certain individual probably has certain +traits because he belongs to this or that nation or to this or that +otherwise well-known group. Correlation psychology proclaims that a +particular individual possesses or does not possess certain traits +because he shows or does not show some other definite qualities. A +correlation, for instance, which the commercial world often +presupposes, may exist between individual traits and the handwriting. +Graphologists are convinced that a certain loop or flourish, or the +steepness or the length of the letters, or the position of the _i_ +dot, is a definite indication that the writer possesses certain +qualities of personality; and if just these qualities are essential +requirements for the position, the impression of the handwriting in a +letter may be taken as a sufficient basis for appointment. The +scientist has reason to look upon this particular case of +graphological correlation with distrust. Yet even he may acknowledge +that certain correlations exist between the neatness, carefulness, +uniformity energy, and similar features of the letter, and the general +carefulness, steadiness, neatness, and energy of the personality. + +However, the laboratory psychologists nowadays have gone far beyond +such superficial claims for correlations of symptoms. With +experimental and statistical methods they have gathered ample material +which demonstrates the exact degree of probability with which we have +a right to expect that certain qualities will occur together. +Theoretically we may take it for granted that those traits which are +always present together or absent together ultimately have a common +mental root. Yet practically they appear as two independent traits, +and therefore it remains important to know that, if we can find one of +them, we may be sure that the other will exist there too. Inasmuch as +the one of the two traits may be easily detected, while the other may +be hidden and can be found out only by long careful tests, it would be +valuable, indeed, for the employment manager to become acquainted with +such correlations as the psychologist may discover: as soon as he +becomes aware of the superficially noticeable symptom, he can foresee +that the other disposition is most probably present. To give an +illustration: in the interest of such measurements of correlations we +have studied in the Harvard laboratory the various characteristics of +attention and their mutual dependence.[18] We found that typical +connections exist between apparently independent features of +attention. Persons who have a rather expansive span of attention for +acoustical impressions have also a wide span for the visual objects. +Persons whose attention is vivid and quick have on the whole the +expansive type of attention, while those who attend slowly have a +narrow field of attention, and so on. Hence the manifestation of one +feature of attention allows us to presuppose without further tests +that certain other features may be expected in the particular +individual. + +The problem of attention, indeed, seems to stand quite in the centre +of the field of industrial efficiency. This conviction has grown upon +me in my observation of industrial life. The peculiar kind of +attention decides more than any mental trait for which economic +activity the individual is adapted. The essential point is that such +differences of attention cannot be characterized as good or bad; it is +not a question of the attentive and of the inattentive mind. One type +is not better than another, but is simply different. Two workingmen, +not only equally industrious and capable, but also equally attentive, +may yet occupy two positions in which they are both complete failures +because their attention does not fit the places, and both may become +highly efficient as soon as they exchange positions. Their particular +types of attention have now found the right places. The one may be +disposed to a strong concentration by which everything is inhibited +which lies on the mental periphery, the other may have the talent for +distributing his attention over a large field, while he is unable to +hold it for a long while at one point. If the one industrial activity +demands the attentive observation of one little lever or one wheel at +one point, while the other demands that half a dozen large machines be +simultaneously supervised, all that is necessary is to find the man +with the right type of attention for each place. It would be utterly +arbitrary to claim that the expansive type of attention is +economically more or less valuable than the concentrated type. Both in +English and in German we have a long popular series of pamphlets with +descriptions of the requirements and conditions for the various +occupations to which a boy or a girl may turn, but I have nowhere +found any reference to the most essential mental functions such as the +particular kind of attention or memory or will. These pamphlets are +always cut after the same pattern. Where the detail refers at all to +the mental side, it points only to particular knowledge which may be +learned in school or trade or work, or to abilities which may be +developed by training. But the individual differences which are set by +the particular conditions and dispositions of the mind are neglected +with surprising uniformity in the vocational literature of all +countries. The time seems ripe for at last filling this blank in the +consciousness of the nation and in the institutions of the land. + + + + +PART II + +THE BEST POSSIBLE WORK + + + + +XIII + +LEARNING AND TRAINING + + +We have placed our psychotechnical interest at the service of economic +tasks. We therefore had to start from the various economic purposes +and had to look backward, asking what ways might lead to these goals. +All our studies so far were in this sense subordinated to the one task +which ought to be the primary one in the economic world, and yet which +has been most ignored. The purpose before us was to find for every +economic occupation the best-fitted personality, both in the interest +of economic success and in the interest of personal development. +Individual traits under this point of view become for us the decisive +psychological factors, and experimental psychology had to show us a +method to determine those personal differences and their relation to +the demands for industrial efficiency. This first goal may be reached +with all the means of science, as we hope it will be in the future, or +everything may be left to unscientific, haphazard methods as in the +past: in any case a second task stands before the community, namely, +the securing of the best possible work from every man in his place. +Indeed, the nation cannot delay the solution of this second problem +until the first has been solved in a satisfactory way. We might even +say that the answer to the second question is the more important, the +less satisfactory the answer to the first is. If every place in the +economic world were filled only by those who are perfectly adapted by +their mental traits, it would be much less difficult to get efficient +work from everyone. The fact that so many misfits are at work makes it +such an urgent necessity to find ways and means by which the +efficiency can be heightened. + +It must be acknowledged, however, that the problem of the best work is +not quite such a clear one as that of the best man. From various +standpoints a different answer may be given to the question which kind +of work is the best. A capitalistic, profit-seeking egotism may +consider the quickest performance, or, if differences of quality are +involved, the most skillful performance, the only desirable end. The +social reformers, on the other hand, may consider the best work that +which combines the greatest and best possible output with the highest +possible saving of the organism and the fullest development of the +personality. We have emphasized from the start that the practical +psychologist as such has not the right to give a decision upon +problems of social civilization. He has to accept the economic tasks +from the community for which he is working and his impartial service +commences only when the goals have been determined. It is not his +share to select the ends, but simply to determine the means after the +valuable ends have been chosen. As a psychological scientist he has +not the right to enter into the arena of different social party +fights. Yet we find after all a broad region which seems rather +untouched by any conflict of reasonable opinions. A reckless +capitalism on the one side and a feeble sentimentality on the other +side may try to widen or to narrow the boundaries of this region, but +taken all together, a vigorous healthy nation which is eagerly devoted +to its work is on the whole in agreement as to the essential economic +demands for efficient labor. + +Experience, to be sure, shows that great changes in the conditions of +work can never enter into the history of civilization without certain +disturbances, and that opposition must therefore necessarily arise in +certain groups even against such changes as are undoubtedly +improvements and advances from the point of view of the whole nation. +Such dissatisfaction arose when the factory system was introduced, and +it is only natural that some irritation should accompany the +introduction of psychological improvements in the methods of work, +inasmuch as not a few wage-earners may at first have to lose their +places because a small number of men will under the improved +conditions be sufficient for the performance of tasks which needed +many before. But the history of economics has clearly shown that from +the point of view of the whole community such an apparent disturbance +has always been only temporary. If the psychologists succeed in +fundamentally improving the conditions of labor, the increased +efficiency of the individual will promote such an enriched and +vivified economic life that ultimately an increase in the number of +laborers needed will result. The inquiry into the possible +psychological contributions to the question of reinforced achievement +must not be deterred by the superficial objection that in one or +another industrial concern a dismissal of wage-earners might at first +result. Psychotechnics does not stand in the service of a party, but +exclusively in the service of civilization. + +To begin at the beginning, we may start from the commonplace that +every form of economic labor in the workshop and in the factory, in +the field and in the mine, in the store and in the office, must first +be learned. How far do the experiments of the psychologist offer +suggestions for securing the most economic method of learning +practical activities? Bodily actions in the service of economic work +are taught and learned in hundreds of thousands of places. It is +evident that one method of teaching must reach the goal more quickly +and more reliably than another. Some methods of teaching must +therefore be economically more advantageous, and yet on the whole the +methods of teaching muscular work are essentially left to chance. It +is indeed not difficult to observe how factory workers or artisans +have learned the same complex motion according to entirely different +methods. The result is that they carry out the various partial +movements in a different order, or with different auxiliary motions, +or in different positions, or in a different rhythm, or with different +emphasis, simply because they imitate different teachers, and because +no norm, no certainty as to the best methods for the teaching, has +been determined. But the process of learning is still more fluctuating +and still more dependent upon chance than the process of teaching. The +apprentice approaches the instruction, in any chance way, and the +beginner usually learns even the first steps with a psychophysical +attitude which is left to accident. An immense waste of energy and a +quite anti-economic training in unfit movements is the necessary +result. + +The learning of the elements of school knowledge in the classroom in +earlier times proceeded after exactly such chance methods. Any one who +knew how to read, write, and calculate felt himself prepared to pour +reading, writing, and arithmetic into the unprotected children. +Methods which are based on scientific examination of the +psychophysical process of reading and writing were not at the disposal +of the schools, and exact results from comparative studies of +pedagogical methods had not been secured. The last few decades have +created an entirely new foundation for enlightened school work. The +experimental investigations of pedagogical psychology have determined +exactly how the consciousness of the child reacts on the various +methods of teaching and have built up a real systematic economic +learning. All which was left to dilettantic caprice has been +transformed into more or less definite standard forms. For instance, +the old scheme of teaching reading by the alphabet method is +practically eliminated from our modern schools. It is clear that this +learning of the names of the single letters as a starting-point for +the reading of words was not only a wasting of time and energy, but an +actual disturbance in the development of the reading process in the +older generation. As those names of the letters do not occur at all in +the words to be read, but only their sounds, what had been learned in +seeing the single letters had to be inhibited in pronouncing the whole +word. It seems not too much to say that the learning of industrial +activities on the whole still stands on the level of such alphabet +methods, and this cannot be otherwise, as the real problem, namely, +the systematic investigation of the psychophysical activities +involved, has never been brought into the psychological laboratory. + +The pedagogical experiment has shown clearly enough that the +subjective feeling of easier or quicker learning may be entirely +unreliable and misleading. If the task is to learn a page by heart, we +may proceed after many different methods. We may learn very small +fractions of the text, repeating only a few words, or we may read +whole paragraphs every time; we may repeat the whole material again +and again, or we may put in long periods of rest after a few +repetitions; we may frequently recite it from memory and have some one +to prompt us; we may give our attention especially to the meaning of +the words, or merely to the sounds, or we may introduce any number of +similar variations. Now the careful experiment shows that of two such +methods one which appears to us the better and more appropriate in +learning, perhaps even as the easier and more comfortable, may prove +itself the less efficient one in the practical result. The psychology +of learning, which won its success by introducing meaningless +syllables as experimental material, has slowly determined the most +reliable methods for impressing knowledge on memory. Where such +results have once been secured, it would surely be a grave mistake +simply to stick to the methods of so-called common sense and to leave +it to the caprice of the individual teacher to decide what method of +learning he will suggest to his pupils. The best method is always the +only one which should be considered. The psychology of economic work +must aim toward similar goals. We must secure a definite knowledge as +to the methods by which a group of movements can best be learned. We +must understand what value is to be attached to the repetitions and to +the pauses, to the imitations and to the special combinations of +movements, to the exercise in parts of the movements, to the rhythm of +the work, and to many similar influences which may shape the learning +process. + +The simplest aspect, that of the mere repetition of the movement, has +frequently been examined by psychophysicists. The real founder of +experimental psychology, Fechner, showed the way; he performed +fatiguing experiments with lifted dumb-bells. Then came the time in +which the laboratories began to make a record of the muscular +activities with the help of the ergograph, an instrument with which +the movements of the arm and the fingers can easily be registered on +the smoked surface of a revolving drum. The subtlest variations of the +activity, the increase and decrease of the psychomotor impulse, the +mental fatigue, can be traced exactly in such graphic records. This +psychomotor side of the process, and not the mere muscle activity as +such, is indeed the essential factor which should interest us. The +results of exercise are a training of the central apparatus of the +brain and not of the muscular periphery. The further development of +those experiments soon led to complex questions, which referred not +only to the mere change in the motor efficiency, but to the learning +of particular groups of movements and to the influences on the +exactitude and reliability of the movements. The purely mental factors +of the will-impulse, especially the consciousness of the task, came +into the foreground. These experiences of the scientists concerning +the influences of training, the mechanization of repetition, and the +automatization of movements have been thoroughly discussed by a +brilliant political economist[19] as an explanation of certain +industrial facts, but they have not yet practically influenced life in +the factory. + +The nearest approach from the experimental side to the study of the +effect of training in actual industrial tasks may be found in certain +laboratory investigations which refer to the learning of telegraphing, +typewriting, and so on. For instance, we have a careful study[20] of +the progress made in learning telegraphy, both as to the transmitting +of the telegrams by the key movement and the receiving of the +telegrams by the ear. It was found that the rapidity of transmitting +increases more rapidly and more uniformly than the rapidity of +receiving. But while the curve of the latter rises more slowly and +more irregularly, it finally reaches the greater height. The ability +in transmitting, represented by a graphic record, shows an ascent +which corresponds to the typical, steady curve of training. In the +receiving curve, on the other hand, we find not far from the beginning +a characteristic period during which no progress whatever can be +noticed, and this is also repeated at a later stage. The psychological +analysis shows that the increase of ability in the receiving of +telegrams depends upon the development of a complex system of +psychophysical habits. The periods in which the curve does not ascend +represent stages of training in which the elementary habits are +almost completely formed, but have not become sufficiently automatic. +The attention is therefore not yet ready to start habits of a higher +order. The lowest correlation refers to the single letters, after that +to the syllables and words. As soon as the apprentice has reached this +point, he stops, because he must learn to master more and more new +words until his telegraphic vocabulary is large enough to make it +possible for him to turn his consciousness to whole groups of words at +once. Only when this new habit has been made automatic by a training +of several months can he advance to a level at which whole groups of +words are perceived as telegraphic units. A time follows in which this +mastery of whole phrases advances rapidly, until a new period of rest +comes, from which, only after years and often quite suddenly, a last +new ascent can be noticed. Instead of concentrating the attention with +conscious strain on single phrases, the operator progresses to a +perfect liberty in which whole sentences are understood automatically. + +We also have a model experimental research into the psychological +conditions of learning in the case of writing on a typewriter.[21] By +electrical connections between the typewriting machine and a system of +levers which registered their movements on the rotating drum of a +kymograph, graph, each striking of a key, each completion of a word, +or of a line, could be recorded in exact time-relations. Each glance +at the copy was also registered. It was found that the process of +learning consisted first of a continuous simplification of the +cumbersome methods with which the beginner commences. A steady +elimination of unfit movements, a selection, a reorganization, and +finally, a combination of psychophysical acts to impulses of higher +order, could be traced exactly. Here, too, the curve of learning at +first rises quickly and then more and more slowly. Of course the usual +fluctuations in the growth of the ability can also be found, and above +all the irregular periods of rest in which the learning itself does +not progress, for some of these so-called plateaus which lie between +the end of one ascent and the beginning of the next may cover a month +and more. At the beginning we have the elementary association between +the single letter and the position of the corresponding key, but soon +an immediate connection between the visual impression of the whole +syllable or the whole word and the total group of movements necessary +to strike the keys for it is developed. The more the ability grows, +the more these psychical impulses of higher order become organized +without conscious intention. The study shows that this development of +higher habits has already begun before the lower habits are fully +settled. + +How far the special training involves at the same time a general +training which could be of advantage for other kinds of labor has not +yet been studied at all with reference to industrial technique. There +we are still completely dependent upon certain experiences in the +field of experimental pedagogy, and upon certain statistics, for +instance, in the textile industry. Many patient investigations, with +every independent group of apparatus and machines, may be necessary +before psychotechnics will be able to supply industry with reliable +advice for teaching and learning. Nor have we the least right hastily +to carry over the results from one group of movements to another. Even +where superficially a certain similarity between the technical factors +exists, the psychophysical conditions may be essentially different. In +the two cases mentioned, for instance, telegraphing and typewriting, +the chief factor seems the same, as in both cases the aim is to make +the quickest possible finger movements for purposes of signals; and +yet it is not surprising that the development of the ability from the +beginnings to the highest mastery is rather unlike, as all the +movements in telegraphing are performed with the same finger, while +in typewriting the chief trait is the organization of groups from the +impulses to all ten fingers. At least it is certain that learning +always means far more than a mere facilitation of the movement by +mechanical repetition, and this is true of the simplest handling of +the tools in the workshop, of the movements at the machine in the +factory, and of the most complex performances at the subtlest +instruments. The chief factor in the development is always the +organization of the impulses by which the reactions which are at first +complicated become simplified, later mechanized, and finally +synthesized into a higher group which becomes subordinated to one +simple psychical impulse. The most reliable and psychophysically most +economic means for this organization will have to be studied in the +economic psychological laboratories of the future for every particular +technique. Then only can the enormous waste of psychical energy +resulting from haphazard methods be brought to an end. + +A problem which is still too little considered in industrial life is +the mutual interference of acquired technical activities. If one +connected series of movements is well trained by practice, does it +become less firmly fixed, if another series is studied in which the +same beginning is connected with another path of discharge? I +approached this psychophysical question of learning by experiments +which I carried on for a long while with variations of ordinary habits +of daily life, asking whether a habit associated with a certain +sensory stimulus can function automatically while dispositions for a +different habit, previously acquired, remain in the psychophysical +system. For instance, I was accustomed to carry my watch in my +left-hand vest pocket. For a week I carried it in the right-hand +pocket of my trousers and recorded every case in which I first +automatically made the movement to the vest. After some time the +movement to the right-hand pocket became entirely automatic. When it +was sufficiently fixed, I again put the watch in the left-hand vest +pocket and recorded how often I unconsciously grasped at the right +side when I wanted to see what time it was. As soon as the vest pocket +movement had again become fixed, I went back to the right-hand +trousers pocket. And so I alternated for a long while, always changing +only after reaching complete automatism. But the results in this case +and in other similar experiments which I carried on showed that the +new automatic connection did not extinguish the after effects of the +previous habit. With every new change the number of wrong movements +became smaller and smaller, and finally a point was reached at which +the dispositions for both movements were equally developed so that no +wrong movements occurred when the watch was put into the new +position.[22] + +This problem has been followed up very recently in a valuable +investigation at Columbia University,[23] in which various habits of +typewriting and of card-sorting were acquired and studied in their +mutual interference. These very careful experiments also show that +when two opposing associations are alternately practiced, they have an +interference effect on each other, but that the interference grows +less and less as the practice effect becomes greater. The interference +effect is gradually overcome and both opposing associations become +automatic, so that either of them can be called up independently +without the appearance of the other. Many details of the research +suggest that this whole group of interference problems deserves the +most careful attention by those who would practically profit from +increased industrial efficiency. + +Finally, in the experimental study of the problem of technical +learning, we cannot ignore the many side influences which may hasten +or delay, improve or disturb, the acquisition of industrial skill. In +the Harvard laboratory, for instance, we are at present engaged in an +investigation which deals with the influence of feelings on the +rapidity with which new movement cooerdinations are mastered.[24] In +order to have unlimited comparable material a very simple technical +performance is required, namely, the distribution of the 52 +playing-cards into 52 boxes. Labels on the boxes indicate changing +combinations for the distribution to be learned. We examine, on the +one side, the influence of feelings of comfort or of discomfort on the +learning of the new habit, these feeling states being produced by +external conditions, such as pleasant or unpleasant sounds, odors, and +so on. On the other side we trace the effects of those feelings which +arise during the learning process itself, such as feelings of +satisfaction with progress, or disappointment, or discomfort, or +disgust or joy in the activity. + + + + +XIV + +THE ADJUSTMENT OF TECHNICAL TO PSYCHICAL CONDITIONS + + +Teaching and learning represent only the preliminary problem. The +fundamental question remains, after all, how the work is to be done by +those who have learned it in accordance with the customs of the +economic surroundings and who are accordingly already educated and +trained for it. What can be done to eliminate everything which +diminishes and decreases efficiency, and what remains to be done to +reinforce it. Such influences are evidently exerted by the external +technical conditions, by variations of the activity itself, and by the +play of the psychical motives and counter-motives. It must seem as if +only this last factor would belong in the realm of psychology, but the +technical conditions, of which the machine itself is the most +important part, and the bodily movements also have manifold relations +to the psychical life. Only as far as these relations prevail has the +psychologist any reason to study the problem. The purely physical and +economic factors of technique do not interest him at all, but when a +technical arrangement makes a psychophysical achievement more +difficult or more easy, it belongs in the sphere of the psychologist, +and just this aspect of the work may become of greatest importance for +the total result. In all three of these directions, that is, with +reference to the technical, to the physiological, and to the purely +psychical, the scientific management movement has prepared the way. +The engineers of scientific management recognized, at least, that no +part of the industrial process is indifferent, even the apparently +most trivial activity, the slightest movement of arm or hand or leg, +became the object of their exact measurement. The stopwatch which +measures every movement in fractions of a second has become the symbol +of this new economic period. As long as special psychological +experiments in the service of industrial psychology are still so +exceptional, it may, indeed, be acknowledged that the practical +experiments in the service of scientific management have come nearest +to the solution of these special psychotechnical problems. + +To proceed from without toward the centre, we may begin our review +with the physical technique of the working conditions and its +relations to the mind. Tue history of technique shows on every page +this practical adjustment of external labor conditions to the +psychophysical necessities and psychophysical demands. No machine +with which a human being is to work can survive in the struggle for +technical existence, unless it is to a certain degree adapted to the +human nerve and muscle system and to man's possibilities of +perception, of attention, of memory, of feeling, and of will. +Industrial technique with its restless improvements has always been +subordinated to this postulate. Every change which made it possible +for the workingman to secure equal effects with smaller effort or to +secure greater or better effects with equal effort counted as an +economic gain, which was welcome to the market. For instance, +throughout the history of industry we find the fundamental tendency to +transpose all activities from the great muscles to the small muscles. +Any activity which is performed with the robust muscles of the +shoulder when it can be done with the lower arm, or labor which is +demanded from the muscles of the lower arm when it can just as well be +carried out by the fingers, certainly involves a waste of +psychophysical energy. A stronger psychophysical excitement is +necessary in order to secure the innervation of the big muscles in the +central nervous system. This difference in the stimulation of the +various muscle groups has been of significant consequence for the +differentiation of work throughout the development of mankind.[25] +Labor with the large muscles has, for these psychophysical reasons, +never been easily combined with the subtler training of the finer +muscles. Hence a social organization which obliged the men to give +their energy to war and the hunt, both, in primitive life, functions +of the strongest muscles, made it necessary for the domestic +activities, which are essentially functions of the small muscles, to +be carried out by women. The whole history of the machine demonstrates +this economic tendency to make activities dependent upon those muscles +which presuppose the smallest psychophysical effort. It is not only +the smaller effort which gives economic advantage to the stimulation +of the smaller muscles, but the no less important circumstance that +the psychophysical after-effect of their central excitement exerts +less inhibition than the after-effect of the brain excitement for the +big muscles. + +But we must not overlook another feature in the development of +technique. The machines have been constantly transformed in the +direction which made it possible to secure the greatest help from the +natural cooerdination of bodily movements. The physiological +organization and the psychophysical conditions of the nervous system +make it necessary that the movement impulses flow over into motor side +channels and thus produce accessory effects without any special +effort. If a machine is so constructed that these natural accessory +movements must be artificially and intentionally suppressed, it means, +on the one side, a waste of available psychophysical energy, and on +the other side it demands a useless effort in order to secure this +inhibition. The industrial development has moved toward both the +fructification of those side impulses and the avoidance of these +inhibitions. It has adjusted itself practically to the natural +psychical conditions. Ultimately it is this tendency which shaped the +technical apparatus for the economic work until the muscle movements +could become rhythmical. The rhythmical activity necessarily involves +a psychophysical saving and this saving has been instinctively secured +throughout the history of civilization. All rhythm contains a +repetition of movement without making a real repetition of the +psychophysical impulse necessary. In the rhythmical activity a large +part of the first excitement still serves for the second, and the +second for the third. Inhibitions fall away and the mere after-effect +of each stimulus secures a great saving for the new impulse. The +history of the machine even indicates that the newer technical +development not only found the far-reaching division of labor already +in the workshops of earlier centuries, but a no less far-reaching +rhythmization of the labor in fine adaptation to the needs of the +psychophysical organism, long before the appearance of the machines. +The beginnings of the machine period frequently showed nothing but an +imitation of the rhythmical movements of man.[26] To be sure, the +later improvements of the machine have frequently destroyed that +original rhythm of man's movement, as the movement itself, especially +in the electric machines, has become so quick that the subjective +rhythmical experience has been lost. Moreover, the rhythmical +horizontal and vertical movements were for physical reasons usually +replaced by uniform circular movements. But even the most highly +developed machine demands human activity, for instance, for the +supplying with material; and this again has opened new possibilities +for the adjustment of technical mechanism to the economic demand for +rhythmical muscle activity. The growth of technical devices has thus +been constantly under the control of psychological demands, in spite +of the absence of systematic psychological investigations. But the +decisive factor was, indeed, that these psychological motives always +remained in the subconsciousness of civilization. The improvements +were consciously referred to the machine as such, however much the +practical success was really influenced by the degree of its +adjustment to the mental conditions of the workingmen. The new +movements of scientific management and of experimental psychology aim +toward bringing this adaptation consciously into the foreground and +toward testing and studying systematically what technical variations +can best suit the psychophysical status of man. + +Those who are familiar with the achievements of scientific management +remember that by no means only the complicated procedures on a high +level are in question. The successes are often the most surprising +where the technique is old, and where it might have been imagined that +the experiences of many centuries would have secured through mere +common sense the most effective performance. The best-known case is +perhaps that of the masons, which one of the leaders of the scientific +management movement has studied in all its details.[27] The movements +of the builders and the tools which they use were examined with +scientific exactitude and slowly reshaped under the point of view of +psychology and physiology. The total result was that after the new +method 30 masons completed without greater fatigue what after the old +methods it would have taken 100 masons to do, and that the total +expense for the building was reduced to less than a half in spite of +the steady increase of the wages of the laborers. For this purpose it +was necessary that exact measurements be made of the height at which +the bricks were lying and of the height of the wall on which they must +be laid, and of the number of bricks which should be carried to the +masons at once. He studied how the trowel should be shaped and how the +mortar should be used and how the bricks should be carried to the +bricklayers. In short, everything which usually is left to tradition, +to caprice, and to an economy which looks out only for the most +immediate saving, was on the basis of experiments of many years +replaced by entirely new means and tools, where nothing was left to +arbitrariness. Yet these changes did not demand any invention or +physically or economically new ideas, but merely a more careful +adaptation of the apparatus to the psychological energies of the +masons. The new arrangement permitted a better organization of the +necessary bodily movements, fatigue was diminished, the accessory +movements were better fructified, fewer inhibitions were necessary, a +better playing together of the psychical energies was secured. + +The students of scientific management stepped still lower in the scale +of economic activity. There is no more ordinary productive function +than shoveling. Yet in great establishments the shoveling of coal or +of dirt may represent an economically very important factor. It seems +that up to the days of scientific management, no one really looked +carefully into the technical conditions under which the greatest +possible economic effect might be reached. Now the act of shoveling +was approached with the carefulness with which a scholar turns to any +subtle process in his laboratory. The brilliant originator of the +scientific management movement, who carried out these investigations[28] +in the great Bethlehem Steel Works, where hundreds of laborers had to +shovel heavy iron ore or light ashes, found that the usual chance +methods involve an absurd economic waste. The burden was sometimes so +heavy that rapid fatigue developed and the movements became too slow, +or the lifted mass was so light that the larger part of the laborer's +energies remained unused. In either case the final result of the day's +work must be anti-economic. He therefore tested with carefully graded +experiments what weight ensured the most favorable achievement by a +strong healthy workingman. The aim was to find the weight which would +secure with well-arranged pauses the maximum product in one day +without over-fatigue. As soon as this weight was determined, a +special set of shovels had to be constructed for every particular kind +of material. The laborers were now obliged to operate with 10 +different kinds of shovels, each of such a size that the burden always +remained an average of 21 pounds for any kind of material. The +following step was an exact determination of the most favorable +rapidity and the most perfect movement of shoveling, the best +distribution of pauses, and so on, and the final outcome was that only +140 men were needed where on the basis of the old plan about 500 +laborers had been engaged. The average workingman who had previously +shoveled 16 tons of material, now managed 59 tons without greater +fatigue. The wages were raised by two thirds and the expenses for +shoveling a ton of material were decreased one half This calculation +of expenses included, of course, a consideration of the increased cost +for tools and for the salaries of the scientific managers. + +Whoever visits factories in which the new system has been introduced +by real specialists must be surprised, indeed, by the great effects +which often result from the better psychophysical adaptation of the +simplest and apparently most indifferent tools and means. As far as +the complicated machines are concerned, we are accustomed to a steady +improvement by the efforts of the technicians and we notice it rather +little if the changes in them are introduced for psychological instead +of the usual physical reasons. But the fact that even the least +complicated and most indifferent devices can undergo most influential +improvements, as soon as they are seriously studied from a +psychological point of view, remains really a source for surprise. +Sometimes no more is needed than a change in the windows or in the +electric lamps, by which the light can fall on the work in a +psychologically satisfactory way; sometimes long series of experiments +have to be made with a simple hammer or knife or table. Often +everything must be arranged against the wishes of the workingmen, who +feel any deviation from the accustomed conditions as a disturbance +which is to be regarded with suspicion. In one concern I heard that +the scientific manager became convinced that all the working-chairs +for the women were too low and that the laborers therefore had to hold +their arms in a psychophysically unfavorable position during the +handling of the apparatus. All were strongly opposed to the +introduction of higher chairs. The result was that the manager +arranged for the chairs to be raised a few millimeters every evening, +without the knowledge of the working-women, as soon as the factory was +empty. After a few weeks the chairs had reached the right height +without those engaged in the work having noticed it at all. The +outcome was a decided increase of efficiency. + +But the most rational scheme will after all be to prepare for such +arrangements of tools and apparatus by systematic experiments in the +psychological laboratory. The subtlety of such investigations will +lead far beyond the point which is accessible to the attempts of +scientific management. Exact experiments on attention, for instance, +will have to determine how the various parts of the apparatus are to +be distributed best in space if the laborer must keep watch for +disturbances at various places. Only the laboratory experiment can +find the most favorable speed of the machine or can select the muscles +to which the mind can send the most effective impulses. The +construction of the machine must then be adapted to such results. In +the Harvard laboratory, for instance, a practical question led us to +examine which fingers would allow the quickest alternation of key +movements.[29] If any two of the ten fingers perform for ten seconds +the quickest possible alternation of motion, as in a trill, the +experiment can demonstrate exactly the differences between the various +combinations of fingers and the individual fluctuations for these +differences. With an electrical registration of the movements of the +alternating fingers we studied in hundredths of a second the time for +the motions of two hands and of fingers of the same hand, in order to +adjust the keys of a certain machine to the most favorable impulses. + +We approach this group of problems from another side when we test the +relations of various kinds of machines to various mental types. +Psychologists have studied, for example, the various styles of +typewriting machines.[30] From a purely commercial point of view the +merits of one or another machine are praised as if they were +advantageous for every possible human being. The fact is that such +advantages for one may be disadvantages for another on account of +differences in the mental disposition. One man may write more quickly +on one, another on another machine. As every one knows, the chief +difference is that of the keyboard and that of the visible or +invisible writing. Machines like the Remington machine work with a +shift key; that is, a special key must be pressed when capital letters +are to be written. Other machines like the Oliver even demand double +shifting, one key for the capital letters, and one for the figures, +and so on. On the other hand, machines like the Smith Premier have no +shift key, but a double keyboard. It is evident that both the +shift-key arrangement and the double keyboard have their particular +psychological advantages. + +The single alphabet demands much less from the optical memory, and the +corresponding motor inner attitude of consciousness is adjusted to a +smaller number of possibilities. But the pressure on the shift key, +which goes with the single alphabet, is not only a time-wasting act; +from the psychological point of view it is first of all a very strong +interruption of the uniform chain of impulses. If the capital and +small letters are written for a minute alternatingly with the greatest +possible speed, the experiment shows that the number of letters for +the machine with the double alphabet is about three times greater than +for the machine with simple alphabet and shift key. Both systems +accordingly have their psychological advantages and disadvantages. +Human beings of distinct visual ideational type or of highly developed +motor type will prefer the double alphabet, provided, of course, that +the touch system of writing is learned, and this will be especially +true if their inner attitude is easily disturbed by interruptions. But +those who have a feebly developed optical mental centre and who have +small ability for the development of complex motor habits will be more +efficient on the machines with the single alphabet, especially if +their nervous system is little molested by interruptions and thus +undisturbed by the intrusion of the shift key act. + +In a similar way the visibility of the writing will be for certain +individuals the most valuable condition for quick writing, while for +others, who depend less upon visual support, it may mean rather a +distraction and an interference with the speediest work. The visible +writing attracts the involuntary attention, and thus forces +consciousness to stick to that which has been written instead of being +concentrated on that which is to be produced by the next writing +movements. The operator himself is not aware of this hindrance. On the +contrary, the public will always be inclined to prefer the typewriters +with visible writing, because by a natural confusion the feeling +arises that the production of the letter is somewhat facilitated, when +the eye is cooeperating, just as in writing with a pen we follow the +lines of the written letter. But the situation lies differently in the +two cases. When we are writing with a pen, the letter grows under our +eyes, while in the machine writing we do not see any part of the +letter until the whole movement which produces the single letter is +finished. By such a misleading analogy many a man is led to prefer the +typewriter with visible writing, while he would probably secure a +greater speed with a machine which does not tempt him to attend the +completed letters, while his entire attention ought to belong to the +following letters. + +These last observations point to another psychological aspect of the +machine and of the whole technical work, namely, their relations to +the impressions of the senses. The so-called dynamogenic experiments +of the psychological laboratory have demonstrated what a manifold +influence flows from the sense-impressions to the will-impulses. If +the muscle contraction of a man's fist is measured, the experiment +shows that the strongest possible pressure may be very different when +the visual field appears in different colors, or tones of different +pitch or different noises are stimulating the ear, and so on. As yet +no systematic experiments exist by which such results can be brought +into relation to the sense-stimuli which reach the laborer during his +technical work. The psychophysical effect of colors and noises has not +been fructified at all for industrial purposes. The mere subjective +judgment of the workingman himself cannot be acknowledged as reliable +in such questions. The laborer, for instance, usually believes that a +noise to which he has become accustomed does not disturb him in his +work, while experimental results point strongly to the contrary. In a +similar way the effect of colored windows may appear indifferent to +the workmen, and yet may have considerable influence on his +efficiency. Numberless performances in the factory are reactions on +certain optical or acoustical or tactual signals. Both the engineer +and the workman are satisfied if such a signal is clearly perceivable. +The psychological laboratory experiment, however, shows that the whole +psychophysical effect depends upon the character of the signal; a more +intense light, a quicker change, a higher tone, a larger field of +light, a louder noise, or a harder touch may produce a very different +kind of reaction. + +With a careful time-measurement of the motions, it can often be +directly traced how purely technical processes in the machine itself +influence and control the whole psychical system of impulses in the +man. I observed, in a factory, for instance, the work at a machine +which performed most of its functions automatically. It had to hammer +fine grooves into small metal plates. A young laborer stood before +every such machine, took from a pile, alternately from the right and +from the left, the little plates to be serrated, placed them in the +machine, turned a lever to bring the hammer into motion, and then +removed the serrated plates. The speed of the work was dependent upon +the operative, as he determined by his lever movement the instant at +which the automatic serrating hammer should be released. The man's +activity demanded 9 independent movements. I found that those who +worked the most quickly were able to carry out this labor for hours at +a uniform rapidity of 4 to 4-1/2 second for those 9 movements. But the +time-measurement showed that even these fastest workers were +relatively slow in the first 5 movements which they made while the +machine stood quiet, and that they reached an astonishing quickness of +movement in the 4 last actions during which at the same time the +serrating hammer in bewildering rapidity was beating on the plate with +sharp loud cracks. The hammer reinforced the energy of the young +laborers to an effectiveness which could never have been attained by +mere voluntary effort. + +Often the simplicity or complication of the stimulus may be decisive +in importance, and this also holds true where the most elementary +reactions are involved, for instance, the mere act of counting which +enters into many industrial functions. Experiments carried on in my +laboratory[31] have shown that the time needed to count a certain +number of units becomes longer as soon as the units themselves become +more complicated. Their inner manifoldness exerts a retarding +influence on the eye as it moves from one figure to another. A certain +psychical inhibition arises; the mind is held back by the complexity +of the impression and cannot proceed quickly enough to the next. +Psychologically no less important is the demand that the external +technical conditions so far as they influence consciousness, should +remain as far as possible the same, if the same psychical effect is +desired, because then only can a perfectly firm connection between +stimulus and movement be formed. In technical life this demand is much +sinned against. A typical case is that of the signals for which the +engineer on the locomotive has to watch. In the daytime the movable +arms of the semaphore indicate by their horizontal, oblique, or +vertical position whether the tracks are clear. At night-time, on the +other hand, the same information reaches him by the different colors +of the signal lanterns. From a psychical point of view it is probable +that the safety of the service would be increased if an unchangeable +connection between signal and movement were formed. It would be +sufficient for that purpose if the color signals at night were given +up and were replaced by horizontal, oblique, or vertical lines of +white light or rows of points. Successful experiments of this kind +have been carried on by psychologists in the service of this railroad +problem.[32] + +The interest in all these problems of large concerns, in +transportation and factory work and complex industries, ought not to +make us overlook the fact that on principle the same problems can be +found in the simplest industrial establishment. Even the housewife or +the cook destroys economic values if daily she has to spend useless +minutes or hours on account of arrangements in the household which are +badly adjusted to the psychological conditions. She sacrifices her +energy in vain and she wastes her means where she herself is under the +illusion of especial economy. Scientific management would perhaps be +nowhere so wholesome as in kitchen and pantry, in laundry and cellar, +just because here the saving would be multiplied millionfold and the +final sum of energy saved and of feeling values gained would be +enormous, even if it could not be calculated with the exactitude with +which the savings of a factory budget can be proven. The profusion of +small attractive devices which automatically perform the economic +household labor and disburden the human workers must not hide the fact +that the chief activities are still little adjusted to the +psychophysical conditions. The situation is similar to that of the +masons, whose function has also been performed for thousands of years, +and yet which did not find a real adaptation to the psychical factors +until a systematic time-measuring study was introduced. A manufacturer +who sells an improved pan or mixing-spoon or broom expects success if +he brings to the market something the merits of which are evident and +make the housewife anticipate a decrease of work or a simplification +of work, but the development of scientific management has shown +clearly that the most important improvements are just those which are +deduced from scientific researches, without at first giving +satisfaction to the laborers themselves, until a new habit has been +formed. + +Perhaps the most frequent technical activity of this simple kind is +sewing by hand, which is still entirely left to the traditions of +common sense, and yet which is evidently dependent upon the interplay +of many psychical factors which demand a subtle adaptation to the +psychical conditions. To approach, at least, this field of human labor +a careful investigation of the psychophysics of sewing has been +started in my laboratory.[33] The sewing work is done, with the left +hand supported, and the right hand connected with a system of levers +which make a graphic record of every movement on the smoked surface of +a revolving drum. For instance, we begin with simple over and over +stitches, measuring the time and the character of the right hand +movements for 50 stitches under a variety of technical conditions. The +first variation refers to the length of the thread. The thread itself, +fixed at the needle's eye, varied between 3 feet and 6 inches in +length. Other changes refer to the voluntary speed, to the number of +stitches, to fatigue, to external stimuli, to attention, to methods of +training, and so on, but the chief interest remains centred on the +psychical factors. We are still too much at the beginning already to +foresee whether it will be possible to draw from these psychophysical +experiments helpful conclusions. The four young women engaged in this +laboratory research will later extend it to the psychological +conditions of work with the various types of sewing-machines. + + + + +XV + +THE ECONOMY OF MOVEMENT + + +The study of the technical aspect of labor can nowhere be separated by +a sharp demarcation line from the study of the labor itself as a +function of the individual organism. Many problems, indeed, extend in +both directions. The student of industrial efficiency is, for +instance, constantly led to the question of fatigue. He may consider +this fatigue as a function of brain and muscle activity and discuss it +with reference to the psychophysical effort, but he is equally +interested in the question of how far the apparatus or the machine or +the accessory conditions of the work might be changed in order to +avoid fatigue. The accidents of the electric street railways were +regarded as partly related to fatigue. The problem was accordingly how +to shorten the working time of the motormen in the interest of the +public, but it was soon recognized that the difficulty might also be +approached from the mere technical side. Some companies introduced +seats which the motormen can use whenever they feel fatigue coming and +excellent results have followed this innovation. In our last +discussions the technical apparatus stood in the foreground. We may +now consider as our real topic the psychophysical activity. + +Here, too, the leaders of scientific management have secured some +signal successes. Their chief effort in this field was directed toward +the greatest possible achievement by eliminating all superfluous +movements and by training in those movement combinations which were +recognized as the most serviceable ones. We may return to the case of +the masons in order to clear up the principle. When Gilbreth began to +reform the labor of the mason after scientific principles, he gave his +chief interest to the men's motions. Every muscle contraction which +was needed to move the brick from the pile in the yard to the final +position in the wall was measured with reference to space-and +time-relations and the necessary effort. From here he turned to the +application of well-known psychophysical principles. A movement is +less fatiguing and therefore economically most profitable if it occurs +in a direction in which the greatest possible use of gravitation can +be made If both hands have to act at the same time, the labor can be +carried out most quickly and with the smallest effort if corresponding +muscle groups are at work and this means if symmetrical movements are +performed. If unequal movements have to be made simultaneously, the +effort will become smaller if they are psychically bound together by a +common unified impulse. The distance which has to be overcome by +hands, arms, or feet must be brought to a minimum for each partial +movement. Most important, however, is this rule. If a definite +combination of movements has been determined as economically most +suitable, this method must be applied without any exception from the +beginning of the learning. The point is to train from the start those +impulse combinations which can slowly lead to the quickest and best +work. The usual method is the opposite. Generally the beginner learns +to produce from the beginning work which is as good and correct as +possible. In order to produce such qualitatively good results at an +early stage, it is left to him to choose any groups of movements which +happen to be convenient to him. Then these become habitual, and as +soon as he tries to go on to quicker work, these chance habits hinder +him in his progress. The movements which may be best suited for fair +production by a beginner may be entirely unsuited for really quick +work, such as would be expected from an experienced man. The laborer +must replace the first habits which he has learned by a new set, +instead of starting in the first place with motions which can be +continued until the highest point of efficiency has been reached, +even if this involves rather a poor showing at the beginning. A final +maximum rapidity must be secured from the start by the choice of those +motions which have been standardized by careful experiments. + +It is also psychophysically important to demand that the movements +shall not be suddenly stopped, if that can be avoided. Any +interruption of a movement presupposes a special effort of the will +which absorbs energy, and after the interruption a new start must be +made of which the same is true. On the other hand, if chains of +movements become habitual, the psychophysical effort will be reduced +to the minimum, inasmuch as each movement finds its natural end and is +not artificially interrupted by will, and at the same time each +movement itself becomes a stimulus for the next movement by its +accompanying sensations. The traditional method, for instance, demands +that a brick be lifted with one hand and a trowel with mortar by the +other hand. After that the lifting movement is interrupted, the brick +comes to rest in the hand of the mason until the mortar has been +spread on and the place prepared for the new brick. Then only begins a +new action with the brick. This method was fundamentally changed. The +laborers learned to swing the brick with one hand from the pack to +the wall and at the same time to distribute the mortar over the next +brick with the other hand. This whole complex movement is of course +more difficult and demands a somewhat longer period of learning, but +as soon as it is learned an extreme saving of psychophysical energy +and a correspondingly great economic gain is secured. The newly +trained masons are not even allowed to gather up with the trowel any +mortar which falls to the floor, because it was found that the loss of +mortar is economically less important than the waste of psychophysical +energy in bending down. + +Whoever has once schooled his eye to observe the limitless waste of +human motions and psychophysical efforts in social life has really no +difficulty in perceiving all this at every step. This ability to +recognize possible savings of impulse may be brought to a certain +virtuosity. Gilbreth, one of the leaders of the new movement, seems to +be such a virtuoso. When he was in London, there was pointed out to +him in the Japanese British Exhibition a young girl who worked so +quickly that there at least he would find a rhythm of finger movement +which could not any further be improved. In an exhibition booth the +woman attached advertisement labels to boxes with phenomenal rapidity. +Gilbreth watched her for a little while and found that she was able +to manage 24 boxes in 40 seconds. Then he told the young girl that she +was doing it wrongly, and that she ought to try a new way which he +showed her. At the first attempt, she disposed of 24 boxes in 26 +seconds and at the second trial in 20 seconds. She did not have to +make more effort for it, but simply had fewer movements to make. If +such economic gain can be secured with little exertion in the simplest +processes, it cannot be surprising that in the case of more complex +and more advanced technical work which involves highly skilled labor, +a careful psychophysical study of motions must bring far-reaching +economic improvements. + +Yet the more important steps will have to be guided by special +experimental investigations, and here the psychological laboratory +must undertake the elaboration of the details. Only the systematic +experiment can determine what impulses can be released at the least +expense of energy and with the greatest exactitude of the motor +effect. Investigations on the psychophysics of movement and the +influences which lead toward making the movement too large or too +small have played an important role in the psychological laboratories +for several decades. It was recognized early that the mistakes which +are made in reproducing a movement may spring from two different +sources. They result partly from an erroneous perception or memory of +the movement carried out, and partly from the inability to realize the +movement intention. One series of investigations was accordingly +devoted to the studies of those sensations and perceptions by which we +become aware of the actual movement. Everything which accentuates +these sensations must lead to an overestimation of the motion, and the +outcome is that the movement is made too small. The concentration of +attention, therefore, has the effect of reducing the actual motion, +and the same influence must result from any resistance which is not +recognized as such and hence is not subtracted in the judgment of the +perceiver. Another series of researches was concerned with the inner +attitude which causes a certain external movement effect and which may +lead to an unintended amount of movement as soon as the weight to be +lifted is erroneously judged upon. Closely related studies, finally, +deal with a mistake which enters when the movement is reproduced from +memory after a certain time. The exactitude of a simple arm movement +seems to increase in the first ten seconds, then rapidly to decrease. +The emotional attitude, too, is of importance for the reproduction of +a movement. I trained myself in making definite extensor and flexor +movements of the arm until I was able to reproduce them under normal +conditions with great exactitude. In experiments extending over many +months, which were carried on through the changing emotional attitudes +of daily life, the exact measurement showed that both groups of +movements became too large in states of excitement and too small in +states of fatigue. But in a state of satisfaction and joy the extensor +movement became too large, the flexor movement too small, and _vice +versa_, in unpleasant emotional states the flexor movement was too +strong and the extensor movement too weak.[34] + +We have a very careful investigation into the relations between +rapidity of movement and exactitude.[35] The subjects had to perform a +hand movement simultaneously with the beat of a metronome, the beats +of which varied between 20 and 200 in the minute. In general the +accuracy of the movement decreases as the rapidity increases, but the +descent is not uniform. Motions in the rhythm of 40 to the minute were +on the whole just as exact as those in the rhythm of 20, and, on the +other hand movements in the rhythm of 200 almost as accurate as those +of 140 to the minute. Thus we have a lower limit below which decrease +of rapidity does not increase the accuracy any further, and an upper +limit beyond which a further increase of rapidity brings no +additional deterioration. The mistakes of the unskilled left hand +increase still more rapidly than the number of movements. If the eyes +are closed, the rapid movements are usually too long and the slow ones +too short. + +An investigation in the Harvard laboratory varied this problem in a +direction which brings it still nearer to technical conditions of +industry. Our central question was whether the greatest exactitude of +rhythmical movement is secured at the same rapidity for different +muscle groups.[36] We studied especially rhythmical movements of hand, +foot, arm, and head, and studied them, moreover, under various +conditions of resistance. The result from 340,000 measured movements +was the demonstration that every muscle group has its own optimum of +rapidity for the greatest possible accuracy and that the complexity of +the movement and the resistance which it finds has most significant +influence on the exactitude of the rhythmical achievement. If we +abstract at first from the fluctuations around the average value of a +particular group of movements and consider only this average itself in +its relation to the starting movement which it is meant to imitate, we +find characteristic tendencies toward enlargement or reduction +dependent upon the rapidity. The right foot, for instance, remained +nearest to the original movement at a rapidity of 80 motions in the +minute, while the head did the same at about 20. For a hand movement +of 14 centimeters, the most favorable rapidity was 120 repetitions in +the minute, while for a hand movement of 1 centimeter the average +remained nearest to the standard at about 40 repetitions. The mean +variation from time average is the smallest for the left foot at 20 to +30 movements, for the right at 160 to 180, for the head at 40, for the +larger hand movement at 180, and so on. Investigations of this kind +have so far not affected industrial life in the least, but it seems +hardly doubtful that a systematic study of the movements necessary for +economic work will have to pass through such strictly experimental +phases. The essential point, however, will be for the managers of the +industrial concerns and the psychological laboratory workers really to +come nearer to each other from the start and undertake the work in +common, not in the sense that the laboratory is to emigrate to the +factory, but in the better sense that definite questions which grow +out of the industrial life be submitted to the scientific +investigation of the psychologists. + + + + +XVI + +EXPERIMENTS ON THE PROBLEM OF MONOTONY + + +The systematic organization of movements with most careful regard to +the psychophysical conditions appeared to us the most momentous aid +toward the heightening of efficiency. But even if the superfluous, +unfit, and interfering movement impulses were eliminated and the +conditions of work completely adjusted to the demands of psychology, +there would still remain a large number of possibilities through which +productiveness might be greatly decreased, or at least kept far below +the possible maximum of efficiency. For instance, even the best +adapted labor might be repeated to the point of exhaustion, at which +the workman and the work would be ruined. Fatigue and restoration +accordingly demand especial consideration. In a similar way emotions +may be conditions of stimulation or interference, and no one ought to +underestimate the importance of higher motives, intellectual, +aesthetic, and moral motives, in their bearing on the psychophysical +impulses of the laborer. If these higher demands are satisfied, the +whole system gains a new tonus, and if they are disappointed, the +irritation of the mental machinery may do more harm than any break in +the physical machine at which the man is working. In short, we must +still look in various directions to become aware of all the relations +between the psychological factors and the economic output. We may +begin with one question which plays a large, perhaps too large, role +in the economic and especially in the popular economic literature. I +refer to the problem of monotony of labor. + +In the discourses of our time on the lights and shades of our modern +industrial life, all seem to agree that the monotony of industrial +labor ought to be entered on the debit side of the ledger of +civilization. Since the days when factories began to spring up, the +accusation that through the process of division of labor the +industrial workingman no longer has any chance to see a whole product, +but that he has to devote himself to the minutest part of a part, has +remained one of the matter-of-course arguments. The part of a part +which he has to cut or polish or shape in endless repetition without +alteration cannot awake any real interest. This complete division of +labor has to-day certainly gone far beyond anything which Adam Smith +described, and therefore it now appears undeniable that the method +must create a mental starvation which presses down the whole life of +the laborer, deprives it of all joy in work, and makes the factory +scheme a necessary but from the standpoint of psychology decidedly +regrettable evil. I have become more and more convinced that the +scientific psychologist is not obliged to endorse this judgment of +popular psychology. + +To be sure the problem of division of labor, as it appears in the +subdivision of manufacture, is intimately connected with many other +related questions. It quickly leads to the much larger question of +division of labor in our general social structure, which is necessary +for our social life with its vocational and professional demands, and +which undoubtedly narrows to a certain degree every individual in the +completeness of his human desires. No man in modern society can devote +himself to everything for which his mind may long. But as a matter of +course these large general problems of civilization lie outside of the +realm of our present inquiry. In another direction the problem of +monotony comes very near to the question of fatigue. But we must see +clearly that these two questions are not identical and that we may +discuss monotony here without arguing the problem of fatigue. The +frequent repetition of the same movement or of the same mental +activity certainly may condition an objective fatigue, which may +interfere with the economic output, but this is not the real meaning +of the problem of monotony. About fatigue we shall speak later. Here +we are concerned exclusively with that particular psychological +attitude which we know as subjective dislike of uniformity and lack of +change in the work. Within these limits the question of monotony is, +indeed, frequently misunderstood in its economic significance. + +Let us not forget that the outsider can hardly ever judge when work +offers or does not offer inner manifoldness. If we do not know and +really understand the subject, we are entirely unable to discriminate +the subtler inner differences. The shepherd knows every sheep, though +the passer-by has the impression that they all look alike. This +inability to recognize the differences which the man at work feels +distinctly shows itself even in the most complicated activities. The +naturalist is inclined to fancy that the study of a philologist must +be endlessly monotonous, and the philologist is convinced that it must +be utterly tiresome to devote one's self a life lone to some minute +questions of natural science. Only when one stands in the midst of the +work is he aware of its unlimited manifoldness, and feels how every +single case is somehow different from every other. + +In the situation of the industrial workman, the attention may be +directed toward some small differences which can only be recognized +after long familiarity with the particular field. Certainly this field +is small, as every workman must specialize, but whether he +manufactures a whole machine, or only a little wheel, makes no +essential difference in the attitude. The attraction of newness is +quickly lost also in the case of the most complicated machine. On the +other hand, the fact that such a machine has an independent function +does not give an independent attraction to the work. Or we might +rather say, as far as the work on a whole machine is of independent +value, the work of perfecting the little wheel is an independent task +also and offers equal value by its own possibilities. Whoever has +recognized the finest variations among the single little wheels and +has become aware of how they are produced sometimes better, sometimes +worse, sometimes more quickly, sometimes more slowly, becomes as much +interested in the perfecting of the minute part as another man in the +manufacture of the complex machine. It is true that the laborer does +not feel interest in the little wheel itself, but in the production of +the wheel. Every new movement necessary for it has a perfectly new +chance and stands in new relations, which have nothing to do with the +repetition. As a matter of course this interest in the always new best +possible method of production is still strongly increased where +piece-wages are introduced. The laborer knows that the amount of his +earning depends upon the rapidity with which he finishes faultless +products. Under this stimulus he is in a continuous race with himself, +and thus has every reason to prefer the externally uniform and +therefore perfectly familiar work to another kind which may bring +alternation, but which also brings ever new demands. + +For a long while I have tried to discover in every large factory which +I have visited the particular job which from the standpoint of the +outsider presents itself as the most tiresome possible. As soon as I +found it, I had a full frank talk with the man or woman who performed +it and earnestly tried to get self-observational comment. My chief aim +was to bring out how far the mere repetition, especially when it is +continued through years, is felt as a source of discomfort. I may +again point to a few chance illustrations. In an electrical factory +with many thousands of employees I gained the impression that the +prize for monotonous work belonged to a woman who packs incandescent +lamps in tissue paper. She wraps them from morning until night, from +the first day of the year to the last, and has been doing that for +the last 12 years. She performs this packing process at an average +rate of 13,000 lamps a day. The woman has reached about 50,000,000 +times for the next lamp with one hand and with the other to the little +pile of tissue sheets and then performed the packing. Each lamp +demands about 20 finger movements. As long as I watched her, she was +able to pack 25 lamps in 42 seconds, and only a few times did she need +as many as 44 seconds. Every 25 lamps filled a box, and the closing of +the box required a short time for itself. She evidently took pleasure +in expressing herself fully about her occupation. She assured me that +she found the work really interesting, and that she constantly felt an +inner tension, thinking how many boxes she would be able to fill +before the next pause. Above all, she told me that there is continuous +variation. Sometimes she grasps the lamp or paper in a different way, +sometimes the packing itself does not run smoothly, sometimes she +feels fresher, sometimes less in the mood for the work, and there is +always something to observe and something to think about. + +This was the trend which I usually found. In some large machine works +I sought for a long time before I found the type of labor which seemed +to me the most monotonous. I finally settled on a man who was feeding +an automatic machine which was cutting holes in metal strips and who +simply had to push the strips slowly forward; only when the strip did +not reach exactly the right place, he could stop the automatic machine +by a lever. He made about 34,000 uniform movements daily and had been +doing that for the past 14 years. But he gave me the same account, +that the work was interesting and stimulating, while he himself made +the impression of an intelligent workingman. At the beginning, he +reported, the work had sometimes been quite fatiguing, but later he +began to like it more and more. I imagined that this meant that at +first he had to do the work with full attention and that the complex +movement had slowly become automatic, allowing him to perform it like +a reflex movement and to turn his thoughts to other things. But he +explained to me in full detail that this was not the case, that he +still feels obliged to devote his thoughts entirely to the work at +hand, and that he is able only under these conditions to bring in the +daily wage which he needs for his family, as he is paid for every +thousand holes. But he added especially that it is not only the wage +which satisfies him, but that he takes decided pleasure in the +activity itself. + +On the other hand, I not seldom found wage-earners, both men and +women, who seemed to have really interesting and varied activities and +who nevertheless complained bitterly over the monotonous, tiresome +factory labor. I became more and more convinced that the feeling of +monotony depends much less upon the particular kind of work than upon +the special disposition of the individual. It cannot be denied that +the same contrast exists in the higher classes of work. We find +school-teachers who constantly complain that it is intolerably +monotonous to go on teaching immature children the rudiments of +knowledge, while other teachers with exactly the same task before them +are daily inspired anew by the manifoldness of life in the classroom. +We find physicians who complain that one case in their practice is +like another, and judges who despair because they always have to deal +with the same petty cases, while other judges and physicians feel +clearly that every case offers something new and that the repetition +as such is neither conspicuous nor disagreeable. We find actors who +feel it a torture to play the same role every evening for several +weeks, and there are actors who, as one of the most famous actresses +assured me after the four hundredth performance of her star role, +repeat their parts many hundred times with undiminished interest, +because they feel that they are always speaking to new audiences. It +seems not impossible that this individual difference might be +connected with deeper-lying psychophysical conditions. I approached +the question, to be sure, with a preconceived theory. I fancied that +certain persons had a finer, subtler sense for differences than others +and that they would recognize a manifoldness of variations where the +others would see only uniformity. In that I silently presupposed that +the perception of the uniformity must be something disturbing and +disagreeable and the recognition of variations something which +stimulates the mind pleasantly. But when I came to examine the +question experimentally, I became convinced that such a hypothesis is +erroneous, and if I interpret the results correctly, I should say that +practically the opposite relation exists. Those who recognize the +uniformities readily are not the ones who are disturbed by them. + +I proceeded in the following way. To make use of a large number of +subjects accustomed to intelligent self-observation, I made the first +series of experiments with the regular students in my psychology +lecture course in Harvard University. Last winter I had more than four +hundred men students in psychology who all took part in that +introductory series. The task which I put before them in a number of +variations was this: I used lists of words of which half, or one more +or less than half, belonged to one single conceptional group. There +were names of flowers, or cities, or poets, or parts of the body, or +wild animals, and so on. The remaining words of the list, on the other +hand, were without inner connection and without similarity. The +similar and the dissimilar words were mixed. The subjects listened to +such a list of words and then had to decide without counting from the +mere impression whether the similar words were more or equally or less +numerous than the dissimilar words. In other experiments the +arrangement was that two different lists were read and that in the two +lists a larger or smaller number of words were repeated from the first +list. Here, too, the subjects had to decide from the mere impression +whether the repeated words were in the majority or not. In every +experiment the judgment referred to those words which belonged to the +same group and which were in this sense uniform, or to the repeated +words, and it had to be stated with reference to them whether their +number was larger, equal to, or smaller than the different words. If +all replies had been correct, the judgment would have been 40 per cent +equal, 30 per cent smaller, and 30 per cent larger, as they were +arranged in perfect symmetry. As soon as I had the results from the +students, we figured out for every one what number he judged equal, +smaller, or greater. Then we divided the equal judgments by 2 and +added half of them to the larger and half to the smaller judgments. In +this way we were enabled by one figure to characterize the whole +tendency of the individual. We found that in the whole student body +there was a tendency to underestimate the number of the similar or of +the repeated words. The majority of my students had a stronger +impression from the varying objects than from those which were in a +certain sense equal. Yet this tendency appeared in very different +degrees and for about a fourth of the participants the opposite +tendency prevailed. They received a stronger impression from the +uniform ideas. + +I had coupled with these experimental tests a series of questions, and +had asked every subject to express with fullest possible self-analysis +his practical attitude to monotony in life. Every one had to give an +account whether in the small habits of life he liked variety or +uniform repetition. He was asked especially as to his preferences for +or against uniformity in the daily meals, daily walks, and so on. +Furthermore he had to report how far he is inclined to stick to one +kind of work or to alternate his work, how far he welcomes the idea +that vocational work may bring repetition, and so on. And finally I +tried to bring the results of these self-observations into relation +with the results of those experiments. It was here that the opposite +of the hypothesis which I had presupposed suggested itself to me with +surprising force. I found that just the ones who perceive the +repetition least hate it most, and that those who have a strong +perception of the uniform impressions and who overestimate their +number are the ones who on the whole welcome repetition in life. + +As soon as I had reached this first experimental result, I began to +see how it might harmonize with known psychological facts. Some years +ago a Hungarian psychologist[37] showed by interesting experiments +that if a series of figures is exposed to the eye for a short fraction +of a second, equal digits are seen only once, and he came to the +conclusion that equal impressions in such a series inhibit each other. +In the Harvard laboratory we varied these experiments by eliminating +the spatial separation of those numbers. In our experiments the digits +did not stand side by side, but followed one another very quickly in +the same place.[38] Similar experiments we made with colors and so on. +Here, too, we found that quickly succeeding equal or very similar +impressions have a tendency to inhibit each other or to fuse with +each other. Where such an inhibition occurs, we probably ought to +suppose that the perception of the first impression exhausts the +psychical disposition for this particular mental experience. The +psychophysical apparatus becomes for a moment unable to arouse the +same impression once more. + +The above described new experiments suggest to me that this inhibition +of equal or similar impressions is found unequally developed in +different individuals. They possess a different tendency to temporary +exhaustion of psychophysical dispositions. There are evidently persons +who after they have received an impression are unable immediately to +seize the same impression again. Their attention and their whole inner +attitude fails. But there are evidently other persons for whom, on the +contrary, the experience of an impression is a kind of inner +preparation for arousing the same or a similar impression. In their +case the psychophysical dispositions become stimulated and excited, +and therefore favor the repetition. If, as in our experiments, the +task is simply to judge the existence of equal or similar impressions +without any strain of attention, the one group of persons must +underestimate the number of the equal impressions because many words +are simply inhibited in their minds and remain neglected, the other +groups of persons must from their mental dispositions overestimate the +number of similar words. From here we have to take one step more. If +these two groups of persons have to perform a task in which it is +necessary that not a single member of a series of repetitions be +overlooked, it is clear that the two groups must react in a very +different way. Now a perfect perception of every single member is +forced on them. Those who grasp equal impressions easily, and who are +prepared beforehand for every new repetition by their inner +dispositions, will follow the series without strain and will +experience the repetition itself with true satisfaction. On the other +hand, those in whom every impression inhibits the readiness to receive +a repetition, and whose inner energy for the same experience is +exhausted, must feel it as a painful and fatiguing effort if they are +obliged to turn their attention to one member after another in a +uniform series. This mental torture is evidently the displeasure which +such individuals call the dislike of monotony in their work. Whether +this theoretical view is correct, we have to determine by future +studies. In our Harvard laboratory we have now proceeded from such +preparatory mass experiments to subtle investigations on a small +number of persons well trained in psychological self-observation with +whom the conditions of the experiment can be varied in many +directions.[39] + +It would seem probable that such experiments might also win +psychotechnical significance. A short series of tests which would have +to be adapted to the special situations, and which for the simple +wage-earner would have to be much easier than those sketched above, +would allow it to be determined beforehand whether an individual will +suffer from repetition in work. Even if we abstract from arguments of +social reform and consider exclusively the economic significance, it +must seem important that labor which involves much repetition be +performed by men and women whose mental dispositions favor an easy +grasp of successive uniform impressions. Experimentation could secure +the selection of the fit workmen and the complaint of monotony would +disappear. The same selection could be useful in the opposite +direction, as many economic occupations, especially in our time of +automatic machines, demand a quick and often rhythmical transition +from one activity to another. It is evident that those whose natural +dispositions make every mental excitement a preparation not for the +identical but for the contrasting stimulation will be naturally +equipped for this kind of economic tasks. + + + + +XVII + +ATTENTION AND FATIGUE + + +The problem of monotony may lead us on to other conditions through +which attention is hindered and the product of labor thereby +decreased. The psychologist naturally first thinks of external +distractions of attention. If he turns to practical studies of the +actual economic life, he is often decidedly surprised to find how +little regard is given to this psychophysical factor. In industrial +establishments in which the smallest disturbance in the machine is at +once remedied by a mechanic in order that the greatest possible +economic effect may be secured, frequently nobody takes any interest +in the most destructive disturbances which unnecessarily occur in the +subtlest part of the factory mechanism, namely, the attention +apparatus of the laborers. Such an interference with attention must, +for instance, be recognized when the workingman, instead of devoting +himself to one complex function, has to carry out secondary movements +which appear to be quite easily performed and not to hinder him in his +chief task. Often his own feeling may endorse this impression. Of +course the individual differences in this direction are very great. +The faculty of carrying on at the same time various independent +functions is unequally distributed and the experiment can show this +clearly. It is also well known from practical life that some men can +easily go on dictating to a stenographer while they are affixing their +signature to several hundred circular letters, or can continue their +fluent lecture while they are performing experimental demonstrations. +With others such a side activity continually interrupts the chief +function. Then some succeed better than others in securing a certain +automatism of the accessory function to such a point that its special +acts do not come to consciousness at all. For example, I watched a +laborer who was constantly engaged in a complicated technical +performance, and he seemed to give to it his full attention. +Nevertheless he succeeded in moving a lever on an automatic machine +which stood near by whenever a certain wheel had made fifty +revolutions. During all his work he kept counting the revolutions +without being conscious of any idea of number. A system of motor +reactions had become organized which remained below the threshold of +consciousness and which produced only at the fiftieth recurrence the +conscious psychical impulse to perform the lever movement. Yet whether +the talent for such simultaneous mastery of independent functions be +greater or smaller and the demand more or less complex, in every case +the principal action must be hampered by the side issue. To be sure, +it may sometimes be economically more profitable to allow the +hindrance to the chief work in order to save the expense of an extra +man to do the side work. In most cases, however, such a consideration +is not involved; it is simply an ignoring of the psychological +situation. As the accessory work seems easy, its hindering influence +on other functions is practically overlooked. Psychological laboratory +experiments have shown in many different directions that simultaneous +independent activities always disturb and inhibit one another. + +We must not forget that even the conversations of the laborers belong +in this psychophysical class. Where a continuous strain of attention +has produced a state of fatigue, a short conversation will bring a +certain relief and relaxation, and the words which the speaker hears +in reply will produce a general stimulation of psychical energy for +the moment. Moreover, the mere existence of the social conversational +intercourse will raise the general emotional mood, and this feeling of +social pleasure may be the source from which may spring new +psychophysical powers. Nevertheless the fundamental fact, after all, +is that any talking during the labor, so far as it is not necessary +for the work itself, surely involves a distraction of attention. Here, +too, the individual is not conscious of the effect. He feels certain +that he can perform his task just as well, and even the piece-worker, +who is anxious to earn as much as possible, is convinced that he does +not retard himself by conversation. But the experiments which have +been carried on in establishments with scientific management speak +decidedly against such a supposition. A tyrannical demand for silence +would, of course, be felt as cruelty, and no suggestion of a jail-like +discipline would be wise in the case of industrial labor, for evident +psychological reasons. But various factories in rearranging their +establishments according to the principles of scientific management +have changed the positions of the workmen so that conversations become +more difficult or impossible. The result reported seems to be +everywhere a significant increase of production. The individual +concentrates his mind on the task with an intensity which seems beyond +his reach as long as the inner attitude is adjusted to social contact. +The help which is rendered by the feeling of social cooeperation, on +the other hand, is not removed by the mere abstaining from speaking. +Interesting psychopedagogical experiments have, indeed, demonstrated +that working in a common room produces better results than isolated +activity. This is not true of the most brilliant, somewhat nervous +school children, who achieve in their own room at home more than in +the classroom. But for the average, which almost alone is in question +for life in the factory, the consciousness of common effort is a +source of psychophysical reinforcement. This evidently remains +effective when the workingmen can see one another, even if the +arrangement of the seats precludes the possibility of chatting during +the work. + +However, by far the more important cause of distraction of attention +lies in those disturbances which come from without. Here again the +chief interest ought to be attached to those interferences which the +workman himself no longer feels as such. In a great printing-shop a +woman who was occupied with work which demanded her fullest attention +was seated at her task in an aisle where trucking was done. Removing +this operator to a quiet corner caused an increase of 25 per cent in +her work.[40] To be sure there are many such disturbances in factory +life which can hardly be eliminated with the technical means of +to-day. For instance, the noise of the machines, which in many +factories makes it impossible to communicate except by shouting, must +be classed among the real psychological interferences in spite of the +fact that the laborers themselves usually feel convinced that they no +longer notice it at all. Still more disturbing are strong rhythmical +sounds, such as heavy hammer blows which dominate the continuous +noises, as they force on every individual consciousness a +psychophysical rhythm of reaction which may stand in strong contrast +to that of a man's own work. From the incessant inner struggle of the +two rhythms, the one suggested by the labor, the other by the external +intrusion, quick exhaustion becomes unavoidable. + +If it were our purpose to elaborate a real system of psychological +economics, we should have to proceed here to a careful study of the +influences of fatigue on the industrial achievement. We should have to +discuss the various kinds of fatigue and exhaustion, the conditions of +restoration, and the whole group of related problems of psychophysics. +But this is the one field which has been thoroughly ploughed over by +science and by practical life in the course of the last decades. No +new suggestion and no new hint of the importance of the problem is +needed here. Our short discussion was planned to be confined to those +regions which have not been worked up in systematic investigations +and for which new devices seemed desirable. Hence we do not reproduce +here the rich material of facts which the physiologists and +psychophysicists have brought together in the last half-century, the +importance of which for industrial labor is perfectly evident. +Moreover, the practical applications and the insight into the social +needs have transformed the factories themselves into one big +laboratory in which the problem of fatigue has been studied by +practical experiments. The problem of the dependence of fatigue and +output upon the length of the working day has been tested in +numberless places with the methods of really exact research, as it was +easy to find out how the achievement of the laborers became +quantitatively and qualitatively changed by the shortening of the +working hours. + +When in one civilized country after another the exhaustingly long +working days of the industrial wage-earner were shortened more and +more, the theoretical discussions of the legislators and of the social +reformers were soon supplemented by careful statistical inquiries in +the factories. It was found that everywhere, even abstracting from all +other cultural and social interests, a moderate shortening of the +working day did not involve loss, but brought a direct gain. The +German pioneer in the movement for the shortening of the workingman's +day, Ernst Abbe, the head of one of the greatest German factories, +wrote many years ago that the shortening from nine to eight hours, +that is, a cutting-down of more than 10 per cent, did not involve a +reduction of the day's product, but an increase, and that this +increase did not result from any supplementary efforts by which the +intensity of the work would be reinforced in an unhygienic way.[41] +This conviction of Abbe still seems to hold true after millions of +experiments over the whole globe. But the problem of fatigue has +forced itself on the consideration of the men of affairs from still +another side. It has been well known for a long while how intimate the +relations are between fatigue and industrial accidents. The statistics +of the various countries and of the various industries do not +harmonize exactly, but a close connection between the number of +accidents and the hours of the day can be recognized everywhere. +Usually the greatest number of injuries occurs between ten and eleven +o'clock in the forenoon and between three and four o'clock in the +afternoon. The different distribution of the working hours, and of the +pauses for the meals, make the various statistical tables somewhat +incomparable. But it can be traced everywhere that in the first +working hours in which fatigue does not play any considerable role, +the number of accidents is small, and that this number sinks again +after the long pauses. It is true that the number also becomes +somewhat smaller at the end of the forenoon and of the afternoon +period, but this seems to have its cause in the fact that with growing +fatigue and with the feeling that the end of the working period is +near, the rhythm of the activity becomes much slower, and with such +slower movements the danger of accidents is greatly reduced. In a +similar way the factories have had to give the fullest attention to +the fatigue problem in its relation to the distribution of pauses, and +above all in its relation to the advisable speed of the machines, the +limits of which are set by the fatigue of the workingmen, and still +more of the working-women. + +The legislatures, the labor unions, and the manufacturers have then +had this problem of fatigue constantly before their eyes.[42] On the +other hand, the psychologists and physiologists have continuously +studied the fatigue and restoration of the muscle system and of the +central nervous system, and have analyzed the facts with the subtlest +methods. Yet, in spite of this, it cannot be denied that a real mutual +enrichment has so far hardly been in question. On the contrary, the +whole situation has again demonstrated the old experience. The mere +trying and trying again in practical life can never reach the maximum +effects which may be secured by systematic, scientifically conducted +efforts. On the other side the studies of the theoretical scholars can +never yield the highest values for civilization if the problems which +offer themselves in practical life are ignored. The theorists have to +prepare the ground, and in this preparatory work they must, indeed, +remain utterly regardless of any practical situations. But after that +a second stage must be reached at which on the foundation of this +neutral research special theoretical investigations are undertaken +which originate from practical conditions. As long as industrial +managers have no contact with the experiments of the laboratory and +the experimentalists are shy of any contact with the industrial +reality, humanity will pass through social suffering. The hope of +mankind will be realized by the mutual fertilization of knowing and +doing. + +The practical efforts of the factories have, indeed, not yet reached +the point at which the greatest possible achievement which can be +reached without over-fatigue may be secured. We called the +abbreviation of the working day an experimental scheme. The question +of reducing the working hours is so simple that no further special +experiments are needed. But when we come to the questions of the +pauses at work, the speed of work and similar factors related to +fatigue, the situation is by far more complicated, and the often +capricious changes in the plant have very little in common with a +systematic experiment. Some well-known studies of the efficiency +engineers clearly demonstrate the possibility of such systematic +efforts. The best-known case is probably Taylor's study of the +pig-iron handlers of the Bethlehem Steel Company. He found that the +gang of 75 men was loading on the average about 12-1/2 tons per man +per day. When he discussed with various managers the question of what +output would be the possible maximum, they agreed that under premium +work, piecework, or any of the ordinary plans for stimulating the men, +an output of 18 to 25 tons would be the extreme possibility. Then he +proceeded to a systematic study of the fatigue in its relation to the +burden and of the best possible relation between working time and +resting time. His first efforts to find formulas were unsuccessful, +because he calculated only the actual mechanical energy exerted and +found that some men were tired after exerting energy of 1/8 hp., while +others seemed to be able to produce the energy of 1/2 hp. without +greater fatigue. But soon he discovered the mistake in his figures. +He had considered only the actual movements, and had neglected the +period in which the laborer was not moving and was not exerting +energy, but in which a weight was pulling his arms and demanding a +corresponding muscular effort. As soon as this muscular achievement +was taken into account, too, he found that for each particular weight +a definite relation exists between the time that a man is under a +heavy load and the time of rest. For the usual loads of 90 pounds, he +found that a first-class laborer must not work more than 43 per cent +of time working day and must be entirely without load 57 per cent. If +the load becomes lighter, the relation is changed. If the workman is +handling a half pig weighing 46 pounds, he can be under load 58 per +cent of the day and only has to rest during 42 per cent.[43] + +As soon as these figures were experimentally secured, Taylor selected +fit men, and did not allow them to lift and to carry the loads as they +pleased, but every movement was exactly prescribed by foremen who +timed exactly the periods of work and rest. If he had simply promised +his men a high premium in case they should carry more than the usual +12 tons a day, they would have burdened themselves as heavily as +possible and would have carried the load as quickly as possible, thus +completely exhausting themselves after three or four hours of labor. +In spite of such senseless exaggeration of effort in the first hours, +the total output for the day would have been relatively small. Now the +foremen determined exactly when every individual should lift and move +the load and when he should sit quietly. The result was that the men, +without greater fatigue, were able to carry 47-1/2 tons a day instead +of the 12-1/2 tons. Their wages were increased 60 per cent. Such a +trivial illustration demonstrates very clearly the extreme difference +between an increase of the economic achievement by scientific, +experimental investigation and a mere enforcing of more work by +artificially whipping-up the mind with promises of extraordinary +wages. Yet even such rules as the scientific management engineers have +formed, may be elaborated to more lasting prescriptions as soon as the +purely psychological factors are brought more into the foreground and +are approached with the careful analysis of the experimental +psychologist. + +Such a systematic psychological inquiry is the more important for +questions of fatigue, as we know that the subjective feeling of +displeasure in fatigue is no reliable measure for the objective +fatigue, that is, for the real reduction of the ability for work. +Daily experience teaches us how easily some people overstep the limits +of normal fatigue, and in extreme cases even come to a nervous +breakdown because nature did not protect them by the timely appearance +of strong fatigue feelings. On the other hand, we find many men and +still more women who feel tired even after a small exertion, because +they did not learn early to inhibit the superficial feelings of +fatigue, or because the sensations of fatigue have in fact a certain +abnormal intensity in their case. The question how far the +psychophysical apparatus has really been exhausted by a certain effort +must be answered with the help of objective research and not on the +basis of mere subjective feelings. But such objective measurements +demand systematic experiments in the laboratory. + +The experiments which really have been carried on in the laboratory as +yet, as far as they were not merely physiological, have on the whole +been confined to so-called mental labor, and were essentially devoted +to problems of school instruction or medical diagnosis. We have no +doubt excellent experiments which are devoted to the study of the +individual differences of exhaustion, fatigue, exhaustibility, ability +to recover the lost energy, ability to learn from practice, and so on, +but they are still exclusively adjusted to the needs of the +school-teacher and of the nerve specialist and would hardly be +immediately useful to the manager of a factory. We shall need a long +careful series of investigations in order to determine how far those +manifold results from experiments with memory work, thought work, +writing work, and so on can be applied to the work which the +industrial laborer is expected to perform. + + + + +XVIII + +PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON THE WORKING POWER + + +The increase and decrease of the ability to do good work depends of +course not only upon the direct fatigue from labor and the pauses for +rest; a large variety of other factors may lead to fluctuations which +are economically important. The various hours of the day, the seasons +of the year, the atmospheric conditions of weather and climate, may +have such influence. Some elements of this interplay have been cleared +up in recent years. Just as the experiments of pedagogical psychology +have determined the exact curve of efficiency during the period of an +hour in school, so other investigations have traced the typical curve +of psychical efficiency throughout the day and the year. Sociological +and criminological statistics concerning the fluctuations in the +behavior of the masses, common-sense experience of practical life, and +finally, economic statistics concerning the quantity and quality of +industrial output in various parts of the day and of the year, have +supplemented one another. The systematic assistance of the +psychological laboratory, however, has been confined to the +educational aspect of the problem. Psychological experiments have +determined how the achievement of the youth in the schoolroom changes +with the months of the year and the hours of the day. It seems as if +it could not be difficult to secure here, too, a connection between +exact experiment and economic work. Much will have to be reduced to +individual variations. The laboratory has already confirmed the +experience of daily life that there are morning workers whose +strongest psychophysical efficiency comes immediately after the +night's rest, while the day's work fatigues them more and more; and +that there are evening workers who in the morning still remain under +the after effects of the night's sleep, and who slowly become fresher +and fresher from the stimuli of the day. It would seem not impossible +to undertake a systematic selection of various individuals under this +point of view, as different industrial tasks demand a different +distribution of efficiency between morning and night. + +Such a selection and adjustment may be economically still more +important with reference to the fluctuations during the course of the +year. Economic inquiries, for instance, have suggested that younger +and older workingmen who ordinarily show the same efficiency become +unequal in their ability to do good work in the spring months, and the +economists have connected this inequality with sexual conditions. But +other factors as well, especially the blood circulation of the +organism and the resulting reactions to external temperature, +different gland activities, and so on, cause great personal +differences in efficiency during the various seasons of the year. +Inasmuch as we know many economic occupations in which the chief +demand is made in one or another period of the year, a systematic +study of these individual variations might be of high economic value, +where large numbers are involved, and might contribute much to the +individual comfort of the workers. But a constant relation to day and +year also seems to exist independent of all personal variations. When +the sun stands at its meridian, a minimum of efficiency is to be +expected and a similar minimum is to be found at the height of summer. +Correspondingly we have an increase of the total psychical efficiency +in winter-time. During the spring-time the behavior seems, as far as +the investigations go, to be different in the intellectual and in the +psychomotor activities. It is claimed that the efficiency of the +intellectual functions decreases as the winter recedes, but that the +efficiency of psychomotor impulses increases.[44] + +The influences of the daily temperature, of the weather and of the +seasons may be classed among the physical conditions of efficiency. We +may group with them the effects of nourishment, of stimulants, of +sleep, and so on. As far as the relations between these external +factors and purely bodily muscle work are involved, the interests of +the psychologists are not engaged. But it is evident that every one of +these relations also has its psychological aspect, and that a really +scientific psychotechnical treatment of these problems can become +possible only through the agency of psychological experiments. We have +excellent experimental investigations concerning the influence of the +loss of sleep on intellectual labor and on simple psychomotor +activities. But it would be rather arbitrary to deduce from the +results of those researches anything as to the effect of reduction of +sleep on special economic occupations. Yet such knowledge would be of +high importance. We have in the literature concerned with accidents in +transportation numerous popular discussions about the destructive +influence of loss of sleep on the attention of the locomotive engineer +or of the helmsman or of the chauffeur, but an analysis of the +particular psychophysical processes does not as yet exist and can be +expected only from systematic experiments. Nor has the influence of +hunger on psychotechnical activities been studied in a satisfactory +way. + +A number of psychological investigations have been devoted to the +study of the influence of alcohol on various psychical functions and +in this field at least the strictly economic problem of industrial +labor has sometimes been touched. We have the much quoted and much +misinterpreted experiments [45] which were carried on in Germany with +typesetters. The workmen received definite quantities of heavy wine at +a particular point in the work and the number of letters which they +were able to set during the following quarter-hours were measured and +compared with their normal achievement in fifteen minutes. The +reduction of efficiency amounted on the average to 15 per cent of the +output. It may be mentioned that the loss referred only to the +quantity of the work and not at all to the quality. The well-known +subjective illusory feeling of the subjects was not lacking; they +themselves believed that the wine had reinforced their working power. +As soon as such experiments are put into the service of economic life, +they will have to be carried on with much more accurate adjustment to +the special conditions, with subtler gradation of the stimuli, and +especially with careful study of individual factors. But at first it +seems more in the interest of the practical task that the extremely +complicated problem of the influence of alcohol be followed up by +purely theoretical research in the laboratory in order that the effect +may be resolved into its various components. We must first find the +exact facts concerning the influence of alcohol on elementary +processes of mental life, such as perception, attention, memory, and +so on, and this will slowly prepare the way for the complete economic +experiment. + +At present the greatest significance for the economic field may be +attached to those alcohol experiments which dealt with the +apprehension of the outer world. They proved a reduction in the +ability to grasp the impressions and a narrowing of the span of +consciousness. The indubitable decrease of certain memory powers, of +the acuity in measuring distance, of the time estimation, and similar +psychical disturbances after alcohol, must evidently be of high +importance for industry and transportation, while the well-known +increase of the purely sensory sensibility, especially of the visual +acuity after small closes of alcohol, hardly plays an important role +in practical life. The best-known and experimentally most studied +effect of alcohol, the increase of motor excitability, also evidently +has its importance for industrial achievements. It cannot be denied +that this facility of the motor impulses after small doses of alcohol +is not a real gain, which might be utilized economically, but is +ultimately an injury to the apparatus, even if we abstract from the +retardation of the reaction which comes as an after-effect. The +alcoholic facilitation, after all, reduces the certainty and the +perfection of the reaction and creates conditions under which wrong, +and this in economic life means often dangerous, motor responses +arise. The energy of the motor discharge suffers throughout from the +alcohol. + +Some experiments which were recently carried on with reference to the +influence of alcohol on the power of will seem to have especial +significance for the field of economic activity. The method applied in +the experiment was the artificial creation of an exactly measurable +resistance to the will-impulse directed toward a purpose. The +experiment had to determine what power of resistance could be overcome +by the will and how far this energy changes under the influence of +alcohol. For this end combinations of meaningless syllables were +learned and repeated until they formed a close connection in memory. +If one syllable was given, the mechanical tendency of the mind was to +reproduce the next syllable in the memorized series. The +will-intention was then directed toward breaking this memory type. For +instance, it was demanded, when a syllable was called, that the +subject should not answer with the next following syllable, but with a +rhyming syllable. This will-impulse easily succeeded when the +syllables to be learned had been repeated only a few times, while +after a very frequent repetition the memory connection offered a +resistance which the simple will-intention could not break. The +syllable which followed in the series rushed to the mind before the +intention to seek a rhyming syllable could be realized. The number of +repetitions thus became a measure for the power of the will. After +carrying out these experiments at first under normal conditions, they +were repeated while the subjects were under the influence of exactly +graded doses of alcohol.[46] From such simple tasks the experiment was +turned to more and more complex ones of similar structure. All +together they showed clearly that the alcohol did not influence the +ability to make the will effective and that the actual decrease of +achievement results from a decrease in the ability to grasp the +material. As long as the alcohol doses are small, this feeling of +decreased ability stirs up a reinforcement in the tension of the +will-impulse. This may go to such an extent that the increased +will-effort not only compensates for the reduced understanding, but +even over-compensates for it, producing an improvement in the mental +work. But as soon as the alcohol doses amount to about 100 cubic +centimeters, the increased tension of the will is no longer sufficient +to balance the paralyzing effect in the understanding. Yet it must not +be overlooked that in all these experiments only isolated will acts +were in question which were separated from one another by pauses of +rest. Evidently, however, the technical laborer is more often in a +situation in which not isolated impulses, but a continuous tension of +the will is demanded. How far such an uninterrupted will-function is +affected by alcohol has not as yet been studied with the exact means +of the experiment. + +To be sure an obvious suggestion would be that the whole problem, as +far as economics, and especially industry, are concerned, might be +solved in a simpler way than by the performance of special +psychological experiments, namely, by the complete elimination of +alcohol itself from the life of the wage-earner. The laboratory +experiment which seems to demonstrate a reduction of objective +achievement in the case of every important mental function merely +supplements in exact language the appalling results indicated by +criminal statistics, disease statistics, and inheritance statistics. +It seems as if the time had come when scientists could not with a good +conscience suggest any other remedy than the merciless suppression of +alcohol. Indeed, there can be no doubt that alcohol is one of the +worst enemies of civilized life, and it is therefore almost with +regret that the scientist must acknowledge that all the psychological +investigations, which have so often been misused in the partisan +writings of prohibitionists, are not a sufficient basis to justify the +demand for complete abstinence. + +First, newer experiments make it very clear that many of the so-called +effects of alcohol which the experiment has demonstrated are produced +or at least heightened by influences of suggestion. Experiments which +have been carried on in England for the study of that point show +clearly that certain psychical disturbances which seem to result from +small doses of alcohol fail to appear as soon as the subject does not +know that he has taken alcohol. For that purpose it was necessary to +eliminate the odor, and this was accomplished by introducing the +beverages into the organism by a stomach pump. When by this method +sometimes water and sometimes diluted alcohol was given without the +knowledge of the subject, the usual effects of small doses of alcohol +did not arise. But another point is far more important. We may take it +for granted that alcohol reduces the ability for achievement as soon +as such very small doses are exceeded. But from the standpoint of +economic life we have no right to consider a reduction of the +psychical ability to produce work as identical with a decrease in the +economic value of the personality. Such a view would be right if the +influence necessarily set in at the beginning of the working period. +But if, for instance, a moderate quantity of beer is introduced into +the organism after the closing of the working day, it would certainly +produce an artificial reduction of the psychical ability, and yet this +decrease of psychophysical activity might be advantageous to the total +economic achievement of the workingman in the course of the week or +the year. To be sure the glass of beer in the evening paralyzes +certain inhibitory centres of the brain and therefore puts the mind +out of gear, but such a way of expressing it may easily be misleading, +as it suggests too much that a real injury is done. From the point of +view of scientific psychology, we must acknowledge that such a +paralyzing effect in certain parts of the psychophysical system sets +in with every act of attention and reaches its climax in sleep, which +surely does no harm to the mind. It may be thoroughly advantageous for +the total work of the normal, healthy, average workingman if the after +effects of the motor excitement of the day are eliminated by a mild, +short alcoholic poisoning in the evening. It may produce that +narrowing and dulling of consciousness which extinguishes the cares +and sorrows of the day and secures the night's sleep, and through it +increased efficiency the next morning. Systematic experiments with +exact relation to the various technical demands must slowly bring real +insight into this complex situation. The usual hasty generalization +from a few experiments with alcohol for partisan interests is surely +not justified in the present unsatisfactory state of knowledge.[47] + +Perhaps we know still less of the influences which coffee, tea, +tobacco, sweets, and so on exert on the life of the industrial worker. +It will be wise to resolve these stimuli in daily use into their +elements and to study the effects of each element in isolated form. To +know, for instance, the effects of caffein on the psychophysical +activities does not mean to know the effects of tea or coffee, which +contain a variety of other substances besides the caffein, substances +which may be supposed to modify the effect of the caffein. Yet the +first step must in this case be the study of the effects of the +isolated caffein, before the total influences of the familiar +beverages can be followed up. An excellent investigation of this +caffein effect on various psychological and psychomotor functions has +recently been completed.[48] When the caffein effect on tapping +movements was studied, it was found that it works as a stimulation, +sometimes preceded by a slight initial retardation. It persists from +one to two hours after doses of from one to three grains and as long +as four hours after doses of six grains. The steadiness test showed a +slight nervousness after several hours after doses of from one to four +grains. After six grains there is pronounced unsteadiness. A complex +test in cooerdination indicated that the effect of small, amounts of +caffein is a stimulation and that of large amounts a retardation. +Correspondingly the speed of performance in typewriting is heightened +by small doses of caffein and retarded by larger doses. In both cases +the quality of the performance as measured by the number of errors is +superior to the normal result. + +The influences of the physiological stimulants have many points of +contact with the effects of social entertainment, the significance of +which for the economic life is still rather unknown in any exact +detail. Many factories in which the labor is noiseless, as in the +making of cigars, have introduced gramophone music or reading aloud, +and it is easy to understand theoretically that a certain animating +effect results, which stimulates the whole psychophysical activity But +only the experiment would be able to decide how this stimulation is +related, for instance, to the distraction of attention, which is +necessarily involved, or how it influences various periods of the work +and various types of work, how far it is true that the musical key +exerts an exciting or relaxing influence, what intensity and what +local position, what rhythm and what duration of such aesthetic +stimuli, would bring the best possible economic results. We all have +read of the favorable effects which were secured in a factory when a +cat was brought into every working-room in which women laborers were +engaged in especially fatiguing work. The cat became a living toy for +the employees, which stimulated their social consciousness. In not a +few plants the reinforced achievement is explained by the social means +of entertainment, which have been introduced under the pressure of +modern philanthropic ideas. The lounging-rooms with the newspapers and +periodicals the clubrooms with libraries, the excursions and dances +and patriotic festivities, fill up the reservoir of psychophysical +energies. As a matter of course all the social movements which enhance +the consciousness of solidarity among the laborers and the feeling of +security as to their future development in their career have a similar +effect of reinforcing the normal psychical achievement. + +As the strongest factor, finally, the direct material interest must +be added to these conditions. The literature of political economy is +full of discussions of the effect of increase of wages, of the payment +of bonuses and premiums, of piece-wages, of promised pensions, and, as +far as Europe is concerned, of state insurance. In short, the whole +individual financial situation in its relation to the psychophysical +achievement of the wage-earner is a favorite topic of economic +inquiry. We cannot participate here in these inexhaustible +discussions, because all these questions are to-day still so endlessly +far from the field of psychological experiments. Nevertheless we ought +not to forget the experience through which general experimental +psychology has gone in the last few decades. When the first +experiments were undertaken in order to deal systematically with the +mental life, the friends of this new science and its opponents agreed, +on the whole, in the belief that certainly only the most elementary +phenomena of consciousness, the sensations and the reactions of +impulses, would be accessible to the new method. The opponents +naturally compared this modest field with the great problems of the +mental totality, and therefore ridiculed the new narrow task as +unimportant. The friends, on the other hand, were eager to follow the +fresh path, because they were content to gain real exactitude by the +experiment at least in these simplest questions. Yet as soon as the +new independent workshops were established for the young science, it +was discovered that the method was able to open fields in which no one +had anticipated its usefulness. The experiments turned to the problems +of attention, of memory, of imagination, of feeling, of judgment, of +character, of aesthetic experience and so on. It is not improbable that +the method of the economic psychological experiment may also quickly +lead beyond the more elementary problems, as soon as it is +systematically applied, and then it, too, may conquer regions of +inquiry in which to-day no exact calculation of the psychological +factors seems possible. + +If such an advance is to be a steady one, the economic psychologist +will emancipate himself from the chance question of what problems are +at this moment important for commerce and industry and will proceed +systematically step by step from those results which the psychological +laboratory has yielded under the non-economic points of view. Many +previous psychological or psychophysical inquiries almost touch the +problems of industrial achievement. For instance, the experiments on +imitation, which psychophysicists have carried on in purely +theoretical or pedagogical interests, move parallel to industrial +experiences. It is well known that the pacemaker plays his role not +only in the field of sport but also in the factory. The rhythm of one +laborer gains controlling importance for the others, who instinctively +imitate him. Some plants even have automatically working machines with +the special intention that the sharp rhythm of these lifeless +forerunners shall produce an involuntary imitation in the +psychophysical system. In a similar way many laboratory investigations +on suggestion and suggestibility point to such economic processes, and +it seems to me that especially the studies on the influence of the +ideas of purpose which are being undertaken nowadays in many +psychological laboratories may easily be connected with the problems +of economic life. We know how the consciousness of the task to be +performed has an organizing influence on the system of those +psychophysical acts which lead to the goal. The experiment has shown +under which conditions this effect can be reinforced and under which +reduced. Pedagogical experiments have also shown exactly what +influence belongs to the consciousness of the approach to the end of +work; the feeling of the nearness of the close heightens the +achievement, even of the fatigued subject. It would not be difficult +to connect psychophysical experiments of this kind with the problems +of the task and bonus system, which is nowadays so much discussed in +industrial life. The practical successes seem to prove that the +individual can do more with equal effort if he does not stand before +an unlimited mass of work of which he has to do as much as possible in +the course of the day, but if he is before a definitely determined, +limited task with the demand that he complete it in an exactly +calculated time. Scientific management has made far-reaching use of +this principle, but whether constant results for the various +industries can be hoped for from such methods must again be +ascertained by the psychological experiment. + +These hopes surely will not weaken the interest of the psychologist +for those many psychological methods which lie outside of the +experimental research. A sociologist, who himself had been a laborer +in his earlier life, undertook in Germany last year an inquiry into +the psychological status of the laborers' achievement by the +questionnaire method.[49] He sent to 8000 workingmen in the mining +industries, textile industries, and metal industries, blanks +containing 26 questions, and received more than 5000 replies. The +questions referred to the pleasure and interest in the work, to +preferences, to fatigue, to the thoughts during the work, to the +means of recreation, to the attitude toward the wages, to the +emotional situation, and so on. The 5000 answers allowed manifold +classifications. The various mental types of men could be examined, +the influence of the machine, the attitude toward monotony, the +changes of pleasure and interest in the work with the age of the +laborer, the time at which fatigue becomes noticeable, and so on. Many +psychological elements of industrial life thus come to a sharp focus +and the strong individual differences could not be brought out in a +more characteristic way. Yet, all taken together, even such a careful +investigation on a psychostatistical basis strongly suggests that a +few careful experimental investigations could lead further than such a +heaping-up of material gathered from men who are untrained in +self-observation and in accurate reports, and above all who are +accessible to any kind of suggestion and preconceived idea. The +experimental method is certainly not the only one which can contribute +to reforms in industrial life and the reinforcement of industrial +efficiency, but all signs indicate that the future will find it the +most productive and most reliable. + + + + +PART III + +THE BEST POSSIBLE EFFECT + + + + +XIX + +THE SATISFACTION OF ECONOMIC DEMANDS + + +Every economic function comes in contact with the mental life of man, +first from the fact that the work is produced by the psyche of +personalities. This gave us the material for the first two parts of +our discussion. We asked what mind is best fitted for the particular +kind of work, and how the mind can be led to the best output of work. +But it is evident that the real meaning of the economic process +expresses itself in an entirely different contact between work and +mind. The economic activity is separated from all other processes in +the world, not by the fact that it involves labor and achievement by +personalities, but by the fact that this labor satisfies a certain +group of human desires which we acknowledge as economic. The mere +performance of labor, with all the psychical traits of attention and +fatigue and will-impulses and personal qualities, does not in itself +constitute anything of economic value. For instance, the sportsman +who climbs a glacier also performs such a fatiguing activity which +demands the greatest effort of attention and will; and yet the +psychotechnics of sport do not belong in economic psychology, because +this mountain climbing does not satisfy economic desires. The ultimate +characteristic which designates an activity as economic is accordingly +a certain effect on human souls. The whole whirl of the economic world +is ultimately controlled by the purpose of satisfying certain +psychical desires. Hence this psychical effect is still more +fundamental for the economic process than its psychical origin in the +mental conditions of the worker. The task of psychotechnics is +accordingly to determine by exact psychological experiments how this +mental effect, the satisfaction of economic desires, can be secured in +the quickest, in the easiest, in the safest, in the most enduring, and +in the most satisfactory way. + +But we must not deceive ourselves as to the humiliating truth that so +far not the slightest effort has been made toward the answering of +this central scientific question. If the inquiry into the psychical +effects were really to be confined to this problem of the ultimate +satisfaction of economic desires, scientific psychology could not +contribute any results and could not offer anything but hopes and +wishes for the future. At the first glance it might appear as if just +here a large amount of literature exists; moreover, a literature rich +in excellent investigations and ample empirical material. On the one +side the political economists, with their theories of economic value +and their investigations concerning the conditions of prices and the +development of luxury, the calculation of economic values from +pleasure and displeasure and many similar studies, have connected the +economic processes with mental life; on the other side the +philosophers, with their theories of value, have not confined +themselves to the ethical and aesthetic motives, but have gone deeply +into the economic life too. While such studies of the economists and +of the philosophers are chiefly meant to serve theoretical +understanding, it might seem easy to deduce from them technical +practical prescriptions as well. If we know that under particular +conditions certain demands will be satisfied, we draw the conclusion +that we must realize those conditions whenever such demands are to be +satisfied. The theoretical views of the economists and of the +philosophers of value might thus be directly translated into +psychotechnical advice. + +As soon as we look deeper into the situation, we must recognize that +this surface impression is entirely misleading. Certainly whenever +the philosophers or political economists discuss the problems of value +and of the satisfaction of human demands, they are using psychological +terms, but the whole meaning which they attach to these terms, +feeling, emotion, will, desire, pleasure, displeasure, joy, and pain, +is essentially different from that which controls the causal +explanations of scientific psychology. We cannot enter into the real +fundamental questions here, which are too often carelessly ignored +even in scientific quarters. Too often psychology is treated, even by +psychologists, as if it covered every possible systematic treatment of +inner experience, and correspondingly outsiders like the economists +fancy that they are on psychological ground and are handling +psychological conceptions as soon as they make any statements +concerning the inner life. But if we examine the real purposes and +presuppositions of the various sciences, we must recognize that the +human experience can be looked on from two entirely different points +of view. Only from one of the two does it present itself as +psychological material and as a fit object for psychological study. +From the other point of view, which is no less valuable and no less +important for the understanding of our inner life, human experience +offers itself as a reality with which psychology as such has nothing +to do, even though it may be difficult to eliminate the usual +psychological words. + +The psychologist considers human experience as a series of objects for +consciousness. All the perceptions and memory ideas and imaginative +ideas and feelings and emotions, are taken by him as mental objects of +which consciousness becomes aware, and his task is to describe and to +explain them and to find the laws for their succession. He studies +them as a naturalist studies the chemical elements or the stars. It +makes no difference whether his explanation leads him to connect these +mental contents with brain processes as one theory proposes, or with +subconscious processes as another theory suggests. The entirely +different aspect of inner life is the one which is most natural in our +ordinary intercourse. Whenever we give an account of our inner life or +are interested in the experience of our friends, we do not consider +how their mental experiences as such objective contents of +consciousness are to be described and explained, but we take them as +inner actions and attitudes toward the world, and our aim is not to +describe and to explain them but to interpret and to understand them. +We do not seek their elements but their meaning, we do not seek their +causes and effects but their inner relations and their inner +purposes. In short, we do not take them at all as objects but as +functions of the subject, and our dealing with them has no similarity +to the method of the naturalist. + +This method of practical life in which we seek to express and to +understand a meaning, and relate every will-act to its aim, is not +confined to the mere popular aspect; it can lead to very systematic +scholarly treatment. It is exactly the treatment which is fundamental +in the case of all history, for example, or of law, or of logic. That +is, the historian makes us understand the meaning of a personality of +the past and is really interested in past events only as far as human +needs are to be interpreted. It would be pseudo-psychology, if we +called such an account in the truly historical spirit a psychological +description and explanation. The student of law interprets the meaning +of the will of the legislator; he does not deal with the idea of the +law as a psychological content. And the logician has nothing to do +with the idea as a conscious object in the mind; he asks as to the +inner relations of it and as to the conclusions from the premises. In +short, wherever historical interpretations or logical deductions are +needed, we move on in the sphere of human life as it presents itself +from the standpoint of immediate true experience without artificially +moulding it into the conceptions of psychology. On the other hand, as +soon as the psychological method is applied, this immediate life +meaning of human experience is abandoned, and instead of it is gained +the possibility of considering the whole experience as a system of +causes and effects. Mental life is then no longer what it is to us in +our daily intercourse, because it is reconstructed for the purposes of +this special treatment, just as the water which we drink is no longer +our beverage if we consider it under the point of view of chemistry as +a combination of hydrogen and oxygen. Hence we have not two statements +one of which is true and the other ultimately untrue; on the contrary, +both are true. We have a perfect right to give the value of truth to +our experience with water as a refreshing drink, and also to the +formula of the chemist. With a still better right we may claim that +both kinds of mental experience are equally true. Hence not a word of +objection is raised against the discussions of the historians and the +philosophers, if we insist that their so-called psychology stands +outside of the really descriptive and explanatory account of mental +life, and is therefore not psychology in the technical sense of the +word. + +It is this historical attitude which controls all the studies of the +political economists. They speak of the will-acts of the individuals +and of their demands and desires and satisfactions, but they do not +describe and explain them; they want to interpret and understand them. +They may analyze the motives of the laborer or of the manufacturer, +but those motives and impulses interest them not as contents of +consciousness, but only as acts which are directed toward a goal. The +aim toward which these point by their meaning, and not the elements +from which they are made up or their causes and effects, is the +substance of such economic studies. For such a subjective account of +the meaning of actions the only problem is, indeed, the correct +understanding and interpretation, and the consistent psychologist who +knows that it is not his task to interpret but to explain has no right +to raise any questions here. It is, therefore, only a confusing +disturbance, if a really psychological, causal explanation is mixed +into the interpretation of such a system of will-acts and purposes. It +is true we find this confusion in many modern works on economics. +Economists know that a scientific explanatory study of the human mind +exists, and they have a vague feeling that they have no right to +ignore this real psychology, instead of recognizing that the +psychology really has nothing to do with their particular problem. The +result is that they constantly try to discuss the impulses and +instincts, the hunger and thirst and sexual desire, and the higher +demands for fighting and playing and acquiring, for seeking power and +social influence, as a psychologist would discuss them, referring them +to biological and physiological conditions and explaining them +causally. Yet as soon as they come to their real problems and enter +into the interpretation and meaning of these economic energies, they +naturally slide back into the historical, economic point of view and +discuss the economic relations of men without any reference to their +psychologizing preambles. The application of the psychological, +scientific method to the true economic experience is therefore not +secured at all in this way. The demands and volitions which they +disentangle are not the ones which the psychophysiologist studies, +because they are left in their immediate form of life reality. They +are accordingly inaccessible to the point of view of experimental +psychology, and nothing can be expected from such interpretative +discussions of the economists for the psychotechnics at which the +psychologist is aiming. Even where the political economists deal with +the problems of value in exact language, nothing is gained for the +kind of insight for which the psychologist hopes, and the +psychologists must therefore go on with their own methods, if they +are ever to reach a causal understanding of the means by which a +satisfaction of the economic demands may be effected. + +So far the psychologists have not even started to examine these +economic feelings, demands, and satisfactions with the means of +laboratory psychology. Hence no one can say beforehand how it ought to +be done and how to gain access to the important problems, inasmuch as +the right formulation of the problem and the selection of the right +method would here as everywhere be more than half of the solution. It +must be left to the development of science for the right +starting-point and the right methods to be discovered. Sometimes, to +be sure, the experiment has at least approached this group of economic +questions. For instance, the investigations of the so-called +psychophysical law have often been brought into contact with the +experiences of ownership and acquirement. The law, well known to every +student of psychology, is that the differences of intensity in two +pairs of sensations are felt as equal, when the two pairs of stimuli +are standing in the same relation. The difference between the +intensities of the light sensations from 10 candles and 11 candles is +equal to that from 50 candles and 55 candles, from 100 candles and +110, from 500 candles and 550: that is, the difference of one +additional candle between 10 and 11 appears just as great as the +difference of 50 candles between 500 and 550. The psychologists have +claimed that in a corresponding way the same feeling of difference +arises when the amounts of possessions stand in the same relation. +That is, the man who owns $100 feels the gain or loss of $1 as much as +one who owns $100,000 feels the gain or loss of $1000. Not the +absolute amount of the difference, but the relative value of the +increase or decrease is the decisive influence on the psychological +effect. Some experimental investigations concerning feelings have also +come near to the economic boundaries. The study of the contrast +feelings and of the relativity of feelings, for instance, has points +of contact with the economic problem of how far economic progress, +with its stirring up and satisfying of continually new demands, really +adds to the quantity of human enjoyment. In other words, how far are +those sociologists right who are convinced that by the technical +complexity of modern life, with all its comforts and mechanizations, +the level of individual life is raised, but that the oscillations +about this average level remain the same and produce the same amount +of pleasure and pain? The technical advance would therefore bring no +increase of human pleasure. + +We might also put into this class the meagre experimental +investigations concerning the mutual influence of feelings. When +sound, light, and touch impressions, each of which, isolated, produces +a feeling of a certain degree, are combined with one another, the +experiment can show very characteristic changes in the intensity of +pleasure and displeasure. From such routine experiments of the +laboratory it might not be difficult to come to more complex +experiments on the mutual relations of feeling values and especially +of the combinations of pleasure with displeasure. This would lead to +an insight into the processes which are involved in the fixing of +prices, as they are always dependent upon the pleasure in the +acquisition and the displeasure in the outlay. The exact psychology of +the future may thus very well determine the conditions under which the +best effects for the satisfaction of economic demands may be secured, +but our present-day science is still far from such an achievement: and +it seems hardly justifiable to propose methods to-day, as it would be +like drawing a map with detailed paths for a primeval forest which is +still inaccessible. + + + + +XX + +EXPERIMENTS ON THE EFFECTS OF ADVERTISEMENTS + + +We have said that the time has not yet come for discussing from the +standpoint of experimental psychology the means to secure the ultimate +effects of economic life, namely, the satisfaction of economic +demands. If this were the only effect which had economic significance, +this whole last part of our little book would have to remain a blank, +as we wanted to deal here with the securing of the best effects after +having studied the securing of the best man and of the best work. Yet +these ultimate ends are certainly not the only mental effects which +become important in the course of economic processes. In order to +reach that final end of the economic movement, often an unlimited +number of part processes distributed over space and time must +cooeperate. The satisfaction of our thirst in a tea-room may be a +trivial illustration of such a final effect, but it is clear that in +order to produce this ultimate mental effect of satisfying the thirst, +thousands of economic processes must have preceded. To bring the tea +and the sugar and the lemon to the table, the porcelain cup and the +silver spoon, wage-earners, manufacturers and laborers, exporters, +importers, storekeepers, salesmen, and customers had to cooeperate. +Among such part processes which serve the economic achievement are +always many which succeed only if they produce characteristic effects +in human minds. The propaganda which the storekeeper makes, for +instance, his display and his posters, serve the economic interplay by +psychical effects without themselves satisfying any ultimate economic +demand. They must attract the passer-by or impress the reader or +stimulate his impulse to buy, and through all this they reach an end +which is in itself not final, as no human desire to read +advertisements exists. When the salesman influences the customer to +buy something which may later help to satisfy a real economic demand, +the art of his suggestive words secures a mental effect which again is +in itself not ultimate. If the manufacturer influences his employees +to work with more attention or with greater industry, or if the +community stirs up the desire for luxury or the tendency to saving, we +have mental effects which are of economic importance without being +really ultimate economic effects. + +As far as these effects are necessary and justified stages leading to +the ultimate satisfaction of economic demands, it certainly is the +duty of applied psychology to bring psychological experience and exact +methods into their service. We emphasize the necessary and justified +character of these steps, as it is evident that psychological methods +may be made use of also by those who aim toward mental effects which +are unjustified and which are not necessary for the real satisfaction +of valuable demands. Psychological laws can also be helpful in +fraudulent undertakings or in advertisements for unfair competition. +The psychotechnical scientist cannot be blamed if the results of his +experiments are misused for immoral purposes, just as the chemist is +not responsible if chemical knowledge is applied to the construction +of anarchistic bombs. But while psychology, as we have emphasized +before, cannot from its own point of view determine the value of the +end, the psychologist as a human being is certainly willing to +cooeperate only where the soundness and correctness of the ends are +evident from the point of view of social welfare. + +In order to demonstrate the principle of this kind of psychotechnical +help with fuller detail, at least by one illustration, I may discuss +the case of the advertisements, the more as this problem has already +been taken up in a somewhat systematic way by the psychological +laboratories. We have a number of careful experimental investigations +referring to the memory-value, the attention-value, the +suggestion-value, and other mental effects of the printed business +advertisements. Of course this group of experimental investigations at +once suggests an objection which we cannot ignore. A business +advertisement, as it appears in the newspapers, is such an extremely +trivial thing and so completely devoted to the egotistical desire for +profit that it seems undignified for the scientist to spend his time +on such nothings and to shoot sparrows with his laboratory +cannon-balls. But on the one side nothing can be unworthy of thorough +study from a strictly theoretical point of view. The dirtiest chemical +substance may become of greatest importance for chemistry, and the +ugliest insect for zooelogy. On the other side, if the practical point +of view of the applied sciences is taken, the importance of the +inquiry may stand in direct relation to the intensity of the human +demand which is to be satisfied by the new knowledge. Present-day +society is so organized that the economic advertisement surely serves +a need, and its intensity is expressed by the well-known fact that in +every year billions are paid for advertising. Measured by the amount +of expenditure, advertising has become one of the largest and +economically most important human industries. It is, then, not +astonishing that scientists consider it worth while to examine the +exact foundations of this industry, but it is surprising that this +industry could reach such an enormous development without being guided +by the spirit of scientific exactitude which appears a matter of +course in every other large business. As it is a function of science +to study the physics of incandescent lamps or gas motors so as to +bring the economically most satisfactory devices into the service of +the community, it cannot be less important from the standpoint of +national economics to study scientifically the efficiency of the +advertisements in order that the national means may in this industry, +too, secure the greatest possible effects. It is only a secondary +point that experiments of this kind are of high interest to the +theoretical scientist as well. For us the advertisement is simply an +instrument constructed to satisfy certain human demands by its effects +on the mind. It is a question for psychology to determine the +conditions under which this instrument may be best adapted to its +purpose. + +The mental effect of a well-adapted advertisement is manifold. It +appeals to the memory. Whatever we read at the street corner, or in +the pages of the newspaper or magazine, is not printed with the idea +that we shall immediately turn to the store, but first of all with +the expectation that we keep the content of the advertisement in our +memory for a later purchase. It will therefore be the more valuable +the more vividly it forces itself on the memory. But if practical +books about the art of advertising usually presuppose that this +influence on the memory will be proportionate to the effect on the +attention, the psychologist cannot fully agree. The advertisement may +attract the attention of the reader strongly and yet by its whole +structure may be unfit to force on the memory its characteristic +content, especially the name of the firm and of the article. The pure +memory-value is especially important, as according to a well-known +psychological law the pleasure in mere recognition readily attaches +itself to the recognized object. The customer who has the choice among +various makes and brands in the store may not have any idea how far +one is superior to another, but the mere fact that one among them +bears a name which has repeatedly approached his consciousness before +through advertisements is sufficient to arouse a certain warm feeling +of acquaintance, and by a transposition of feeling this pleasurable +tone accentuates the attractiveness of that make and leads to its +selection. This indirect help through the memory-value is economically +no less important than the direct service. + +In order to produce a strong effect on memory the advertisement must +be easily apprehensible. Psychological laboratory experiments with +exact time-measurement of the grasping of various advertisements of +the same size for the same article, but in different formulations, +demonstrated clearly how much easier or harder the apprehension became +through relatively small changes. No mistake in the construction of +the advertisement causes so much waste as a grouping which makes the +quick apperception difficult. The color, the type, the choice of +words, every element, allows an experimental analysis, especially by +means of time-measurement. If we determine in thousandths of a second +the time needed to recognize the characteristic content of an +advertisement, we may discriminate differences which would escape the +naive judgment, and yet which in practical life are of considerable +consequence, as the effect of a deficiency is multiplied by the number +of readers. + +We must insist on the further demand that the advertisement make a +vivid impression, so that it may influence the memory through its +vividness. Size is naturally the most frequent condition for the +increase of vividness, but only the relative size is decisive. The +experiment shows that the full-page advertisement in a folio magazine +does not influence the memory more than the full page in a quarto +magazine, if the reader is for the time adjusted to the particular +size. No less important than the size is the originality and the +unusual form, the vivid color, the skillful use of empty spaces, the +associative elements, the appeal to humor or to curiosity, to sympathy +or to antipathy. Every emotion can help to impress the content of the +advertisement on the involuntary memory. Unusual announcements +concerning the prices or similar factors move in the same direction. + +Together with the question of the apprehension and the vividness of +the impression, we must acknowledge the frequency of repetition as an +equally important factor. We know from daily life how an indifferent +advertisement can force itself on our mind, if it appears daily in the +same place in the newspaper or is visible on every street corner. But +the psychologically decisive factor here is not the fact of the mere +repetition of the impression, but rather the stimulation of the +attention which results from the repetition. If we remained simply +passive and received the impression the second and third and fourth +time with the same indifference with which we noticed it the first +time, the mere summation would not be sufficient for a strong effect. +But the second impression makes the consciousness of recognition, +thus exciting the attention, and through it we now turn actively to +the repeated impression which forces itself on our memory with +increased vividness on account of this active personal reaction. + +We may consider how such factors can be tested by the psychotechnical +experiment. Scott, for instance, studied the direct influence of the +relative size of the advertisements.[50] He constructed a book of a +hundred pages from advertisements which had been cut from various +magazines and which referred to many different articles. Fifty persons +who did not know anything about the purpose of the experiment had to +glance over the pages of the book as they would look though the +advertising parts of a monthly. The time which they used for it was +about ten minutes. As soon as they had gone through the hundred pages, +they were asked to write down what they remembered. The result from +this method was that the 50 persons mentioned on an average every +full-page advertisement 6-1/2 times, every half-page less than 3 +times, every fourth-page a little more than 1 time, and the still +smaller advertisements only about 1/7 time. This series of experiments +suggested accordingly that the memory value of a fourth-page +advertisement is much smaller than one fourth of the memory-value of +a full-page advertisement, and that of an eighth-page again much +smaller than one half of the psychical value of a fourth-page. The +customer who pays for one eighth of a page receives not the eighth +part, but hardly the twentieth part of the psychical influence which +is produced by a full page. + +These experiments, which were carried on in various forms, demanded as +a natural supplement a study of the effects of repetition in relation +to size. This was the object of a series of tests which I carried on +recently in the Harvard laboratory. I constructed the following +material: 60 sheets of Bristol board in folio size were covered with +advertisements which were cut from magazines the size of the "Saturday +Evening Post" and the "Ladies' Home Journal." We used advertisements +ranging from full-page to twelfth-page in size. Every one of the 6 +full-page advertisements which we used occurred only once, each of the +12 half-page advertisements was given 2 times, each of the fourth-page +size, 4 times, each of the eighth-page size, 8 times, and each of the +twelfth-page size, 12 times. The repetitions were cut from 12 copies +of the magazine number. The same advertisement never occurred on the +same page; every page, unless it was covered by a full-page +advertisement, offered a combination of various announcements. It is +evident that by this arrangement every single advertisement occupied +the same space, as the 8 times repeated eighth-page advertisement +filled a full page too. Thus no one of the 60 announcements which we +used was spatially favored above another. + +Thirty persons took part in the experiment. Each one had to devote +himself to the 60 pages in such a way that every page was looked at +for exactly 20 seconds. Between each two pages was a pause of 3 +seconds, sufficient to allow one sheet to be laid aside and the next +to be grasped. In 23 minutes the whole series had been gone through, +and immediately after that every one had to write down what he +remembered, both the names of the firms and the article announced. In +the cases where only the name or only the article was correctly +remembered, the result counted 1/2. We found great individual +differences, probably not only because the memory of the different +persons was different, but also because they varied in the degree of +interest with which they looked at such material. The smallest number +of reproductions was 18, of which 14 were only half remembered, that +is, only the name or only the article, and as we counted these half +reproductions 1/2, the memory-value for this person was counted 11. +The maximum reproduction was 46, of which 6 were half remembered. + +If these calculated values are added and the sum divided by the number +of participants, that is, 30, and this finally by the number of the +advertisements shown, that is, 60, we obtain the average memory-value +of a single advertisement. The results showed that this was 0.44. But +our real interest referred to the distribution for the advertisements +of different size. If we make the same calculation, not for the +totality of the advertisements but for those of a particular size, we +find that the memory-value for the full-page advertisement was 0.33, +for the 2 times repeated half-page advertisement, 0.30, for the 4 +times repeated fourth-page advertisement, 0.49, for the 8 times +repeated eighth-page advertisement, 0.44, and for the 12 times +repeated twelfth-page advertisement, 0.47. Hence we come to the result +that the 4 times repeated fourth-page advertisement as 1-1/2 times +stronger than one offering of a full-page, or the 2 times repeated +half-page, but that this relation does not grow with a further +reduction of the size. Two thirds of the subjects were men and one +third women. On the whole, the same relation exists for both groups, +but the climax of psychical efficiency was reached in the case of the +men by the 4 times repeated fourth-page, in the case of the women by +the 8 times repeated eighth-page. The 4 times repeated fourth-page in +the case of the women was 0.45, in the case of the men, 0.51, the 8 +times repeated eighth-page, women, 0.53, men, 0.37. + +I am inclined to believe that the ascent of the curve of the +memory-value from the full-page to the fourth-page or eighth-page +would have been still more continuous, if the whole-page +advertisements had not naturally been such as are best known to the +American reader. The whole-page announcement, therefore, had a certain +natural advantage. But when we come to another calculation, even the +effect of this advantage is lost. We examined the relations for the +first 10 names and articles, which every one of the 30 persons wrote +down. These first 10 were mostly dashed down quickly without special +thought. They also included only a few half reproductions. When we +study these 300 answers which the 30 persons wrote as their first 10 +reproductions, and calculate from them the chances which every one of +the 60 advertisements had for being remembered, we obtain the +following values: The probability of being remembered among the first +10 was for the full-page advertisement, 0.5, for the half-page 2 times +repeated, 1.2, for the fourth-page 4 times repeated, 2.9, for the +eighth-page 8 times repeated, 2.3, and for the twelfth-page 12 times +repeated, 2.4. The superiority of repetition over mere size appears +most impressively in this form, but we see again in this series that +the effect decreases even with increased number of repetitions as soon +as the single advertisement sinks below a certain relative size, so +that the 12 times repeated twelfth-page advertisement does not possess +the memory-value of the 4 times repeated fourth-page advertisement. If +Scott's experiments concerning the size and these experiments of mine +concerning the repetition are right, the memory-value of the +advertisements for economic purposes is dependent upon complicated +conditions. A business man who brings out a full-page advertisement +once in a paper which has 100,000 readers would leave the desired +memory-impression on a larger number of individuals than if he were to +print a fourth-page advertisement in four different cities in four +local papers, each of which has 100,000 readers. But if he uses the +same paper in one town, he would produce a much greater effect by +printing a fourth of a page four times than by using a full-page +advertisement once only. + +As a matter of course this would hold true only as far as size and +repetition are concerned. Many other factors have to be considered +besides. Some of these could even be studied with our material. We +could study from our results what memory-value is attached to the +various forms of type or suggestive words, what influence to +illustrations, how far they reinforce the impressiveness and how far +they draw away the attention from the name and the object, how these +various factors influence men and women differently, and so on. Other +questions, however, demand entirely different forms of experiment. We +may examine the effects of special contrast phenomena, of unusual +background, of irregular borders and original headings. The particular +position of the advertisement also deserves our psychological +interest. The magazines receive higher prices for the cover pages and +the newspapers for advertisements which are surrounded by reading +matter. In both cases obvious practical motives are decisive. The +cover page comes into the field of vision more frequently. What is +surrounded by reading matter is less easily overlooked. + +But the newspaper world hardly realizes how much other variations of +position influence the psychological effect. Starch[51] made +experiments in which he did not use real advertisements, but +meaningless syllables so as to exclude the influence of familiarity +with any announcement. He arranged little booklets, each of 12 pages, +on which a syllable such as _lod_, _zan_, _mep_, _dut_, _yib_, and so +on was printed in the middle of each page. Each of his 50 subjects +glanced over the book and then wrote down what syllables remained in +memory. He found that the syllables which stood on the first and last +page were remembered by 34 persons, those on the second and eleventh +by about 26, and those on the eight other pages by an average of 17 +persons. In the next experiment he printed one syllable in the middle +of the upper and one in the middle of the lower half of each page. The +results now showed that of those syllables which were remembered 54 +per cent stood on the upper half and 46 per cent on the lower half of +the page. Finally, he divided every page into four parts and printed +one syllable on the middle of each fourth of a page. The results +showed that of the remembered syllables 28 per cent stood on the +left-hand upper fourth, 33 per cent on the right-hand upper fourth, 16 +per cent left-hand lower, and 23 per cent right-hand lower. A +fourth-page advertisement which is printed on the outer side of the +upper half of the page thus probably has more than twice the +psychological value of one which is printed on the inner side of the +lower half. The economic world spends millions every year for +advertisements on the upper right-hand side and millions for +advertisements on the lower left-hand side, and is not aware that one +represents twice the value of the other. These little illustrations +of advertisement experiments may suffice to indicate how much +haphazard methods are still prevalent in the whole field of economic +psychotechnics, methods which would not be tolerated in the sphere of +physical and chemical technology. + + + + +XXI + +THE EFFECT OF DISPLAY + + +If we turn from the simple newspaper advertisement to the means of +propaganda in general, we at once stand before a question which is +often wrongly answered. The practical handbooks of advertisements and +means of display treat it as a self-evident fact that every +presentation should be as beautiful as possible. In the first place, +we cannot deny that the ugly and even the disgusting possess a strong +power for attracting attention. Yet it is true that by a transposition +of feelings the displeasure in the advertisement may easily become a +displeasure in the advertised object. But, on the other hand, it is +surely a mistake to believe that pure beauty best fulfills the +function of the advertisement. Even the draftsman who draws a poster +ought to give up the ambition to create a perfect picture. It might +have the power to attract attention, but it would hardly serve its +true purpose of fixing the attention on the article which is +advertised by the picture. The very meaning of beauty lies in its +self-completeness. The beautiful picture rests in itself and does not +point beyond itself. A really beautiful landscape painting is an end +in itself, and must not stir up the practical wish to visit the +landscape which has stimulated the eye of the painter. If the display +is to serve economic interests, every line and every curve, every form +and every color, must be subordinated to the task of leading to a +practical resolution, and to an action, and yet this is exactly the +opposite of the meaning of art. Art must inhibit action, if it is +perfect. The artist is not to make us believe that we deal with a real +object which suggests a practical attitude. The aesthetic forms are +adjusted to the main aesthetic aim, the inhibition of practical +desires. The display must be pleasant, tasteful, harmonious, and +suggestive, but should not be beautiful, if it is to fulfill its +purpose in the fullest sense. It loses its economic value, if by its +artistic quality it oversteps the boundaries of that middle region of +arts and crafts. This of course stands in no contradiction to the +requirement that the advertised article should be made to appear as +beautiful as possible. The presentation of something beautiful is not +necessarily a beautiful presentation, just as a perfectly beautiful +picture need not have something beautiful as its content. A perfect +painting may be the picture of a most ugly person. + +We have not yet spoken of the suggestive power of the means of +propaganda. Every one knows the influence on taste and smell, on +social vanity, on local pride, on the gambling instinct, on the +instinctive fear of diseases, and above all on the sexual instinct, +can gain suggestive power. Everywhere among the uncritical masses such +appeals reach individuals whose psychophysical attitudes make such +influences vivid and overpowering. Every one knows, too, those often +clever linguistic forms which are to aid the suggestion. They are to +inhibit the opposing impulses. The mere use of the imperative, to be +sure, has gradually become an ineffective, used-up pattern. It is a +question for special economic psychotechnics to investigate how the +suggestive strength of a form can be reinforced or weakened by various +secondary influences. What influence, for example, belongs to the +electric sign advertisements in which the sudden change from light to +darkness produces strong psychophysical effects, and what value +belongs to moving parts in the picture? + +The psychologist takes the same interest in the examples of window +displays, sample distributions, and similar vehicles of commerce by +which the offered articles themselves and not their mere picture or +description are to influence the consciousness of the prospective +customer. Here, too, every element may be isolated and may be brought +under psychotechnical rules. The most external question would refer to +the mere quantity of the presented material. The psychologist would +ask how the mere mass of the offering influences the attention, how +far the feeling of pleasure in the fullness, how far the aesthetic +impression of repetition, how far the associative thought of a +manifold selection, how far the mere spatial expansion, affects the +impression. In any case, as soon as it is acknowledged as desirable to +produce with certain objects the impression of the greatest possible +number, the experimental psychologist stands before the concrete +problem of how a manifoldness of things is to be distributed so that +it will not be underestimated, perhaps even overestimated as to +quantity. Again, the laboratory experiment would not proceed with real +window displays or real exhibitions, but would work out the principle +with the simplified experimental means. + +An investigation in the Harvard laboratory, for instance, tested the +influence which various factors have upon the estimation of a number +of objects seen.[52] The question was how far the form or the size or +the distribution makes a group of objects appear larger or smaller. +The experiment was started by showing 20 small cards on a black +background in comparison with another group of cards the number of +which varied between 17 and 23. At first the form of these little +cards was changed: triangles, squares, and circles were tried. Or the +color was changed: light and dark, saturated and unsaturated colors +were used. Or the order was varied: sometimes the little cards lay in +regular rows, sometimes in close clusters, sometimes widely +distributed, sometimes in quite irregular fashion. Or the background +was changed, or the surrounding frame, or the time of exposure, and so +on. Each time the subjects had to estimate whether the second group +was the larger or equal or the smaller. These experiments indicated +that such comparative estimation was indeed influenced by every one of +the factors mentioned. If the experiments show that an irregular +distribution makes the number appear larger or a close clustering +reduces the apparent number, and so on, the business man would be +quite able to profit from such knowledge. The jeweler who shows his +rings and watches in his window wishes to produce with his small stock +the impression of an ample supply. He lacks the psychology which might +teach him whether he would act more wisely in having the rings and the +watches separated, or whether he should mix the two, whether he ought +to choose a background which is similar in color or one which +contrasts with the pieces exhibited, whether he ought to present the +single object in a special background as in a case, or to show it +without one. He is not aware that by simple psychological illusions, +it is not difficult to change the apparent size of an isolated object +by special treatment, making his show-piece appear larger by a fitting +background or intentionally making a dainty object appear smaller by +contrasting surroundings. These, to be sure, are very trivial +illustrations, but the same fundamental psychological laws which are +true for the show-window of the next corner store are true for the +world-display of the nation. The point is to present clearly the idea, +which can be most simply expressed in such trivial material. But it +may be added that even in the case of the most indifferent example a +few hasty experiments with one or two subjects cannot yield any +results of value. + +All parts of physiological psychological optics can contribute similar +material. The questions of color harmony and color contrast, light +intensity and mutual support of uniformly colored objects, of +irradiation, depth and perspective, are significant for an effective +display in the show-window, and the laboratory results can easily be +translated into psychotechnical prescriptions. But here it is still +more necessary to separate carefully the merely optical impression +from its aesthetic side. All that we claimed as to the poster is still +more justified for the presentation of the saleable objects +themselves. As soon as the display of the articles forms a real work +of art, it must produce inhibitions in the soul of the spectator by +which the practical economic desire is turned aside. Beauty here too +has strong power of attraction, and moreover the suggestive power, by +which it withdraws our senses from the chance surroundings, forces us +to lose ourselves in the offered presentation. But just through this +process the content of the display becomes isolated and separated from +the world of our practical interests. Our desires are brought to +silence, we do not seek a personal relation to the things which we +face as admiring spectators, and the intended economic effect is +therefore eliminated. Whoever is to examine the psychotechnics of +displays and exhibitions must therefore study the psychology of +aesthetic stimulation, of suggestion, of the effects of light, color, +form and movement, of apperception and attention, and ought not to +forget the psychology of humor and curiosity, of instincts and +emotions. For us the essential point is that here too the experimental +psychological method alone is able to lead from mere chance +arrangements founded on personal taste to the systematic construction +which secures with the greatest possible certainty the greatest +possible mental effect in the service of the economic purpose. + +The problems of the storekeeper who arranges his windows, however, +overlap the problems of the manufacturer who prepares his goods for +the world-market, and who must from the start take care that the outer +appearance of his goods stimulate the readiness to buy. In factories +in which these questions have been carefully considered, the +psychological elements have always been found to be the most +influential, but often the most puzzling. I received material from a +number of industrial plants which sold the same article in a variety +of packings. The material which was sent to me included all kinds of +soaps and candies, writing-papers and breakfast foods, and other +articles which are handled by the retailer, the sale of which depends +upon the inclination and caprice of the customer in the store. For +every one of these objects a number of external covers and labels were +sent and with them a confidential report with details about their +relative success. For instance, a certain kind of chocolate was sold +under 12 different labels. One of them was highly successful in the +whole country, and one other had made the same article entirely +unsaleable. The other 10 could be graded between these extremes. In +all 12 cases the covers were decorated with pictures of women with a +scenic background. As long as only aesthetic values were considered, +all were on nearly the same level, and aesthetically skilled observers +repeatedly expressed their preference for some of the unsuccessful +pictures over some of the successful ones. But as soon as an internal +relation was formed between the pictures and the chocolate, in the one +case a mental harmony resulted which had strong suggestive power, in +the other case a certain unrest and inner disturbance which +necessarily had an inhibiting influence. The picture which was +unsuccessful with the sweets would perhaps have been eminently +successful for tobacco. From such elementary starting-points, the +laboratory experiment might proceed systematically into spheres of +economic life hitherto untouched by scientific methods. The psychology +of the influence of external forms on the conscious reactions of the +masses is so far usually considered only when, as often happens, the +most fundamental demands are violated; for instance, when objects +which are to give the impression of ease are painted in colors which +give a heavy, clumsy appearance, or _vice versa_, when book-bindings +are lettered in archaic type which makes the reading of the title +impossible for a passer-by, and in many similar antipsychological +absurdities which any stroll through the streets of a modern city +forces on us. + + + + +XXII + +EXPERIMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO ILLEGAL IMITATION + + +It is perhaps not without interest to turn into a by-path at this +point of our road. All the illustrations which we have picked out so +far have referred to strictly economic conditions. But we ought not to +forget that these economic problems of commerce and industry are +everywhere in contact with legal interests as well. In order to +indicate the manifoldness of problems accessible to the experimental +method, we may discuss our last question, the question of packing and +of labels, in this legal relation too. All the packings, covers, +labels, trademarks, and names by which the manufacturer tries to +stimulate the attention, the imagination, and the suggestibility of +the customer may easily draw a large part of their psychological +effectiveness from without, as soon as they imitate the appearance of +articles which are well introduced and favored in the market. If the +public is familiar with and favorably inclined toward an article on +account of its inner values or on account of its being much +advertised, a similar name or a similar packing may offer efficient +help to a rival article. The law of course protects the label and the +deceiving imitation can be prosecuted. But no law can determine by +general conceptions the exact point at which the similarity becomes +legally unallowable. This creates a situation which has given rise to +endless difficulties in practical life. + +If everything were forbidden which by its similarity to an accredited +article might lead to a possible confusion in the mind of the quite +careless and inattentive customer, any article once in the market +would have a monopoly in its line. As soon as a typewriter or an +automobile or a pencil or a mineral water existed, no second kind +could have access to the market, as with a high degree of carelessness +one economic rival may be taken for another, even if the new +typewriter or the new pencil has a new form and color and name. On the +other side, the purchaser could never have a feeling of security if +imitations were considered as still legally justifiable when the +difference is so small that it needs an intense mental effort and +careful examination of details to notice it. + +The result is that the jurisdiction fluctuates between these two +extremes in a most alarming way, and this seems to hold true in all +countries. In theory: "There is substantial agreement that +infringement occurs when the marks, names, labels, or packings of one +trader resemble those of another sufficiently to make it probable that +ordinary purchasers, exercising no more care than such persons usually +do in purchasing the article in question, will be deceived." But it +depends upon the trade experts and the judges to give meaning to such +a statement in the particular case, as the amount of care which +purchasers usually exercise can be understood very differently. +Sometimes the customer is expected to proceed with an attention which +is most subtly adjusted to the finest differences, and sometimes it is +taken for granted that he is unable to notice even strong variations. +It is clear that this uncertainty which disturbs the whole trade +cannot be eliminated as long as the psychological background has not +been systematically studied. Mere talking about the attention of the +customer, and his ability to decide and select, and of his +observations and his habits in the spirit of popular common-sense +psychology, can never secure exact standards and definite demarcation +lines. The question is important not only where imitations of morally +doubtful character are in the market. Even the most honest +manufacturer is in a certain sense obliged to imitate his +predecessors, as they have directed the taste and habits of the +public in particular directions, and as the product of his company +would suffer unnecessarily if he were to disregard this psychical +attitude of the prospective customers. The economic legal situation +accordingly suggests the question whether it would not be possible to +devise methods for an exact measurement of the permissible similarity, +and this demand for exactitude naturally points to the methods of the +psychological experiment. E.S. Rogers, Esq., of Chicago, who has +thoroughly discussed the legal aspect of the problem,[53] first turned +my attention to the psychological difficulty involved. + +When I approached the question in the Harvard psychological +laboratory, it was clear to me that the degree of attention and +carefulness which the court may presuppose on the part of the customer +can never be determined by the psychologist and his experimental +methods. It would be meaningless, if we tried to discover by +experiments a particular degree of similarity which every one ought to +recognize or a particular degree of attention which would be +sufficient for protection against fraud. Such degrees must always +remain dependent upon arbitrary decision. They are not settled by +natural conditions, but are entirely dependent upon social agreement. +A decision outside of the realm of psychology must fix upon a +particular degree in the scale of various similarity values as the +limit which is not to be passed. The aim of the psychologist can be +only to construct such a scale by which decisions may be made +comparable and by which standards may become possible. The experiment +cannot deduce from the study of mental phenomena what degrees of +similarity ought to be still admissible, but it may be able to develop +methods by which different degrees of similarity can be discriminated +and by which a certain similarity value once selected can always be +found again with objective certainty. After many fruitless efforts I +settled on the following form of experiments, which I hope may bring +us nearer to the attainment of the purpose. + +A group of objects is observed for a definite time and after a +definite interval another group of objects is offered for comparison. +This second group is identical with the first in all but one of the +objects, and this is replaced by a similar one. The question is how +often this substitution will be noticed by the observers. I may give +in detail a characterization of the set of experiments in which we are +at present engaged. We are working with picture postal cards, using +many hundred cards of different kinds, but for each one we have one +or several similar cards. As postal cards are generally manufactured +in sets, it is not difficult to purchase pairs of pictures with any +degree of similarity. Two cards with Christmas trees, or two with +Easter eggs, or two with football players, or two with forest +landscapes, and so on, may differ all the way from a slight variation +of color or a hardly noticeable change in the position of details to +variations which keep the same motive or the same general arrangement, +but after all make the card strikingly different. The first step is to +determine for each pair the degree of similarity, on a percentage +basis. To overcome mere arbitrariness, we ask thirty to forty educated +persons to express the similarity value, calling identical postal +cards 100 per cent and two postal cards as different as a colored +flower piece and a black picture of a street scene O. The average +value of these judgments is then considered as expressing the +objective degree of similarity between the two pictures of a pair. +After securing such standard values, we carry on the experiments in +the following form. Six different postal cards, for instance, are seen +on a black background through the opening of a shutter which is closed +after 5 seconds. The six may be made up of a landscape, a building, a +head, a genre scene, and so forth. After 20 seconds the same group of +postal cards is shown once more, except that one is replaced by a +similar one, instead of one church another church building, or instead +of a vase with roses a vase with pinks. If the substituted picture has +the average similarity value of 80 per cent and we make the experiment +with 10 persons, the substitution may be discovered by 7 persons and +remain unnoticed by 3. We can now easily vary every one of the factors +involved. If instead of 6 cards, we take 10, it may be that only 4 out +of 10 persons, instead of 7, will discover the substitution, while if +we take 4 cards instead of 6, perhaps 9 persons out of 10 will +recognize the difference under these otherwise equal conditions. Only +an especially careless observer will overlook it. But instead of +changing the number of objects, we may change the periods of exposure. +If we show the 6 cards only for 2 seconds instead of 5 seconds, the +number of those who recognize the difference may sink from 7 to 5 or +4, and if we make the time considerably longer, we shall of course +reach a point where all 10 will recognize the substitution. The same +holds true of the shortening or lengthening of the time-interval +between the two presentations. The third variable factor is the +similarity itself. If instead of one church, not another church, but a +theatre or a skyscraper is shown, that is, if the similarity value of +80 per cent sinks down to a similarity of 60 per cent or 50 per cent, +the number of those who recognize the substitution will again become +larger; if, on the other hand, the substituted card shows the same +church, only from a slightly different angle, bringing the similarity +value up to 90 per cent or 95 per cent, the number of observers who +recognize the substitution may sink to 2 or 3. To make the experiments +reliable, it is also necessary frequently to mix in cases in which no +substitution at all is introduced. + +If these experiments are varied sufficiently and a large mass of +material brought together, we must be able to secure definite formulae. +We may find that if the critical card appears among 6 cards, is shown +for 5 seconds, and the group is again exposed after 20 seconds, 80 per +cent of the subjects will recognize the substitution of a similar +card, if the degree of similarity is 30 per cent, but only 60 per cent +will recognize it if the degree of similarity is 70 per cent, and only +30 per cent will recognize it if the degree of similarity is 90 per +cent. These are entirely fictitious figures and are only to indicate +the principle. If such an exact formula were definitely discovered, we +should still be unable to say from mere psychological reasoning what +similarity value is legally permissible. If the rules against +infringement are interpreted in a very rigorous spirit, it may seem +desirable to prohibit imitations which are as little similar as those +postal cards which were graded as 40 per cent in our similarity scale, +and if the interpretation is a loose one, it may appear permissible to +have imitations on the market which are as strongly similar as our +postal cards graded at 80 per cent in our similarity scale. All this +would have to be left to the lawmakers and to the judges. But what we +would have gained is this. We could say: if our object exposed for 5 +seconds in a group of 6 other objects is replaced after an interval of +20 seconds by an imitation and this change is recognized by 8 persons +among 10, the degree of similarity is 30 per cent and if it is +recognized by 3 out of 10 subjects, the degree of similarity is 90 per +cent. In short, from any percentage of subjects who under these +conditions discovered the substitution, we could determine the degree +of similarity, independent of any individual arbitrariness. If such +methods were accepted by the trade and the courts, it would only be +necessary, to agree on the percentage of similarity which ought to be +permitted, and all uncertainty would disappear. There would be no +wrangling of opposing interests; it would be possible to find out +whether the permitted limit were overstepped or not with an +exactitude similar to that with which the weight or the chemical +constitution of a trade commodity is examined. Certainly the +experiment establishes here conditions which are very different from +those of practical life. The customer who wants to buy a particular +picture postal card which he saw once before and to whom the salesman +offers a similar one, suggesting that it is the same, is facing only +one card and not a group of six. But in practical life the card which +be has seen was not observed with the definite intention of keeping +the memory picture in mind, and months may have passed since it was +seen. The memory picture which the customer has in his consciousness +when he seeks the particular card is much weakened by this +circumstance too. We secure this weakening artificially by the +arrangement of the experiment in placing the card in a group of six or +ten and exposing them for a few seconds only. The force of attention +and the corresponding memory-value are by this distribution diminished +in a definite degree in the case of every single card. + +The investigation must include a careful study of the size of the +groups, of the time-relations, of the percentage of correct answers, +all under the point of view of greatest fitness for practical +application. In the Harvard laboratory the research has been carried +on partly with such picture material, partly with word material, and +partly with concrete objects.[54] Whatever the details of the outcome +may be, we hope that the work will lead to results which may, indeed, +make such a psychotechnical use possible. Its principles and formulae +might easily be adjusted to any marketable material. As a matter of +course, if in future the courts were ever to accept such +psychological, experimental methods, it would be intolerable +dilettantism if such experiments were carried on by lawyers and +district attorneys. It is as true of this economic legal question as +of many other legal psychological problems that its introduction into +the courtroom can become desirable only when psychological experts are +engaged and called in the same way as chemical or medical experts are +invited to the court. On the other hand, there is surely not the +slightest desire on the part of psychologists to be dragged into +humiliating performances like those which not only handwriting +experts, but even psychiatric specialists have had to undergo +repeatedly in sensational court trials. The day for the expert +activity in the courtroom will came for the psychologist only when the +country has attached the expert to the court and has eliminated the +expert retained by the plaintiff or the defendant. But this general +practical question as to the position of the psychologist in the +courtroom and as to the need of a psychological laboratory in +connection with the courts would lead us too far aside. + + + + +XXIII + +BUYING AND SELLING + + +The effects which we have studied so far were produced by inanimate +objects, posters or displays, advertisements or labels and packings. +The economic psychotechnics of the future will surely study with +similar methods the effects of the living commercial agencies. +Experiments will trace the exact effects which the salesman or +customer may produce. But here not even a modest beginning can be +discovered, and it would be difficult to mention a single example of +experimental research. The desired psychological influences of the +salesman are not quite dissimilar to those of the printed means of +propaganda. Here, too, it is essential to turn the attention of the +customer to different points, to awaken a vivid favorable impression, +to emphasize the advantages of the goods, to throw full light on them, +and finally to influence the will-decision either by convincing +arguments or by persuasion and suggestion. In either case the point is +to enhance the impulse to buy and to suppress the opposing ideas. Yet +every one of these factors, when it starts from a man and not from a +thing or paper, changes its form. The influence becomes narrower, it +is directed toward a smaller number of persons; but, on the other +hand, it gains just by the new possibility of individualization. The +salesman in the store or the commercial traveler adjusts himself to +the wishes, reactions, and replies of the buyer. Above all, when it +becomes necessary to direct the attention to the decisive points, the +personal agent has the possibility of developing the whole process +through a series of stages so that the attention slowly becomes +focused on one definite point. The salesman observes at first only the +general limits of the interest of the customer as far as it is +indicated by his reactions, but slowly he can find out in this whole +field the region of strongest desires. As soon as he has discovered +this narrower region in which the prospects of success seem to be +greatest, he can systematically eliminate everything which distracts +and scatters the attention. He can discover whether the psyche of the +individual with whom he is dealing can be influenced more strongly by +logical arguments or by suggestion, and how far he may calculate on +the pleasure instincts, on the excitement of emotions, on the impulse +to imitate, on the natural vanity, on the desire for saving, and on +the longing for luxury. In every one of these directions the whole +play of human suggestion may be helpful. The voice may win or destroy +confidence, the statement may by its firmness overcome counter-motives +or by its uncertainty reinforce them. Even hand or arm movements by +their motor suggestion may focus the desires of the customers, while +unskillful, erratic movements may scatter the attention and lead to an +inner oscillation of the will to buy. + +At every one of these points the psychological experiment may find a +foothold, and only through such methodological study can the haphazard +proceedings of the commercial world be transformed into really +economic schemes. Indeed, it seems nothing but chance that just this +field is controlled by chance alone. The enormous social interplay of +energies which are discharged in the selling and buying of the +millions becomes utterly planless as soon as salesman and customer +come into contact, and this tremendous waste of energy cannot appear +desirable for any possible interest of civilization. The time alone +which is wasted by useless psychophysical operations in front of and +behind the counter represents a gigantic part of the national budget. +Even the complaints about the long working day of the salesgirls might +be eliminated from the debit account of the national ledger, if the +commercial companies could study the psychical processes in selling +and buying with the same carefulness with which they analyze all +details in preparing the stock and fixing the prices. In the army or +in the fire department, in the railroad service, and even in the +factory, all necessary activities are so arranged that as far as +possible the greatest achievement is secured by the smallest amount of +energy. But when the hundreds of millions of customers in the +civilized world want to satisfy their economic demands in the stores, +the whole dissolves into a flood of talk, because no one has taken the +trouble to examine scientifically the psychotechnics of selling and to +put it on a firm psychological foundation. + +The idea of scientific management must be extended from the industrial +concerns to the commercial establishments. The questioning and +answering, the showing and replacing of the goods, the demonstrating +and suggesting by the salesmen, must be brought into an economic +system which saves time and energy, as has been tried with the laborer +in the factory. Wherever economic processes are carried out with +superfluous, haphazard movements, the national resources have to +suffer a loss. The single individual can never find the ideal form of +motion and the ideal process by mere instinct. A systematic +investigation is needed to determine the way to the greatest saving +of energy, and the result ought to be made a binding rule for every +apprentice. How the smallest influences grow by summation may be +illustrated by the experience of a large department store, in which +the expense for delivery of the articles sold was felt as too large an +item in the budget. The hundreds of saleswomen therefore received the +order after every sale of moderate-sized articles not to ask, as +before, "May we send it to you?" but instead, "Will you take it with +you?" Probably none of the many thousand daily customers observed the +difference, the more as it was indifferent to most of them whether +they took the little package home themselves or not. In cases in which +it was inconvenient, they would anyhow oppose the suggestion and +insist that the purchase be sent to them. Yet it is claimed that this +hardly noticeable suggestion led to a considerable saving in the +following year, distinctly felt in the budget of the whole +establishment. + +We must not forget, however, that the process of buying deserves the +same psychological interest as that of selling. If psychotechnics is +to be put into the service of a valuable economic task, the goal +cannot possibly be to devise schemes by which the customer may easily +be trapped. The purpose of science cannot be to help any one to sell +articles to a man who does not need them and who would regret the +purchase after quiet thought. The applied psychologist should help the +prospective buyer no less, and must protect him so that his true +intention may become realized in the economic process. Otherwise +through his suggestibility, the determining idea of his goal might +fade in his consciousness and the appeal to his vanity or to his +instincts might awaken an anti-economic desire which he would be too +weak to inhibit. The salesman must know how to use arguments and +suggestions and how to make them effective,[55] but the customer too +must know how to see through a misleading argument and how to resist +mere suggestion. + +The postulate that the psychical factors in commercial life are to be +carefully regarded is repeated in more complex form in the wholesale +business and in the stock exchange. It is a perfectly justified and +consistent thought which recently led a large credit bureau to an +effort to base its information on psychological analysis. It is well +known that there are bureaus in which the ledger experiences of a +large circle of companies in the same commercial line are collected, +tabulated, and recorded, thus affording an automatic review of the +occurrences, focusing early attention on doubtful accounts and +pointing out weaknesses in the customers' conditions, as they +develop, as well as evidences of prosperity. The ledger experience +which a single company has with all its customers is tabulated without +revealing its identity to the associates, who get reports containing +it, and the many combined ledgers become a valuable guide. Yet all +such methods can show only actual movements in the market, and cannot +allow the prospects of future development to be determined, simply +because they cannot take into account the personal equations. Only an +acquaintance with the character and the temperament, the intelligence +and the habits, the energy and the weakness, of the head of a firm can +tell us whether the company, even with satisfactory resources, may go +down, or whether, even though embarrassed, it may hold out. The +psychological pioneer, therefore, aims not only toward an exchange of +ledger accounts, but toward a real psychological diagnosis and +prognosis. If a member of a firm is personally known to some scores of +business men who have had commercial dealings with him, and each one +of them, without disclosing his identity to any one but the central +bureau, sends to it a statement of personal impressions, a composite +picture of the mental physiognomy can be worked out. Of course all +this has been often done in the terms of popular psychology and in a +haphazard, amateurish way. The new plan is to arrange the questions +systematically under the point of view of scientific descriptive +psychology. Regular psychograms, in which the probability of a +particular kind of behavior is to be determined in an exact percentage +calculation, are to replace the traditional vagueness, as soon as a +sufficient number of reliable answers have been tabulated. + +Commercial life as a whole finds its contact with psychology, of +course, not only in the problem of how to secure the best mental +effect. Those other questions which we have discussed essentially with +reference to factory life and industrial concerns, namely, how the +best man and the best work are to be secured, recur in the circle of +commercial endeavors. It seems, indeed, most desirable to devise +psychological tests by which the ability to be a successful salesman +or saleswoman may be determined at an early stage. The lamentable +shifting of the employees in all commercial spheres, with its +injurious social consequences, would then be unnecessary, and both +employers and employees would profit. Moreover, like the selection of +the men, the means of securing the most satisfactory work from them, +has also so far been left entirely to common sense. Commercial work +stands under an abundance of varying conditions, and each may have +influences the isolated effects of which are not known, because they +have not been studied in that systematic form which only the +experiment can establish. The popular literature on this whole group +of subjects is extensive, and in its expansion corresponds to the +widespread demand for real information and advice to the salesman. But +hardly any part of the literature in the borderland regions of +economics is so disappointing in its vagueness, emptiness, and +helplessness. Experimental psychology has nothing with which to +replace it to-day, but it can at least show the direction from which +decisive help may be expected in future. + + + + +XXIV + +THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC PSYCHOLOGY + + +Here we may stop. From those elementary questions concerning the +mental effects, the path would quickly lead to questions of gravest +importance. What is the mental effect which the economic labor +produces in the laborer himself? How do economic movements influence +the mind of the community? How far do non-economic factors produce +effects on the psychical mechanism of the economic agents? But it +would be idle to claim to-day for exact psychology, with its methods +of causal thought, regions in which so far popular psychology, with +its methods of purposive thought, is still sovereign. Our aim +certainly was not to review the totality of possible problems related +to economic efficiency, but merely to demonstrate the principles and +the methods of experimental economic psychology by a few +characteristic illustrations. As all the examples which we selected +were chosen only in order to make clear the characteristic point of +view of psychotechnics, it is unimportant whether the particular +results will stand the test of further experimental investigations, +or will have to be modified by new researches. What is needed to-day +is not to distribute the results so far reached as if they were parts +of a definite knowledge, but only to emphasize that the little which +has been accomplished should encourage continuous effort. To stimulate +such further work is the only purpose of this sketch. + +This further work will have to be a work of cooeperation. The nature of +this problem demands a relatively large number of persons for the +experimental treatment. With most experimental researches in our +psychological laboratories, the number of the subjects experimented on +is not so important as the number of experiments made with a few +well-trained participants. But with the questions of applied +psychology the number of persons plays a much more significant role, +as the individual differences become of greatest importance. The same +problems ought therefore to be studied in various places, so that the +results may be exchanged and compared. Moreover, these psychological +economic investigations naturally lead beyond the possibilities of the +university laboratories. To a certain degree this was true of other +parts of applied psychology as well. Educational and medical +experimental psychology could not reach their fullest productivity +until the experiment was systematically carried into the schoolroom +and the psychiatric clinic. But the classroom and the hospital are +relatively accessible places for the scientific worker, as both are +anyhow conducted under a scientific point of view. The teacher and the +physician can easily learn to perform valuable experiments with school +children or with patients. This favorable condition is lacking in the +workshop and the factory, in the banks and the markets. The academic +psychologist will be able to undertake work there only with a very +disturbing expenditure of time and only under exceptional conditions. +If such experiments, for instance, with laborers in a factory or +employees of a railway are to advance beyond the faint first efforts +of to-day and are really to become serviceable to the cultural +progress of our time with effective completeness, they ought not to +remain an accidental appendix to the theoretical laboratories. Either +the universities must create special laboratories for applied +psychology or independent research institutes must be founded which +attack the new concrete problems under the point of view of national +political economy. Experimental workshops could be created which are +really adjusted to the special practical needs and to which a +sufficiently large number of persons could be drawn for the +systematic researches. The ideal solution for the United States would +be a governmental bureau for applied psychology, with special +reference to the psychology of commerce and industry, similar to the +model agricultural stations all over the land under the Department of +Agriculture. + +Only when such a broad foundation has been secured will the time be +ripe to carry the method systematically into the daily work. The aim +will never be for real experimental researches to be performed by the +foreman in the workshop or by the superintendent in the factory. But +slowly a certain acknowledged system of rules and prescriptions may be +worked out which may be used as patterns, and which will not +presuppose any scientific knowledge, any more than an understanding of +the principles of electricity is necessary for one who uses the +telephone. But besides the rigid rules which any one may apply, +particular prescriptions will be needed fitting the special situation. +This leads to the demand for the large establishments to appoint +professionally trained psychologists who will devote their services to +the psychological problems of the special industrial plant. There are +many factories that have scores of scientifically trained chemists or +physicists at work, but who would consider it an unproductive luxury +to appoint a scientifically schooled experimental psychologist to +their staff. And yet his observations and researches might become +economically the most important factor. Similar expectations might be +justified for the large department stores and especially for the big +transportation companies. In smaller dimensions the same real needs +exist in the ordinary workshop and store. It is obvious that the +professional consulting psychologist would satisfy these needs most +directly, and if such a new group of engineers were to enter into +industrial life, very soon a further specialization might be expected. +Some of these psychological engineers would devote themselves to the +problems of vocational selection and appointment; others would +specialize on questions of advertisement and display and propaganda; a +third group on problems of fatigue, efficiency, and recreation; a +fourth on the psychological demands for the arrangement of the +machines; and every day would give rise to new divisions. Such a +well-schooled specialist, if he spent a few hours in a workshop or a +few days in a factory, could submit propositions which might refer +exclusively to the psychological factors and yet which might be more +important for the earning and the profit of the establishment than the +mere buying of new machines or the mere increase in the number of +laborers. + +No one can deny that such a transition must be burdened with difficult +complications and even with dangers; and still less will any one doubt +that it may be caricatured. One who demands that a chauffeur or a +motorman of an electric railway be examined as to his psychical +abilities by systematic psychological methods, so that accidents may +be avoided, does not necessarily demand that a congressman or a +cabinet minister or a candidate for marriage be tested too by +psychological laboratory experiments, as the witty ones have proposed. +And one who believes that the work in the factory ought to be studied +with reference to the smallest possible expenditure of psychical +impulses is not convinced that the same experimental methods will be +necessary for the functions of eating and drinking and love-making, as +has been suggested. + +And if it is true that difficulties and discomforts are to be feared +during the transition period, they should be more than outweighed by +the splendid betterments to be hoped for. We must not forget that the +increase of industrial efficiency by future psychological adaptation +and by improvement of the psychophysical conditions is not only in the +interest of the employers, but still more of the employees; their +working time can be reduced, their wages increased, their level of +life raised. And above all, still more important than the naked +commercial profit on both sides, is the cultural gain which will come +to the total economic life of the nation, as soon as every one can be +brought to the place where his best energies may be unfolded and his +greatest personal satisfaction secured. The economic experimental +psychology offers no more inspiring idea than this adjustment of work +and psyche by which mental dissatisfaction in the work, mental +depression and discouragement, may be replaced in our social community +by overflowing joy and perfect inner harmony. + + +THE END + + + + +NOTES + + +[1] The fullest account of the modern studies on individual +differences is to be found in: William Stern: Die differentielle +Psychologie in ihren methodischen Grundlagen. (Leipzig, 1911.) + +[2] The practical applications of psychology in education, law, and +medicine, I have discussed in detail in the books: Muensterberg: +Psychology and the Teacher. (New York, 1910.) Muensterberg: On the +Witness Stand. (New York, 1908.) (English edition under the title: +Psychology and Crime.) Muensterberg: Psychotherapy (New York, 1909.) + +[3] Frank Parsons: Choosing a Vocation. (Boston, 1909.) + +[4] M. Bloomfield: The Vocational Guidance of Youth. (Boston, 1911.) + +[5] Vocations for Boys. (Issued by the Vocation Bureau of Boston. +1912.) Vocations for Boston Girls. (Issued by the Girls' Trade +Education League. 1911.) Bulletins of Vocation Series. (Issued by the +Women's Educational and Industrial Union. 1911.) + +[6] F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New York, +1911.) H.L. Gantt: Work, Wages, and Profits. (New York, 1912.) And the +books of Emerson, Gilbreth, Goldmark, etc., to be mentioned later. + +[7] H. Emerson: Efficiency as a Basis for Operation and Wages. (New +York, 1912, p. 107.) + +[8] H. Emerson: The Twelve Principles of Efficiency. (New York, 1912, +p. 176.) + +[9] H Emerson: The Twelve Principles, p. 156. + +[10] H. Emerson: The Twelve Principles, p. 177. + +[11] F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management, pp. 86-97. + +[12] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +J.W. Bridges. + +[13] Investigation of Telephone Companies: Bureau of Labor. +(Washington, Government Printing Office, 1910.) + +[14] Ries: Beitraege zur Methodik der Intelligenzpruefung. (Zeitschrift +fuer Psychologie, 1910, vol. 56.) + +[15] For a survey of a large number of such tests and bibliography, +compare: G.M. Whipple: Manual of Mental and Physical Tests. +(Baltimore, 1911.) + +[16] F.L. Wells: The Relation of Practice to Individual Differences. +(American Journal of Psychology, 1912, vol. 23, pp. 75-88.) + +[17] M. Bernays: Auslese und Anpassung der Arbeiterschaft der +geschlossenen Grossindustrie, dargestellt an den Verhaeltnissen der +Gladbacher Spinnerei und Weberei. (Leipzig, 1910, p. 337.) + +[18] H.C. McComas: Some Types of Attention. (Psychological Review +Monographs, vol. 13, 3, 1911.) + +[19] Max Weber: Zur Psychophysik der industriellen Arbeit. (Archiv fuer +Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, 1908 and 1909, vols. 27 and 28.) + +[20] Bryan and Harter: Studies in the Telegraphic Language. +(Psychological Review, vol. 4.) + +[21] W.F. Book: The Psychology of Skill. (University of Montana, +Publications in Psychology, 1910.) + +[22] H. Muensterberg: Beitraege zur experimentellen Psychologie. (Book +iv, 1892.) + +[23] A.J. Culler: Interference and Adaptability. (Archives of +Psychology, 1912.) + +[24] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +L.W. Kline. + +[25] Adolf Gerson: Die physiologischen Grundlagen der Arbeitsteilung. +(Zeitschrift fuer Sozialwissenschaft, 1907.) + +[26] Karl Buecher: Arbeit und Rhythmus. (Fourth Edition, Leipzig, 1909, +p. 438.) + +[27] Frank G. Gilbreth: Motion Study. (New York, 1911.) + +[28] Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New York, 1911, +p. 71.) + +[29] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +E.R. Riesen. + +[30] R. Herbertz: Zur Psychologie des Maschinenschreibens. +(Zeitschrift fuer angewandte Psychologie, 1908, vol. 2, p. 551.) + +[31] C.L. Vaughan: The Moter Power of Complexity. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906, p. 527.) + +[32] G.M. Stratton: Some Experiments in the Perception of the +Movement, Color, and Direction of Lights. (Psychological Review +Monographs, vol. 10, 1908.) + +[33] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Miss +L.M. Seeley. + +[34] H. Muensterberg: Beitraege sur experimentellen Psychologie. (Book +iv, 1892.) + +[35] R.S. Woodworth: Accuracy of Voluntary Movement. (Psychological +Review Monographs, vol. 8, 1899.) + +[36] B.A. Lenfest: The Accuracy of Linear Movement. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906.) + +[37] Ranschburg: Ueber die Bedeutung der Aehnlichkeit beim Erlernen, +Behalten und bei der Reproduktion. (Journal fuer Psychologie und +Neurologie, vol. 6.) Ranschburg: Zeitschrift fuer Psychologie und +Physiologie der Sinnesorgane. (Vol. 80, 1902.) + +[38] H. Kleinknecht: The Interference of Optical Stimuli. (Harvard +Psychological Studies, vol. 2, 1906.) + +[39] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Miss +O.E. Martin. + +[40] Henry P. Kendall: Unsystematized, Systematized, and Scientific +Management. (In Addresses and Discussions at the Conference on +Scientific Management held at Dartmouth College, 1912.) + +[41] Ernst Abbe: Gesammelte Abhandlungen. (Jena, 1908, vol. 3, p. +206.) + +[42] A full survey of the problem and its literature is contained in: +Josephine Goldmark: Fatigue and Efficiency. (New York, 1912.) + +[43] F.W. Taylor: The Principles of Scientific Management. (New York, +1911, p. 58.) + +[44] W. Hellpach: Die geopsychischen Erscheinungen, Wetter, Klima und +Landschaft und ihr Einfluss auf das Seelenleben (Leipzig, 1911 p. +176-212.) + +[45] Aschaffenburg: Praktische Arbeit unter Alkoholwirkung +(Psychologische Arbeiten--Kraepelin, vol 1, 1906.) + +[46] Hildebrand Die Beeinflussung der Willenskraft durch den Alkohol +(Koenigsberg, 1910.) + +[47] For the scientific facts concerning alcohol and bibliography +compare Hugo Hoppe: Die Tatsachen ueber den Alkohol (Munich, 1912.) + +[48] H.L. Hollingworth: The Influence of Caffein on Mental and Motor +Efficiency. (New York, 1912.) + +[49] Levenstein: Die Arbeiterfrage. (Munich, 1912.) + +[50] W.D. Scott: The Psychology of Advertising. (Boston, 1908, p. +166.) + +[51] D. Starch: Psychology of Preferred Positions. (Judicious +Advertising, New York, November, 1909.) + +[52] C.T. Burnett: The Estimation of Number. (Harvard Psychological +Studies, vol. 2, p. 349.) + +[53] E.S. Rogers: The Unwary Purchaser: A Study in the Psychology of +Trade Mark Infringement. (Michigan Law Review, vol. 8, 1910.) + +[54] The experiments are being conducted and will be published by Mr. +G.A. Feingold. + +[55] W.D. Scott: Influencing Men in Business. (New York, 1911.) + + + + +INDEX + + +Abstinence, 230. + +Accidents, 63, 66, 76, 213, 224. + +Adjustment, 35, 158. + +Advertisement, 255. + +Alcohol, 225, 227. + +Analysis, 47, 123. + +Apperception, 266. + +Applied psychology, 5, 10, 15, 304. + +Appointment, 116. + +Apprentice, 145. + +Arguments, 295. + +Art, 273. + +Artificial track, 71. + +Association, 105, 156. + +Attention, 21, 66, 101, 106, 135, 197, 206, 284. + +Attitude, 68, 75. + + +Beauty, 272, 278. + +Beginner, 182. + +Buying, 294. + + +Caffein, 232. + +Capitalism, 143. + +Card test, 87. + +Choice of vocation, 32, 34. + +Color blindness, 30, 57. + +Complication, 84. + +Concentration, 136. + +Confession, 18. + +Consciousness, 247. + +Conservation, 38. + +Consulting psychologist, 307. + +Conversation, 208. + +Counting, 175. + +Correlation, 134. + +Court, 292. + +Credit bureau, 299. + +Criminal, 14. + +Customer, 298. + + +Decision, 85, 94. + +Discrimination, 74. + +Display, 272. + +Dispositions, 27, 125, 170. + +Distraction, 206. + +Distribution, 276. + +Disturbances, 210. + +Division of labor, 28, 51, 191. + +Dynamogenic, 173. + + +Economics, 19, 243, 250. + +Educational psychology, 11. + +Efficiency, 50, 144, 158, 180, 190, 223, 225. + +Effort, 161. + +Electric railway, 63, 69, 180. + +Energy, 175. + +Entertainment, 233. + +Ergograph, 149. + +Exactitude, 186. + +Examinations, 29. + +Excitability, 226. + +Experimental psychology, 4, 57, 251. + +Expert, 292. + + +Factory, 122, 191, 212, 233, 279, 306. + +Failure, 35. + +Fatigue, 63, 180, 192, 206, 211, 218. + +Feeling, 147, 157, 253. + +Fitness, 53, 60, 116. + +Foresight, 64. + + +Grading, 103, 107. + +Groups, 129. + + +Habits, 150, 182. + +Handwriting, 134. + +History, 248. + +Household, 177. + + +Illusions, 277. + +Imagination, 66. + +Imitation, 236, 282. + +Inclination, 126. + +Individual differences, 8, 10, 28, 82, 125, 129, 199, 222. + +Industrial experiments, 67. + +Industry, 59, 160, 191. + +Inhibition, 84, 162, 176, 203. + +Injuries, 213. + +Intelligence, 102. + +Interest, 194. + +Interference, 154. + +Interruption, 183. + +Intuition, 53. + + +Jurisdiction, 283. + + +Labels, 279, 282. + +Labor legislation, 63. + +Learning, 141, 147. + +Legal psychology, 14, 282. + +Localization of sound, 95. + +Locomotives, 176. + +Logic, 248. + + +Machine, 160, 162. + +Mason, 164. + +Meaning, 247. + +Medical psychology, 12. + +Memory, 101, 147, 171, 226, 227, 259. + +Methods, 148. + +Mills, 117. + +Miniature models, 67. + +Monotony, 190, 198. + +Motormen, 63, 74. + +Movement, 145, 161, 169, 180, 185. + +Muscles, 160. + + +Nationality, 130. + +Nervous disease, 13. + +Newspaper, 259. + +Noise, 173. + +Number, 275. + +Numerical results, 77. + + +Optics, 277. + +Organization, 154. + + +Packing, 282. + +Pauses, 214. + +Pedagogy, 11, 146. + +Personality, 112. + +Position, 269. + +Postal cards, 286. + +Prejudices, 133. + +Psychiatry, 12. + +Psychological laboratories, 5, 45, 257, 304. + +Psychophysical law, 252. + +Psychotechnics, 17. + + +Qualities, 27. + +Questionnaires, 43. + + +Race, 130. + +Rapidity, 187. + +Reaction-time, 54, 65. + +Recognition, 268. + +Repetition, 148, 162, 192, 262. + +Rest, 217. + +Rhythm, 162, 187. + + +Salesman, 294. + +Satisfaction, 248. + +Saving, 165, 184. + +School, 128, 146, 219. + +Scientific management, 49, 159, 164, 168, 297. + +Selection, 51. + +Self-knowledge, 30, 44. + +Self-observation, 45. + +Selling, 294. + +Sewing, 178. + +Sex, 132. + +Shifting, 118. + +Ship models, 67. + +Ship service, 83. + +Shoveling, 166. + +Signals, 176. + +Similarity, 283, 286. + +Size, 261. + +Sleep, 224. + +Social influences, 221. + +Speed, 169, 233. + +Subdivision, 22. + +Suggestion, 274, 295. + + +Task, 237. + +Technical sciences, 17. + +Technique, 158, 161. + +Telegraphy, 150. + +Telephone Service, 97. + +Temperature, 223. + +Tests, 76, 80, 105, 111. + +Trade Unions, 50. + +Training, 125, 141, 150. + +Type-setting, 124. + +Typewriting, 151, 170. + + +Uncertainty, 284. + +Unfitness, 31. + +Uniformity, 193. 199. + + +Values, 245. + +Visibility, 172. + +Vividness, 261. + +Vocation, 32, 40, 58. + +Vocational counselor, 41. + +Vocational guidance, 37, 48. + + +Wages, 127, 165, 195, 235. + +Waste, 38, 145, 160. + +Will-impulse, 149, 227. + +Witness, 14. + +Women, 132, 161. + +Working-day, 212, 296. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Psychology and Industrial Efficiency +by Hugo Muensterberg + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PSYCHOLOGY AND INDUSTRIAL EFFICIENCY *** + +***** This file should be named 15154.txt or 15154.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/5/1/5/15154/ + +Produced by Rick Niles, Karen Dalrymple, and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) 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