diff options
Diffstat (limited to 'old')
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-8.txt | 9228 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-8.zip | bin | 0 -> 195048 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h.zip | bin | 0 -> 867641 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/14721-h.htm | 9321 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus001_th.jpg | bin | 0 -> 51710 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus001bw.png | bin | 0 -> 101128 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus002_th.jpg | bin | 0 -> 51318 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus002bw.png | bin | 0 -> 88936 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus259_th.jpg | bin | 0 -> 80285 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus259a.png | bin | 0 -> 127139 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus260_th.jpg | bin | 0 -> 73751 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721-h/images/illus260a.png | bin | 0 -> 93196 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721.txt | 9228 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/14721.zip | bin | 0 -> 195042 bytes |
14 files changed, 27777 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/old/14721-8.txt b/old/14721-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..db489fe --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,9228 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, +1832-1865, by Abraham Lincoln, Edited by Merwin Roe + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865 + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Release Date: January 17, 2005 [eBook #14721] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM +LINCOLN, 1832-1865*** + + +E-text prepared by Melanie Lybarger, Suzanne Lybarger, and the Project +Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team + + + +SPEECHES & LETTERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 1832-1865 + +Edited by + +MERWIN ROE + +London: Published +by J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd +and in New York +by E.P. Dutton & Co + +First issue of this Edition 1907; Reprinted 1909, 1910, 1912 + +Mr. Bryce's Introduction to 'Lincoln's Speeches' is printed from plates +made and type set by the University Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. + +Taken by permission from 'The Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln,' +Century Company, 1894 + + + + + + + +[Illustration: WHEN HE SENT HIS GREAT VOICE FORTH OUT OF HIS BREAST, & +HIS WORDS FELL LIKE THE WINTER SNOWS, NOR THEN WOULD ANY MORTAL CONTEND +WITH ULYSSES--HOMER. ILIAD.] + + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +No man since Washington has become to Americans so familiar or so +beloved a figure as Abraham Lincoln. He is to them the representative +and typical American, the man who best embodies the political ideals of +the nation. He is typical in the fact that he sprang from the masses of +the people, that he remained through his whole career a man of the +people, that his chief desire was to be in accord with the beliefs and +wishes of the people, that he never failed to trust in the people and to +rely on their support. Every native American knows his life and his +speeches. His anecdotes and witticisms have passed into the thought and +the conversation of the whole nation as those of no other statesman have +done. + +He belongs, however, not only to the United States, but to the whole of +civilized mankind. It is no exaggeration to say that he has, within the +last thirty years, grown to be a conspicuous figure in the history of +the modern world. Without him, the course of events not only in the +Western hemisphere but in Europe also would have been different, for he +was called to guide at the greatest crisis of its fate a State already +mighty, and now far more mighty than in his days, and the guidance he +gave has affected the march of events ever since. A life and a character +such as his ought to be known to and comprehended by Europeans as well +as by Americans. Among Europeans, it is especially Englishmen who ought +to appreciate him and understand the significance of his life, for he +came of an English stock, he spoke the English tongue, his action told +upon the progress of events and the shaping of opinion in all British +communities everywhere more than it has done upon any other nation +outside America itself. + +This collection of Lincoln's speeches seeks to make him known by +his words as readers of history know him by his deeds. In +popularly-governed countries the great statesman is almost of necessity +an orator, though his eminence as a speaker may be no true measure +either of his momentary power or of his permanent fame, for wisdom, +courage and tact bear little direct relation to the gift for speech. But +whether that gift be present in greater or in lesser degree, the +character and ideas of a statesman are best studied through his own +words. This is particularly true of Lincoln, because he was not what may +be called a professional orator. There have been famous orators whose +speeches we may read for the beauty of their language or for the wealth +of ideas they contain, with comparatively little regard to the +circumstances of time and place that led to their being delivered. +Lincoln is not one of these. His speeches need to be studied in close +relation to the occasions which called them forth. They are not +philosophical lucubrations or brilliant displays of rhetoric. They are a +part of his life. They are the expression of his convictions, and derive +no small part of their weight and dignity from the fact that they deal +with grave and urgent questions, and express the spirit in which he +approached those questions. Few great characters stand out so clearly +revealed by their words, whether spoken or written, as he does. + +Accordingly Lincoln's discourses are not like those of nearly all the +men whose eloquence has won them fame. When we think of such men as +Pericles, Demosthenes, Ęschines, Cicero, Hortensius, Burke, Sheridan, +Erskine, Canning, Webster, Gladstone, Bright, Massillon, Vergniaud, +Castelar, we think of exuberance of ideas or of phrases, of a command of +appropriate similes or metaphors, of the gifts of invention and of +exposition, of imaginative flights, or outbursts of passion fit to stir +and rouse an audience to like passion. We think of the orator as gifted +with a powerful or finely-modulated voice, an imposing presence, a +graceful delivery. Or if--remembering that Lincoln was by profession a +lawyer and practised until he became President of the United States--we +think of the special gifts which mark the forensic orator, we should +expect to find a man full of ingenuity and subtlety, one dexterous in +handling his case in such wise as to please and capture the judge or the +jury whom he addresses, one skilled in those rhetorical devices and +strokes of art which can be used, when need be, to engage the listener's +feelings and distract his mind from the real merits of the issue. + +Of all this kind of talent there was in Lincoln but little. He was not +an artful pleader; indeed, it was said of him that he could argue well +only those cases in the justice of which he personally believed, and was +unable to make the worse appear the better reason. For most of the +qualities which the world admires in Cicero or in Burke we should look +in vain in Lincoln's speeches. They are not fine pieces of exquisite +diction, fit to be declaimed as school exercises or set before students +as models of composition. + +What, then, are their merits? and why do they deserve to be valued and +remembered? How comes it that a man of first-rate powers was deficient +in qualities appertaining to his own profession which men less +remarkable have possessed? + +To answer this question, let us first ask what were the preparation and +training Abraham Lincoln had for oratory, whether political or forensic. + +Born in rude and abject poverty, he had never any education, except what +he gave himself, till he was approaching manhood. Not even books +wherewith to inform and train his mind were within his reach. No school, +no university, no legal faculty had any part in training his powers. +When he became a lawyer and a politician, the years most favourable to +continuous study had already passed, and the opportunities he found for +reading were very scanty. He knew but few authors in general literature, +though he knew those few thoroughly. He taught himself a little +mathematics, but he could read no language save his own, and can have +had only the faintest acquaintance with European history or with any +branch of philosophy. + +The want of regular education was not made up for by the persons among +whom his lot was cast. Till he was a grown man, he never moved in any +society from which he could learn those things with which the mind of an +orator or a statesman ought to be stored. Even after he had gained some +legal practice, there was for many years no one for him to mix with +except the petty practitioners of a petty town, men nearly all of whom +knew little more than he did himself. + +Schools gave him nothing, and society gave him nothing. But he had a +powerful intellect and a resolute will. Isolation fostered not only +self-reliance but the habit of reflection, and, indeed, of prolonged and +intense reflection. He made all that he knew a part of himself. He +thought everything out for himself. His convictions were his own--clear +and coherent. He was not positive or opinionated, and he did not deny +that at certain moments he pondered and hesitated long before he decided +on his course. But though he could keep a policy in suspense, waiting +for events to guide him, he did not waver. He paused and reconsidered, +but it was never his way either to go back upon a decision once made, or +to waste time in vain regrets that all he expected had not been +attained. He took advice readily, and left many things to his ministers; +but he did not lean upon his advisers. Without vanity or ostentation, he +was always independent, self-contained, prepared to take full +responsibility for his acts. + +That he was keenly observant of all that passed under his eyes, that his +mind played freely round everything it touched, we know from the +accounts of his talk, which first made him famous in the town and +neighbourhood where he lived. His humour, and his memory for anecdotes +which he could bring out to good purpose, at the right moment, are +qualities which Europe deems distinctively American, but no great man of +action in the nineteenth century, even in America, possessed them in the +same measure. Seldom has so acute a power of observation been found +united to so abundant a power of sympathy. + +These remarks may seem to belong to a study of his character rather than +of his speeches, yet they are not irrelevant, because the interest of +his speeches lies in their revelation of his character. Let us, however, +return to the speeches and to the letters, some of which, given in this +volume, are scarcely less noteworthy than are the speeches. + +What are the distinctive merits of these speeches and letters? There is +less humour in them than his reputation as a humorist would have led us +to expect. They are serious, grave, practical. We feel that the man does +not care to play over the surface of the subject, or to use it as a way +of displaying his cleverness. He is trying to get right down to the very +foundation of the matter and tell us what his real thoughts about it +are. In this respect he sometimes reminds us of Bismarck's speeches, +which, in their rude, broken, forth-darting way, always go straight to +their destined aim; always hit the nail on the head. So too, in their +effort to grapple with fundamental facts, Lincoln's bear a sort of +likeness to Cromwell's speeches, though Cromwell has far less power of +utterance, and always seems to be wrestling with the difficulty of +finding language to convey to others what is plain, true and weighty to +himself. This difficulty makes the great Protector, though we can +usually see what he is driving at, frequently confused and obscure. +Lincoln, however, is always clear. Simplicity, directness and breadth +are the notes of his thought. Aptness, clearness, and again, simplicity, +are the notes of his diction. The American speakers of his generation, +like most of those of the preceding generation, but unlike those of that +earlier generation to which Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, Marshall and +Madison belonged, were generally infected by a floridity which made them +a by-word in Europe. Even men of brilliant talent, such as Edward +Everett, were by no means free from this straining after effect by +highly-coloured phrases and theatrical effects. Such faults have to-day +virtually vanished from the United States, largely from a change in +public taste, to which perhaps the example set by Lincoln himself may +have contributed. In the forties and fifties florid rhetoric was +rampant, especially in the West and South, where taste was less polished +than in the older States. That Lincoln escaped it is a striking mark of +his independence as well as of his greatness. There is no superfluous +ornament in his orations, nothing tawdry, nothing otiose. For the most +part, he addresses the reason of his hearers, and credits them with +desiring to have none but solid arguments laid before them. When he does +appeal to emotion, he does it quietly, perhaps even solemnly. The note +struck is always a high note. The impressiveness of the appeal comes not +from fervid vehemence of language, but from the sincerity of his own +convictions. Sometimes one can see that through its whole course the +argument is suffused by the speaker's feeling, and when the time comes +for the feeling to be directly expressed, it glows not with fitful +flashes, but with the steady heat of an intense and strenuous soul. + +The impression which most of the speeches leave on the reader is that +their matter has been carefully thought over even when the words have +not been learnt by heart. But there is an anecdote that on one occasion, +early in his career, Lincoln went to a public meeting not in the least +intending to speak, but presently being called for by the audience, rose +in obedience to the call, and delivered a long address so ardent and +thrilling that the reporters dropped their pencils and, absorbed in +watching him, forgot to take down what he said. It has also been stated, +on good authority, that on his way in the railroad cars, to the +dedication of the monument on the field of Gettysburg, he turned to a +Pennsylvanian gentleman who was sitting beside him and remarked, "I +suppose I shall be expected to say something this afternoon; lend me a +pencil and a bit of paper," and that he thereupon jotted down the notes +of a speech which has become the best known and best remembered of all +his utterances, so that some of its words and sentences have passed into +the minds of all educated men everywhere. + +That famous Gettysburg speech is the best example one could desire of +the characteristic quality of Lincoln's eloquence. It is a short speech. +It is wonderfully terse in expression. It is quiet, so quiet that at the +moment it did not make upon the audience, an audience wrought up by a +long and highly-decorated harangue from one of the prominent orators of +the day, an impression at all commensurate to that which it began to +make as soon as it was read over America and Europe. There is in it not +a touch of what we call rhetoric, or of any striving after effect. Alike +in thought and in language it is simple, plain, direct. But it states +certain truths and principles in phrases so aptly chosen and so +forcible, that one feels as if those truths could have been conveyed in +no other words, and as if this deliverance of them were made for all +time. Words so simple and so strong could have come only from one who +had meditated so long upon the primal facts of American history and +popular government that the truths those facts taught him had become +like the truths of mathematics in their clearness, their breadth, and +their precision. + +The speeches on Slavery read strange to us now, when slavery as a living +system has been dead for forty years, dead and buried hell deep under +the detestation of mankind. It is hard for those whose memory does not +go back to 1865 to realize that down till then it was not only a +terrible fact, but was defended--defended by many otherwise good men, +defended not only by pseudo-scientific anthropologists as being in the +order of nature, but by ministers of the Gospel, out of the sacred +Scriptures, as part of the ordinances of God. Lincoln's position, the +position of one who had to induce slave-owning fellow-citizens to listen +to him and admit persuasion into their heated and prejudiced minds, did +not allow him to denounce it with horror, as we can all so easily do +to-day. But though his language is calm and restrained, he never +condescends to palter with slavery. He shows its innate evils and +dangers with unanswerable force. The speech on the Dred Scott decision +is a lucid, close and cogent piece of reasoning which, in its wide view +of Constitutional issues, sometimes reminds one of Webster, sometimes +even of Burke, though it does not equal the former in weight nor the +latter in splendour of diction. + +Among the letters, perhaps the most impressive is that written to Mrs. +Bixley, the mother of five sons who had died fighting for the Union in +the armies of the North. It is short, and it deals with a theme on which +hundreds of letters are written daily. But I do not know where the +nobility of self-sacrifice for a great cause, and of the consolation +which the thought of a sacrifice so made should bring, is set forth with +such simple and pathetic beauty. Deep must be the fountains from which +there issues so pure a stream. + +The career of Lincoln is often held up to ambitious young Americans as +an example to show what a man may achieve by his native strength, with +no advantages of birth or environment or education. In this there is +nothing improper, nothing fanciful. The moral is one which may well be +drawn, and in which those on whose early life Fortune has not smiled may +find encouragement. But the example is, after all, no great +encouragement to ordinary men, for Lincoln was an extraordinary man. + +He triumphed over the adverse conditions of his early years because +Nature had bestowed on him high and rare powers. Superficial observers +who saw his homely aspect and plain manners, and noted that his +fellow-townsmen, when asked why they so trusted him, answered that it +was for his common-sense, failed to see that his common-sense was a part +of his genius. What is common-sense but the power of seeing the +fundamentals of any practical question, and of disengaging them from the +accidental and transient features that may overlie these +fundamentals--the power, to use a familiar expression, of getting down +to bed rock? One part of this power is the faculty for perceiving what +the average man will think and can be induced to do. This is what keeps +the superior mind in touch with the ordinary mind, and this is perhaps +why the name of "common-sense" is used, because the superior mind seems +in its power of comprehending others to be itself a part of the general +sense of the community. All men of high practical capacity have this +power. It is the first condition of success. But in men who have +received a philosophical or literary education there is a tendency to +embellish, for purposes of persuasion, or perhaps for their own +gratification, the language in which they recommend their conclusions, +or to state those conclusions in the light of large general principles, +a tendency which may, unless carefully watched, carry them too high +above the heads of the crowd. Lincoln, never having had such an +education, spoke to the people as one of themselves. He seemed to be +saying not only what each felt, but expressing the feeling just as each +would have expressed it. In reality, he was quite as much above his +neighbours in insight as was the polished orator or writer, but the +plain directness of his language seemed to keep him on their level. His +strength lay less in the form and vesture of the thought than in the +thought itself, in the large, simple, practical view which he took of +the position. And thus, to repeat what has been said already, the +sterling merit of these speeches of his, that which made them effective +when they were delivered and makes them worth reading to-day, is to be +found in the justness of his conclusions and their fitness to the +circumstances of the time. When he rose into higher air, when his words +were clothed with stateliness and solemnity, it was the force of his +conviction and the emotion that thrilled through his utterance, that +printed the words deep upon the minds and drove them home to the hearts +of the people. + +What is a great man? Common speech, which after all must be our guide to +the sense of the terms which the world uses, gives this name to many +sorts of men. How far greatness lies in the power and range of the +intellect, how far in the strength of the will, how far in elevation of +view and aim and purpose,--this is a question too large to be debated +here. But of Abraham Lincoln it may be truly said that in his greatness +all three elements were present. He had not the brilliance, either in +thought or word or act, that dazzles, nor the restless activity that +occasionally pushes to the front even persons with gifts not of the +first order. He was a patient, thoughtful, melancholy man, whose +intelligence, working sometimes slowly but always steadily and surely, +was capacious enough to embrace and vigorous enough to master the +incomparably difficult facts and problems he was called to deal with. +His executive talent showed itself not in sudden and startling strokes, +but in the calm serenity with which he formed his judgments and laid his +plans, in the undismayed firmness with which he adhered to them in the +face of popular clamour, of conflicting counsels from his advisers, +sometimes, even, of what others deemed all but hopeless failure. These +were the qualities needed in one who had to pilot the Republic through +the heaviest storm that had ever broken upon it. But the mainspring of +his power, and the truest evidence of his greatness, lay in the nobility +of his aims, in the fervour of his conviction, in the stainless +rectitude which guided his action and won for him the confidence of the +people. Without these things neither the vigour of his intellect nor the +firmness of his will would have availed. + +There is a vulgar saying that all great men are unscrupulous. Of him it +may rather be said that the note of greatness we feel in his thinking +and his speech and his conduct had its source in the loftiness and +purity of his character. Lincoln's is one of the careers that refute +this imputation on human nature. + +JAMES BRYCE + + +The following is a list of Lincoln's published works: + +SELECTIONS.--Letters on Questions of National Policy, etc., 1863; +Dedicatory Speech of President Lincoln, etc., at the Consecration of +Gettysburg Cemetery, Nov. 19th, 1863, 1864; The Last Address of +President Lincoln to the American People, 1865; The Martyr's Monument, +1865; In Memoriam, 1865; Gems from A. Lincoln, 1865; The President's +Words, 1866; Emancipation Proclamation--Second Inaugural +Address--Gettysburg Speech, 1878; Two Inaugural Addresses and Gettysburg +Speech, 1889; The Gettysburg Speech and other Papers, with an essay on +Lincoln by J.R. Lowell (Riverside Literature Series, 32), 1888; The +Table Talk of Abraham Lincoln, ed. W.O. Stoddard, 1894; Political +Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the celebrated +campaign of 1858 in Illinois, etc. Also the two great speeches of +Abraham Lincoln at Ohio in 1859, 1894; Political Speeches and Debates of +Abraham Lincoln and S.A. Douglas, 1854-1861, edited by A.T. Jones, 1895; +Lincoln, Passages from his Speeches and Letters, with Introduction by +R.W. Gilder, 1901. + +COMPLETE EDITIONS OF WORKS, LETTERS, AND SPEECHES.--H.J. Raymond, +History of the Administration of Abraham Lincoln (Speeches, Letters, +etc.), 1864; Abraham Lincoln, Pen and Voice, being a Complete +Compilation of his Letters, Public Addresses, Messages to Congress, ed. +G.M. Van Buren, etc., 1890; Complete Works, ed. J.G. Nicolay and J. Hay, +2 vols., 1894; enlarged edition, with Introduction by R.W. Gilder, etc., +1905, etc.; A. Lincoln's Speeches, compiled by L.E. Chittenden, 1895; +The Writings of A. Lincoln, ed. A.B. Lapsley, with an Introduction by +Theodore Roosevelt, and a life by Noah Brooks, etc. (Federal Edition), +1905; etc. + +LIFE.--H.J. Raymond; The Life and Public Services of A.L., etc., with +Anecdotes and Personal Reminiscences, by F.B. Carpenter, 1865; J.H. +Barrett, 1865; J.G. Holland, 1866; W.H. Lamon, 1872; W.O. Stoddard, +1884; I.N. Arnold, 1885; J.G. Nicolay and J. Hay, 1890; Condensed +Edition, 1902; Recollections of President Lincoln and his +Administration, 1891; C.C. Coffin, 1893; J.T. Morse, 1893; J. Hay (The +Presidents of the United States), 1894; C.A. Dana, Lincoln and his +Cabinet, etc., 1896; J.H. Choate, 1900; Address delivered before the +Edinburgh Philosophical Institution, Nov. 13, 1900; I.M. Tarbell, 1900; +W.E. Curtis, The True Abraham Lincoln, 1903; J.H. Barrett, A. Lincoln +and his Presidency, 1904; J. Baldwin, 1904. A. Rothschild, Lincoln, +Master of Men, 1906; F.T. Hill, Lincoln the Lawyer, 1906. + +Among those who have written short lives are: Mrs. H. Beecher Stowe, +D.W. Bartlett, C.G. Leland, J.C. Power, etc. + + + + +CONTENTS + + +Lincoln's First Public Speech--From an Address to the People of Sangamon + County, March 9, 1832 + +Letter to Col. Robert Allen, June 21, 1836 + +From a Letter Published in the Sangamon "Journal," June 13, 1836 + +From his Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Jan. 27, + 1837 + +Letter to Mrs. O.H. Browning, Springfield, April 1, 1838 + +From a Political Debate, Springfield, Dec, 1839 + +Letter to W.G. Anderson, Lawrenceville, Ill., Oct. 31, 1840 + +Extract from a Letter to John T. Stuart, Springfield, Ill., Jan. 23, + 1841 + +From his Address before the Springfield Washingtonian Temperance + Society, Feb. 22, 1842 + +From a Circular of the Whig Committee, March 4, 1843 + +From a Letter to Martin M. Morris, Springfield, Ill., March 26, 1843 + +From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed, Springfield, Ill., Oct. 22, 1846 + +From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, Jan. 8, 1848 + +From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, June 22, 1848 + +From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, July 10, 1848 + +Letter to John D. Johnston, Jan. 2, 1851 + +Letter to John D. Johnston, Shelbyville, Nov. 4, 1851 + +Note for Law Lecture--Written about July 1, 1850 + +A Fragment--Written about July 1, 1854 + +A Fragment on Slavery, July 1854 + +From his Reply to Senator Douglas, Peoria, Oct. 16, 1854 + +From a Letter to the Hon. Geo. Robertson, Lexington, Ky.; Springfield, + Ill., Aug. 15, 1855 + +From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed, Aug. 24, 1855 + +Lincoln's "Lost Speech," May 19, 1856 + +Speech on the Dred Scott Case, Springfield, Ill., June 26, 1857 + +The "Divided House" Speech, Springfield, Ill., June 17, 1858 + +From his Speech at Chicago in Reply to the Speech of Judge Douglas, July + 10, 1858 + +From a Speech at Springfield, Ill., July 17, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the First Joint Debate, Ottawa, Ill., + Aug. 21, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Rejoinder to Judge Douglas at Freeport, Ill., Aug. 27, + 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas at Jonesboro', Sept. 15, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas at Charleston, Ill., Sept. 18, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Galesburg, Ill., Oct. 7, 1858 + +Notes for Speeches--Written about Oct. 1, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the Seventh and Last Joint Debate, at + Alton, Ill., Oct. 15, 1858 + +From Speech at Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 16, 1859 + +From Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, Sept. 17, 1859 + +From a Letter to J.W. Fell, Dec. 20, 1859 + +From the Address at Cooper Institute, N.Y., Feb. 27, 1860 + +Lincoln's Farewell to the Citizens of Springfield, Ill., Feb. 11, 1861 + +Letter to Hon. Geo. Ashmun, Accepting the Nomination for Presidency, May + 23, 1860 + +Letter to Miss Grace Bedell, Springfield, Ill., Oct. 19, 1860 + +From his Address to the Legislature at Indianapolis, Feb. 12, 1861 + +From his Address to the Legislature at Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 13, 1861 + +From his Remarks at Pittsburgh, Pa., Feb. 15, 1861 + +From his Address at Trenton, N.J., Feb. 21, 1861 + +Address in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1861 + +His Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D.C., Feb. 27, 1861 + +First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861 + +Address at Utica, N.Y., Feb. 18, 1861 + +From his First Message to Congress, at the Special Session, July 4, 1861 + +From his Message to Congress at its Regular Session, Dec. 3, 1861 + +Letter to Gen. G.B. McClellan, Washington, Feb. 3, 1862 + +Proclamation Revoking Gen. Hunter's Order Setting the Slaves Free, May + 19, 1862 + +Appeal to the Border States in Behalf of Compensated Emancipation, July + 12, 1862 + +From Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt, July 28, 1862 + +Letter to August Belmont, July 31, 1862 + +Letter to Horace Greeley, Aug. 22, 1862 + +From his Reply to the Chicago Committee of United Religious + Denominations, Sept. 13, 1862 + +From the Annual Message to Congress, Dec. 1, 1862 + +Emancipation Proclamation, Jan. 1, 1863 + +Letter to General Grant, July 13, 1863 + +Letter to ---- Moulton, Washington, July 31, 1863 + +Letter to Mrs. Lincoln, Washington, Aug. 8, 1863 + +Letter to James H. Hackett, Washington, Aug. 17, 1863 + +Note to Secretary Stanton, Washington, Nov. 11, 1863 + +Letter to James C. Conkling, Aug. 26, 1863 + +His Proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving, Oct. 3, 1863 + +Remarks at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, Nov. + 19, 1863 + +From his Annual Message to Congress, Dec. 8, 1863 + +Letter to Secretary Stanton, Washington, March 1, 1864 + +Letter to Governor Michael Hahn, Washington, March 13, 1864 + +Address at a Sanitary Fair, March 18, 1864 + +Letter to A.G. Hodges, April 4, 1864 + +Address at a Sanitary Fair at Baltimore, April 18, 1864 + +Letter to General Grant, April 30, 1864 + +From Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment, Aug. 22, 1864 + +Reply to a Serenade, Nov. 10, 1864 + +Letter to Mrs. Bixley, Nov. 21, 1864 + +Letter to General Grant, Washington, Jan. 19, 1865 + +Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865 + +Letter to Thurlow Weed, March 15, 1865 + +From an Address to an Indiana Regiment, March 17, 1865 + +His Last Public Address, April 11, 1865 + +APPENDIX + +Anecdotes + + + + +PUBLISHERS' NOTE + + +For permission to use extracts from "The Complete Works of Abraham +Lincoln," edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, the Publishers wish to +thank The Century Company. + +They also wish to thank Mr. William H. Lambert, the owner of the +copyright, and Mrs. Sarah A. Whitney for their courtesy in allowing them +to publish "Lincoln's Lost Speech." + + + + +LINCOLN'S SPEECHES AND LETTERS + + +_Lincoln's First Public Speech. From an Address to the People of +Sangamon County. March 9, 1832_ + + +Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or +system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most +important subject which we, as a people, can be engaged in. That every +man may receive at least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to +read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly +appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object +of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the +advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read +the Scriptures and other works, both of a religious and moral nature, +for themselves. + +For my part, I desire to see the time when education--and by its means +morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry--shall become much more +general than at present; and should be gratified to have it in my power +to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which might +have a tendency to accelerate that happy period. + +With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be +necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws--the +law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some +others--are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. +But considering the great probability that the framers of those laws +were wiser than myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless +they were first attacked by others, in which case I should feel it both +a privilege and a duty to take that stand which, in my view, might tend +to the advancement of justice. + +But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of +modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already +been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which +I have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in +regard to any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is +better only to be sometimes right than at all times wrong, so soon as I +discover my opinions to be erroneous I shall be ready to renounce them. + +Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or +not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being +truly esteemed of my fellow-men by rendering myself worthy of their +esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be +developed. I am young and unknown to many of you; I was born and have +ever remained in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or +popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case is thrown +exclusively upon the independent voters of the county, and if elected, +they will have conferred a favour upon me for which I shall be +unremitting in my labours to compensate. But if the good people in their +wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too +familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined. + + Your friend and fellow-citizen, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to Colonel Robert Allen. June 21, 1836_ + + +Dear Colonel, I am told that during my absence last week you passed +through this place, and stated publicly that you were in possession of a +fact or facts which, if known to the public, would entirely destroy the +prospects of N.W. Edwards and myself at the ensuing election; but that, +through favour to us, you should forbear to divulge them. No one has +needed favours more than I, and, generally, few have been less unwilling +to accept them; but in this case favour to me would be injustice to the +public, and therefore I must beg your pardon for declining it. That I +once had the confidence of the people of Sangamon, is sufficiently +evident; and if I have since done anything, either by design or +misadventure, which if known would subject me to a forfeiture of that +confidence, he that knows of that thing, and conceals it, is a traitor +to his country's interest. + +I find myself wholly unable to form any conjecture of what fact or +facts, real or supposed, you spoke; but my opinion of your veracity will +not permit me for a moment to doubt that you at least believed what you +said. I am flattered with the personal regard you manifested for me; but +I do hope that, on more mature reflection, you will view the public +interest as a paramount consideration, and therefore determine to let +the worst come. I here assure you that the candid statement of facts on +your part, however low it may sink me, shall never break the tie of +personal friendship between us. I wish an answer to this, and you are at +liberty to publish both, if you choose. + + + + +_Lincoln's Opinion on Universal Suffrage. From a Letter published in the +Sangamon "Journal." June 13, 1836_ + + +I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in +bearing its burdens: consequently I go for admitting all whites to the +right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms [by no means excluding +females]. + + + + +_From an Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois. +January 27, 1837_ + + +As a subject for the remarks of the evening "The perpetuation of our +political institutions" is selected. In the great journal of things +happening under the sun, we, the American people, find our account +running under the date of the nineteenth century of the Christian era. +We find ourselves in the peaceful possession of the fairest portion of +the earth, as regards extent of territory, fertility of soil, and +salubrity of climate. We find ourselves under the government of a system +of political institutions conducing more essentially to the ends of +civil and religious liberty, than any of which the history of former +times tells us. We, when remounting the stage of existence, found +ourselves the legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled +not in the acquirement or the establishment of them; they are a legacy +bequeathed to us by a once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now lamented +and departed race of ancestors. + +Theirs was the task (and nobly they performed it) to possess themselves, +and through themselves us, of this goodly land, and to rear upon its +hills and valleys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights; 'tis +ours only to transmit these,--the former unprofaned by the foot of the +invader; the latter undecayed by lapse of time. This, our duty to +ourselves and to our posterity, and love for our species in general, +imperatively require us to perform. + +How, then, shall we perform it? At what point shall we expect the +approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it? Shall we +expect some transatlantic military giant to step across the ocean and +crush us at a blow? Never. All the armies of Europe, Asia and Africa +combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own excepted) in their +military chest, with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not, by force, +take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ridge, in a +trial of a thousand years. + +At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, +if it ever reaches us, it must spring up among us. It cannot come from +abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and +finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die +by suicide. + +There is even now something of ill omen among us. I mean the increasing +disregard for law which pervades the country; the growing disposition to +substitute wild and furious passions in lieu of the sober judgment of +courts; and the worse than savage mobs for the executive ministers of +justice. This disposition is awfully fearful in any community; and that +it now exists in ours, though grating to our feelings to admit, it would +be a violation of truth and an insult to our intelligence to deny. + + * * * * * + +I know the American people are _much_ attached to their government. I +know they would suffer _much_ for its sake. I know they would endure +evils long and patiently before they would ever think of exchanging it +for another. Yet, notwithstanding all this, if the laws be continually +despised and disregarded, if their rights to be secure in their persons +and property are held by no better tenure than the caprice of a mob, the +alienation of their affection for the government is the natural +consequence, and to that sooner or later it must come. + +Here, then, is one point at which danger may be expected. The question +recurs, how shall we fortify against it? The answer is simple. Let every +American, every lover of liberty, every well-wisher to his posterity, +swear by the blood of the Revolution never to violate in the least +particular the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their +violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did to the support +of the Declaration of Independence, so to the support of the +Constitution and the Laws let every American pledge his life, his +property, and his sacred honour; let every man remember that to violate +the law is to trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the +charter of his own and his children's liberty. Let reverence for the +laws be breathed by every American mother to the lisping babe that +prattles on her lap. Let it be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in +colleges. Let it be written in primers, spelling-books, and in almanacs. +Let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and +enforced in courts of justice. And, in short, let it become the +political religion of the nation. + +When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let me +not be understood as saying that there are no bad laws, or that +grievances may not arise for the redress of which no legal provisions +have been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do mean to say that +although bad laws, if they exist, should be repealed as soon as +possible, still, while they continue in force, for the sake of example +they should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided cases. If +such arise, let proper legal provisions be made for them with the least +possible delay, but till then let them, if not too intolerable, be borne +with. + +There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law. In any +case that may arise, as, for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism, +one of two positions is necessarily true--that is, the thing is right +within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of all law and all +good citizens, or it is wrong, and therefore proper to be prohibited by +legal enactments; and in neither case is the interposition of mob law +either necessary, justifiable, or excusable.... + +They (histories of the Revolution) were pillars of the temple of +liberty; and now that they have crumbled away, that temple must fall +unless we, their descendants, supply their places with other pillars, +hewn from the solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us, but +can do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason--cold, +calculating, unimpassioned reason--must furnish all the materials for +our future support and defence. Let those materials be moulded into +general intelligence, sound morality, and, in particular, a reverence +for the Constitution and laws; and that we improved to the last, that we +remained free to the last, that we revered his name to the last, that +during his long sleep we permitted no hostile foot to pass over or +desecrate his resting-place, shall be that which to learn the last trump +shall awaken our Washington. + +Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its +basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, +"the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." + +Many great and good men, sufficiently qualified for any task they should +undertake, may ever be found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing +beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential chair. But +such belong not to the family of the lion or the brood of the eagle. +What? Think you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Cęsar, or a +Napoleon? Never! Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks +regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to +story upon the monuments of fame erected to the memory of others. It +denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to +tread in the footsteps of any predecessor, however illustrious. It +thirsts and burns for distinction; and, if possible, it will have it, +whether at the expense of emancipating slaves, or enslaving free men. Is +it unreasonable, then, to expect that some men, possessed of the +loftiest genius, coupled with ambition sufficient to push it to its +utmost stretch, will at some time spring up among us? And when such a +one does, it will require the people to be united with each other, +attached to the government and laws, and generally intelligent, to +successfully frustrate his design. + +Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would as +willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm, yet that +opportunity being passed, and nothing left to be done in the way of +building up, he would sit down boldly to the task of pulling down. Here, +then, is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such a one as could not +well have existed heretofore. + + * * * * * + +All honour to our Revolutionary ancestors, to whom we are indebted for +these institutions. They will not be forgotten. In history we hope they +will be read of, and recounted, so long as the Bible shall be read. But +even granting that they will, their influence cannot be what it +heretofore has been. Even then, they cannot be so universally known, nor +so vividly felt, as they were by the generation just gone to rest. At +the close of that struggle, nearly every adult male had been a +participator in some of its scenes. The consequence was, that of those +scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a son, or a brother, a +living history was to be found in every family,--a history bearing the +indubitable testimonies to its own authenticity in the limbs mangled, in +the scars of wounds received in the midst of the very scenes related; a +history, too, that could be read and understood alike by all, the wise +and the ignorant, the learned and the unlearned. But those histories are +gone. They can be read no more for ever. They were a fortress of +strength; but what the invading foemen could never do, the silent +artillery of time has done,--the levelling of its walls. They are gone. +They were a forest of giant oaks; but the resistless hurricane has swept +over them, and left only here and there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its +verdure, shorn of its foliage, unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a +few more gentle breezes, and to combat with its mutilated limbs a few +more ruder storms, and then to sink and be no more. + + + + +HUMOROUS ACCOUNT OF HIS EXPERIENCES WITH A LADY HE WAS REQUESTED TO +MARRY + +_A Letter to Mrs. O.H. Browning. Springfield, Illinois. April 1, 1838_ + + +Dear Madam, Without apologising for being egotistical, I shall make the +history of so much of my life as has elapsed since I saw you the subject +of this letter. And, by the way, I now discover that in order to give a +full and intelligible account of the things I have done and suffered +since I saw you, I shall necessarily have to relate some that happened +before. + +It was, then, in the autumn of 1836 that a married lady of my +acquaintance, and who was a great friend of mine, being about to pay a +visit to her father and other relatives residing in Kentucky, proposed +to me that on her return she would bring a sister of hers with her on +condition that I would engage to become her brother-in-law with all +convenient dispatch. I, of course, accepted the proposal, for you know I +could not have done otherwise had I really been averse to it; but +privately, between you and me, I was most confoundedly well pleased with +the project. I had seen the said sister some three years before, thought +her intelligent and agreeable, and saw no good objection to plodding +life through hand-in-hand with her. Time passed on, the lady took her +journey, and in due time returned, sister in company, sure enough. This +astonished me a little, for it appeared to me that her coming so readily +showed that she was a trifle too willing, but on reflection it occurred +to me that she might have been prevailed on by her married sister to +come, without anything concerning me having been mentioned to her, and +so I concluded that if no other objection presented itself, I would +consent to waive this. All this occurred to me on hearing of her arrival +in the neighbourhood--for, be it remembered, I had not yet seen her, +except about three years previous, as above mentioned. In a few days we +had an interview, and, although I had seen her before, she did not look +as my imagination had pictured her. I knew she was over-size, but she +now appeared a fair match for Falstaff. I knew she was called an "old +maid," and I felt no doubt of the truth of at least half of the +appellation, but now, when I beheld her, I could not for my life avoid +thinking of my mother; and this, not from withered features,--for her +skin was too full of fat to permit of its contracting into wrinkles--but +from her want of teeth, weather-beaten appearance in general, and from a +kind of notion that ran in my head that nothing could have commenced at +the size of infancy and reached her present bulk in less than +thirty-five or forty years; and, in short, I was not at all pleased with +her. But what could I do? I had told her sister that I would take her +for better or for worse, and I made a point of honour and conscience in +all things to stick to my word, especially if others had been induced to +act on it, which in this case I had no doubt they had, for I was now +fairly convinced that no other man on earth would have her, and hence +the conclusion that they were bent on holding me to my bargain. "Well," +thought I, "I have said it, and, be the consequences what they may, it +shall not be my fault if I fail to do it." At once I determined to +consider her my wife, and this done, all my powers of discovery were put +to work in search of perfections in her which might be fairly set off +against her defects. I tried to imagine her handsome, which, but for her +unfortunate corpulency, was actually true. Exclusive of this, no woman +that I have ever seen has a finer face. I also tried to convince myself +that the mind was much more to be valued than the person, and in this +she was not inferior, as I could discover, to any with whom I had been +acquainted. + +Shortly after this, without attempting to come to any positive +understanding with her, I set out for Vandalia, when and where you first +saw me. During my stay there I had letters from her which did not change +my opinion of either her intellect or intention, but, on the contrary, +confirmed it in both. + +All this while, although I was fixed "firm as the surge-repelling rock" +in my resolution, I found I was continually repenting the rashness which +had led me to make it. Through life I have been in no bondage, either +real or imaginary, from the thraldom of which I so much desired to be +free. After my return home I saw nothing to change my opinion of her in +any particular. She was the same, and so was I. I now spent my time in +planning how I might get along in life after my contemplated change of +circumstances should have taken place, and how I might procrastinate the +evil day for a time, which I really dreaded as much, perhaps more, than +an Irishman does the halter. + +After all my sufferings upon this deeply interesting subject, here I +am, wholly, unexpectedly, completely out of the "scrape," and I now want +to know if you can guess how I got out of it--out, clear, in every sense +of the term--no violation of word, honour, or conscience. I don't +believe you can guess, and so I might as well tell you at once. As the +lawyer says, it was done in the manner following, to wit: After I had +delayed the matter as long as I thought I could in honour do (which, by +the way, had brought me round into the last fall), I concluded I might +as well bring it to a consummation without further delay, and so I +mustered my resolution and made the proposal to her direct; but, +shocking to relate, she answered, No. At first I supposed she did it +through an affectation of modesty, which I thought but ill became her +under the peculiar circumstances of the case, but on my renewal of the +charge I found she repelled it with greater firmness than before. I +tried it again and again, but with the same success, or rather with the +same want of success. + +I finally was forced to give it up, at which I very unexpectedly found +myself mortified almost beyond endurance. I was mortified, it seemed to +me, in a hundred different ways. My vanity was deeply wounded by the +reflection that I had so long been too stupid to discover her +intentions, and at the same time never doubting that I understood them +perfectly; and also that she, whom I had taught myself to believe nobody +else would have, had actually rejected me with all my fancied greatness. +And, to cap the whole, I then for the first time began to suspect that I +was really a little in love with her. But let it all go! I'll try and +outlive it. Others have been made fools of by the girls, but this can +never in truth be said of me. I most emphatically, in this instance, +made a fool of myself. I have now come to the conclusion never again to +think of marrying, and for this reason--I can never be satisfied with +any one who would be blockhead enough to have me. + +When you receive this, write me a long yarn about something to amuse me. +Give my respects to Mr. Browning. + + + + +_From a Debate between Lincoln, E.D. Baker, and others against Douglas, +Lamborn, and others. Springfield. December 1839_ + + * * * * * + + +... Mr. Lamborn insists that the difference between the Van Buren party +and the Whigs is, that although the former sometimes err in practice, +they are always correct in principle, whereas the latter are wrong in +principle; and the better to impress this proposition, he uses a +figurative expression in these words: "The Democrats are vulnerable in +the heel, but they are sound in the heart and in the head." The first +branch of the figure--that is, that the Democrats are vulnerable in the +heel--I admit is not merely figuratively but literally true. Who that +looks but for a moment at their Swartwouts, their Prices, their +Harringtons, and their hundreds of others, scampering away with the +public money to Texas, to Europe, and to every spot of the earth where a +villain may hope to find refuge from justice, can at all doubt that they +are most distressingly affected in their heels with a species of running +fever? It seems that this malady of their heels operates on the +sound-headed and honest-hearted creatures very much like the cork leg in +the song did on its owner, which, when he had once got started on it, +the more he tried to stop it, the more it would run away. At the hazard +of wearing this point threadbare, I will relate an anecdote which seems +to be too strikingly in point to be omitted. A witty Irish soldier who +was always boasting of his bravery when no danger was near, but who +invariably retreated without orders at the first charge of the +engagement, being asked by his captain why he did so, replied, "Captain, +I have as brave a heart as Julius Cęsar ever had; but somehow or other, +whenever danger approaches, my cowardly legs will run away with it." So +it is with Mr. Lamborn's party. They take the public money into their +hands for the most laudable purpose that wise heads and honest hearts +can dictate, but before they can possibly get it out again, their +rascally vulnerable heels will run away with them.... + + + + +_Letter to W.G. Anderson. Lawrenceville, Illinois. October 31, 1840_ + + +Dear Sir, Your note of yesterday is received. In the difficulty between +us of which you speak, you say you think I was the aggressor. I do not +think I was. You say my "words imported insult." I meant them as a fair +set-off to your own statements, and not otherwise; and in that light +alone I now wish you to understand them. You ask for my present +"feelings on the subject." I entertain no unkind feelings to you, and +none of any sort upon the subject, except a sincere regret that I +permitted myself to get into such an altercation. + + + + +_Extract from a Letter to John T. Stuart. Springfield Illinois. January +23, 1841_ + + +For not giving you a general summary of news, you must pardon me; it is +not in my power to do so. I am now the most miserable man living. If +what I feel were equally distributed to the whole human family, there +would not be one cheerful face on earth. Whether I shall ever be better, +I cannot tell; I awfully forebode I shall not. To remain as I am is +impossible; I must die or be better, it appears to me. The matter you +speak of on my account you may attend to as you say, unless you shall +hear of my condition forbidding it. I say this because I fear I shall be +unable to attend to any business here, and a change of scene might help +me. If I could be myself, I would rather remain at home with Judge +Logan. I can write no more. + + + + +_From an Address before the Washingtonian Temperance Society. +Springfield, Illinois. February 22, 1842_ + + +Although the temperance cause has been in progress for nearly twenty +years, it is apparent to all that it is just now being crowned with a +degree of success hitherto unparalleled. + +The list of its friends is daily swelled by the additions of fifties, of +hundreds, and of thousands. The cause itself seems suddenly transformed +from a cold abstract theory to a living, breathing, active and powerful +chieftain, going forth conquering and to conquer. The citadels of his +great adversary are daily being stormed and dismantled; his temples and +his altars, where the rites of his idolatrous worship have long been +performed, and where human sacrifices have long been wont to be made, +are daily desecrated and deserted. The trump of the conqueror's fame is +sounding from hill to hill, from sea to sea, and from land to land, and +calling millions to his standard at a blast. + + * * * * * + +"But," say some, "we are no drunkards, and we shall not acknowledge +ourselves such by joining a reform drunkard's society, whatever our +influence might be." Surely no Christian will adhere to this objection. + +If they believe, as they profess, that Omnipotence condescended to take +on himself the form of sinful man, and, as such, to die an ignominious +death for their sakes, surely they will not refuse submission to the +infinitely lesser condescension for the temporal and perhaps eternal +salvation of a large, erring, and unfortunate class of their +fellow-creatures; nor is the condescension very great. In my judgment, +such of us as have never fallen victims have been spared more from the +absence of appetite, than from any mental or moral superiority over +those who have. Indeed I believe, if we take habitual drunkards as a +class, their heads and their hearts will bear an advantageous comparison +with those of any other class. There seems ever to have been a proneness +in the brilliant and warm-blooded to fall into this vice. The demon of +intemperance ever seems to have delighted in sucking the blood of genius +and generosity. What one of us but can call to mind some relative more +promising in youth than all his fellows, who has fallen a sacrifice to +his rapacity? He ever seems to have gone forth like the Egyptian angel +of death, commissioned to slay, if not the first, the fairest born of +every family. Shall he now be arrested in his desolating career? In that +arrest all can give aid that will; and who shall be excused that can and +will not? Far around as human breath has ever blown, he keeps our +fathers, our brothers, our sons, and our friends prostrate in the chains +of moral death.... + +When the conduct of men is designed to be influenced, persuasion, kind, +unassuming persuasion, should ever be adopted. It is an old and a true +maxim "that a drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall." +So with men. If you would win a man to your cause, first convince him +that you are his sincere friend. Therein is a drop of honey that catches +his heart, which, say what you will, is the great high-road to his +reason, and which, when once gained, you will find but little trouble in +convincing his judgment of the justice of your cause, if indeed that +cause really be a just one. On the contrary, assume to dictate to his +judgment, or to command his action, or to mark him as one to be shunned +and despised, and he will retreat within himself, close all the avenues +to his head and his heart; and though your cause be naked truth itself, +transformed to the heaviest lance, harder than steel, and sharper than +steel can be made, and though you throw it with more than herculean +force and precision, you shall be no more able to pierce him than to +penetrate the hard shell of a tortoise with a rye straw. Such is man, +and so must he be understood by those who would lead him, even to his +own best interests.... + +Another error, as it seems to me, into which the old reformers fell, was +the position that all habitual drunkards were utterly incorrigible, and +therefore must be turned adrift and damned without remedy in order that +the grace of temperance might abound, to the temperate then, and to all +mankind some hundreds of years thereafter. There is in this something so +repugnant to humanity, so uncharitable, so cold-blooded and feelingless, +that it never did, nor never can enlist the enthusiasm of a popular +cause. We could not love the man who taught it--we could not hear him +with patience. The heart could not throw open its portals to it, the +generous man could not adopt it--it could not mix with his blood. It +looked so fiendishly selfish, so like throwing fathers and brothers +overboard to lighten the boat for our security, that the noble-minded +shrank from the manifest meanness of the thing. And besides this, the +benefits of a reformation to be effected by such a system were too +remote in point of time to warmly engage many in its behalf. Few can be +induced to labour exclusively for posterity; and none will do it +enthusiastically. Posterity has done nothing for us; and theorize on it +as we may, practically we shall do very little for it, unless we are +made to think we are at the same time doing something for ourselves. + +What an ignorance of human nature does it exhibit, to ask or expect a +whole community to rise up and labour for the temporal happiness of +others, after themselves shall be consigned to the dust, a majority of +which community take no pains whatever to secure their own eternal +welfare at no more distant day! Great distance in either time or space +has wonderful power to lull and render quiescent the human mind. +Pleasures to be enjoyed, or pains to be endured, after we shall be dead +and gone, are but little regarded even in our own cases, and much less +in the cases of others. Still, in addition to this there is something so +ludicrous in promises of good or threats of evil a great way off as to +render the whole subject with which they are connected easily turned +into ridicule. "Better lay down that spade you are stealing, Paddy; if +you don't you'll pay for it at the day of judgment." "Be the powers, if +ye'll credit me so long I'll take another jist." + + + + +_From the Circular of the Whig Committee. An Address to the People of +Illinois. March 4, 1843_ + + +... The system of loans is but temporary in its nature, and must soon +explode. It is a system not only ruinous while it lasts, but one that +must soon fail and leave us destitute. + +As an individual who undertakes to live by borrowing soon finds his +original means devoured by interest, and next, no one left to borrow +from, so must it be with a government. + +We repeat, then, that a tariff sufficient for revenue, or a direct tax, +must soon be resorted to; and, indeed, we believe this alternative is +now denied by no one. But which system shall be adopted? Some of our +opponents in theory admit the propriety of a tariff sufficient for +revenue, but even they will not in practice vote for such a tariff; +while others boldly advocate direct taxation. Inasmuch, therefore, as +some of them boldly advocate direct taxation, and all the rest--or so +nearly all as to make exceptions needless--refuse to adopt the tariff, +we think it is doing them no injustice to class them all as advocates of +direct taxation. Indeed, we believe they are only delaying an open +avowal of the system till they can assure themselves that the people +will tolerate it. Let us, then, briefly compare the two systems. The +tariff is the cheaper system, because the duties, being collected in +large parcels, at a few commercial points, will require comparatively +few officers in their collection; while by the direct tax system the +land must be literally covered with assessors and collectors, going +forth like swarms of Egyptian locusts, devouring every blade of grass +and other green thing. And, again, by the tariff system the whole +revenue is paid by the consumers of foreign goods, and those chiefly the +luxuries and not the necessaries of life. By this system, the man who +contents himself to live upon the products of his own country pays +nothing at all. And surely that country is extensive enough, and its +products abundant and varied enough, to answer all the real wants of its +people. In short, by this system the burden of revenue falls almost +entirely on the wealthy and luxurious few, while the substantial and +labouring many, who live at home and upon home products, go entirely +free. By the direct tax system, none can escape. However strictly the +citizen may exclude from his premises all foreign luxuries, fine cloths, +fine silks, rich wines, golden chains, and diamond rings,--still, for +the possession of his house, his barn, and his homespun he is to be +perpetually haunted and harassed by the tax-gatherer. With these views, +we leave it to be determined whether we or our opponents are more truly +democratic on the subject. + + + + +_From a Letter to Martin M. Morris. Springfield, Illinois. March 26, +1843_ + + +It is truly gratifying to me to learn that while the people of Sangamon +have cast me off, my old friends of Menard, who have known me longest +and best, stick to me. It would astonish, if not amuse, the older +citizens to learn that I (a stranger, friendless, uneducated, penniless +boy, working on a flatboat at ten dollars per month) have been put down +here as the candidate of pride, wealth, and aristocratic family +distinction. Yet so, chiefly, it was. There was, too, the strangest +combination of church influence against me. Baker is a Campbellite; and +therefore, as I suppose, with few exceptions, got all that church. My +wife has some relations in the Presbyterian churches, and some with the +Episcopal churches; and therefore, wherever it would tell, I was set +down as either the one or the other, while it was everywhere contended +that no Christian ought to go for me, because I belonged to no church, +was suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a duel. +With all these things, Baker, of course, had nothing to do. Nor do I +complain of them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was +right enough, and as to the influences I have spoken of in the other, +though they were very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to +charge that they acted upon them in a body, or were very near so. I only +mean that those influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent. upon +my strength throughout the religious controversy. But enough of this. + + + + +_From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed. Springfield. October 22, 1846_ + + +We have another boy, born the 10th of March. He is very much such a +child as Bob was at his age, rather of a longer order. Bob is "short and +low," and I expect always will be. He talks very plainly--almost as +plainly as anybody. He is quite smart enough. I sometimes fear that he +is one of the little rare-ripe sort that are smarter at about five than +ever after. He has a great deal of that sort of mischief that is the +offspring of such animal spirits. Since I began this letter, a messenger +came to tell me Bob was lost; but by the time I reached the house his +mother had found him and had him whipped, and by now, very likely, he is +run away again. + + + + +_From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington. January 8, 1848_ + + +Dear William, Your letter of December 27th was received a day or two +ago. I am much obliged to you for the trouble you have taken, and +promise to take in my little business there. As to speech-making, by way +of getting the hang of the House, I made a little speech two or three +days ago on a post-office question of no general interest. I find +speaking here and elsewhere about the same thing. I was about as badly +scared, and no worse, as I am when I speak in court. I expect to make +one within a week or two, in which I hope to succeed well enough to wish +you to see it. + +It is very pleasant to learn from you that there are some who desire +that I should be re-elected. I most heartily thank them for their +partiality; and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation of Texas, +that "personally I would not object" to a re-election, although I +thought at the time, and still think, it would be quite as well for me +to return to the law at the end of a single term. I made the declaration +that I would not be a candidate again, more from a wish to deal fairly +with others, to keep peace among our friends, and to keep the district +from going to the enemy, than for any cause personal to myself; so that, +if it should so happen that nobody else wishes to be elected, I could +refuse the people the right of sending me again. But to enter myself as +a competitor of others, or to authorize any one so to enter me, is what +my word and honour forbid. + + + + + +_From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington. June 22, 1848_ + + +As to the young men. You must not wait to be brought forward by the +older men. For instance, do you suppose that I should ever have got into +notice if I had waited to be hunted up and pushed forward by older men? +You young men get together and form a "Rough and Ready Club," and have +regular meetings and speeches. Take in everybody you can get. Harrison +Grimsley, L.A. Enos, Lee Kimball and C.W. Matheny will do to begin the +thing; but as you go along gather up all the shrewd, wild boys about +town, whether just of age or a little under age--Chris. Logan, Reddick +Ridgley, Lewis Zwizler, and hundreds such. Let every one play the part +he can play best,--some speak, some sing, and all "holler." Your +meetings will be of evenings; the older men, and the women, will go to +hear you; so that it will not only contribute to the election of "Old +Zach," but will be an interesting pastime, and improving to the +intellectual faculties of all engaged. Don't fail to do this. + + + + +_From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington, July 10, 1848_ + + +The way for a young man to rise is to improve himself every way he can, +never suspecting that anybody wishes to hinder him. Allow me to assure +you that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation. +There may sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and +they will succeed, too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its +true channel to brood over the attempted injury. Cast about, and see if +this feeling has not injured every person you have ever known to fall +into it. + + + + + +_Letter to John D. Johnston. January 2, 1851_ + + +Dear Johnston, Your request for eighty dollars I do not think it best to +comply with now. At the various times when I have helped you a little +you have said to me, "We can get along very well now"; but in a very +short time I find you in the same difficulty again. Now, this can only +happen by some defect in your conduct. What that defect is, I think I +know. You are not lazy, and still you are an idler. I doubt whether, +since I saw you, you have done a good whole day's work in any one day. +You do not very much dislike to work, and still you do not work much, +merely because it does not seem to you that you could get much for it. +This habit of uselessly wasting time is the whole difficulty; it is +vastly important to you, and still more so to your children, that you +should break the habit. It is more important to them, because they have +longer to live, and can keep out of an idle habit before they are in it, +easier than they can get out after they are in. + +You are now in need of some money; and what I propose is, that you shall +go to work, "tooth and nail," for somebody who will give you money for +it. Let father and your boys take charge of your things at home, +prepare for a crop, and make the crop, and you go to work for the best +money wages, or in discharge of any debt you owe, that you can get; and, +to secure you a fair reward for your labour, I now promise you, that for +every dollar you will, between this and the first of May, get for your +own labour, either in money or as your own indebtedness, I will then +give you one other dollar. By this, if you hire yourself at ten dollars +a month, from me you will get ten more, making twenty dollars a month +for your work. In this I do not mean you shall go off to St. Louis, or +the lead mines, or the gold mines in California, but I mean for you to +go at it for the best wages you can get close to home in Coles County. +Now, if you will do this, you will be soon out of debt, and, what is +better, you will have a habit that will keep you from getting in debt +again. But, if I should now clear you out of debt, next year you would +be just as deep in as ever. You say you would almost give your place in +heaven for seventy or eighty dollars. Then you value your place in +heaven very cheap, for I am sure you can, with the offer I make, get the +seventy or eighty dollars for four or five months' work. You say if I +will furnish you the money you will deed me the land, and, if you don't +pay the money back, you will deliver possession. Nonsense! If you can't +now live with the land, how will you then live without it? You have +always been kind to me, and I do not mean to be unkind to you. On the +contrary, if you will but follow my advice, you will find it worth more +than eighty times eighty dollars to you. + + + + +_Letter to John D. Johnston. Shelbyville. November 4, 1851_ + + +Dear Brother, When I came into Charleston day before yesterday, I +learned that you are anxious to sell the land where you live and move to +Missouri. I have been thinking of this ever since, and cannot but think +such a notion is utterly foolish. What can you do in Missouri better +than here? Is the land any richer? Can you there, any more than here, +raise corn and wheat and oats without work? Will anybody there, any more +than here, do your work for you? If you intend to go to work, there is +no better place than right where you are; if you do not intend to go to +work, you cannot get along anywhere. Squirming and crawling about from +place to place can do no good. You have raised no crop this year; and +what you really want is to sell the land, get the money, and spend it. +Part with the land you have, and, my life upon it, you will never after +own a spot big enough to bury you in. Half you will get for the land you +will spend in moving to Missouri, and the other half you will eat, +drink, and wear out, and no foot of land will be bought. Now, I feel it +my duty to have no hand in such a piece of foolery. I feel that it is so +even on your own account, and particularly on mother's account. The +eastern forty acres I intend to keep for mother while she lives; if you +will not cultivate it, it will rent for enough to support her--at least, +it will rent for something. Her dower in the other two forties she can +let you have, and no thanks to me. Now, do not misunderstand this +letter; I do not write it in any unkindness. I write it in order, if +possible, to get you to face the truth, which truth is, you are +destitute because you have idled away all your time. Your thousand +pretences for not getting along better are all nonsense; they deceive +nobody but yourself. Go to work is the only cure for your case. + +A word to mother. Chapman tells me he wants you to go and live with him. +If I were you I would try it awhile. If you get tired of it (as I think +you will not), you can return to your own home. Chapman feels very +kindly to you, and I have no doubt he will make your situation very +pleasant. + + + + +_Note for Law Lecture. Written about July 1, 1850_ + + +I am not an accomplished lawyer. I find quite as much material for a +lecture in those points wherein I have failed, as in those wherein I +have been moderately successful. The leading rule for a lawyer, as for +the man of every other calling, is diligence. Leave nothing for +to-morrow which can be done to-day. Never let your correspondence fall +behind. Whatever piece of business you have in hand, before stopping, do +all the labour pertaining to it which can then be done. When you bring a +common law-suit, if you have the facts for doing so, write the +declaration at once. If a law point be involved, examine the books, and +note the authority you rely on upon the declaration itself, where you +are sure to find it when wanted. The same of defences and pleas. In +business not likely to be litigated,--ordinary collection cases, +foreclosures, partitions, and the like,--make all examinations of +titles, and note them and even draft orders and decrees in advance. The +course has a triple advantage; it avoids omissions and neglect, saves +your labour when once done, performs the labour out of court when you +have leisure, rather than in court when you have not. + +Extemporaneous speaking should be practised and cultivated. It is the +lawyer's avenue to the public. However able and faithful he may be in +other respects, people are slow to bring him business if he cannot make +a speech. And yet there is not a more fatal error to young lawyers than +relying too much on speech-making. If any one, upon his rare powers of +speaking, shall claim an exemption from the drudgery of the law, his +case is a failure in advance. + +Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbours to compromise whenever +you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real +loser--in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peace-maker the lawyer +has a superior opportunity of being a good man. There will still be +business enough. + +Never stir up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found than one who +does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually +overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon +to stir up strife, and put money in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be +infused into the profession which should drive such men out of it. + +The matter of fees is important, far beyond the mere question of bread +and butter involved. Properly attended to, fuller justice is done to +both lawyer and client. An exorbitant fee should never be claimed. As a +general rule, never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a +small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common +mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case as if something was +still in prospect for you, as well as for your client. And when you lack +interest in the case the job will very likely lack skill and diligence +in the performance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in advance. +Then you will feel that you are working for something, and you are sure +to do your work faithfully and well. Never sell a fee-note--at least not +before the consideration service is performed. It leads to negligence +and dishonesty--negligence by losing interest in the case, and +dishonesty in refusing to refund when you have allowed the consideration +to fail. + +There is a vague popular belief that lawyers are necessarily dishonest. +I say vague, because when we consider to what extent confidence and +honours are reposed in and conferred upon lawyers by the people, it +appears improbable that their impression of dishonesty is very distinct +and vivid. Yet the impression is common, almost universal. Let no young +man choosing the law for a calling for a moment yield to the popular +belief. Resolve to be honest at all events; and if in your own judgment +you cannot be an honest lawyer, resolve to be honest without being a +lawyer. Choose some other occupation, rather than one in the choosing of +which you do, in advance, consent to be a knave. + + + + +_A Fragment. Written about July 1, 1854_ + +Equality in society alike beats inequality, whether the latter be of the +British aristocratic sort or of the domestic slavery sort. + +We know Southern men declare that their slaves are better off than hired +labourers amongst us. How little they know whereof they speak! There is +no permanent class of hired labourers amongst us. Twenty-five years ago +I was a hired labourer. The hired labourer of yesterday labours on his +own account to-day, and will hire others to labour for him to-morrow. + +Advancement--improvement in condition--is the order of things in a +society of equals. As labour is the common burden of our race, so the +effort of some to shift their share of the burden on to the shoulders of +others is the great durable curse of the race. Originally a curse for +transgression upon the whole race, when, as by slavery, it is +concentrated on a part only, it becomes the double-refined curse of God +upon his creatures. + +Free labour has the inspiration of hope; pure slavery has no hope. The +power of hope upon human exertion and happiness is wonderful. The +slave-master himself has a conception of it, and hence the system of +tasks among slaves. The slave whom you cannot drive with the lash to +break seventy-five pounds of hemp in a day, if you will task him to +break a hundred, and promise him pay for all he does over, he will break +you a hundred and fifty. You have substituted hope for the rod. + +And yet perhaps it does not occur to you that, to the extent of your +gain in the case, you have given up the slave system and adopted the +free system of labour. + + + + + +_A Fragment on Slavery. July 1854_ + +If A can prove, however conclusively, that he may of right enslave B, +why may not B snatch the same argument and prove equally that he may +enslave A? You say A is white and B is black. It is colour, then; the +lighter having the right to enslave the darker? Take care. By this rule +you are to be slave to the first man you meet with a fairer skin than +your own. + +You do not mean colour exactly? You mean the whites are intellectually +the superiors of the blacks, and therefore have the right to enslave +them? Take care again. By this rule you are to be slave to the first man +you meet with an intellect superior to your own. + +But, say you, it is a question of interest, and if you make it your +interest you have the right to enslave another. Very well. And if he can +make it his interest he has the right to enslave you. + + + + +_Lincoln's Reply to Senator Douglas at Peoria, Illinois. The Origin of +the Wilmot Proviso. October 16, 1854_ + + +... Our war with Mexico broke out in 1846. When Congress was about +adjourning that session, President Polk asked them to place two millions +of dollars under his control, to be used by him in the recess, if found +practicable and expedient, in negotiating a treaty of peace with Mexico, +and acquiring some part of her territory. A bill was duly gotten up for +the purpose, and was progressing swimmingly in the House of +Representatives, when a Democratic member from Pennsylvania by the name +of David Wilmot moved as an amendment, "Provided, that in any territory +thus acquired there shall never be slavery." _This is the origin of the +far-famed Wilmot Proviso._ It created a great flutter; but it stuck like +wax, was voted into the bill, and the bill passed with it through the +House. The Senate, however, adjourned without final action on it, and so +both the appropriation and the proviso were lost for the time. + +... This declared indifference, but, as I must think, real, covert zeal, +for the spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the +monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our +republican example of its just influence in the world, enables the +enemies of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us as +hypocrites, causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, +and especially because it forces so many good men amongst ourselves into +an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty, +criticizing the Declaration of Independence, and insisting that there is +no right principle of action but self-interest. + +Before proceeding let me say that I think I have no prejudice against +the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. +If slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If +it did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I +believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals +on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances, and +others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were out of +existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North +and become tip-top Abolitionists, while some Northern ones go South and +become most cruel slave-masters. + +When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin +of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the +institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in +any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I +surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to +do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to +do as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all +the slaves, and send them to Liberia, to their own native land. But a +moment's reflection would convince me that whatever of high hope (as I +think there is) there may be in this in the long run, its sudden +execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they +would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus +shipping and surplus money enough to carry them there in many times ten +days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? Is +it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not +hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point is not clear enough for +me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them +politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of +this, and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of +whites will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound +judgment is not the sole question, if indeed it is any part of it. A +universal feeling, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely +disregarded. We cannot then make them equals. It does seem to me that +systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted, but for their +tardiness in this I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the +South. + +Equal justice to the South, it is said, requires us to consent to the +extension of slavery to new countries. That is to say, that inasmuch as +you do not object to my taking my hog to Nebraska, therefore I must not +object to your taking your slave. Now, I admit that this is perfectly +logical, if there is no difference between hogs and slaves. But while +you thus require me to deny the humanity of the negro, I wish to ask +whether you of the South, yourselves, have ever been willing to do as +much? It is kindly provided that of all those who come into the world, +only a small percentage are natural tyrants. That percentage is no +larger in the slave States than in the free. The great majority, South +as well as North, have human sympathies, of which they can no more +divest themselves than they can of their sensibility to physical pain. +These sympathies in the bosoms of the Southern people manifest in many +ways their sense of the wrong of slavery, and their consciousness that, +after all, there is humanity in the negro. If they deny this let me +address them a few plain questions. + +In 1820 you joined the North almost unanimously in declaring the African +slave-trade piracy, and in annexing to it the punishment of death. Why +did you do this? If you did not feel that it was wrong, why did you join +in providing that men should be hung for it? The practice was no more +than bringing wild negroes from Africa to such as would buy them. But +you never thought of hanging men for catching and selling wild horses, +wild buffaloes, or wild bears. + +Again, you have among you a sneaking individual of the class of native +tyrants known as the _slave-dealer_. He watches your necessities, and +crawls up to buy your slave at a speculating price. If you cannot help +it, you sell to him; but if you can help it, you drive him from your +door. You despise him utterly; you do not recognize him as a friend, or +even as an honest man. Your children must not play with his; they may +rollick freely with the little negroes, but not with the slave-dealer's +children. If you are obliged to deal with him, you try to get through +the job without so much as touching him. It is common with you to join +hands with the men you meet; but with the slave-dealer you avoid the +ceremony,--instinctively shrinking from the snaky contact. If he grows +rich and retires from business, you still remember him, and still keep +up the ban of non-intercourse upon him and his family. Now, why is this? +You do not so treat the man who deals in cotton, corn, or tobacco. + +And yet again. There are in the United States and Territories, including +the District of Columbia, over four hundred and thirty thousand free +blacks. At five hundred dollars per head, they are worth over two +hundred millions of dollars. How comes this vast amount of property to +be running about without owners? We do not see free horses or free +cattle running at large. How is this? All these free blacks are the +descendants of slaves, or have been slaves themselves; and they would be +slaves now but for something that has operated on their white owners, +inducing them at vast pecuniary sacrifice to liberate them. What is that +something? Is there any mistaking it? In all these cases it is your +sense of justice and human sympathy continually telling you that the +poor negro has some natural right to himself,--that those who deny it +and make mere merchandise of him deserve kickings, contempt, and death. + +And now why will you ask us to deny the humanity of the slave, and +estimate him as only the equal of the hog? Why ask us to do what you +will not do yourselves? Why ask us to do for nothing what two hundred +millions of dollars could not induce you to do? + +But one great argument in support of the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise is still to come. That argument is "the sacred right of +self-government." ... Some poet has said,-- + + "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." + +At the hazard of being thought one of the fools of this quotation, I +meet that argument,--I rush in,--I take that bull by the horns.... My +faith in the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases +with all which is exclusively his own, lies at the foundation of the +sense of justice there is in me. I extend the principle to communities +of men as well as to individuals. I so extend it because it is +politically wise as well as naturally just,--politically wise in saving +us from broils about matters which do not concern us. Here, or at +Washington, I would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, +or the cranberry laws of Indiana. The doctrine of self-government is +right,--absolutely and internally right; but it has no just application +as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say that whether it has +any application here depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. If +he is not a man, in that case he who is a man may, as a matter of +self-government, do just what he pleases with him. But if the negro is a +man, is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government to +say that he, too, shall not govern himself? When the white man governs +himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also +governs another man, that is more than self-government,--that is +despotism. If the negro is a man, then my ancient faith teaches me that +"all men are created equal," and that there can be no moral right in +connection with one man's making a slave of another. + +Judge Douglas frequently, with bitter irony and sarcasm, paraphrases +our argument by saying: "The white people of Nebraska are good enough to +govern themselves, but they are not good enough to govern a few +miserable negroes!" + +Well, I doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and will continue to +be as good as the average of people elsewhere. I do not say the +contrary. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another +man without that other's consent. I say this is the leading +principle,--the sheet-anchor of American republicanism. + +Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's nature,--opposition to it +in his love of justice. These principles are in eternal antagonism, and +when brought into collision so fiercely as slavery extension brings +them, shocks and throes and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal +the Missouri Compromise; repeal all compromises; repeal the Declaration +of Independence; repeal all past history,--you still cannot repeal human +nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart that slavery +extension is wrong, and out of the abundance of his heart his mouth will +continue to speak.... + +The Missouri Compromise ought to be restored. Slavery may or may not be +established in Nebraska. But whether it be or not, we shall have +repudiated--discarded from the councils of the nation--the spirit of +compromise; for who, after this, will ever trust in a national +compromise? The spirit of mutual concession--that spirit which first +gave us the Constitution, and has thrice saved the Union--we shall have +strangled and cast from us for ever. And what shall we have in lieu of +it? The South flushed with triumph and tempted to excess; the North +betrayed, as they believed, brooding on wrong and burning for revenge. +One side will provoke, the other resent. The one will taunt, the other +defy; one aggresses, the other retaliates. Already a few in the North +defy all constitutional restraints, resist the execution of the Fugitive +Slave Law, and even menace the institution of slavery in the States +where it exists. Already a few in the South claim the constitutional +right to take and hold slaves in the free States, demand the revival of +the slave-trade, and demand a treaty with Great Britain by which +fugitive slaves may be reclaimed from Canada. As yet they are but few on +either side. It is a grave question for lovers of the Union, whether the +final destruction of the Missouri Compromise, and with it the spirit of +all compromise, will or will not embolden and embitter each of these, +and fatally increase the number of both. + +... Some men, mostly Whigs, who condemn the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise, nevertheless hesitate to go for its restoration, lest they +be thrown in company with the Abolitionists. Will they allow me, as an +old Whig, to tell them good-humouredly that I think this is very silly? +Stand with anybody that stands right. Stand with him while he is right, +and part with him when he goes wrong. Stand with the Abolitionist in +restoring the Missouri Compromise, and stand against him when he +attempts to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law. In the latter case you stand +with the Southern disunionist. What of that? You are still right. In +both cases you are right In both cases you expose the dangerous +extremes. In both you stand on the middle ground and hold the ship level +and steady. In both you are national, and nothing less than national. +This is the good old Whig ground. To desert such ground because of any +company is to be less than a Whig, less than a man, less than an +American. + +I particularly object to the new position which the avowed principle of +this Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. I object to it +because it assumes that there can be moral right in the enslaving of one +man by another. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance for free +people--a sad evidence that, feeling over-prosperity, we forget right; +that liberty as a principle we have ceased to revere. I object to it +because the Fathers of the Republic eschewed and rejected it. The +argument of "necessity" was the only argument they ever admitted in +favour of slavery, and so far, and so far only as it carried them, did +they ever go. They found the institution existing among us, which they +could not help, and they cast the blame on the British king for having +permitted its introduction. Thus we see the plain, unmistakable spirit +of their age towards slavery was hostility to the principle, and +toleration only by necessity. + +But now it is to be transformed into a _sacred right_.... Henceforth it +is to be the chief jewel of the nation,--the very figure-head of the +ship of State. Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the +grave, we have been giving up the old for the new faith. Near eighty +years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now +from that beginning we have run down to the other declaration, that for +some men to enslave others is a sacred right of self-government. These +principles cannot stand together. They are as opposite as God and +Mammon; and whoever holds to the one must despise the other.... + +Our Republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. Let us purify it. +Let us turn and wash it white in the spirit if not the blood of the +Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its claims of moral right, back +upon its existing legal rights and its arguments of necessity. Let us +return it to the position our fathers gave it, and there let it rest in +peace. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it the +practices and policy which harmonize with it. Let North and South, let +all Americans, let all lovers of liberty everywhere, join in the great +and good work. If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, +but we shall have so saved it as to make and to keep it for ever worthy +of the saving. + + + + +_From Letter to the Hon. Geo. Robertson, Lexington, Kentucky. +Springfield, Illinois. August 15, 1855_ + + +My dear Sir, ... You are not a friend of slavery in the abstract. In +that speech you spoke of "the peaceful extinction of slavery" and used +other expressions indicating your belief that the thing was, at some +time, to have an end. Since then we have had thirty-six years of +experience; and this experience has demonstrated, I think, that there is +no peaceful extinction of slavery in prospect for us. The signal failure +of Henry Clay and other good and great men, in 1849, to effect anything +in favour of gradual emancipation in Kentucky, together with a thousand +other signs, extinguishes that hope utterly. On the question of liberty, +as a principle, we are not what we have been. When we were the political +slaves of King George, and wanted to be free, we called the maxim that +"all men are created equal" a self-evident truth; but now when we have +grown fat, and have lost all dread of being slaves ourselves, we have +become so greedy to be _masters_ that we call the same maxim "a +self-evident lie." The Fourth of July has not quite dwindled away; it is +still a great day for burning fire-crackers! + +That spirit which desired the peaceful extinction of slavery has itself +become extinct with the _occasion_ and the _men_ of the Revolution. +Under the impulse of that occasion, nearly half the States adopted +systems of emancipation at once; and it is a significant fact that not a +single State has done the like since. So far as peaceful, voluntary +emancipation is concerned, the condition of the negro slave in America, +scarcely less terrible to the contemplation of the free mind, is now as +fixed and hopeless of change for the better as that of the lost souls of +the finally impenitent. The Autocrat of all the Russias will resign his +crown and proclaim his subjects free republicans, sooner than will our +American masters voluntarily give up their slaves. + +Our political problem now is, "Can we as a nation continue together +_permanently--for ever_--half slave, and half free?" The problem is too +mighty for me. May God in his mercy superintend the solution. + + Your much obliged friend, and humble servant, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Extracts from Letter to Joshua F. Speed. August 24, 1855_ + + +You suggest that in political action now, you and I would differ. I +suppose we would; not quite so much, however, as you may think. You know +I dislike slavery, and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far +there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your +legal right to the slave, especially at the bidding of those who are not +themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware +that any one is bidding you yield that right; very certainly I am not. I +leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also acknowledge your rights +and my obligations under the Constitution in regard to your slaves. I +confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down and caught and +carried back to their stripes and unrequited toil; but I bite my lips +and keep quiet. In 1841, you and I had together a tedious low-water trip +on a steamboat, from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I +well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio, there were on +board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together with irons. That sight was +a continued torment to me, and I see something like it every time I +touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It is not fair for you to +assume that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually +exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to +appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify +their feelings in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution +and the Union. I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment +and feeling so prompt me, and I am under no obligations to the contrary. +If for this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say if you were +President, you would send an army and hang the leaders of the Missouri +outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes +herself a slave State she must be admitted, or the Union must be +dissolved. But how if she votes herself a slave State unfairly; that +is, by the very means for which you say you would hang men? Must she +still be admitted, or the Union dissolved? That will be the phase of the +question when it first becomes a practical one. In your assumption that +there may be a fair decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I +plainly see that you and I would differ about the Nebraska law. I look +upon that enactment, not as a law, but as a violence from the beginning. +It was conceived in violence, is maintained in violence, and is being +executed in violence. I say it was conceived in violence, because the +destruction of the Missouri Compromise, under the circumstances, was +nothing less than violence. It was passed in violence, because it could +not have passed at all but for the votes of many members in violence of +the known will of their constituents. It is maintained in violence, +because the elections since clearly demand its repeal, and the demand is +openly disregarded. + +You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing the law; I +say that the way it is being executed is quite as good as any of its +antecedents. It is being executed in the precise way which was intended +from the first, else why does no Nebraska man express astonishment or +condemnation? Poor Reeder is the only public man who has been silly +enough to believe that anything like fairness was ever intended, and he +has been bravely undeceived. + +That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and with it ask to be +admitted into the Union, I take to be already a settled question, and so +settled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every principle +of law ever held by any court North or South, every negro taken to +Kansas _is_ free; yet in utter disregard of this--in the spirit of +violence merely--that beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang +any man who shall venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This is +the subject and real object of the law. If, like Haman, they should hang +upon the gallows of their own building, I shall not be among the +mourners for their fate. In my humble sphere, I shall advocate the +restoration of the Missouri Compromise so long as Kansas remains a +Territory; and when, by all these foul means, it seeks to come into the +Union as a slave State, I shall oppose it. I am very loath in any case +to withhold my assent to the enjoyment of property acquired or located +in good faith; but I do not admit that good faith in taking a negro to +Kansas to be held in slavery is a probability with any man. Any man who +has sense enough to be the controller of his own property has too much +sense to misunderstand the outrageous character of the whole Nebraska +business. But I digress. In my opposition to the admission of Kansas, I +shall have some company, but we may be beaten. If we are, I shall not, +on that account, attempt to dissolve the Union. I think it probable, +however, we shall be beaten. Standing as a unit among yourselves, you +can, directly and indirectly, bribe enough of our men to carry the day, +as you could on the open proposition to establish a monarchy. Get hold +of some man in the North whose position and ability are such that he can +make the support of your measure, whatever it may be, a Democratic-party +necessity, and the thing is done. Apropos of this, let me tell you an +anecdote. Douglas introduced the Nebraska Bill in January. In February +afterward, there was a called session of the Illinois Legislature. Of +the one hundred members composing the two branches of that body, about +seventy were Democrats. These latter held a caucus, in which the +Nebraska Bill was talked of, if not formally discussed. It was thereby +discovered that just three, and no more, were in favour of the measure. +In a day or two Douglas's orders came on to have resolutions passed +approving the bill; and they were passed by large majorities! The truth +of this is vouched for by a bolting Democratic member. The masses too, +Democratic as well as Whig, were even nearer unanimous against it; but +as soon as the party necessity of supporting it became apparent, the way +the Democrats began to see the wisdom and justice of it was perfectly +astonishing. + +You say that if Kansas fairly votes herself a free State, as a Christian +you will rejoice at it. All decent slaveholders talk that way, and I do +not doubt their candour; but they never vote that way. Although in a +private letter or conversation you will express your preference that +Kansas should be free, you would vote for no man for Congress who would +say the same thing publicly. No such man could be elected from any +district in a slave State. You think Stringfellow and company ought to +be hung.... The slave-breeders and slave-traders are a small, odious, +and detested class among you; and yet in politics they dictate the +course of all of you, and are as completely your masters as you are the +master of your own negroes. You inquire where I now stand. That is a +disputed point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there are no Whigs, +and that I am an Abolitionist. When I was at Washington, I voted for the +Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times; and I never heard of any one +attempting to unwhig me for that. I now do no more than oppose the +extension of slavery. I am not a Know-nothing; that is certain. How +could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes be in +favour of degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy +appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring +that _all men are created equal_. We now practically read it, _all men +are created equal except negroes_. When the Know-nothings get control, +it will read, _all men are created equal except negroes_ and foreigners +and Catholics. When it comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some +country where they make no pretence of loving liberty--to Russia, for +instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy +of hypocrisy.... My kindest regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading +subject of this letter I have more of her sympathy than I have of yours; +and yet let me say I am your friend for ever. + + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Mr. Lincoln's Speech. May 19, 1856_ + + +Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I was over at [cries of "Platform!" "Take +the platform!"]--I say, that while I was at Danville Court, some of our +friends of anti-Nebraska got together in Springfield and elected me as +one delegate to represent old Sangamon with them in this convention, and +I am here certainly as a sympathizer in this movement and by virtue of +that meeting and selection. But we can hardly be called delegates +strictly, inasmuch as, properly speaking, we represent nobody but +ourselves. I think it altogether fair to say that we have no +anti-Nebraska party in Sangamon, although there is a good deal of +anti-Nebraska feeling there; but I say for myself, and I think I may +speak also for my colleagues, that we who are here fully approve of the +platform and of all that has been done [A voice: "Yes!"]; and even if we +are not regularly delegates, it will be right for me to answer your call +to speak. I suppose we truly stand for the public sentiment of Sangamon +on the great question of the repeal, although we do not yet represent +many numbers who have taken a distinct position on the question. + +We are in a trying time--it ranges above mere party--and this movement +to call a halt and turn our steps backward needs all the help and good +counsels it can get; for unless popular opinion makes itself very +strongly felt, and a change is made in our present course, _blood will +flow on account of Nebraska, and brother's hand will be raised against +brother_! [The last sentence was uttered in such an earnest, impressive, +if not, indeed, tragic, manner, as to make a cold chill creep over me. +Others gave a similar experience.] + +I have listened with great interest to the earnest appeal made to +Illinois men by the gentleman from Lawrence [James S. Emery] who has +just addressed us so eloquently and forcibly. I was deeply moved by his +statement of the wrongs done to free-State men out there. I think it +just to say that all true men North should sympathize with them, and +ought to be willing to do any possible and needful thing to right their +wrongs. But we must not promise what we ought not, lest we be called on +to perform what we cannot; we must be calm and moderate, and consider +the whole difficulty, and determine what is possible and just. We must +not be led by excitement and passion to do that which our sober +judgments would not approve in our cooler moments. We have higher aims; +we will have more serious business than to dally with temporary +measures. + +We are here to stand firmly for a principle--to stand firmly for a +right. We know that great political and moral wrongs are done, and +outrages committed, and we denounce those wrongs and outrages, although +we cannot, at present, do much more. But we desire to reach out beyond +those personal outrages and establish a rule that will apply to all, and +so prevent any future outrages. + +We have seen to-day that every shade of popular opinion is represented +here, with _Freedom_ or rather _Free-Soil_ as the basis. We have come +together as in some sort representatives of popular opinion against the +extension of slavery into territory now free in fact as well as by law, +and the pledged word of the statesmen of the nation who are now no more. +We come--we are here assembled together--to protest as well as we can +against a great wrong, and to take measures, as well as we now can, to +make that wrong right; to place the nation, as far as it may be possible +now, as it was before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; and the +plain way to do this is to restore the Compromise, and to demand and +determine that _Kansas shall be free!_ [Immense applause.] While we +affirm, and reaffirm, if necessary, our devotion to the principles of +the Declaration of Independence, let our practical work here be limited +to the above. We know that there is not a perfect agreement of sentiment +here on the public questions which might be rightfully considered in +this convention, and that the indignation which we all must feel cannot +be helped; but all of us must give up something for the good of the +cause. There is one desire which is uppermost in the mind, one wish +common to us all--to which no dissent will be made; and I counsel you +earnestly to bury all resentment, to sink all personal feeling, make all +things work to a common purpose in which we are united and agreed about, +and which all present will agree is absolutely necessary--which _must_ +be done by any rightful mode if there be such: _Slavery must be kept out +of Kansas_! [Applause.] The test--the pinch--is right there. If we lose +Kansas to freedom, an example will be set which will prove fatal to +freedom in the end. We, therefore, in the language of the _Bible_, must +"lay the axe to the root of the tree." Temporizing will not do longer; +now is the time for decision--for firm, persistent, resolute action. +[Applause.] + +The Nebraska bill, or rather Nebraska law, is not one of wholesome +legislation, but was and is an act of legislative usurpation, whose +result, if not indeed intention, is to make slavery national; and unless +headed off in some effective way, we are in a fair way to see this land +of boasted freedom converted into a land of slavery in fact. +[Sensation.] Just open your two eyes, and see if this be not so. I need +do no more than state, to command universal approval, that almost the +entire North, as well as a large following in the border States, is +radically opposed to the planting of slavery in free territory. Probably +in a popular vote throughout the nation nine-tenths of the voters in the +free States, and at least one-half in the border States, if they could +express their sentiments freely, would vote NO on such an issue; and it +is safe to say that two-thirds of the votes of the entire nation would +be opposed to it. And yet, in spite of this overbalancing of sentiment +in this free country, we are in a fair way to see Kansas present itself +for admission as a slave State. Indeed, it is a felony, by the local law +of Kansas, to deny that slavery exists there even now. By every +principle of law, a negro in Kansas is free; yet the _bogus_ +legislature makes it an infamous crime to tell him that he is free! + +The party lash and the fear of ridicule will overawe justice and +liberty; for it is a singular fact, but none the less a fact, and well +known by the most common experience, that men will do things under the +terror of the party lash that they would not on any account or for any +consideration do otherwise; while men who will march up to the mouth of +a loaded cannon without shrinking, will run from the terrible name of +"Abolitionist," even when pronounced by a worthless creature whom they, +with good reason, despise. For instance--to press this point a +little--Judge Douglas introduced his anti-Nebraska bill in January; and +we had an extra session of our legislature in the succeeding February, +in which were seventy-five Democrats; and at a party caucus, fully +attended, there were just three votes out of the whole seventy-five, for +the measure. But in a few days orders came on from Washington, +commanding them to approve the measure; the party lash was applied, and +it was brought up again in caucus, and passed by a large majority. The +masses were against it, but party necessity carried it; and it was +passed through the lower house of Congress against the will of the +people, for the same reason. Here is where the greatest danger +lies--that, while we profess to be a government of law and reason, law +will give way to violence on demand of this awful and crushing power. +Like the great Juggernaut--I think that is the name--the great idol, it +crushes everything that comes in its way, and makes a--or as I read +once, in a black-letter law book, "a slave is a human being who is +legally not a _person_, but a _thing_." And if the safeguards to liberty +are broken down, as is now attempted, when they have made _things_ of +all the free negroes, how long, think you, before they will begin to +make _things_ of poor white men? [Applause.] Be not deceived. +Revolutions do not go backward. The founder of the Democratic party +declared that _all_ men were created equal. His successor in the +leadership has written the word "white" before men, making it read "all +_white_ men are created equal." Pray, will or may not the Know-nothings, +if they should get in power, add the word "protestant," making it read +"_all protestant white men_"? + +Meanwhile the hapless negro is the fruitful subject of reprisals in +other quarters. John Pettit, whom Tom Benton paid his respects to, you +will recollect, calls the immortal Declaration "a self-evident lie;" +while at the birth-place of freedom--in the shadow of Bunker Hill and of +the "cradle of liberty," at the home of the Adamses and Warren and +Otis--Choate, from our side of the house, dares to fritter away the +birthday promise of liberty by proclaiming the Declaration to be "a +string of glittering generalities;" and the Southern Whigs, working hand +in hand with pro-slavery Democrats, are making Choate's theories +practical. Thomas Jefferson, a slaveholder, mindful of the moral element +in slavery, solemnly declared that he "trembled for his country when he +remembered that God is just;" while Judge Douglas, with an insignificant +wave of the hand, "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted +down." Now, if slavery is right, or even negative, he has a right to +treat it in this trifling manner. But if it is a moral and political +wrong, as all Christendom considers it to be, how can he answer to God +for this attempt to spread and fortify it? [Applause.] + +But no man, and Judge Douglas no more than any other, can maintain a +negative, or merely neutral, position on this question; and, +accordingly, he avows that the Union was made _by_ white men and _for_ +white men and their descendants. As matter of fact, the first branch of +the proposition is historically true; the government was made by white +men, and they were and are the superior race. This I admit. But the +corner-stone of the government, so to speak, was the declaration that +"_all_ men are created equal," and all entitled to "life, liberty, and +the pursuit of happiness." [Applause.] + +And not only so, but the framers of the Constitution were particular to +keep out of that instrument the word "slave," the reason being that +slavery would ultimately come to an end, and they did not wish to have +any reminder that in this free country human beings were ever +prostituted to slavery. [Applause.] Nor is it any argument that we are +superior and the negro inferior--that he has but one talent while we +have ten. Let the negro possess the little he has in independence; if he +has but one talent, he should be permitted to keep the little he has. +[Applause.] But slavery will endure no test of reason or logic; and yet +its advocates, like Douglas, use a sort of bastard logic, or noisy +assumption, it might better be termed, like the above, in order to +prepare the mind for the gradual, but none the less certain, +encroachments of the Moloch of slavery upon, the fair domain of freedom. +But however much you may argue upon it, or smother it in soft phrases, +slavery can only be maintained by force--by violence. The repeal of the +Missouri Compromise was by violence. It was a violation of both law and +the sacred obligations of honour, to overthrow and trample underfoot a +solemn compromise, obtained by the fearful loss to freedom of one of the +fairest of our Western domains. Congress violated the will and +confidence of its constituents in voting for the bill; and while public +sentiment, as shown by the elections of 1854, demanded the restoration +of this compromise, Congress violated its trust by refusing, simply +because it had the force of numbers to hold on to it. And murderous +violence is being used now, in order to force slavery on to Kansas; for +it cannot be done in any other way. [Sensation.] + +The necessary result was to establish the rule of violence--force, +instead of the rule of law and reason; to perpetuate and spread slavery, +and, in time, to make it general. We see it at both ends of the line. In +Washington, on the very spot where the outrage was started, the fearless +Sumner is beaten to insensibility, and is now slowly dying; while +senators who claim to be gentlemen and Christians stood by, +countenancing the act, and even applauding it afterward in their places +in the Senate. Even Douglas, our man, saw it all and was within helping +distance, yet let the murderous blows fall unopposed. Then, at the other +end of the line, at the very time Sumner was being murdered, Lawrence +was being destroyed for the crime of Freedom. It was the most prominent +stronghold of liberty in Kansas, and must give way to the all-dominating +power of slavery. Only two days ago, Judge Trumbull found it necessary +to propose a bill in the Senate to prevent a general civil war and to +restore peace in Kansas. + +We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect +some new disaster with each newspaper we read. Are we in a healthful +political state? Are not the tendencies plain? Do not the signs of the +times point plainly the way in which we are going? [Sensation.] + +In the early days of the Constitution slavery was recognized, by South +and North alike, as an evil, and the division of sentiment about it was +not controlled by geographical lines or considerations of climate, but +by moral and philanthropic views. Petitions for the abolition of slavery +were presented to the very first Congress by Virginia and Massachusetts +alike. To show the harmony which prevailed, I will state that a fugitive +slave law was passed in 1793, with no dissenting voice in the Senate, +and but seven dissenting votes in the House. It was, however, a wise +law, moderate, and, under the Constitution, a just one. Twenty-five +years later, a more stringent law was proposed and defeated; and +thirty-five years after that, the present law, drafted by Mason of +Virginia, was passed by Northern votes. I am not, just now, complaining +of this law, but I am trying to show how the current sets; for the +proposed law of 1817 was far less offensive than the present one. In +1774 the Continental Congress pledged itself, without a dissenting vote, +to wholly discontinue the slave trade, and to neither purchase nor +import any slave: and less than three months before the passage of the +Declaration of Independence, the same Congress which adopted that +declaration unanimously resolved "that _no slave be imported into any of +the thirteen United Colonies_." [Great applause.] + +On the second day of July, 1776, the draft of a Declaration of +Independence was reported to Congress by the committee, and in it the +slave trade was characterized as "an execrable commerce," as "a +piratical warfare," as the "opprobrium of infidel powers," and as "a +cruel war against human nature." [Applause.] All agreed on this except +South Carolina and Georgia, and in order to preserve harmony, and from +the necessity of the case, these expressions were omitted. Indeed, +abolition societies existed as far south as Virginia; and it is a +well-known fact that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lee, Henry, Mason, +and Pendleton were qualified abolitionists, and much more radical on +that subject than we of the Whig and Democratic parties claim to be +to-day. On March 1, 1784, Virginia ceded to the confederation all its +lands lying northwest of the Ohio River. Jefferson, Chase of Maryland, +and Howell of Rhode Island, as a committee on that and territory +thereafter _to be ceded_, reported that no slavery should exist after +the year 1800. Had this report been adopted, not only the Northwest, but +Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi also would have been free; +but it required the assent of nine States to ratify it. North Carolina +was divided, and thus its vote was lost; and Delaware, Georgia, and New +Jersey refused to vote. In point of fact, as it was, it was assented to +by six States. Three years later, on a square vote to exclude slavery +from the Northwest, only one vote, and that from New York, was against +it. And yet, thirty-seven years later, five thousand citizens of +Illinois out of a voting mass of less than twelve thousand, +deliberately, after a long and heated contest, voted to introduce +slavery in Illinois; and, to-day, a large party in the free State of +Illinois are willing to vote to fasten the shackles of slavery on the +fair domain of Kansas, notwithstanding it received the dowry of freedom +long before its birth as a political community. I repeat, therefore, the +question, Is it not plain in what direction we are tending? [Sensation.] +In the colonial time, Mason, Pendleton, and Jefferson were as hostile to +slavery in Virginia as Otis, Ames, and the Adamses were in +Massachusetts; and Virginia made as earnest an effort to get rid of it +as old Massachusetts did. But circumstances were against them and they +failed; but not that the good-will of its leading men was lacking. Yet +within less than fifty years Virginia changed its tune, and made +negro-breeding for the cotton and sugar States one of its leading +industries. [Laughter and applause.] + +In the Constitutional Convention, George Mason of Virginia made a more +violent abolition speech than my friends Lovejoy or Codding would desire +to make here to-day--a speech which could not be safely repeated +anywhere on Southern soil in this enlightened year. But while there were +some differences of opinion on this subject even then, discussion was +allowed; but as you see by the Kansas slave code, which, as you know, is +the Missouri slave code, merely ferried across the river, it is a felony +to even express an opinion hostile to that foul blot in the land of +Washington and the Declaration of Independence. [Sensation.] + +In Kentucky--my State--in 1849, on a test vote, the mighty influence of +Henry Clay and many other good men there could not get a symptom of +expression in favour of gradual emancipation on a plain issue of +marching toward the light of civilization with Ohio and Illinois; but +the State of Boone and Hardin and Henry Clay, with a _nigger_ under each +arm, took the black trail toward the deadly swamps of barbarism. Is +there--can there be--any doubt about this thing? And is there any doubt +that we must all lay aside our prejudices and march, shoulder to +shoulder, in the great army of Freedom? [Applause.] + +Every Fourth of July our young orators all proclaim this to be "the land +of the _free_ and the home of the brave!" Well, now, when you orators +get that off next year, and, may be, this very year, how would you like +some old grizzled farmer to get up in the grove and deny it? [Laughter.] +How would you like that? But suppose Kansas comes in as a slave State, +and all the "border ruffians" have barbecues about it, and free-State +men come trailing back to the dishonoured North, like whipped dogs with +their tails between their legs, it is--ain't it?--evident that this is +no more the "land of the free;" and if we let it go so, we won't dare to +say "home of the brave" out loud. [Sensation and confusion.] + +Can any man doubt that, even in spite of the people's will, slavery will +triumph through violence, unless that will be made manifest and +enforced? Even Governor Reeder claimed at the outset that the contest in +Kansas was to be fair, but he got his eyes open at last; and I believe +that, as a result of this moral and physical violence, Kansas will soon +apply for admission as a slave State. And yet we can't mistake that the +people don't want it so, and that it is a land which is free both by +natural and political law. _No law is free law!_ Such is the +understanding of all Christendom. In the Somerset case, decided nearly a +century ago, the great Lord Mansfield held that slavery was of such a +nature that it must take its rise in _positive_ (as distinguished from +_natural_) law; and that in no country or age could it be traced back to +any other source. Will some one please tell me where is the _positive_ +law that establishes slavery in Kansas? [A voice: "The _bogus_ laws."] +Aye, the _bogus_ laws! And, on the same principle, a gang of Missouri +horse-thieves could come into Illinois and declare horse-stealing to be +legal [Laughter], and it would be just as legal as slavery is in Kansas. +But by express statute, in the land of Washington and Jefferson, we may +soon be brought face to face with the discreditable fact of showing to +the world by our acts that we prefer slavery to freedom--darkness to +light! [Sensation.] + +It is, I believe, a principle in law that when one party to a contract +violates it so grossly as to chiefly destroy the object for which it is +made, the other party may rescind it. I will ask Browning if that ain't +good law. [Voices: "Yes!"] Well, now if that be right, I go for +rescinding the whole, entire Missouri Compromise and thus turning +Missouri into a free State; and I should like to know the +difference--should like for any one to point out the difference--between +_our_ making a free State of Missouri and _their_ making a slave State +of Kansas. [Great applause.] There ain't one bit of difference, except +that our way would be a great mercy to humanity. But I have never +said--and the Whig party has never said--and those who oppose the +Nebraska bill do not as a body say, that they have any intention of +interfering with slavery in the slave States. Our platform says just the +contrary. We allow slavery to exist in the slave States--not because +slavery is right or good, but from the necessities of our Union. We +grant a fugitive slave law because it is so "nominated in the bond;" +because our fathers so stipulated--had to--and we are bound to carry out +this agreement. But they did not agree to introduce slavery in regions +where it did not previously exist. On the contrary, they said by their +example and teachings that they did not deem it expedient--did not +consider it right--to do so; and it is wise and right to do just as they +did about it [Voices: "Good!"], and that is what we propose--not to +interfere with slavery where it exists (we have never tried to do it), +and to give them a reasonable and efficient fugitive slave law. [A +voice: "No!"] I say YES! [Applause.] It was part of the bargain, and I'm +for living up to it; but I go no further; I'm not bound to do more, and +I won't agree any further. [Great applause.] + +We, here in Illinois, should feel especially proud of the provision of +the Missouri Compromise excluding slavery from what is now Kansas; for +an Illinois man, Jesse B. Thomas, was its father. Henry Clay, who is +credited with the authorship of the Compromise in general terms, did not +even vote for that provision, but only advocated the ultimate admission +by a second compromise; and, Thomas was, beyond all controversy, the +real author of the "slavery restriction" branch of the Compromise. To +show the generosity of the Northern members toward the Southern side; on +a test vote to exclude slavery from Missouri, ninety voted not to +exclude, and eighty-seven to exclude, every vote from the slave States +being ranged with the former and fourteen votes from the free States, +of whom seven were from New England alone; while on a vote to exclude +slavery from what is now Kansas, the vote was one hundred and +thirty-four _for_ to forty-two _against_. The scheme, as a whole, was, +of course, a Southern triumph. It is idle to contend otherwise, as is +now being done by the Nebraskaites; it was so shown by the votes and +quite as emphatically by the expressions of representative men. Mr. +Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to commit a political mistake; +his was the great judgment of that section; and he declared that this +measure "would restore tranquillity to the country--a result demanded by +every consideration of discretion, of moderation, of wisdom, and of +virtue." When the measure came before President Monroe for his approval, +he put to each member of his cabinet this question: "Has Congress the +constitutional power to prohibit slavery in a territory?" And John C. +Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the South, equally with John Quincy +Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson from the North, alike answered, +"_Yes!_" without qualification or equivocation; and this measure, of so +great consequence to the South, was passed; and Missouri was, by means +of it, finally enabled to knock at the door of the Republic for an open +passage to its brood of slaves. And, in spite of this, Freedom's share +is about to be taken by violence--by the force of misrepresentative +votes, not called for by the popular will. What name can I, in common +decency, give to this wicked transaction? [Sensation.] + +But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri +constitution came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free +negro or mulatto from entering the State. In short, our Illinois "black +laws" were hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the +controversy was thus revived. Then it was that Mr. Clay's talents shone +out conspicuously, and the controversy that shook the Union to its +foundation was finally settled to the satisfaction of the conservative +parties on both sides of the line, though not to the extremists on +either, and Missouri was admitted by the small majority of six in the +lower House. How great a majority, do you think, would have been given +had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A voice: "A majority the +other way."] "A majority the other way," is answered. Do you think it +would have been safe for a Northern man to have confronted his +constituents after having voted to consign both Missouri and Kansas to +hopeless slavery? And yet this man Douglas, who misrepresents his +constituents, and who has exerted his highest talents in that direction, +will be carried in triumph through the State, and hailed with honour +while applauding that act. [Three groans for "_Dug_!"] And this shows +whither we are tending. This thing of slavery is more powerful than its +supporters--even than the high priests that minister at its altar. It +debauches even our greatest men. It gathers strength, like a rolling +snow-ball, by its own infamy. Monstrous crimes are committed in its name +by persons collectively which they would not dare to commit as +individuals. Its aggressions and encroachments almost surpass belief. In +a despotism, one might not wonder to see slavery advance steadily and +remorselessly into new dominions; but is it not wonderful, is it not +even alarming, to see its steady advance in a land dedicated to the +proposition that "all men are created equal"? [Sensation.] + +It yields nothing itself; it keeps all it has, and gets all it can +besides. It really came dangerously near securing Illinois in 1824; it +did get Missouri in 1821. The first proposition was to admit what is now +Arkansas _and_ Missouri as one slave State. But the territory was +divided, and Arkansas came in, without serious question, as a slave +State; and afterward Missouri, not as a sort of equality, _free_, but +also as a slave State. Then we had Florida and Texas; and now Kansas is +about to be forced into the dismal procession. [Sensation.] And so it is +wherever you look. We have not forgotten--it is but six years since--how +dangerously near California came to being a slave State. Texas is a +slave State, and four other slave States may be carved from its vast +domain. And yet, in the year 1829, slavery was abolished throughout +that vast region by a royal decree of the then sovereign of Mexico. Will +you please tell me by what _right_ slavery exists in Texas to-day? By +the same right as, and no higher or greater than, slavery is seeking +dominion in Kansas: by political force--peaceful, if that will suffice; +by the torch (as in Kansas) and the bludgeon (as in the Senate chamber), +if required. And so history repeats itself; and even as slavery has kept +its course by craft, intimidation, and violence in the past, so it will +persist, in my judgment, until met and dominated by the will of a people +bent on its restriction. + +We have, this very afternoon, heard bitter denunciations of Brooks in +Washington, and Titus, Stringfellow, Atchison, Jones, and Shannon in +Kansas--the battle-ground of slavery. I certainly am not going to +advocate or shield them; but they and their acts are but the necessary +outcome of the Nebraska law. We should reserve our highest censure for +the authors of the mischief, and not for the catspaws which they use. I +believe it was Shakespeare who said, "Where the offence lies, there let +the axe fall;" and, in my opinion, this man Douglas and the Northern men +in Congress who advocate "Nebraska" are more guilty than a thousand +Joneses and Stringfellows, with all their murderous practices, can be. +[Applause.] + +We have made a good beginning here to-day. As our Methodist friends +would say, "I feel it is good to be here." While extremists may find +some fault with the moderation of our platform, they should recollect +that "the battle is not always to the strong, nor the race to the +swift." In grave emergencies, moderation is generally safer than +radicalism: and as this struggle is likely to be long and earnest, we +must not, by our action, repel any who are in sympathy with us in the +main, but rather win all that we can to our standard. We must not +belittle nor overlook the facts of our condition--that we are new and +comparatively weak, while our enemies are entrenched and relatively +strong. They have the administration and the political power; and, right +or wrong, at present they have the numbers. Our friends who urge an +appeal to arms with so much force and eloquence, should recollect that +the government is arrayed against us, and that the numbers are now +arrayed against us as well; or, to state it nearer to the truth, they +are not yet expressly and affirmatively for us; and we should repel +friends rather than gain them by anything savouring of revolutionary +methods. As it now stands, we must appeal to the sober sense and +patriotism of the people. We will make converts day by day; we will grow +strong by calmness and moderation; we will grow strong by the violence +and injustice of our adversaries. And, unless truth be a mockery and +justice a hollow lie, we will be in the majority after a while, and then +the revolution which we will accomplish will be none the less radical +from being the result of pacific measures. The battle of freedom is to +be fought out on principle. Slavery is a violation of the eternal right. +We have temporized with it from the necessities of our condition; but +_as sure as God reigns and school children read_, THAT BLACK FOUL LIE +CAN NEVER BE CONSECRATED INTO GOD'S HALLOWED TRUTH! [Immense applause +lasting some time.] One of our greatest difficulties is, that men who +_know_ that slavery is a detestable crime and ruinous to the nation, are +compelled, by our peculiar condition and other circumstances, to +advocate it concretely, though damning it in the raw. Henry Clay was a +brilliant example of this tendency; others of our purest statesmen are +compelled to do so; and thus slavery secures actual support from those +who detest it at heart. Yet Henry Clay perfected and forced through the +Compromise which secured to slavery a great State as well as a political +advantage. Not that he hated slavery less, but that he loved the whole +Union more. As long as slavery profited by his great Compromise, the +hosts of pro-slavery could not sufficiently cover him with praise; but +now that this Compromise stands in their way-- + + "...they never mention him, + His name is never heard: + Their lips are now forbid to speak + That once familiar word." + +They have slaughtered one of his most cherished measures, and his ghost +would arise to rebuke them. [Great applause.] + +Now, let us harmonize, my friends, and appeal to the moderation and +patriotism of the people: to the sober second thought; to the awakened +public conscience. The repeal of the sacred Missouri Compromise has +installed the weapons of violence: the bludgeon, the incendiary torch, +the death-dealing rifle, the bristling cannon--the weapons of kingcraft, +of the inquisition, of ignorance, of barbarism, of oppression. We see +its fruits in the dying bed of the heroic Sumner; in the ruins of the +"Free State" hotel; in the smoking embers of the _Herald of Freedom_; in +the free-State Governor of Kansas chained to a stake on freedom's soil +like a horse-thief, for the crime of freedom. [Applause.] We see it in +Christian statesmen, and Christian newspapers, and Christian pulpits, +applauding _the cowardly act of a low bully_, WHO CRAWLED UPON HIS +VICTIM BEHIND HIS BACK AND DEALT THE DEADLY BLOW. [Sensation and +applause.] We note our political demoralization in the catch-words that +are coming into such common use; on the one hand, "freedom-shriekers," +and sometimes "freedom-screechers" [Laughter]; and, on the other hand, +"border ruffians," and that fully deserved. And the significance of +catch-words cannot pass unheeded, for they constitute a sign of the +times. Everything in this world "jibes" in with everything else, and all +the fruits of this Nebraska bill are like the poisoned source from which +they come. I will not say that we may not sooner or later be compelled +to meet force by force; but the time has not yet come, and if we are +true to ourselves, may never come. Do not mistake that the ballot is +stronger than the bullet. Therefore let the legions of slavery use +bullets; but let us wait patiently till November, and fire ballots at +them in return; and by that peaceful policy, I believe we shall +ultimately win. [Applause.] + +It was by that policy that here in Illinois the early fathers fought the +good fight and gained the victory. In 1824 the free men of our State, +led by Governor Coles (who was a native of Maryland and President +Madison's private secretary), determined that those beautiful groves +should never re-echo the dirge of one who has no title to himself. By +their resolute determination, the winds that sweep across our broad +prairies shall never cool the parched brow, nor shall the unfettered +streams that bring joy and gladness to our free soil water the tired +feet, of a _slave_; but so long as those heavenly breezes and sparkling +streams bless the land, or the groves and their fragrance or their +memory remain, the humanity to which they minister SHALL BE FOR EVER +FREE! [Great applause.] Palmer, Yates, Williams, Browning, and some more +in this convention came from Kentucky to Illinois (instead of going to +Missouri), not only to better their conditions, but also to get away +from slavery. They have said so to me, and it is understood among us +Kentuckians that we don't like it one bit. Now, can we, mindful of the +blessings of liberty which the early men of Illinois left to us, refuse +a like privilege to the free men who seek to plant Freedom's banner on +our Western outposts? ["No! No!"] Should we not stand by our neighbours +who seek to better their conditions in Kansas and Nebraska? ["Yes! +Yes!"] Can we as Christian men, and strong and free ourselves, wield the +sledge or hold the iron which is to manacle anew an already oppressed +race? ["No! No!"] "Woe unto them," it is written, "that decree +unrighteous decrees and that write grievousness which they have +prescribed." Can we afford to sin any more deeply against human liberty? +["No! No!"] + +One great trouble in the matter is, that slavery is an insidious and +crafty power, and gains equally by open violence of the brutal as well +as by sly management of the peaceful. Even after the ordinance of 1787, +the settlers in Indiana and Illinois (it was all one government then) +tried to get Congress to allow slavery temporarily, and petitions to +that end were sent from Kaskaskia, and General Harrison, the Governor, +urged it from Vincennes the capital. If that had succeeded, good-bye to +liberty here. But John Randolph of Virginia made a vigorous report +against it; and although they persevered so well as to get three +favourable reports for it, yet the United States Senate, with the aid of +some slave States, finally _squelched_ it for good. [Applause.] And that +is why this hall is to-day a temple for free men instead of a negro +livery stable. [Great applause and laughter.] Once let slavery get +planted in a locality, by ever so weak or doubtful a title, and in ever +so small numbers, and it is like the Canada thistle or Bermuda +grass--you can't root it out. You yourself may detest slavery; but your +neighbour has five or six slaves, and he is an excellent neighbour, or +your son has married his daughter, and they beg you to help save their +property, and you vote against your interest and principles to +accommodate a neighbour, hoping that your vote will be on the losing +side. And others do the same; and in those ways slavery gets a sure +foothold. And when that is done the whole mighty Union--the force of the +nation--is committed to its support. And that very process is working in +Kansas to-day. And you must recollect that the slave property is worth a +billion of dollars ($1,000,000,000); while free-State men must work for +sentiment alone. Then there are "blue lodges"--as they call +them--everywhere doing their secret and deadly work. + +It is a very strange thing, and not solvable by any moral law that I +know of, that if a man loses his horse, the whole country will turn out +to help hang the thief; but if a man but a shade or two darker than I am +is himself stolen, the same crowd will hang one who aids in restoring +him to liberty. Such are the inconsistencies of slavery, where a horse +is more sacred than a man; and the essence of _squatter_ or popular +sovereignty--I don't care how you call it--is that if one man chooses to +make a slave of another, no third man shall be allowed to object. And if +you can do this in free Kansas, and it is allowed to stand, the next +thing you will see is ship-loads of negroes from Africa at the wharf at +Charleston; for one thing is as truly lawful as the other; and these +are the bastard notions we have got to stamp out, else they will stamp +us out. [Sensation and applause.] + +Two years ago, at Springfield, Judge Douglas avowed that Illinois came +into the Union as a slave State, and that slavery was weeded out by the +operation of his great, patent, everlasting principle of "popular +sovereignty." [Laughter.] Well, now, that argument must be answered, for +it has a little grain of truth at the bottom. I do not mean that it is +true in essence, as he would have us believe. It could not be +essentially true if the ordinance of '87 was valid. But, in point of +fact, there were some degraded beings called slaves in Kaskaskia and the +other French settlements when our first State constitution was adopted; +that is a fact, and I don't deny it. Slaves were brought here as early +as 1720, and were kept here in spite of the ordinance of 1787 against +it. But slavery did not thrive here. On the contrary, under the +influence of the ordinance, the number _decreased_ fifty-one from 1810 +to 1820; while under the influence of _squatter_ sovereignty, right +across the river in Missouri, they _increased_ seven thousand two +hundred and eleven in the same time; and slavery finally faded out in +Illinois, under the influence of the law of freedom, while it grew +stronger and stronger in Missouri, under the law or practice of "popular +sovereignty." In point of fact there were but one hundred and seventeen +slaves in Illinois one year after its admission, or one to every four +hundred and seventy of its population; or, to state it in another way, +if Illinois was a slave State in 1820, so were New York and New Jersey +much greater slave States from having had greater numbers, slavery +having been established there in very early times. But there is this +vital difference between all these States and the judge's Kansas +experiment: that they sought to disestablish slavery which had been +already established, while the judge seeks, so far as he can, to +disestablish freedom, which had been established there by the Missouri +Compromise. [Voices: "Good!"] + +The Union is undergoing a fearful strain; but it is a stout old ship, +and has weathered many a hard blow, and "the stars in their courses," +aye, an invisible power, greater than the puny efforts of men, will +fight for us. But we ourselves must not decline the burden of +responsibility, nor take counsel of unworthy passions. Whatever duty +urges us to do or to omit, must be done or omitted; and the recklessness +with which our adversaries break the laws, or counsel their violation, +should afford no example for us. Therefore, let us revere the +Declaration of Independence; let us continue to obey the Constitution +and the laws; let us keep step to the music of the Union. Let us draw a +cordon, so to speak, around the slave States, and the hateful +institution, like a reptile poisoning itself, will perish by its own +infamy. [Applause.] + +But we cannot be free men if this is, by our national choice, to be a +land of slavery. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for +themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it. +[Loud applause.] + +Did you ever, my friends, seriously reflect upon the speed with which we +are tending downward? Within the memory of men now present the leading +statesmen of Virginia could make genuine, red-hot abolitionist speeches +in old Virginia; and, as I have said, now even in "free Kansas" it is a +crime to declare that it is "free Kansas." The very sentiments that I +and others have just uttered would entitle us, and each of us, to the +ignominy and seclusion of a dungeon; and yet I suppose that, like Paul, +we were "free born." But if this thing is allowed to continue, it will +be but one step further to impress the same rule in Illinois. +[Sensation.] + +The conclusion of all is, that we must restore the Missouri Compromise. +We must highly resolve that _Kansas must be free_! [Great applause.] We +must reinstate the birthday promise of the Republic; we must reaffirm +the Declaration of Independence; we must make good in essence as well as +in form Madison's vowal that "the word _slave_ ought not to appear in +the Constitution;" and we must even go further, and decree that only +local law, and not that time-honoured instrument, shall shelter a +slave-holder. We must make this a land of liberty in fact, as it is in +name. But in seeking to attain these results--so indispensable if the +liberty which is our pride and boast shall endure--we will be loyal to +the Constitution and to the "flag of our Union," and no matter what our +grievance--even though Kansas shall come in as a slave State; and no +matter what theirs--even if we shall restore the Compromise--WE WILL SAY +TO THE SOUTHERN DISUNIONISTS, WE WON'T GO OUT OF THE UNION, AND YOU +SHAN'T!!! [This was the climax; the audience rose to its feet _en +masse_, applauded, stamped, waved handkerchiefs, threw hats in the air, +and ran riot for several minutes. The arch-enchanter who wrought this +transformation looked, meanwhile, like the personification of political +justice.] + +But let us, meanwhile, appeal to the sense and patriotism of the people, +and not to their prejudices; let us spread the floods of enthusiasm here +aroused all over these vast prairies, so suggestive of freedom. Let us +commence by electing the gallant soldier Governor (Colonel) Bissell who +stood for the honour of our State alike on the plains and amidst the +chaparral of Mexico and on the floor of Congress, while he defied the +Southern Hotspur; and that will have a greater moral effect than all the +border ruffians can accomplish in all their raids on Kansas. There is +both a power and a magic in popular opinion. To that let us now appeal; +and while, in all probability, no resort to force will be needed, our +moderation and forbearance will stand us in good stead when, if ever, WE +MUST MAKE AN APPEAL TO BATTLE AND TO THE GOD OF HOSTS!! [Immense +applause and a rush for the orator.] + +This speech has been called Lincoln's "Lost Speech," because all the +reporters present were so carried away by his eloquence that they one +and all forgot to take any notes. If it had not been for a young lawyer, +a Mr. H.C. Whitney, who kept his head sufficiently to take notes, we +would have no record of it. Mr. Whitney wrote out the speech for +McClure's Magazine in 1896. It was submitted to several people who were +present at the Bloomington Convention, and they said it was remarkably +accurate considering that it was not taken down stenographically. + + + + +_From his Speech on the Dred Scott Decision. Springfield, Illinois. June +26, 1857_ + + +... And now as to the Dred Scott decision. That decision declares two +propositions,--first, that a negro cannot sue in the United States +courts; and secondly, that Congress cannot prohibit slavery in the +Territories. It was made by a divided court,--dividing differently on +the different points. Judge Douglas does not discuss the merits of the +decision, and in that respect I shall follow his example, believing I +could no more improve on McLean and Curtis than he could on Taney. + +He denounces all who question the correctness of that decision, as +offering violent resistance to it. But who resists it? Who has, in spite +of the decision, declared Dred Scott free, and resisted the authority of +his master over him? + +Judicial decisions have two uses: first, to absolutely determine the +case decided; and secondly, to indicate to the public how other similar +cases will be decided when they arise. For the latter use, they are +called "precedents" and "authorities." + +We believe as much as Judge Douglas (perhaps more) in obedience to and +respect for the judicial department of government. We think its +decisions on constitutional questions, when fully settled, should +control not only the particular cases decided, but the general policy of +the country, subject to be disturbed only by amendments of the +Constitution, as provided in that instrument itself. More than this +would be revolution. But we think the Dred Scott decision is erroneous. +We know the court that made it has often overruled its own decisions, +and we shall do what we can to have it overrule this. We offer no +resistance to it. + +Judicial decisions are of greater or less authority as precedents +according to circumstances. That this should be so, accords both with +common-sense and the customary understanding of the legal profession. + +If this important decision had been made by the unanimous concurrence of +the judges, and without any apparent partisan bias, and in accordance +with legal public expectation, and with the steady practice of the +departments throughout our history, and had been in no part based on +assumed historical facts, which are not really true; or if wanting in +some of these, it had been before the court more than once, and had +there been affirmed and reaffirmed through a course of years,--it then +might be, perhaps would be factious, nay, even revolutionary, not to +acquiesce in it as a precedent. + +But when, as is true, we find it wanting in all these claims to the +public confidence, it is not resistance, it is not factious, it is not +even disrespectful to treat it as not having yet quite established a +settled doctrine for the country. + +I have said in substance, that the Dred Scott decision was in part based +on assumed historical facts which were not really true, and I ought not +to leave the subject without giving some reasons for saying this, I +therefore give an instance or two, which I think fully sustain me. Chief +Justice Taney, in delivering the opinion of the majority of the court, +insists at great length that negroes were no part of the people who +made, or for whom was made, the Declaration of Independence, or the +Constitution of the United States. + +On the contrary, Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, shows that in +five of the then thirteen States--to wit, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, +New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina--free negroes were voters, and +in proportion to their numbers had the same part in making the +Constitution that the white people had. He shows this with so much +particularity as to leave no doubt of its truth; and as a sort of +conclusion on that point, holds the following language: + + "The Constitution was ordained and established by the people of the + United States, through the action, in each State, of those persons + who were qualified by its laws to act thereon in behalf of + themselves and all other citizens of the State. In some of the + States, as we have seen, coloured persons were among those + qualified by law to act on the subject. These coloured persons were + not only included in the body of 'the people of the United States' + by whom the Constitution was ordained and established; but in at + least five of the States they had the power to act, and doubtless + did act, by their suffrages, upon the question of its adoption." + +Again, Chief Justice Taney says: + + "It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public + opinion, in relation to that unfortunate race, which prevailed in + the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of + the Declaration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the + United States was framed and adopted." + +And again, after quoting from the Declaration, he says: + + "The general words above quoted would seem to include the whole + human family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this + day, would be so understood." + +In these the Chief Justice does not directly assert, but plainly assumes +as a fact, that the public estimate of the black man is more favourable +now than it was in the days of the Revolution. This assumption is a +mistake. In some trifling particulars the condition of that race has +been ameliorated; but as a whole, in this country, the change between +then and now is decidedly the other way; and their ultimate destiny has +never appeared so hopeless as in the last three or four years. In two +of the five States--New Jersey and North Carolina--that then gave the +free negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken away; and +in a third--New York--it has been greatly abridged: while it has not +been extended, so far as I know, to a single additional State, though +the number of the States has more than doubled. In those days, as I +understand, masters could, at their own pleasure, emancipate their +slaves; but since then such legal restraints have been made upon +emancipation as to amount almost to prohibition. In those days +legislatures held the unquestioned power to abolish slavery in their +respective States; but now it is becoming quite fashionable for State +constitutions to withhold that power from the legislatures. In those +days, by common consent, the spread of the black man's bondage to the +new countries was prohibited; but now Congress decides that it will not +continue the prohibition, and the Supreme Court decides that it could +not if it would. In those days our Declaration of Independence was held +sacred by all, and thought to include all; but now, to aid in making the +bondage of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed and sneered +at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could +rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the +powers of earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon is after him; +ambition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology of the day is +fast joining in the cry. They have him in his prison-house; they have +searched his person, and left no prying instrument with him. One after +another they have closed the heavy iron doors upon him; and now they +have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can +never be unlocked without the concurrence of every key; the keys in the +hands of a hundred different men, and they scattered to a hundred +different and distant places; and they stand musing as to what +invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced to +make the impossibility of escape more complete than it is. It is +grossly incorrect to say or assume that the public estimate of the negro +is more favourable now than it was at the origin of the government. + +... There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people +at the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black +races; and Judge Douglas evidently is basing his chief hope upon the +chances of his being able to appropriate the benefit of this disgust to +himself. If he can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the odium of +that idea upon his adversaries, he thinks he can struggle through the +storm. He therefore clings to this hope as a drowning man to the last +plank. He makes an occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the +Dred Scott decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the +Declaration of Independence includes _all_ men, black as well as white; +and forthwith he boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and +proceeds to argue gravely that all who contend it does, do so only +because they want to vote, and eat, and sleep, and marry with negroes! +He will have it that they cannot be consistent else. Now I protest +against the counterfeit logic which concludes that because I do not want +a black woman for a slave, I must necessarily want her for a wife. I +need not have her for either. I can just leave her alone. In some +respects she certainly is not my equal; but in her natural right to eat +the bread she earns with her own hands without asking leave of any one +else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others. + +Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, admits that +the language of the Declaration is broad enough to include the whole +human family; but he and Judge Douglas argue that the authors of that +instrument did not intend to include negroes, by the fact that they did +not at once actually place them on an equality with the whites. Now this +grave argument comes to just nothing at all, by the other fact that they +did not at once, nor ever afterward, actually place all white people on +an equality with one another. And this is the staple argument of both +the Chief Justice and the senator, for doing this obvious violence to +the plain, unmistakable language of the Declaration. + +I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include _all_ +men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal _in all respects_. +They did not mean to say that all were equal in colour, size, intellect, +moral developments, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable +distinctness in what respects they did consider all men created +equal,--equal with "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, +liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they +meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were +then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to +confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer +such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the +enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. + +They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be +familiar to all and revered by all,--constantly looked to, constantly +laboured for, and, even though never perfectly attained, constantly +approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its +influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people +of all colours everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created +equal," was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great +Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for +future use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God, it is now proving +itself, a stumbling-block to all those who in after times might seek to +turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew +the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant, when such +should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, that they +should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack. + +I have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and object of that +part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that all men are +created equal. Now let us hear Judge Douglas's view of the same +subject, as I find it in the printed report of his late speech. Here it +is: + + "No man can vindicate the character, motives and conduct of the + signers of the Declaration of Independence except upon the + hypothesis that they referred to the white race alone, and not to + the African, when they declared all men to have been created equal; + that they were speaking of British subjects on this continent being + equal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain; that + they were entitled to the same inalienable rights, and among them + were enumerated life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The + Declaration was adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists + in the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance + from the British crown, and dissolving their connection with the + mother-country." + +My good friends, read that carefully over some leisure hour, and ponder +well upon it; see what a mere wreck and mangled ruin Judge Douglas makes +of our once glorious Declaration. He says "they were speaking of British +subjects on this continent being equal to British subjects born and +residing in Great Britain!" Why, according to this, not only negroes but +white people outside of Great Britain and America were not spoken of in +that instrument. The English, Irish, and Scotch, along with white +Americans, were included, to be sure; but the French, Germans, and other +white people of the world are all gone to pot along with the Judge's +inferior races! + +I had thought that the Declaration promised something better than the +condition of British subjects; but no, it only meant that we should be +equal to them in their own oppressed and unequal condition. According to +that, it gave no promise that, having kicked off the king and lords of +Great Britain, we should not at once be saddled with a king and lords of +our own. + +I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improvement +in the condition of all men, everywhere; but no, it merely "was adopted +for the purpose of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the +civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the British crown, +and dissolving their connection with the mother-country." Why, that +object having been effected some eighty years ago, the Declaration is of +no practical use now--mere rubbish--old wadding, left to rot on the +battle-field after the victory is won. + +I understand you are preparing to celebrate the "Fourth," to-morrow +week. What for? The doings of that day had no reference to the present; +and quite half of you are not even descendants of those who were +referred to at that day. But I suppose you will celebrate, and will even +go so far as to read the Declaration. Suppose, after you read it once in +the old-fashioned way, you read it once more with Judge Douglas's +version. It will then run thus: "We told these truths to be +self-evident, that all British subjects who were on this continent +eighty-one years ago, were created equal to all British subjects born +and then residing in Great Britain!" + +... The very Dred Scott case affords a strong test as to which party +most favours amalgamation, the Republicans or the dear Union-saving +Democracy. Dred Scott, his wife and two daughters, were all involved in +the suit. We desired the court to have held that they were citizens, so +far at least as to entitle them to a hearing as to whether they were +free or not; and then also, that they were in fact and in law really +free. Could we have had our way, the chances of these black girls ever +mixing their blood with that of white people would have been diminished +at least to the extent that it could not have been without their +consent. But Judge Douglas is delighted to have them decided to be +slaves, and not human enough to have a hearing, even if they were free, +and thus left subject to the forced concubinage of their masters, and +liable to become the mothers of mulattoes in spite of themselves,--the +very state of the case that produces nine-tenths of all the mulattoes, +all the mixing of the blood of the nation. + + + + +_"A house divided against itself cannot stand." On Lincoln's Nomination +to the United States Senate. Springfield, Illinois. June 17, 1858_ + + +If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we +could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the +fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and +confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the +operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but +has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis +shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself +cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half +slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved,--I do +not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be +divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the +opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it +shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North +as well as South. + +Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts, +carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination--piece +of machinery, so to speak--compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the +Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery +is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also let him study the +history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he +can, to trace the evidences of design and concert of action among its +chief architects from the beginning. + +The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the +States by State constitutions, and from most of the national territory +by congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle +which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition. This opened all +the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. + +But so far, Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, +real or apparent, was indispensable to save the point already gained and +give chance for more. + +This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as +well as might be, in the notable argument of _Squatter Sovereignty_, +otherwise called _sacred right of self-government_, which latter phrase, +though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so +perverted in this attempted use of it, as to amount to just this: That +if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed +to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, +in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of +this act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to +exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to +form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject +only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of +loose declamation in favour of _Squatter Sovereignty_ and _sacred right +of self-government_. "But," said opposition members, "let us amend the +bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may +exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure, and down +they voted the amendment. + +While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a _law case_, +involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner +having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a +Territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a +slave for a long time in each, was passing through the United States +Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and +law-suit were brought to a decision, in the same month of May, 1854. The +negro's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision +finally rendered in the case. Before the then next presidential +election, the law case came to, and was argued, in the Supreme Court of +the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the +election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of +the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state +_his opinion_ whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally +exclude slavery from their limits, and the latter answers: "That is a +question for the Supreme Court." + +The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such +as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, +however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred +thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and +satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as +impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and +authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not +announce their decision, but ordered a reargument. The presidential +inauguration came, and still no decision of the Court; but the incoming +President in his inaugural address fervently exhorted the people to +abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a few +days, came the decision. + +The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make +a speech at this capitol, indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and +vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, +seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly +construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any +different view had ever been entertained! + +At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of +the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of _fact_ whether the Lecompton +constitution was, or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of +Kansas; and in that quarrel, the latter declares that all he wants is a +fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted +_down_ or _voted up_. I do not understand his declaration that he cares +not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him +other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the +public mind,--the principle for which he declares he has suffered so +much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that +principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That +principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. +Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of +existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at +the foundry, it served through one blast, and fell back into loose +sand,--helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. +His late joint struggle with the Republicans against the Lecompton +constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That +struggle was made on a point--the right of the people to make their own +constitution--upon which he and the Republicans have never differed. + +The several points of the Dred Scott decision in connection with Senator +Douglas's "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery in its +present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. The +working points of that machinery are: + +_First._ That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no +descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the +sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. +This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible +event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States +Constitution which declares that "citizens of each State shall be +entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several +States." + +_Secondly._ That "subject to the Constitution of the United States," +neither Congress nor a territorial legislature can exclude slavery from +any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual +men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing +them as property, and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the +institution through all the future. + +_Thirdly._ That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free +State makes him free as against the holder, the United States Courts +will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave +State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, +not to be pressed immediately; but if acquiesced in for a while, and +apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the +logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with +Dred Scott in the free State of Illinois, every other master may +lawfully do, with any other one, or one thousand slaves in Illinois, or +in any other free State. + +Auxiliary to all this, and working hand-in-hand with it, the Nebraska +doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould public opinion +not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. This shows +exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither we are tending. + +It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the +mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things +will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were +transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only +to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders +could not then see. Plainly enough now: it was an exactly fitted niche +for the Dred Scott decision to afterwards come in, and declare the +perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the +amendment expressly declaring the right of the people voted down? +Plainly enough now: the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for +the Dred Scott decision. Why was the Court decision held up? Why even a +Senator's individual opinion withheld till after the presidential +election? Plainly enough now: the speaking out then would have damaged +the perfectly free argument upon which the election was to be carried. +Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the +delay of a reargument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation +in favour of the decision? These things look like the cautious patting +and petting of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is +dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty +after-indorsement of the decision by the President and others? + +We cannot absolutely know that all these adaptations are the result of +preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions +of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and +by different workmen--Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance +(Douglas, Pierce, Taney, Buchanan),--and when we see those timbers +joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a +mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths +and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their +respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting +even scaffolding--or if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in +the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in,--in +such a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and +Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the +beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft, drawn up before +the first blow was struck. + +It should not be overlooked that by the Nebraska bill the people of a +State as well as Territory were to be left "perfectly free," "subject +only to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating +for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a +State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United +States; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial +law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein +lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated +as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the Court by Chief +Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all +the concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the +United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial legislature to +exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to +declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State or the +people of a State to exclude it. _Possibly_ this is a mere omission; but +who can be quite sure if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the +opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to +exclude slavery from their limits,--just as Chase and Mace sought to get +such declaration in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the +Nebraska Bill,--I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been +voted down in the one case as it had been in the other? The nearest +approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery is +made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise +idea, and almost the language too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion +his exact language is "except in cases where the power is restrained by +the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme +over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases the +power of the State is so restrained by the United States Constitution is +left an open question, precisely as the same question, as to the +restraint on the power of the Territories, was left open in the Nebraska +act. Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, +which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, +declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit _a +State_ to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be +expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or +voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise +that such a decision can be maintained when made. + +Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in +all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, +and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political +dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down, pleasantly +dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their +State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme +Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power +of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that +consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it? + +There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet +whisper to us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there +is with which to effect that object. They wish us to _infer_ all from +the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of that +dynasty, and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon +which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great +man and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. +But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a +dead lion, for this work is at least a caged and toothless one. How can +he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care anything about it. His +avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to _care nothing about +it_. A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior +talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade. +Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He +has not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he +resist it? For years he has laboured to prove it a sacred right of white +men to take negro slaves into the new territories. Can he possibly show +that it is a less sacred right to buy them where they can be bought +cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than +in Virginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question +of slavery to one of a mere right of property: and, as such, how can he +oppose the foreign slave-trade?--how can he refuse that trade in that +property shall be "perfectly free," unless he does it as a protection to +home production? And as the home producers will probably not ask the +protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition. + +Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser +to-day than he was yesterday--that he may rightfully change when he +finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer +that he will make any particular change, of which he himself has given +no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague +inference? + +Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, +question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to +him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle, so +that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to +have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But, clearly, he is not now +with us--he does not pretend to be--he does not promise ever to be. + +Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own +undoubted friends--those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the +work, who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the +nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under +the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external +circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile +elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the +battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and +pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now?--now, when that +same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The result is not +doubtful. We shall not fail. If we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise +counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it; but sooner or later the +victory is sure to come. + + + + +_Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Chicago on Popular Sovereignty, the +Nebraska Bill, etc. July 10, 1858_ + + +... Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! Let us for a +moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty. What is +popular sovereignty? We recollect that at an early period in the history +of this struggle, there was another name for the same thing,--_squatter +sovereignty_. It was not exactly popular sovereignty, but squatter +sovereignty. What do these terms mean? What do those terms mean when +used now? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in regard +to his support of it, when he declares the last years of his life have +been, and all the future years of his life shall be, devoted to this +matter of popular sovereignty. What is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of +the people! What was squatter sovereignty? I suppose, if it had any +signification at all, it was the right of the people to govern +themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs, while they were +squatted down in a country not their own,--while they had squatted on a +territory that did not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs +to the people who inhabit it,--when it belonged to the nation; such +right to govern themselves was called "squatter sovereignty." + +Now, I wish you to mark, What has become of that squatter sovereignty? +What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the +people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard +to this mooted question of slavery, before they form a State +constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running +fire, and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that +side, assuming that policy had given to the people of a Territory the +right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. +To-day it has been decided--no more than a year ago it was decided by +the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon +to-day--that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude slavery +from a Territory; that if any one man chooses to take slaves into a +Territory, all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. +This being so, and this decision being made, one of the points that the +Judge approved, and one in the approval of which he says he means to +keep me down,--_put_ me down I should not say, for I have never been up! +He says he is in favour of it, and sticks to it, and expects to win his +battle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as +squatter sovereignty, but that any one man may take slaves into a +Territory, and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed to it, +and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that +is so, how much is left of this vast matter of squatter sovereignty, I +should like to know? + +When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make +a constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a +Territory yet, without having formed a constitution, in a very regular +way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by +any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which +the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but +when they come to make a constitution they may say they will not have +slavery. But it is there; they are obliged to tolerate it in some way, +and all experience shows it will be so,--for they will not take the +negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of them. All experience +shows this to be so. All that space of time that runs from the beginning +of the settlement of the Territory until there is a sufficiency of +people to make a State constitution,--all that portion of time popular +sovereignty is given up. The seal is absolutely put down upon it by the +court decision, and Judge Douglas puts his own upon the top of that; yet +he is appealing to the people to give him vast credit for his devotion +to popular sovereignty. + +Again, when we get to the question of the right of the people to form a +State constitution as they please, to form it with slavery or without +slavery,--if that is anything new I confess I don't know it. Has there +ever been a time when anybody said that any other than the people of a +Territory itself should form a constitution? What is now in it that +Judge Douglas should have fought several years of his life, and pledge +himself to fight all the remaining years of his life for? Can Judge +Douglas find anybody on earth that said that anybody else should form a +constitution for a people?... It is enough for my purpose to ask, +whenever a Republican said anything against it? They never said anything +against it, but they have constantly spoken for it; and whosoever will +undertake to examine the platform and the speeches of responsible men of +the party, and of irresponsible men, too, if you please, will be unable +to find one word from anybody in the Republican ranks opposed to that +popular sovereignty which Judge Douglas thinks he has invented. I +suppose that Judge Douglas will claim in a little while that he is the +inventor of the idea that the people should govern themselves; that +nobody ever thought of such a thing until he brought it forward. We do +not remember that in that old Declaration of Independence it is said +that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created +equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable +rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among +men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." There +is the origin of popular sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in at this +day and claim that he invented it? The Lecompton constitution connects +itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the Lecompton +constitution that our friend Judge Douglas claims such vast credit. I +agree that in opposing the Lecompton constitution, so far as I can +perceive, he was right. I do not deny that at all; and, gentlemen, you +will readily see why I could not deny it, even if I wanted to. But I do +not wish to, for all the Republicans in the nation opposed it, and they +would have opposed it just as much without Judge Douglas's aid as with +it. They had all taken ground against it long before he did. Why, the +reason that he urges against that constitution I urged against him a +year before. I have the printed speech in my hand. The argument that he +makes why that constitution should not be adopted, that the people were +not fairly represented nor allowed to vote, I pointed out in a speech a +year ago, which I hold in my hand now, that no fair chance was to be +given to the people. + +... A little more now as to this matter of popular sovereignty and the +Lecompton constitution. The Lecompton constitution, as the Judge tells +us, was defeated. The defeat of it was a good thing, or it was not. He +thinks the defeat of it was a good thing, and so do I; and we agree in +that. Who defeated it? [A voice: "Judge Douglas."] Yes, he furnished +himself; and if you suppose he controlled the other Democrats that went +with him, he furnished three votes, while the Republicans furnished +twenty. + +That is what he did to defeat it. In the House of Representatives he and +his friends furnished some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished +ninety odd. Now, who was it that did the work? [A voice: "Douglas."] +Why, yes, Douglas did it? To be sure he did! + +Let us, however, put that proposition another way. The Republicans could +not have done it without Judge Douglas. Could he have done it without +them? Which could have come the nearest to doing it without the other? +Ground was taken against it by the Republicans long before Douglas did +it. The proposition of opposition to that measure is about five to one. +[A voice: "Why don't they come out on it?"] You don't know what you are +talking about, my friend; I am quite willing to answer any gentleman in +the crowd who asks an intelligent question. + +Now, who in all this country has ever found any of our friends of Judge +Douglas's way of thinking, and who have acted upon this main question, +that have ever thought of uttering a word in behalf of Judge Trumbull? I +defy you to show a printed resolution passed in a Democratic meeting. I +take it upon myself to defy any man to show a printed resolution, large +or small, of a Democratic meeting in favour of Judge Trumbull, or any of +the five to one Republicans who beat that bill. Everything must be for +the Democrats! They did everything, and the five to the one that really +did the thing, they snub over, and they do not seem to remember that +they have an existence upon the face of the earth. + +Gentlemen, I fear that I shall become tedious. I leave this branch of +the subject to take hold of another. I take up that part of Judge +Douglas's speech in which he respectfully attended to me. + +Judge Douglas made two points upon my recent speech at Springfield. He +says they are to be the issues of this campaign. The first one of these +points he bases upon the language in a speech which I delivered at +Springfield, which I believe I can quote correctly from memory. I said +that "we are now far into the fifth year since a policy was instituted +for the avowed object and with the confident promise of putting an end +to slavery agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation +has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. I believe it will +not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house +divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot +endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union +to be dissolved,"--I am quoting from my speech,--"I do not expect the +house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will +become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery +will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become +alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new; North as well as +South." + +That is the paragraph! In this paragraph which I have quoted in your +hearing, and to which I ask the attention of all, Judge Douglas thinks +he discovers great political heresy. I want your attention particularly +to what he has inferred from it. He says I am in favour of making all +the States of this Union uniform in all their internal regulations; that +in all their domestic concerns I am in favour of making them entirely +uniform. He draws this inference from the language I have quoted to you. +He says that I am in favour of making war by the North upon the South +for the extinction of slavery; that I am also in favour of inviting (as +he expresses it) the South to a war upon the North for the purpose of +nationalizing slavery. Now, it is singular enough, if you will carefully +read that passage over, that I did not say that I was in favour of +anything in it. I only said what I expected would take place. I made a +prediction only,--it may have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did not +even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ultimate +extinction. I do say so now, however; so there need be no longer any +difficulty about that. It may be written down in the great speech. + +Gentlemen, Judge Douglas informed you that this speech of mine was +probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was. I am not master of +language; I have not a fine education; I am not capable of entering into +a disquisition upon dialectics, as I believe you call it; but I do not +believe the language I employed bears any such construction as Judge +Douglas puts upon it. But I don't care about a quibble in regard to +words. I know what I meant, and I will not leave this crowd in doubt, if +I can explain it to them, what I really meant in the use of that +paragraph. + +I am not, in the first place, unaware that this government has endured +eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I know that. I am tolerably +well acquainted with the history of the country, and I know that it has +endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe--and that +is what I meant to allude to there--I believe it has endured, because, +during all that time, until the introduction of the Nebraska bill, the +public mind did rest all the time in the belief that slavery was in +course of ultimate extinction. That was what gave us the rest that we +had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I believe. I +have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist,--I +have been an old-line Whig,--I have always hated it, but I have always +been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the +Nebraska bill began. I always believed that everybody was against it, +and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.... They had reason so +to believe. + +The adoption of the Constitution and its attendant history led the +people to believe so, and that such was the belief of the framers of the +Constitution itself. Why did those old men, about the time of the +adoption of the Constitution, decree that slavery should not go into the +new Territory where it had not already gone? Why declare that within +twenty years the African slave-trade, by which slaves are supplied, +might be cut off by Congress? Why were all these acts? I might enumerate +more of these acts; but enough. What were they but a clear indication +that the framers of the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate +extinction of that institution? And now when I say,--as I said in my +speech that Judge Douglas has quoted from,--when I say that I think the +opponents of slavery will resist the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction, I only mean to say that they will place it where +the founders of this government originally placed it. + +I have said a hundred times, and I have now no inclination to take it +back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no inclination +in the people of the free States, to enter into the slave States and +interfere with the question of slavery at all. I have said that always; +Judge Douglas has heard me say it. And when it is said that I am in +favour of interfering with slavery where it exists, I know it is +unwarranted by anything I have ever intended, and, as I believe, by +anything I have ever said. If by any means I have ever used language +which could fairly be so construed (as, however, I believe I never +have), I now correct it. + +So much, then, for the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in +favour of setting the sections at war with one another. I know that I +never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind can infer +any such thing from anything I have said. + +Now, in relation to his inference that I am in favour of a general +consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States.... I +have said very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing that no man +believed more than I in the principle of self-government; that it lies +at the bottom of all my ideas of just government from beginning to end. +I have denied that his use of that term applies properly. But for the +thing itself I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in his +devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency in +advocating it. I think that I have said it in your hearing, that I +believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with +himself and the fruit of his labour, so far as it in no wise interferes +with any other man's rights; that each community, as a State, has a +right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that +State that interfere with the right of no other State; and that the +general government upon principle has no right to interfere with +anything other than that general class of things that does concern the +whole. I have said that at all times; I have said as illustrations that +I do not believe in the right of Illinois to interfere with the +cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster laws of Virginia, or the liquor +laws of Maine. + +How is it, then, that Judge Douglas infers, because I hope to see +slavery put where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in +the course of ultimate extinction, that I am in favour of Illinois going +over and interfering with the cranberry laws of Indiana? What can +authorize him to draw any such inference? I suppose there might be one +thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference, that would +not be true with me or many others; that is, because he looks upon all +this matter of slavery as an exceedingly little thing,--this matter of +keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole nation in a state of +oppression and tyranny unequalled in the world. He looks upon it as +being an exceedingly little thing, only equal to the question of the +cranberry laws of Indiana; as something having no moral question in it; +as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture +his land with cattle or plant it with tobacco; so little and so small a +thing that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done +to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be +in favour of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little +things in the Union. Now, it so happens--and there, I presume, is the +foundation of this mistake--that the Judge thinks thus; and it so +happens that there is a vast portion of the American people that do not +look upon that matter as being this very little thing. They look upon it +as a vast moral evil; they can prove it as such by the writings of those +who gave us the blessings of liberty which we enjoy, and that they so +looked upon it, and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States +where it is situated; and while we agree that by the Constitution we +assented to, in the States where it exists we have no right to interfere +with it, because it is in the Constitution, we are both by duty and +inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit +from beginning to end. + +So much, then, as to my disposition, my wish, to have all the State +legislatures blotted out and to have one consolidated government and a +uniformity of domestic regulations in all the States; by which I suppose +it is meant, if we raise corn here we must make sugar-cane grow here +too, and we must make those things which grow North grow in the South. +All this I suppose he understands I am in favour of doing. Now, so much +for all this nonsense--for I must call it so. The Judge can have no +issue with me on a question of establishing uniformity in the domestic +regulations of the States. + +A little now on the other point,--the Dred Scott decision. Another of +the issues, he says, that is to be made with me is upon his devotion to +the Dred Scott decision and my opposition to it. + +I have expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred +Scott decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that +opposition, and I ask your indulgence while I do so. What is fairly +implied by the term Judge Douglas has used, "resistance to the +decision"? I do not resist it. If I wanted to take Dred Scott from his +master I would be interfering with property, and that terrible +difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of interfering with property, +would arise. But I am doing no such thing as that; all that I am doing +is refusing to obey it as a political rule. If I were in Congress, and a +vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited +in a new Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I would vote +that it should. + +That is what I would do. Judge Douglas said last night that before the +decision he might advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the +decision when it was made; but after it was made he would abide by it +until it was reversed. Just so! We let this property abide by the +decision, but we will try to reverse that decision. We will try to put +it where Judge Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it +until it is reversed. Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is +made; and we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably. + +What are the uses of decisions of courts? They have two uses. First, +they decide upon the question before the court. They decide in this case +that Dred Scott is a slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they +say to everybody else that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands +are as he is. That is, they say that when a question comes up upon +another person it will be so decided again, unless the court decides +another way, unless the court overrules its decision. Well, we mean to +do what we can to have the court decide the other way. That is one thing +we mean to try to do. + +The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a +degree of sacredness that has never been before thrown around any other +decision. I have never heard of such a thing. Why, decisions apparently +contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were contrary +to that decision, have been made by that very court before. It is the +first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history; it is a new +wonder of the world; it is based upon falsehood in the main as to +the facts,--allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts +at all in many instances,--and no decision made on any question--the +first instance of a decision made under so many unfavourable +circumstances--thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, +and it has always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as +settled law; but Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take +this extraordinary decision made under these extraordinary circumstances +and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it, and +obey it in every possible sense. Circumstances alter cases. Do not +gentlemen here remember the case of that same Supreme Court some +twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that a national bank was +constitutional? I ask if somebody does not remember that a national bank +was declared to be constitutional? Such is the truth, whether it be +remembered or not. The bank charter ran out, and a re-charter was +granted by Congress. That re-charter was laid before General Jackson. It +was urged upon him, when he denied the constitutionality of the bank, +that the Supreme Court had decided that it was constitutional; and +General Jackson then said that the Supreme Court had no right to lay +down a rule to govern a coordinate branch of the government, the members +of which had sworn to support the Constitution,--that each member had +sworn to support the Constitution as he understood it. I will venture +here to say that I have heard Judge Douglas say that he approved of +General Jackson for that act. What has now become of all his tirade +against "resistance to the Supreme Court"? + +My fellow-citizens, getting back a little,--for I pass from these +points,--when Judge Douglas makes his threat of annihilation upon the +"alliance," he is cautious to say that that warfare of his is to fall +upon the leaders of the Republican party. Almost every word he utters +and every distinction he makes has its significance. He means for the +Republicans who do not count themselves as leaders to be his friends; he +makes no fuss over them, it is the leaders that he is making war upon. +He wants it understood that the mass of the Republican party are really +his friends. It is only the leaders that are doing something, that are +intolerant, and require extermination at his hands. As this is clearly +and unquestionably the light in which he presents that matter, I want to +ask your attention, addressing myself to Republicans here, that I may +ask you some questions as to where you, as the Republican party, would +be placed if you sustained Judge Douglas in his present position by a +re-election? I do not claim, gentlemen, to be unselfish; I do not +pretend that I would not like to go to the United States Senate,--I make +no such hypocritical pretence; but I do say to you, that in this mighty +issue it is nothing to you, nothing to the mass of the people of the +nation, whether or not Judge Douglas or myself shall ever be heard of +after this night. It may be a trifle to either of us; but in connection +with this mighty question, upon which hang the destinies of the nation, +perhaps, it is absolutely nothing. But where will you be placed if you +reindorse Judge Douglas? Don't you know how apt he is, how exceedingly +anxious he is, at all times to seize upon anything and everything to +persuade you that something he has done you did yourselves? Why, he +tried to persuade you last night that our Illinois Legislature +instructed him to introduce the Nebraska bill. There was nobody in that +Legislature ever thought of it; but still he fights furiously for the +proposition; and that he did it because there was a standing instruction +to our senators to be always introducing Nebraska bills. He tells you he +is for the Cincinnati platform; he tells you he is for the Dred Scott +decision; he tells you--not in his speech last night, but substantially +in a former speech--that he cares not if slavery is voted up or down; he +tells you the struggle on Lecompton is past,--it may come up again or +not, and if it does, he stands where he stood when, in spite of him and +his opposition, you built up the Republican party. If you indorse him, +you tell him you do not care whether slavery be voted up or down, and he +will close, or try to close, your mouths with his declaration, repeated +by the day, the week, the month, and the year. I think, in the position +in which Judge Douglas stood in opposing the Lecompton constitution, he +was right; he does not know that it will return, but if it does we may +know where to find him; and if it does not, we may know where to look +for him, and that is on the Cincinnati platform. Now, I could ask the +Republican party, after all the hard names Judge Douglas has called them +by, ... all his declarations of Black Republicanism--(by the way, we are +improving, the black has got rubbed off), but with all that, if he be +indorsed by Republican votes, where do you stand? Plainly, you stand +ready saddled, bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to +the slavery-extension camp of the nation,--just ready to be driven over, +tied together in a lot,--to be driven over, every man with a rope around +his neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas. That is the question. +If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think +they had better not do it; but I think the Republican party is made up +of those who, as far as they can peaceably, will oppose the extension of +slavery, and who will hope for its ultimate extinction. If they believe +it is wrong in grasping up the new lands of the continent, and keeping +them from the settlement of free white labourers, who want the land to +bring up their families upon; if they are in earnest,--although they may +make a mistake, they will grow restless, and the time will come when +they will come back again and reorganize, if not by the same name, at +least upon the same principles as their party now has. It is better, +then, to save the work while it is begun. You have done the labour; +maintain it, keep it. If men choose to serve you, go with them; but as +you have made up your organization upon principle, stand by it; for, as +surely as God reigns over you, and has inspired your minds and given you +a sense of propriety and continues to give you hope, so surely will you +still cling to these ideas, and you will at last come back again after +your wanderings, merely to do your work over again. + +We were often,--more than once, at least,--in the course of Judge +Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this government was made for +white men,--that he believed it was made for white men. Well, that is +putting it into a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge +then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not +warranted. I protest, now and for ever, against that counterfeit logic +which presumes that, because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I +do necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is, that I need not +have her for either; but, as God made us separate, we can leave one +another alone, and do one another much good thereby. There are white men +enough to marry all the white women, and enough black men to marry all +the black women; and in God's name let them be so married. The Judge +regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the mixture +of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, Judge, if +we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't mix +there. I should say at least that that was a self-evident truth. + +Now, it happens that we meet together once every year, somewhere about +the 4th of July, for some reason or other. These 4th of July gatherings, +I suppose, have their uses. If you will indulge me, I will state what I +suppose to be some of them. + +We are now a mighty nation: we are thirty, or about thirty, millions of +people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth part of the dry land +of the whole earth. We run our memory back over the pages of history for +about eighty-two years, and we discover that we were then a very small +people in point of numbers, vastly inferior to what we are now, with a +vastly less extent of country, with vastly less of everything we deem +desirable among men. We look upon the change as exceedingly advantageous +to us and to our posterity, and we fix upon something that happened away +back, as in some way or other being connected with this rise of +prosperity. We find a race of men living in that day whom we claim as +our fathers and grandfathers; they were iron men; they fought for the +principle that they were contending for, and we understand that by what +they then did, it has followed that the degree of prosperity which we +now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebration to remind +ourselves of all the good done in this process of time,--of how it was +done, and who did it, and how we are historically connected with it; and +we go from these meetings in better humour with ourselves,--we feel more +attached the one to the other, and more firmly bound to the country we +inhabit. In every way we are better men, in the age and race and country +in which we live, for these celebrations. But after we have done all +this, we have not yet reached the whole. There is something else +connected with it. We have, besides these men--descended by blood from +our ancestors--among us, perhaps half our people who are not descendants +at all of these men; they are men who have come from Europe,--German, +Irish, French, and Scandinavian,--men that have come from Europe +themselves, or whose ancestors have come hither and settled here, +finding themselves our equal in all things. If they look back through +this history, to trace their connection with those days by blood, they +find they have none: they cannot carry themselves back into that +glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us; but +when they look through that old Declaration of Independence, they find +that those old men say that "we hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal," and then they feel that that moral +sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that +it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a +right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of +the flesh, of the men who wrote that Declaration; and so they are. That +is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of +patriotic and liberty-loving men together; that will link those +patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of +men throughout the world. + +Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea of "don't +care if slavery is voted up or voted down"; for sustaining the Dred +Scott decision; for holding that the Declaration of Independence did not +mean anything at all,--we have Judge Douglas giving his exposition of +what the Declaration of Independence means, and we have him saying that +the people of America are equal to the people of England. According to +his construction, you Germans are not connected with it. Now, I ask you +in all soberness, if all these things, if indulged in, if ratified, if +confirmed and indorsed, if taught to our children and repeated to them, +do not tend to rub out the sentiment of liberty in the country, and to +transform this government into a government of some other form? Those +arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be treated with +as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as much is to be +done for them as their condition will allow,--what are these arguments? +They are the arguments that kings have made for enslaving the people in +all ages of the world. You will find that all the arguments in favour of +kingcraft were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the +people,--not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were +better off for being ridden. That is their argument; and this argument +of the Judge is the same old serpent, that says, "You work, and I eat; +you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it." Turn in whatever way you +will,--whether it come from the mouth of a king, an excuse for enslaving +the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one race as a +reason for enslaving the men of another race,--it is all the same old +serpent; and I hold, if that course of argumentation that is made for +the purpose of convincing the public mind that we should not care about +this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I should like +to know--taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares +that all men are equal, upon principle, and making exceptions to +it--where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why +not another say it does not mean some other man? If that Declaration is +not the truth, let us get the statute-book in which we find it, and tear +it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not true, let us tear it +out. [Cries of "No! No!"] Let us stick to it, then; let us stand firmly +by it, then. + +It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities +and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed +upon a man, he must submit to it. I think that was the condition in +which we found ourselves when we established this government. We had +slaves among us; we could not get our Constitution unless we permitted +them to remain in slavery; we could not secure the good we did secure, +if we grasped for more; but, having by necessity submitted to that much, +it does not destroy the principle that is the charter of our liberties. +Let that charter stand as our standard. + +My friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote Scripture. I +will try it again, however. It is said in one of the admonitions of our +Lord, "Be ye [therefore] perfect even as your Father which is in heaven +is perfect." The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human +creature could be perfect as the Father in heaven; but He said: "As your +Father in heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." He set that up as a +standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard attained the +highest degree of moral perfection. So I say in relation to the +principle that all men are created equal, let it be as nearly reached as +we can. If we cannot give freedom to every creature, let us do nothing +that will impose slavery upon any other creature. Let us, then, turn +this government back into the channel in which the framers of the +Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each other. +If we do not do so, we are tending in the contrary direction, that our +friend Judge Douglas proposes,--not intentionally,--working in the +traces that tend to make this one universal slave nation. He is one that +runs in that direction, and as such I resist him. + +My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desired to do, and I +have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and +the other man, this race and that race and the other race being +inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position. Let +us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this +land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are +created equal. + +My friends, I could not, without launching off upon some new topic, +which would detain you too long, continue to-night. I thank you for this +most extensive audience that you have furnished me to-night. I leave +you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until +there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created free and +equal. + + + + +_From a Speech at Springfield, Illinois. July 17, 1858_ + + +... There is still another disadvantage under which we labour, and to +which I will ask your attention. It arises out of the relative positions +of the two persons who stand before the State as candidates for the +Senate. Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious +politicians of his party, or who have been of his party for years past, +have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the +President of the United States. They have seen, in his round, jolly, +fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshalships, and cabinet +appointments, chargéships and foreign missions, bursting and sprouting +out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy +hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so +long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the +party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope. But with greedier +anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, +triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what, even in the days of his +highest prosperity, they could have brought about in his favour. On the +contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my poor, lean, +lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. +These are disadvantages, all taken together, that the Republicans labour +under. We have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principle +alone. I am in a certain sense made the standard-bearer in behalf of the +Republicans. I was made so merely because there had to be some one so +placed,--I being in no wise preferable to any other one of the +twenty-five, perhaps a hundred, we have in the Republican ranks. Then I +say, I wish it to be distinctly understood and borne in mind, that we +have to fight this battle without many--perhaps without any--of the +external aids which are brought to bear against us. So I hope those with +whom I am surrounded have principle enough to nerve themselves for the +task, and leave nothing undone that can fairly be done to bring about +the right result. As appears by two speeches I have heard him deliver +since his arrival in Illinois, he gave special attention to the speech +of mine delivered on the sixteenth of June. He says that he carefully +read that speech. He told us that at Chicago a week ago last night, and +he repeated it at Bloomington last night.... He says it was evidently +prepared with great care. I freely admit it was prepared with care.... +But I was very careful not to put anything in that speech as a matter of +fact, or make any inferences which did not appear to me to be true and +fully warrantable. If I had made any mistake I was willing to be +corrected; if I had drawn any inference in regard to Judge Douglas or +any one else, which was not warranted, I was fully prepared to modify it +as soon as discovered. I planted myself upon the truth and the truth +only, so far as I knew it, or could be brought to know it. + +Having made that speech with the most kindly feelings toward Judge +Douglas, as manifested therein, I was gratified when I found that he had +carefully examined it, and had detected no error of fact, nor any +inference against him, nor any misrepresentations, of which he thought +fit to complain.... He seizes upon the doctrines he supposes to be +included in that speech, and declares that upon them will turn the +issues of the campaign. He then quotes, or attempts to quote, from my +speech. I will not say that he wilfully misquotes, but he does fail to +quote accurately. His attempt at quoting is from a passage which I +believe I can quote accurately from memory. I shall make the quotation +now, with some comments upon it, as I have already said, in order that +the Judge shall be left entirely without excuse for misrepresenting me. +I do so now, as I hope, for the last time. I do this in great caution, +in order that if he repeats his misrepresentation, it shall be plain to +all that he does so wilfully. If, after all, he still persists, I shall +be compelled to reconstruct the course I have marked out for myself, and +draw upon such humble resources as I have for a new course, better +suited to the real exigencies of the case. I set out in this campaign +with the intention of conducting it strictly as a gentleman, in +substance at least, if not in the outside polish. The latter I shall +never be, but that which constitutes the inside of a gentleman I hope I +understand, and am not less inclined to practise than others. It was my +purpose and expectation that this canvass would be conducted upon +principle, and with fairness on both sides, and it shall not be my fault +if this purpose and expectation shall be given up. + +He charges, in substance, that I invite a war of sections; that I +propose all local institutions of the different States shall become +consolidated and uniform. What is there in the language of that speech +which expresses such purpose or bears such construction? I have again +and again said that I would not enter into any one of the States to +disturb the institution of slavery. Judge Douglas said at Bloomington +that I used language most able and ingenious for concealing what I +really meant; and that while I had protested against entering into the +slave States, I nevertheless did mean to go on the banks of the Ohio and +throw missiles into Kentucky, to disturb them in their domestic +institutions. + +... I have said that I do not understand the Declaration to mean that +all men were created equal in all respects. The negroes are not our +equals in colour; but I suppose it does mean to declare that all men are +equal in some respects; they are equal in their right to "life, liberty, +and the pursuit of happiness." Certainly the negro is not our equal in +colour, perhaps not in many other respects. Still, in the right to put +into his mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal +of every other man, white or black. In pointing out that more has been +given you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has +been given him. All I ask for the negro is, that if you do not like him, +let him alone. If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy. + +... One more point on this Springfield speech, which Judge Douglas says +he has read so carefully. I expressed my belief in the existence of a +conspiracy to perpetuate and nationalize slavery. I did not profess to +know it, nor do I now. I showed the part Judge Douglas had played in the +string of facts, constituting to my mind the proof of that conspiracy. I +showed the parts played by others. + +I charged that the people had been deceived into carrying the last +presidential election, by the impression that the people of the +Territories might exclude slavery if they chose, when it was known in +advance by the conspirators that the court was to decide that neither +Congress nor the people could so exclude slavery. These charges are more +distinctly made than anything else in the speech. + +Judge Douglas has carefully read and re-read that speech. He has not, so +far as I know, contradicted those charges. In the two speeches which I +heard he certainly did not. On his own tacit admission I renew that +charge. I charge him with having been a party to that conspiracy and to +that deception, for the sole purpose of nationalizing slavery. + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the First Joint Debate at Ottawa, +Illinois. August 21, 1858_ + + +When a man bears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes him--at +least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very +gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him.... [After stating the +charge of an arrangement between himself and Judge Trumbull.] + +Now, all I have to say upon that subject is, that I think no man--not +even Judge Douglas--can prove it, because it is not true. I have no +doubt he is "conscientious" in saying it. As to those resolutions that +he took such a length of time to read, as being the platform of the +Republican party in 1854, I say I never had anything to do with them, +and I think Trumbull never had. Judge Douglas cannot show that either of +us ever had anything to do with them.... + +Now, about this story that Judge Douglas tells of Trumbull bargaining to +sell out the old Democratic party, and Lincoln agreeing to sell out the +old Whig party, I have the means of knowing about that; Judge Douglas +cannot have; and I know there is no substance to it whatever.... + +A man cannot prove a negative, but he has a right to claim that when a +man makes an affirmative charge, he must offer some proof to show the +truth of what he says. I certainly cannot introduce testimony to show +the negative about things, but I have a right to claim that if a man +says he knows a thing, then he must show how he knows it. I always have +a right to claim this; and it is not satisfactory to me that he may be +"conscientious" on the subject. + +... Anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and +political equality with the negro is but a specious and fantastic +arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a +chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no +purpose, either directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have +no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no +purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and +the black races. There is a physical difference between the two, which, +in my judgment, will probably for ever forbid their living together upon +the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity +that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in +favour of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I +have never said anything to the contrary; but I hold, that, +notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro +is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration +of Independence,--the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. +I agree with Judge Douglas, he is not my equal in many respects, +certainly not in colour, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. +But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody, which +his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and +the equal of any living man. + +... As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed, I will +dwell a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics upon which +the Judge has spoken. He has read from my speech at Springfield, in +which I say that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." Does the +Judge say it can stand? I don't know whether he does or not. The Judge +does not seem to be attending to me just now, but I would like to know +if it is his opinion that a house divided against itself can stand? If +he does, then there is a question of veracity, not between him and me, +but between the Judge and an authority of a somewhat higher character. + +Now, my friends, I ask your attention to this matter for the purpose of +saying something seriously, I know that the Judge may readily enough +agree with me that the maxim which was put forth by the Saviour is true, +but he may allege that I misapply it; and the Judge has a right to urge +that in my application I do misapply it, and then I have a right to show +that I do not misapply it. When he undertakes to say that because I +think this nation, so far as the question of slavery is concerned, will +all become one thing or all the other, I am in favour of bringing about +a dead uniformity in the various States, in all their institutions, he +argues erroneously. The great variety of local institutions in the +States, springing from differences in the soil, differences in the face +of the country, and in the climate, are bonds of union. They do not make +"a house divided against itself," but they make a house united. If they +produce in one section of the country what is called for by the wants of +another section, and this other section can supply the wants of the +first, they are not matters of discord, but bonds of union, true bonds +of union. But can this question of slavery be considered as among these +varieties in the institutions of the country? I leave it for you to say, +whether in the history of our government, this institution of slavery +has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary, been +an apple of discord and an element of division in the house. I ask you +to consider whether so long as the moral constitution of men's minds +shall continue to be the same, after this generation and assemblage +shall sink into the grave, and another race shall arise with the same +moral and intellectual development we have--whether, if that institution +is standing in the same irritating position in which it now is, it will +not continue an element of division? + +If so, then I have a right to say that, in regard to this question, the +Union is a house divided against itself; and when the Judge reminds me +that I have often said to him that the institution of slavery has +existed for eighty years in some States, and yet it does not exist in +some others, I agree to the fact, and I account for it by looking at +the position in which our fathers originally placed it,--restricting it +from the new Territories where it had not gone, and legislating to cut +off its source by the abrogation of the slave-trade, thus putting the +seal of legislation against its spread. The public mind did rest in the +belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. But lately, I +think,--and in this I charge nothing on the Judge's motives,--lately, I +think that he and those acting with him have placed that institution on +a new basis, which looks to the perpetuity and nationalization of +slavery. And while it is placed on this new basis, I say, and I have +said, that I believe we shall not have peace upon the question, until +the opponents of slavery arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction; or, on the other hand, that its advocates will +push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, +old as well as new, North as well as South. Now, I believe if we could +arrest the spread, and place it where Washington and Jefferson and +Madison placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction, and +the public mind would, as for eighty years past, believe that it was in +the course of ultimate extinction. The crisis would be past, and the +institution might be let alone for a hundred years--if it should live so +long--in the States where it exists, yet it would be going out of +existence in the way best for both the black and the white races. [A +voice: "Then do you repudiate popular sovereignty?"] Well, then, let us +talk about popular sovereignty. What is popular sovereignty? Is it the +right of the people to have slavery or not to have it, as they see fit, +in the Territories? I will state--and I have an able man to watch me--my +understanding is that popular sovereignty, as now applied to the +question of slavery, does allow the people of a Territory to have +slavery if they want to, but does not allow them not to have it if they +do not want it. I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people were +in a Territory of the United States, any one of them would be obliged +to have a slave if he did not want one; but I do say that, as I +understand the Dred Scott decision, if any one man wants slaves, all the +rest have no way of keeping that one man from holding them. + +When I made my speech at Springfield, of which the Judge complains, and +from which he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things which he +ascribes to me at all. I had no thought in the world that I was doing +anything to bring about a war between the free and slave States. I had +no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a +political and social equality of the black and white races. It never +occurred to me that I was doing anything or favouring anything to reduce +to a dead uniformity all the local institutions of the various States. +But I must say, in all fairness to him, if he thinks I am doing +something which leads to these bad results, it is none the better that I +did not mean it. It is just as fatal to the country, if I have any +influence in producing it, whether I intend it or not. But can it be +true that placing this institution upon the original basis--the basis +upon which our fathers placed it--can have any tendency to set the +Northern and the Southern States at war with one another, or that it can +have any tendency to make the people of Vermont raise sugar-cane, +because they raise it in Louisiana, or that it can compel the people of +Illinois to cut pine logs on the Grand Prairie, where they will not +grow, because they cut pine logs in Maine, where they do grow? The Judge +says this is a new principle started in regard to this question. Does +the Judge claim that he is working on the plan of the founders of the +government? I think he says in some of his speeches--indeed, I have one +here now--that he saw evidence of a policy to allow slavery to be south +of a certain line, while north of it it should be excluded, and he saw +an indisposition on the part of the country to stand upon that policy, +and, therefore, he set about studying the subject upon original +principles, and upon original principles he got up the Nebraska bill! I +am fighting it upon these "original principles"--fighting it in the +Jeffersonian, Washingtonian, Madisonian fashion.... + +If I have brought forward anything not a fact, if he (Judge Douglas) +will point it out, it will not even ruffle me to take it back. But if he +will not point out anything erroneous in the evidence, is it not rather +for him to show by a comparison of the evidence that I have reasoned +falsely, than to call the "kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman" a liar? + +I want to ask your attention to a portion of the Nebraska bill which +Judge Douglas has quoted: "It being the true intent and meaning of this +act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to +exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to +form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject +only to the Constitution of the United States." Thereupon Judge Douglas +and others began to argue in favour of "popular sovereignty,"--the right +of the people to have slaves if they wanted them, and to exclude slavery +if they did not want them. "But," said, in substance, a senator from +Ohio (Mr. Chase, I believe), "we more than suspect that you do not mean +to allow the people to exclude slavery if they wish to; and if you do +mean it, accept an amendment which I propose, expressly authorizing the +people to exclude slavery." I believe I have the amendment here before +me, which was offered, and under which the people of the Territory, +through their proper representatives, might, if they saw fit, prohibit +the existence of slavery therein. + +And now I state it as a fact, to be taken back if there is any mistake +about it, that Judge Douglas and those acting with him voted that +amendment down. I now think that those who voted it down had a real +reason for doing so. They know what that reason was. It looks to us, +since we have seen the Dred Scott decision pronounced, holding that +"under the Constitution" the people cannot exclude slavery--I say it +looks to outsiders, poor, simple, "amiable, intelligent gentlemen," as +though the niche was left as a place to put that Dred Scott decision +in, a niche that would have been spoiled by adopting the amendment. And +now I say again, if this was not the reason, it will avail the Judge +much more to calmly and good-humouredly point out to these people what +that other reason was for voting the amendment down, than swelling +himself up to vociferate that he may be provoked to call somebody a +liar. + +Again, there is in that same quotation from the Nebraska bill this +clause: "it being the true intent and meaning of this bill not to +legislate slavery into any Territory or State." I have always been +puzzled to know what business the word "State" had in that connection. +Judge Douglas knows--he put it there. He knows what he put it there for. +We outsiders cannot say what he put it there for. The law they were +passing was not about States, and was not making provision for States. +What was it placed there for? After seeing the Dred Scott decision, +which holds that the people cannot exclude slavery from a Territory, if +another Dred Scott decision shall come, holding that they cannot exclude +it from a State, we shall discover that when the word was originally put +there, it was in view of something that was to come in due time; we +shall see that it was the other half of something. I now say again, if +there was any different reason for putting it there, Judge Douglas, in a +good-humoured way, without calling anybody a liar, can tell what the +reason was.... + +Now, my friends, ... I ask the attention of the people here assembled, +and elsewhere, to the course that Judge Douglas is pursuing every day as +bearing upon this question of making slavery national. Not going back to +the records, but taking the speeches he makes, the speeches he made +yesterday and the day before, and makes constantly, all over the +country, I ask your attention to them. In the first place, what is +necessary to make the institution national? Not war: there is no danger +that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets and ... march +into Illinois to force the blacks upon us. There is no danger of our +going over there, and making war upon them. Then what is necessary for +the nationalization of slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott +decision. It is merely for the Supreme Court to decide that no State +under the Constitution can exclude it, just as they have already decided +that under the Constitution neither Congress nor the territorial +legislature can do it. When that is decided and acquiesced in, the whole +thing is done. This being true and this being the way, as I think, that +slavery is to be made national, let us consider what Judge Douglas is +doing every day to that end. In the first place, let us see what +influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like +communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment +nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who +moulds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or +pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or +impossible to be executed. This must be borne in mind, as also the +additional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast influence, so great +that it is enough for many men to profess to believe anything when they +once find out that Judge Douglas professes to believe it. Consider also +the attitude he occupies at the head of a large party,--a party which he +claims has a majority of all the voters in the country. + +This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a Territory to +exclude slavery, and he does so not because he says it is right in +itself,--he does not give any opinion on that,--but because it has been +decided by the Court, and, being decided by the Court, he is, and you +are, bound to take it in your political action as law,--not that he +judges at all of its merits, but because a decision of the Court is to +him a "Thus saith the Lord." He places it on that ground alone, and you +will bear in mind that thus committing himself unreservedly to this +decision, commits himself just as firmly to the next one as to this. He +did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the +decision, but it is a "Thus saith the Lord." The next decision as much +as this will be a "Thus saith the Lord." There is nothing that can +divert or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point +out to him that his great prototype, General Jackson, did not believe in +the binding force of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jefferson did +not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of +Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the Supreme Court +pronouncing a national bank constitutional. He says I did not hear him +say so. He denies the accuracy of my recollection. I say he ought to +know better than I, but I will make no question about this thing, though +it still seems to me that I heard him say it twenty times. I will tell +him, though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform, +which affirms that Congress cannot charter a national bank in the teeth +of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank. And I +remind him of another piece of Illinois history on the question of +respect for judicial decisions, and it is a piece of Illinois history +belonging to a time when a large party to which Judge Douglas belonged, +were displeased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, +because they had decided that a Governor could not remove a secretary of +State, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in +favour of over-slaughing that decision, by the mode of adding five new +Judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended +in the Judge's sitting down on the very bench as one of the five new +judges to break down the four old ones. It was in this way precisely +that he got his title of Judge. Now, when the Judge tells me that men +appointed conditionally to sit as members of a Court will have to be +catechized beforehand upon some subject, I say, "You know, Judge; you +have tried it!" When he says a Court of this kind will lose the +confidence of all men, will be prostituted and disgraced by such a +proceeding, I say, "You know best, Judge; you have been through the +mill." + +But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott +decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect) that will +hang on when he has once got his teeth fixed--you may cut off a leg, or +you may tear away an arm, still he will not relax his hold. And so I may +point out to the Judge, and say that he is bespattered all over, from +the beginning of his political life to the present time, with attacks +upon judicial decisions,--I may cut off limb after limb of his public +record, and strive to wrench from him a single dictum of the Court, yet +I cannot divert him from it. He hangs to the last to the Dred Scott +decision.... Henry Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, ... once said of +a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate +emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, go back to the era +of our independence, and muzzle the cannon that thunders its annual +joyous return; that they must blow out the moral lights around us; they +must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty; +and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this +country! To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast +influence, doing that very thing in this community when he says that the +negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly +understood the contrary. Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our +Revolution, and, to the extent of his ability, muzzling the cannon which +thunders its annual joyous return. When he invites any people, willing +to have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights +around us. When he says he "cares not whether slavery is voted down or +voted up,"--that it is a sacred right of self-government,--he is, in my +judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason +and the love of liberty in this American people. And now I will only +say, that when, by all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall +succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact accordance with his own +views; when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments; +when they shall come to repeat his views and avow his principles, and to +say all that he says on these mighty questions,--then it needs only the +formality of a second Dred Scott decision, which he indorses in advance, +to make slavery alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, +North as well as South. + + + + +_Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas in the Second Joint Debate. Freeport, +Illinois. August 27, 1858_ + +... The plain truth is this. At the introduction of the Nebraska policy, +we believed there was a new era being introduced in the history of the +Republic, which tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in +our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one another in +everything. The people in the north end of the State were for stronger +measures of opposition than we of the southern and central portions of +the State, but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had that +one feeling and one sentiment in common. You at the north end met in +your conventions, and passed your resolutions. We in the middle of the +State and further south did not hold such conventions and pass the same +resolutions, although we had in general a common view and a common +sentiment. So that these meetings which the Judge has alluded to, and +the resolutions he has read from, were local, and did not spread over +the whole State. We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the +State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You who held more extreme +notions, either yielded those notions, or if not wholly yielding them, +agreed to yield them practically, for the sake of embodying the +opposition to the measures which the opposite party were pushing forward +at that time. We met you then, and if there was anything yielded, it was +for practical purposes. We agreed then upon a platform for the party +throughout the entire State of Illinois, and now we are all bound as a +party to that platform. And I say here to you, if any one expects of me +in the case of my election, that I will do anything not signified by +our Republican platform and my answers here to-day, I tell you very +frankly, that person will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any +one who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that I dare not +speak out.... If I should never be elected to any office, I trust I may +go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation, notwithstanding +the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me. + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply at Jonesboro'. September 15, 1858_ + + +Ladies and Gentlemen, There is very much in the principles that Judge +Douglas has here enunciated that I most cordially approve, and over +which I shall have no controversy with him. In so far as he insisted +that all the States have the right to do exactly as they please about +all their domestic relations, including that of slavery, I agree +entirely with him. He places me wrong in spite of all I tell him, though +I repeat it again and again, insisting that I have made no difference +with him upon this subject. I have made a great many speeches, some of +which have been printed, and it will be utterly impossible for him to +find anything that I have ever put in print contrary to what I now say +on the subject. I hold myself under constitutional obligations to allow +the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, +to do exactly as they please, and I deny that I have any inclination to +interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional +obligation. I can only say again that I am placed improperly--altogether +improperly, in spite of all that I can say--when it is insisted that I +entertain any other view or purpose in regard to that matter. + +While I am upon this subject, I will make some answers briefly to +certain propositions that Judge Douglas has put. He says, "Why can't +this Union endure permanently half slave and half free?" I have said +that I supposed it could not, and I will try, before this new audience, +to give briefly some of the reasons for entertaining that opinion. +Another form of his question is, "Why can't we let it stand as our +fathers placed it?" That is the exact difficulty between us. I say that +Judge Douglas and his friends have changed it from the position in which +our fathers originally placed it. + +I say in the way our fathers originally left the slavery question, the +institution was in the course of ultimate extinction. I say when this +government was first established, it was the policy of its founders to +prohibit the spread of slavery into the new Territories of the United +States where it had not existed. But Judge Douglas and his friends have +broken up that policy, and placed it upon a new basis, by which it is to +become national and perpetual. All I have asked or desired anywhere is +that it should be placed back again upon the basis that the fathers of +our government originally placed it upon. I have no doubt that it would +become extinct for all time to come, if we had but readopted the policy +of the fathers by restricting it to the limits it has already +covered--restricting it from the new Territories. + +I do not wish to dwell on this branch of the subject at great length at +this time, but allow me to repeat one thing that I have stated before. +Brooks, the man who assaulted Senator Sumner on the floor of the Senate, +and who was complimented with dinners and silver pitchers and +gold-headed canes, and a good many other things for that feat, in one of +his speeches declared that when this government was originally +established, nobody expected that the institution of slavery would last +until this day. That was but the opinion of one man, but it is such an +opinion as we can never get from Judge Douglas or anybody in favour of +slavery in the North at all. You can sometimes get it from a Southern +man. He said at the same time that the framers of our government did not +have the knowledge that experience has taught us--that experience and +the invention of the cotton gin have taught us that the perpetuation of +slavery is a necessity. He insisted therefore upon its being changed +from the basis upon which the fathers of the government left it to the +basis of perpetuation and nationalization. + +I insist that this is the difference between Judge Douglas and +myself--that Judge Douglas is helping the change along. I insist upon +this government being placed where our fathers originally placed it. + +... When he asks me why we cannot get along with it [slavery] in the +attitude where our fathers placed it, he had better clear up the +evidences that he has himself changed it from that basis; that he has +himself been chiefly instrumental in changing the policy of the fathers. +Any one who will read his speech of the twenty-second of March last, +will see that he there makes an open confession, showing that he set +about fixing the institution upon an altogether different set of +principles.... + +Now, fellow-citizens, in regard to this matter about a contract between +myself and Judge Trumbull, and myself and all that long portion of Judge +Douglas's speech on this subject. I wish simply to say, what I have said +to him before, that he cannot know whether it is true or not, and I do +know that there is not a word of truth in it. And I have told him so +before. I don't want any harsh language indulged in, but I do not know +how to deal with this persistent insisting on a story that I know to be +utterly without truth. It used to be the fashion amongst men that when a +charge was made, some sort of proof was brought forward to establish it, +and if no proof was found to exist, it was dropped. I don't know how to +meet this kind of an argument. I don't want to have a fight with Judge +Douglas, and I have no way of making an argument up into the consistency +of a corn-cob and stopping his mouth with it. All I can do is +good-humouredly to say, that from the beginning to the end of all that +story about a bargain between Judge Trumbull and myself, there is not a +word of truth in it.... + +When that compromise [of 1850] was made, it did not repeal the old +Missouri Compromise. It left a region of United States territory half as +large as the present territory of the United States, north of the line +of 36° 30', in which slavery was prohibited by act of Congress. This +compromise did not repeal that one. It did not affect nor propose to +repeal it. But at last it became Judge Douglas's duty, as he thought +(and I find no fault with him), as chairman of the Committee on +Territories, to bring in a bill for the organization of a territorial +government--first of one, then of two Territories north of that line. +When he did so, it ended in his inserting a provision substantially +repealing the Missouri Compromise. That was because the Compromise of +1850 had not repealed it. And now I ask why he could not have left that +compromise alone? We were quiet from the agitation of the slavery +question. We were making no fuss about it. All had acquiesced in the +compromise measures of 1850. We never had been seriously disturbed by +any Abolition agitation before that period.... I close this part of the +discussion on my part by asking him the question again, Why, when we had +peace under the Missouri Compromise, could you not have let it alone? + + * * * * * + +He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different +institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily +proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face of the country, +and the difference of the natural features of the States. I agree to all +that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty amongst us? +Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have +laws in Louisiana designed to regulate the commerce that springs from +the production of sugar, or because we have a different class relative +to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any +differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They +don't make the house a house divided against itself. They are the props +that hold up the house and sustain the Union. + +But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had +quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have +quarrels over it? Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to +observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery +question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was +excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has +been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to +spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has +proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at +the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again with the annexation +of Texas; so with the territory acquired by the Mexican War; and it is +so now. Whenever there has been an effort to spread it, there has been +agitation and resistance. Now, I appeal to this audience (very few of +whom are my political friends), as rational men, whether we have reason +to expect that the agitation in regard to this subject will cease while +the causes that tend to reproduce agitation are actively at work? Will +not the same cause that produced agitation in 1820, when the Missouri +Compromise was formed,--that which produced the agitation upon the +annexation of Texas, and at other times,--work out the same results +always? Do you think that the nature of man will be changed; that the +same causes that produced agitation at one time will not have the same +effect at another? + +This has been the result so far as my observation of the slavery +question and my reading in history extend. What right have we then to +hope that the trouble will cease, that the agitation will come to an +end, until it shall either be placed back where it originally stood, and +where the fathers originally placed it, or, on the other hand, until it +shall entirely master all opposition? This is the view I entertain, and +this is the reason why I entertained it, as Judge Douglas has read from +my Springfield speech. + +... At Freeport I answered several interrogatories that had been +propounded to me by Judge Douglas at the Ottawa meeting.... At the same +time I propounded four interrogatories to him, claiming it as a right +that he should answer as many for me as I did for him, and I would +reserve myself for a future instalment when I got them ready. The Judge, +in answering me upon that occasion, put in what I suppose he intends as +answers to all four of my interrogatories. The first one of these I +have before me, and it is in these words: + + _Question 1._ If the people of Kansas shall by means entirely + unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State constitution + and ask admission into the Union under it, before they have the + requisite number of inhabitants according to the English bill--some + 93,000--will you vote to admit them? + +As I read the Judge's answer in the newspaper, and as I remember it as +pronounced at the time, he does not give any answer which is equivalent +to yes or no,--I will or I won't. He answers at very considerable +length, rather quarrelling with me for asking the question, and +insisting that Judge Trumbull had done something that I ought to say +something about; and finally, getting out such statements as induce me +to infer that he means to be understood, he will, in that supposed case, +vote for the admission of Kansas. I only bring this forward now, for the +purpose of saying that, if he chooses to put a different construction +upon his answer, he may do it. But if he does not, I shall from this +time forward assume that he will vote for the admission of Kansas in +disregard of the English bill. He has the right to remove any +misunderstanding I may have. I only mention it now, that I may hereafter +assume this to have been the true construction of his answer, if he does +not now choose to correct me. + +The second interrogatory I propounded to him was this: + + _Question 2._ Can the people of a United States Territory in any + lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, + exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State + constitution? + +To this Judge Douglas answered that they can lawfully exclude slavery +from the Territory prior to the formation of a constitution. He goes +on to tell us how it can be done. As I understand him, he holds that +it can be done by the territorial legislature refusing to make any +enactments for the protection of slavery in the Territory, and +especially by adopting unfriendly legislation to it. For the sake of +clearness, I state it again: that they can exclude slavery from the +Territory,--first, by withholding what he assumes to be an indispensable +assistance to it in the way of legislation; and second, by unfriendly +legislation. If I rightly understand him, I wish to ask your attention +for a while to his position. + +In the first place, the Supreme Court of the United States has decided +that any congressional prohibition of slavery in the Territories is +unconstitutional: they have reached this proposition as a conclusion +from their former proposition that the Constitution of the United States +expressly recognizes property in slaves; and from that other +constitutional provision that no person shall be deprived of property +without due process of law. Hence they reach the conclusion that as the +Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes property in +slaves, and prohibits any person from being deprived of property without +due process of law, to pass an act of Congress by which a man who owned +a slave on one side of a line would be deprived of him if he took him on +the other side, is depriving him of that property without due process of +law. That I understand to be the decision of the Supreme Court. I +understand also that Judge Douglas adheres most firmly to that decision; +and the difficulty is, how is it possible for any power to exclude +slavery from the Territory unless in violation of that decision? That is +the difficulty. + +In the Senate of the United States, in 1856, Judge Trumbull in a speech, +substantially if not directly, put the same interrogatory to Judge +Douglas, as to whether the people of a Territory had the lawful power to +exclude slavery prior to the formation of a constitution? Judge Douglas +then answered at considerable length, and his answer will be found in +the "Congressional Globe," under date of June 9, 1856. The Judge said +that whether the people could exclude slavery prior to the formation of +a constitution or not, was a question to be decided by the Supreme +Court. He put that proposition, as will be seen by the "Congressional +Globe," in a variety of forms, all running to the same thing in +substance,--that it was a question for the Supreme Court. I maintain +that when he says, after the Supreme Court has decided the question, +that the people may yet exclude slavery by any means whatever, he does +virtually say that it is not a question for the Supreme Court. He shifts +his ground. I appeal to you whether he did not say it was a question for +the Supreme Court? Has not the Supreme Court decided that question? When +he now says that the people may exclude slavery, does he not make it a +question for the people? Does he not virtually shift his ground and say +that it is not a question for the court, but for the people? This is a +very simple proposition,--a very plain and naked one. It seems to me +that there is no difficulty in deciding it. In a variety of ways he said +that it was a question for the Supreme Court. He did not stop then to +tell us that, whatever the Supreme Court decides, the people can by +withholding necessary "police regulations" keep slavery out. He did not +make any such answer. I submit to you now, whether the new state of the +case has not induced the Judge to sheer away from his original ground? +Would not this be the impression of every fair-minded man? + +I hold that the proposition that slavery cannot enter a new country +without police regulations is historically false. It is not true at all. +I hold that the history of this country shows that the institution of +slavery was originally planted upon this continent without these "police +regulations" which the Judge now thinks necessary for the actual +establishment of it. Not only so, but is there not another fact,--how +came this Dred Scott decision to be made? It was made upon the case of a +negro being taken and actually held in slavery in Minnesota Territory, +claiming his freedom because the act of Congress prohibited his being so +held there. Will the Judge pretend that Dred Scott was not held there +without police regulations? There is at least one matter of record as to +his having been held in slavery in the Territory, not only without +police regulations, but in the teeth of congressional legislation +supposed to be valid at the time. This shows that there is vigour enough +in slavery to plant itself in a new country, even against unfriendly +legislation. It takes not only law, but the enforcement of law to keep +it out. That is the history of this country upon the subject. + +I wish to ask one other question. It being understood that the +Constitution of the United States guarantees property in slaves in the +Territories, if there is any infringement of the right of that property, +would not the United States courts, organized for the government of the +Territory, apply such remedy as might be necessary in that case? It is a +maxim held by the courts that there is no wrong without its remedy; and +the courts have a remedy for whatever is acknowledged and treated as a +wrong. + +Again: I will ask you, my friends, if you were elected members of the +legislature, what would be the first thing you would have to do before +entering upon your duties? Swear to support the Constitution of the +United States. Suppose you believe as Judge Douglas does, that the +Constitution of the United States guarantees to your neighbour the right +to hold slaves in that Territory,--that they are his property,--how can +you clear your oaths unless you give him such legislation as is +necessary to enable him to enjoy that property? What do you understand +by supporting the Constitution of a State or of the United States? Is it +not to give such constitutional helps to the rights established by that +Constitution as may be practically needed? Can you, if you swear to +support the Constitution and believe that the Constitution establishes a +right, clear your oath without giving it support? Do you support the +Constitution if, knowing or believing there is a right established under +it which needs specific legislation, you withhold that legislation? Do +you not violate and disregard your oath? I can conceive of nothing +plainer in the world. There can be nothing in the words "support the +Constitution," if you may run counter to it by refusing support to any +right established under the Constitution. And what I say here will hold +with still more force against the Judge's doctrine of "unfriendly +legislation." How could you, having sworn to support the Constitution, +and believing that it guaranteed the right to hold slaves in the +Territories, assist in legislation intended to defeat that right? That +would be violating your own view of the Constitution. Not only so, but +if you were to do so, how long would it take the courts to hold your +votes unconstitutional and void? Not a moment. + +Lastly, I would ask, is not Congress itself under obligation to give +legislative support to any right that is established under the United +States Constitution? I repeat the question, is not Congress itself bound +to give legislative support to any right that is established in the +United States Constitution? A member of Congress swears to support the +Constitution of the United States, and if he sees a right established by +that Constitution which needs specific legislative protection, can he +clear his oath without giving that protection? Let me ask you why many +of us, who are opposed to slavery upon principle, give our acquiescence +to a fugitive-slave law? Why do we hold ourselves under obligations to +pass such a law, and abide by it when passed? Because the Constitution +makes provision that the owners of slaves shall have the right to +reclaim them. It gives the right to reclaim slaves; and that right is, +as Judge Douglas says, a barren right, unless there is legislation that +will enforce it. + +The mere declaration, "No person held to service or labour in one State, +under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of +any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or +labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such +service or labour may be due," is powerless without specific legislation +to enforce it. Now, on what ground would a member of Congress who is +opposed to slavery in the abstract, vote for a fugitive law, as I would +deem it my duty to do? Because there is a constitutional right which +needs legislation to enforce it. And, although it is distasteful to me, +I have sworn to support the Constitution; and, having so sworn, I +cannot conceive that I do support it if I withhold from that right any +necessary legislation to make it practical. And if that is true in +regard to a fugitive-slave law, is the right to have fugitive slaves +reclaimed any better fixed in the Constitution than the right to hold +slaves in the Territories? For this decision is a just exposition of the +Constitution, as Judge Douglas thinks. Is the one right any better than +the other? If I wished to refuse to give legislative support to slave +property in the Territories, if a member of Congress, I could not do it, +holding the view that the Constitution establishes that right. If I did +it at all, it would be because I deny that this decision properly +construes the Constitution. But if I acknowledge with Judge Douglas that +this decision properly construes the Constitution, I cannot conceive +that I would be less than a perjured man if I should refuse in Congress +to give such protection to that property as in its nature it needed.... + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Charleston, Illinois. +September 18, 1858_ + + +Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me +an answer to the question whether I am in favour of negro citizenship. +So far as I know, the Judge never asked me the question before. He shall +have no occasion ever to ask it again, for I tell him very frankly that +I am not in favour of negro citizenship.... Now my opinion is, that the +different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the +Constitution of the United States, if they choose. The Dred Scott +decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois +had that power, I should be opposed to the exercise of it. That is all I +have to say about it. + +Judge Douglas has told me that he heard my speeches north and my +speeches south, ... and there was a very different cast of sentiment in +the speeches made at the different points. I will not charge upon Judge +Douglas that he wilfully misrepresents me, but I call upon every +fair-minded man to take these speeches and read them, and I dare him to +point out any difference between my speeches north and south. While I am +here, perhaps I ought to say a word, if I have the time, in regard to +the latter portion of the Judge's speech, which was a sort of +declamation in reference to my having said that I entertained the belief +that this government would not endure, half slave and half free. I have +said so, and I did not say it without what seemed to me good reasons. It +perhaps would require more time than I have now to set forth those +reasons in detail; but let me ask you a few questions. Have we ever had +any peace on this slavery question? When are we to have peace upon it if +it is kept in the position it now occupies? How are we ever to have +peace upon it? That is an important question. To be sure, if we will all +stop and allow Judge Douglas and his friends to march on in their +present career until they plant the institution all over the nation, +here and wherever else our flag waves, and we acquiesce in it, there +will be peace. But let me ask Judge Douglas how he is going to get the +people to do that? They have been wrangling over this question for forty +years. This was the cause of the agitation resulting in the Missouri +Compromise; this produced the troubles at the annexation of Texas, in +the acquisition of the territory acquired in the Mexican War. Again, +this was the trouble quieted by the Compromise of 1850, when it was +settled "for ever," as both the great political parties declared in +their national conventions. That "for ever" turned out to be just four +years, when Judge Douglas himself reopened it. + +When is it likely to come to an end? He introduced the Nebraska bill in +1854, to put another end to the slavery agitation. He promised that it +would finish it all up immediately, and he has never made a speech +since, until he got into a quarrel with the President about the +Lecompton constitution, in which he has not declared that we are just at +the end of the slavery agitation. But in one speech, I think last +winter, he did say that he didn't quite see when the end of the slavery +agitation would come. Now he tells us again that it is all over, and the +people of Kansas have voted down the Lecompton constitution. How is it +over? That was only one of the attempts to put an end to the slavery +agitation,--one of these "final settlements." Is Kansas in the Union? +Has she formed a constitution that she is likely to come in under? Is +not the slavery agitation still an open question in that Territory?... +If Kansas should sink to-day, and leave a great vacant space in the +earth's surface, this vexed question would still be among us. I say, +then, there is no way of putting an end to the slavery agitation amongst +us, but to put it back upon the basis where our fathers placed it; no +way but to keep it out of our new Territories,--to restrict it for ever +to the old States where it now exists. Then the public mind will rest in +the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. That is one +way of putting an end to the slavery agitation. + +The other way is for us to surrender, and let Judge Douglas and his +friends have their way, and plant slavery over all the States,--cease +speaking of it as in any way a wrong--regard slavery as one of the +common matters of property, and speak of our negroes as we do of our +horse and cattle. + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Galesburg, Illinois. October +7, 1858_ + + +... The Judge has alluded to the Declaration of Independence, and +insisted that negroes are not included in that Declaration; and that it +is a slander on the framers of that instrument to suppose that negroes +were meant therein; and he asks you, Is it possible to believe that Mr. +Jefferson, who penned that immortal paper, could have supposed himself +applying the language of that instrument to the negro race, and yet held +a portion of that race in slavery? Would he not at once have freed +them? I only have to remark upon this part of his speech (and that too, +very briefly, for I shall not detain myself or you upon that point for +any great length of time), that I believe the entire records of the +world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within +three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation from +one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of +Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that he ever said +so, that Washington ever said so, that any President ever said so, that +any member of Congress ever said so, or that any living man upon the +whole earth ever said so, until the necessities of the present policy of +the Democratic party in regard to slavery had to invent that +affirmation. And I will remind Judge Douglas and this audience, that +while Mr. Jefferson was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in +speaking on this very subject, he used the strong language that "he +trembled for his country when he remembered that God was just;" and I +will offer the highest premium in my power to Judge Douglas if he will +show that he, in all his life, ever uttered a sentiment at all akin to +that of Jefferson. + +... I want to call to the Judge's attention an attack he made upon me in +the first one of these debates.... In order to fix extreme Abolitionism +upon me, Judge Douglas read a set of resolutions which he declared had +been passed by a Republican State Convention, in October 1854, held at +Springfield, Illinois, and he declared that I had taken a part in that +convention. It turned out that although a few men calling themselves an +anti-Nebraska State Convention had sat at Springfield about that time, +yet neither did I take any part in it, nor did it pass the resolutions +or any such resolutions as Judge Douglas read. So apparent had it become +that the resolutions that he read had not been passed at Springfield at +all, nor by any State Convention in which I had taken part, that seven +days later at Freeport ... Judge Douglas declared that he had been +misled ... and promised ... that when he went to Springfield he would +investigate the matter.... I have waited as I think a sufficient time +for the report of that investigation. + +... A fraud, an absolute forgery, was committed, and the perpetration of +it was traced to the three,--Lanphier, Harris, and Douglas.... Whether +it can be narrowed in any way, so as to exonerate any one of them, is +what Judge Douglas's report would probably show. The main object of that +forgery at that time was to beat Yates and elect Harris to Congress, and +that object was known to be exceedingly dear to Judge Douglas at that +time. + +... The fraud having been apparently successful upon that occasion, both +Harris and Douglas have more than once since then been attempting to put +it to new uses. As the fisherman's wife, whose drowned husband was +brought home with his body full of eels, said, when she was asked what +was to be done with him, 'Take out the eels and set him again,' so +Harris and Douglas have shown a disposition to take the eels out of that +stale fraud by which they gained Harris's election, and set the fraud +again, more than once.... And now that it has been discovered publicly +to be a fraud, we find that Judge Douglas manifests no surprise at +all.... But meanwhile the three are agreed that each is a most +honourable man. + + + + +_Notes for Speeches. October 1858_ + + +Suppose it is true that the negro is inferior to the white in the gifts +of nature; is it not the exact reverse of justice that the white should +for that reason take from the negro any part of the little which he has +had given him? "Give to him that is needy" is the Christian rule of +charity; but "Take from him that is needy" is the rule of slavery. + +The sum of pro-slavery theology seems to be this: "Slavery is not +universally right, nor yet universally wrong; it is better for some +people to be slaves; and, in such cases, it is the will of God that they +be such." + +Certainly there is no contending against the will of God; but still +there is some difficulty in ascertaining and applying it to particular +cases. For instance, we will suppose the Rev. Dr. Ross has a slave named +Sambo, and the question is, "Is it the will of God that Sambo shall +remain a slave, or be set free?" The Almighty gives no audible answer to +the question, and his revelation, the Bible, gives none--or at most none +but such as admits of a squabble as to its meaning; no one thinks of +asking Sambo's opinion on it. So at last it comes to this, that Dr. Ross +is to decide the question; and while he considers it, he sits in the +shade, with gloves on his hands, and subsists on the bread that Sambo is +earning in the burning sun. If he decides that God wills Sambo to +continue a slave, he thereby retains his own comfortable position; but +if he decides that God wills Sambo to be free, he thereby has to walk +out of the shade, throw off his gloves, and delve for his own bread. +Will Dr. Ross be actuated by the perfect impartiality which has ever +been considered most favourable to correct decisions? + +We have in this nation the element of domestic slavery. It is a matter +of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element. It is the opinion +of all the great men who have expressed an opinion upon it, that it is a +dangerous element. We keep up a controversy in regard to it. That +controversy necessarily springs from difference of opinion, and if we +can learn exactly--can reduce to the lowest elements--what that +difference of opinion is, we perhaps shall be better prepared for +discussing the different systems of policy that we would propose in +regard to that disturbing element. + +I suggest that the difference of opinion, reduced to its lowest terms, +is no other than the difference between the men who think slavery a +wrong and those who do not think it wrong. The Republican party think it +wrong--we think it is a moral, a social, and a political wrong. We think +it is a wrong not confining itself merely to the persons or the States +where it exists, but that it is a wrong which in its tendency, to say +the least, affects the existence of the whole nation. Because we think +it wrong, we propose a course of policy that shall deal with it as a +wrong. + +We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its +growing any larger, and so deal with it that in the run of time there +may be some promise of an end to it We have a due regard to the actual +presence of it amongst us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in +any satisfactory way, and all the constitutional obligations thrown +about it. I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in +the nation, and to our constitutional obligations, we have no right at +all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we profess that we +have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it. +We go further than that: we don't propose to disturb it where, in one +instance, we think the Constitution would permit us. We think the +Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the District of Columbia. +Still we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in terms which I +don't suppose the nation is very likely soon to agree to--the terms of +making the emancipation gradual and compensating the unwilling owners. +Where we suppose we have the constitutional right, we restrain ourselves +in reference to the actual existence of the institution and the +difficulties thrown about it. We also oppose it as an evil so far as it +seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that shall restrict it +to its present limits. We don't suppose that in doing this we violate +anything due to the actual presence of the institution, or anything due +to the constitutional guaranties thrown around it. + +We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain way, upon which I ought +perhaps to address you in a few words. We do not propose that when Dred +Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will +decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any other one, or +one thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves, we will in +any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled; but we +nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political rule, which shall be +binding on the voter to vote for nobody who thinks it wrong, which shall +be binding on the members of Congress or the President to favour no +measure that does not actually concur with the principles of that +decision. We do not propose to be bound by it as a political rule in +that way, because we think it lays the foundation not merely of +enlarging and spreading out what we consider an evil, but it lays the +foundation for spreading that evil into the States themselves. We +propose so resisting it as to have it reversed if we can, and a new +judicial rule established upon this subject. + +I will add this, that if there be any man who does not believe that +slavery is wrong in the three aspects which I have mentioned, or in any +one of them, that man is misplaced and ought to leave us. While, on the +other hand, if there be any man in the Republican party who is impatient +over the necessity springing from its actual presence, and is impatient +of the constitutional guaranties thrown around it, and would act in +disregard of these, he too is misplaced, standing with us. He will find +his place somewhere else; for we have a due regard, so far as we are +capable of understanding them, for all these things. This, gentlemen, as +well as I can give it, is a plain statement of our principles in all +their enormity. + +I will say now that there is a sentiment in the country contrary to +me--a sentiment which holds that slavery is not wrong, and therefore +goes for the policy that does not propose dealing with it as a wrong. +That policy is the Democratic policy, and that sentiment is the +Democratic sentiment. If there be a doubt in the mind of any one of this +vast audience that this is really the central idea of the Democratic +party, in relation to this subject, I ask him to bear with me while I +state a few things tending, as I think, to prove that proposition. + +In the first place, the leading man,--I think I may do my friend Judge +Douglas the honour of calling him such,--advocating the present +Democratic policy, never himself says it is wrong. He has the high +distinction, so far as I know, of never having said slavery is either +right or wrong. Almost everybody else says one or the other, but the +Judge never does. If there be a man in the Democratic party who thinks +it is wrong, and yet clings to that party, I suggest to him in the first +place that his leader don't talk as he does, for he never says that it +is wrong. + +In the second place, I suggest to him that if he will examine the policy +proposed to be carried forward, he will find that he carefully excludes +the idea that there is anything wrong in it. If you will examine the +arguments that are made on it, you will find that every one carefully +excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. + +Perhaps that Democrat who says he is as much opposed to slavery as I am +will tell me that I am wrong about this. I wish him to examine his own +course in regard to this matter a moment, and then see if his opinion +will not be changed a little. You say it is wrong; but don't you +constantly object to anybody else saying so? Do you not constantly argue +that this is not the right place to oppose it? You say it must not be +opposed in the free States, because slavery is not there; it must not be +opposed in the slave States, because it is there; it must not be opposed +in politics, because that will make a fuss; it must not be opposed in +the pulpit, because it is not religion. Then where is the place to +oppose it? There is no suitable place to oppose it. There is no plan in +the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent, which you +say yourself is coming. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a +system of gradual emancipation in Missouri, had an election in August, +and got beat; and you, Mr. Democrat, threw up your hat and hallooed, +"Hurrah for Democracy!" + +So I say again, that in regard to the arguments that are made, when +Judge Douglas says he "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted +down," whether he means that as an individual expression of sentiment, +or only as a sort of statement of his views on national policy, it is +alike true to say that he can thus argue logically if he don't see +anything wrong in it; but he cannot say so logically if he admits that +slavery is wrong. He cannot say that he would as soon see a wrong voted +up as voted down. When Judge Douglas says that whoever or whatever +community wants slaves, they have a right to have them, he is perfectly +logical if there is nothing wrong in the institution; but if you admit +that it is wrong, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do +wrong. When he says that slave property and horse and hog property are +alike to be allowed to go into the Territories, upon the principles of +equality, he is reasoning truly if there is no difference between them +as property; but if the one is property, held rightfully, and the other +is wrong, then there is no equality between the right and wrong; so +that, turn it in any way you can, in all the arguments sustaining the +Democratic policy, and in that policy itself, there is a careful, +studied exclusion of the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. + +Let us understand this. I am not, just here, trying to prove that we are +right and they are wrong. I have been stating where we and they stand, +and trying to show what is the real difference between us; and I now say +that whenever we can get the question distinctly stated,--can get all +these men who believe that slavery is in some of these respects wrong, +to stand and act with us in treating it as a wrong,--then, and not till +then, I think, will we in some way come to an end of this slavery +agitation. + + + + +_Mr. Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas in the Seventh and Last Debate. +Alton, Illinois. October 15, 1858_ + + +... But is it true that all the difficulty and agitation we have in +regard to this institution of slavery springs from office-seeking,--from +the mere ambition of politicians? Is that the truth? How many times have +we had danger from this question? Go back to the day of the Missouri +Compromise. Go back to the nullification question, at the bottom of +which lay this same slavery question. Go back to the time of the +annexation of Texas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise +of 1850. You will find that every time, with the single exception of the +nullification question, they sprung from an endeavour to spread this +institution. There never was a party in the history of this country, and +there probably never will be, of sufficient strength to disturb the +general peace of the country. Parties themselves may be divided and +quarrel on minor questions, yet it extends not beyond the parties +themselves. But does not this question make a disturbance outside of +political circles? Does it not enter into the churches and rend them +asunder? What divided the great Methodist Church into two parts, North +and South? What has raised this constant disturbance in every +Presbyterian General Assembly that meets? What disturbed the Unitarian +Church in this very city two years ago? What has jarred and shaken the +great American Tract Society recently,--not yet splitting it, but sure +to divide it in the end? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power, +that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up +in every avenue of society, in politics, in religion, in literature, in +morals, in all the manifold relations of life? Is this the work of +politicians? Is that irresistible power which for fifty years has shaken +the government and agitated the people, to be stilled and subdued by +pretending that it is an exceedingly simple thing, and we ought not to +talk about it? If you will get everybody else to stop talking about it, +I assure you that I will quit before they have half done so. But where +is the philosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that +disturbing element in our society, which has disturbed us for more than +half a century, which has been the only serious danger that has +threatened our institutions? I say where is the philosophy or the +statesmanship, based on the assumption that we are to quit talking about +it, and that the public mind is all at once to cease being agitated by +it? Yet this is the policy here in the North that Douglas is +advocating,--that we are to care nothing about it! I ask you if it is +not a false philosophy? Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes +to build up a system of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about +the very thing that everybody does care the most about,--a thing which +all experience has shown we care a very great deal about? + +... The Judge alludes very often in the course of his remarks to the +exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for +themselves. I agree with him very readily.... Our controversy with him +is in regard to the new Territories. We agree that when States come in +as States they have the right and power to do as they please.... We +profess constantly that we have no more inclination than belief in the +power of the government to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to +defend ourselves from the assumption that we are warring upon the rights +of the States. What I insist upon is, that the new Territories shall be +kept free from it while in the territorial condition ... + +... These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force +the controversy.... + +The real issue in this controversy--the one dressing upon every mind--is +the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution +of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it +as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery +in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It +is the sentiment around which all their actions, all their arguments, +circle; from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as +being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate +it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence +among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory +way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet, +having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that +looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it, as far +as may be, be treated as a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it +as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. They also +desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery some time, as +being a wrong. These are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I +understand them; and all their sentiments, all their arguments and +propositions are brought within this range, I have said, and I here +repeat it, that if there be a man amongst us who does not think that the +institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I +have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there +be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard +its actual presence among us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it +suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional +obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our +platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. He is not +placed properly with us. + +On this subject of treating it as a wrong and limiting its spread, let +me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union +save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we +hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever +threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution +of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition +of things by enlarging slavery,--by spreading it out and making it +bigger? You may have a wen or a cancer upon your person, and not be able +to cut it out lest you bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure +it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper +way of treating what you regard as a wrong. You see this peaceful way of +dealing with it as a wrong,--restricting the spread of it, and not +allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed. +That is the peaceful way--the old-fashioned way--the way in which the +fathers themselves set us the example. + +On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment which treats it as +not being wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do not +mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively +asserts that it is right. That class will include all who positively +assert that it is right, and all who, like Judge Douglas, treat it as +indifferent, and do not say it is either right or wrong. These two +classes of men fall within the general class of those who do not look +upon it as a wrong. And if there be among you anybody who supposes that +he, as a Democrat, can consider himself "as much opposed to slavery as +anybody," I would like to reason with him. You never treat it _as_ a +wrong. What other thing that you consider a wrong do you deal with as +you deal with that? Perhaps you say it is wrong, but your leader never +does, and you quarrel with anybody who says it is wrong. Although you +pretend to say so yourself, you can find no fit place to deal with it as +a wrong. You must not say anything about it in the free States, because +it is not here. You must not say anything about it in the slave States, +because it is there. You must not say anything about it in the pulpit, +because that is religion, and has nothing to do with it. You must not +say anything about it in politics, because that will disturb the +security of "my place." There is no place to talk about it as being a +wrong, although you say yourself it is a wrong. But, finally, you will +screw yourself up to the belief that if the people of the slave States +should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the slavery question, +you would be in favour of it. You would be in favour of it! You say that +is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it +succeed. But you are deceiving yourself. You all know that Frank Blair +and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that +system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the +system of gradual emancipation, which you pretend you would be glad to +see succeed. Now I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they +were beaten; and when the news came over here, you threw up your hats +and hurrahed for Democracy! More than that; take all the argument made +in favour of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the +idea that there is anything wrong in the institution of slavery. The +arguments to sustain that policy carefully exclude it. Even here to-day, +you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me, because I uttered a wish that +it might sometime come to an end. Although Henry Clay could say he +wished every slave in the United States was in the country of his +ancestors, I am denounced by those who pretend to respect Henry Clay, +for uttering a wish that it might sometime, in some peaceful way, come +to an end. + +The Democratic policy in regard to that institution will not tolerate +the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the least degree of wrong +about it. Try it by some of Judge Douglas's arguments. He says he "don't +care whether it is voted up or voted down in the Territories." I do not +care myself in dealing with that expression whether it is intended to be +expressive of his individual sentiments on the subject or only of the +national policy he desires to have established. + +But no man can logically say it who does see a wrong in it; because no +man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted +down.... Any man can say that who does not see anything wrong in +slavery.... But if it is a wrong, he cannot say that people have a right +to do wrong. He says that, upon the score of equality, slaves should be +allowed to go into a new Territory like other property. This is strictly +logical if there is no difference between it and other property.... But +if you insist that one is wrong and the other right, there is no use to +institute a comparison between right and wrong.... The Democratic policy +everywhere carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in +it. + +That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this +country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be +silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles--right +and wrong--throughout the world. They are the two principles that have +stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to +struggle. + +The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right +of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. +It is the same spirit that says, "You toil and work and earn bread, and +I'll eat it." No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth +of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live +by the fruit of their labour, or from one race of men as an apology for +enslaving another race,--it is the same tyrannical principle.... +Whenever the issue can be distinctly made, and all extraneous matter +thrown out, so that men can fairly see the real difference between the +parties, this controversy will soon be settled, and it will be done +peaceably, too. There will be no war, no violence. It will be placed +again where the wisest and best men of the world placed it. + + + + +_From a Speech at Columbus, Ohio, on the Slave Trade, Popular +Sovereignty, etc. September 16, 1859_ + + +... The Republican party, as I understand its principles and policy, +believes that there is great danger of the institution of slavery being +spread out and extended, until it is ultimately made alike lawful in all +the States of this Union; so believing, to prevent that incidental and +ultimate consummation is the original and chief purpose of the +Republican organization. + +I say "chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is +certainly true that if the national House shall fall into the hands of +the Republicans, they will have to attend to all the matters of national +house-keeping as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the +Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and +except to restore this Government to its original tone in regard to this +element of slavery, and there to maintain it, looking for no further +change in reference to it than that which the original framers of the +Government themselves expected and looked forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now +the revival of the African slave-trade, or the passage of a +Congressional slave-code ... but the most imminent danger that now +threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. +This is the miner and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the +African slave-trade, nor to pass a slave-code, nor to make a second Dred +Scott decision, it is preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these +ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to come on, and the word of +command for them to advance shall be given. I say this _Douglas_ popular +sovereignty--for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, +between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition +of genuine popular sovereignty in the abstract would be about this: that +each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all +those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to governments, this +principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things +which pertain to it; and all the local governments shall do precisely as +they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. +I understand that this government of the United States under which we +live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is +supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, +no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man, +neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied +in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new +Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose +of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their +limits or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the +persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who +are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the +families of communities of which they are but an incipient member, or +the general head of the family of States as parent of all,--however +their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or +right to interfere. That is Douglas popular sovereignty applied. + +... I cannot but express my gratitude that this true view of this +element of discord among us, as I believe it is, is attracting more and +more attention. I do not believe that Governor Seward uttered that +sentiment because I had done so before, but because he reflected upon +this subject, and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe, because +Governor Seward or I uttered it, that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, in +different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the +utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and +slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of +Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, +and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much about +him: of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my +notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. + +... Judge Douglas ... proceeds to assume, without proving it, that +slavery is one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are +of just about as much consequence as the question would be to me, +whether my neighbour should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that +there is no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter +of dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for +settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing +which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the soil, +cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come thereafter; that +it is one of those little things that is so trivial in its nature that +it has no effect upon anybody save the few men who first plant upon the +soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the family of +communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the general +government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well-known fact +that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence +except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only +upon a par with onions and potatoes. + +... Did you ever, five years ago, hear of anybody in the world saying +that the negro had no share in the Declaration of National Independence; +that it did not mean negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of, +negroes were not included? + +... Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the Declaration +of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say +that he said it five years ago. If you think that now, and did not think +it then, the next thing that strikes me is to remark that there has been +a _change_ wrought in you, and a very significant change it is, being no +less than changing the negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man +to that of a brute.... + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public +opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours this +popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a +change in the public mind to the extent I have stated.... + +... Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, I ask you to note that +fact (the popular-sovereignty of Judge Douglas), and the like of which +is to follow, to be plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you +are prepared to deal with the negro everywhere as with the brute. If +public sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new +turn of the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is +constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular +sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your minds, +now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all these things, +and you will receive and support or submit to the slave-trade, revived +with all its horrors,--a slave-code enforced in our Territories,--and a +new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of the +free North. + +... I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these +popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around +us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the +Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile +and the reptile; that man with body and soul is a matter of dollars and +cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, +if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact, that +there is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public +opinion on this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +_From a Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the Intentions of "Black +Republicans," the Relation of Labour and Capital, etc. September 17, +1859_ + + +... I say, then, in the first place to the Kentuckians that I am what +they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is +wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further +spread in these United States, and I should not object if it should +gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I +say to you, Kentuckians, that I understand you differ radically with me +upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that +slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this +Union. Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not +pretend, in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to attempt +proselyting you. That would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I +only propose to try to show you that you ought to nominate for the next +presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend, Judge Douglas. In +all that, there is no real difference between you and him; I understand +he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are for +yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition. + +In Kentucky perhaps--in many of the slave States certainly--you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by +Divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, +upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that +slavery was right by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the +slavery of the white man,--of men without reference to colour,--and he +knows very well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as +you please, but you will never win any Northern support upon it. He +makes a wiser argument for you. He makes the argument that the slavery +of the black man--the slavery of the man who has a skin of a different +colour from your own--is right. He thereby brings to your support +Northern voters, who could not for a moment be brought by your own +argument of the Bible right of slavery. + +... At Memphis he [Judge Douglas] declared that in all contests between +the negro and the white man, he was for the white man, but that in all +questions between the negro and the crocodile, he was for the negro. He +did not make that declaration accidentally ... he made it a great many +times. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other; and that whoever is +opposed to the negro being enslaved is in some way or other against the +white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict +between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as +much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I +say there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only +does not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it +positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be +enslaved,--that the mass of white men are really injured by the effects +of slave labour in the vicinity of the fields of their own labour.... + +There is one other thing that I will say to you in this relation. It is +but my opinion; I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it +is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you +may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the +Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend "to +stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat +you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat +you, we have to beat you both together. We know that "you are all of a +feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do +it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as +deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and +resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say, beat +you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, +what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we +possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean +to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution; to +abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, +coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as +degenerate men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the example of +those noble fathers--Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to +remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between +us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and +bear in mind always, that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as +other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly. We +mean to marry your girls when we have a chance--the white ones, I mean, +and I have the honour to inform you that I once did have a chance in +that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing +takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you +mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is +elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That +is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He +is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do +with your half of it. Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and +push your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside +of us outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way +between your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours +can't come over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you +think you can better yourselves on that subject by leaving us here +under no obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable +property that come hither? + +You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, as +you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligation to do +anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will you +make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as +gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a +good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown +yourselves capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you +are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there +are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were +fewer in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were +equal it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, +you will make nothing by attempting to master us.... + +Labour is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labour in society. Some men assume that there is a +necessary connection between capital and labour, and that connection +draws within it the whole of the labour of the community. They assume +that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. They begin next +to consider what is the best way. They say there are but two ways,--one +is to hire men and to allure them to labour by their consent; the other +is to buy the men, and drive them to it, and that is slavery. Having +assumed that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the +labourers themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of +hired labourers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the +condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say the whole thing is a mistake. That there is a +certain relation between capital and labour, I admit. That it does +exist, and rightfully exist, I think is true. That men who are +industrious and sober and honest in the pursuit of their own interests +should after a while accumulate capital, and after that should be +allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also if they should choose, when they +have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labour, +and hire other people to labour for them,--is right. In doing so, they +do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men who have not their +own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by +working for others,--hired labourers, receiving their capital for it. +Thus a few men that own capital hire a few others, and these establish +the relation of capital and labour rightfully--a relation of which I +make no complaint. But I insist that that relation, after all, does not +embrace more than one-eighth of the labour of the country. + +There are a plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good +enough for me, to be either President or Vice-President, provided they +will profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves +on such ground that our men upon principle can vote for them. There are +scores of them--good men in their character for intelligence, for talent +and integrity. If such an one will place himself upon the right ground, +I am for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or opposition +ticket. I will go heartily for him. But unless he does so place himself, +I think it is perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon +any other basis; that if a union be made, the elements will so scatter +that there can be no success for such a ticket. The good old maxims of +the Bible are applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs; and in +this, as in other things, we may say that he who is not for us is +against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad +to have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South place +themselves where we can confer upon them the high honour of an election +upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do +that thing. It would enable us to teach them that inasmuch as we select +one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from +the charge that we mean more than we say.... + + + + +_From a Letter to J.W. Fell. December 20, 1859_ + + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second +families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, +was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, +and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham +Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about +1781 or 1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, +not in battle, but by stealth, when he was labouring to open a farm in +the forest. His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks +County, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England +family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity +of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, +Solomon, Abraham, and the like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he +grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is +now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home +about the time the State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with +many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. +There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever +required of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin'" to the +rule of three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to +sojourn in the neighbourhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was +absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I +came of age I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, +and cipher to the rule of three, but that was all. I have not been to +school since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education +I have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At +twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at +that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as +a sort of clerk in a store. + +Then came the Black Hawk War; and I was elected a captain of volunteers, +a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went +the campaign, was elated, ran for the legislature the same year (1832), +and was beaten--the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. The +next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the +legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During this legislative +period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to practise it. In +1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. Was not a +candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practised +law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in politics; and +generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active canvasses. I was +losing interest in politics when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise +aroused me again. What I have done since then is pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I +am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on +an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse +black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + + + + +_From an Address delivered at Cooper Institute, New York. February 27, +1860_ + + +... Now, and hear, let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I +do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our +fathers did. To do so, would be to discard all the lights of current +experience--to reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is, +that if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any +case, we should do so on evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, +that even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot +stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they +understood the question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that the proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids +the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal +Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all +truthful evidence and fair argument he can. But he has no right to +mislead others who have less access to history, and less leisure to +study it, into the false belief that "our fathers who framed the +government under which we live" were of the same opinion--thus +substituting falsehood and deception for truthful evidence and fair +argument. If any man at this day sincerely believes "our fathers who +framed the government under which we live" used and applied principles, +in other cases, which ought to have led them to understand that a proper +division of local from Federal authority, or some part of the +Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the +same time, have the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he +understands their principles better than they did themselves; and +especially should he not shirk the responsibility by asserting that they +understood the question just as well and even better than we do now. + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers who framed the +government under which we live understood this question just as well, +and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they +acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask, all Republicans desire, in +relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it again be +marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected +only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that +toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those +fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For +this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, +they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen,--as I suppose they will not,--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak +of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the +best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or +murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your +contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional +condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended +to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable +prerequisite--license, so to speak--among you to be admitted or +permitted to speak at all. Now, can you or not be prevailed upon to +pause and to consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to +yourselves? Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be +patient long enough to hear us deny or justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes in +your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the +issue? If it does, then, in case we should, without change of principle, +begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be +sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing +to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that we have +ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very +year. You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that +your proof does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in +your section is a fact of your making, and not of ours. + +And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and +remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or +practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the +fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have +started--to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of +ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, +on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong +your section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may +be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really +believe that the principle which "our fathers who framed the government +under which we live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and +indorse it again and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so +clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's +consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional +parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight +years before Washington gave that warning he had, as President of the +United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied +the policy of the government upon that subject up to and at the very +moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he +wrote Lafayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative,--eminently conservative,--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. + +What is conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against +the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed +the government under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, +and scout, and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting +something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in +rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are +for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a Congressional +slave-code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the +Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for +maintaining slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for +the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no +third man should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; +but never a man among you is in favour of Federal prohibition of slavery +in Federal Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who +framed the government under which we live." Not one of all your various +plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which +our government originated. + +Consider, then, whether your claim for conservatism for yourselves, and +your charge of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear +and stable foundations. + +Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it +formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we +deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old +policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; +and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have +that question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old +policy. What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you +would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy +of the old times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; +and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! John Brown! John Brown was no +Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his +Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that +matter, you know it, or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are +inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do +not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for +persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the +Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We +know we hold no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held +to and made by "our fathers who framed the government under which we +live." You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it +occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were +in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you +could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and +your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew +that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not +much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favour. Republican +doctrines and declarations are accompanied with a continual protest +against any interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about +your slaves. Surely this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, +in common with "our fathers who framed the government under which we +live," declare our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not +hear us declare even this. For anything we say or do, the slaves would +scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in +fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their +hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each faction +charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to +give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be +insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which at least three times as +many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your +very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by +Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United +States, I do not think a general, or even a very extensive, slave +insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be +attained. The slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can +incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials +are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied, +the indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their +masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for +an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty +individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a favourite +master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave +revolution in Haiti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring +under peculiar circumstances. The Gunpowder Plot of British history, +though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only +about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his +anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by +consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the +kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local +revolts extending to a score or so, will continue to occur as the +natural results of slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I +think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears, +or much hopes, for such an event, will be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still +in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation +peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off +insensibly, and their places be, _pari passu_, filled up by free white +labourers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human +nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as +to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. +The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of +restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure that a +slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now +free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It +was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which +the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the +slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not +succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many +attempts, related in history, at the assassination of kings and +emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people till he +fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the +attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's +attempt on Louis Napoleon, and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry, +were, in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast +blame on Old England in the one case, and on New England in the other, +does not disprove the sameness of the two things. + +And how much would it avail you if you could, by the use of John Brown, +Helper's book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human +action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be +changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this +nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot +destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the +political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter +and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of +your heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing +the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the +ballot-box into some other channel? What would that other channel +probably be? Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by +the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your +constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But +we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations you have a specific and well-understood +allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into +the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such +right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is +literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that +such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +government, unless you be allowed to construe and force the Constitution +as you please, on all points in dispute between you and us. You will +rule or ruin in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme +Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favour. +Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and +decision, the court has decided the question for you in a sort of way. +The court has substantially said, it is your constitutional right to +take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as +property. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it +was made in a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they +not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that +it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another +about its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken +statement of fact--the statement in the opinion that "the right of +property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the +Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property +in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in +mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is +impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity +that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there--"distinctly," that +is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words +meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of +no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to +show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the +Constitution, nor the word "property," even, in any connection with +language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in +that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and +wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it +is spoken of as "service or labour which may be due"--as a debt payable +in service or labour. Also it would be open to show, by contemporaneous +history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of +speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the +Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. + +To show all this is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their +notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the +mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers who framed +the government under which we live"--the men who made the +Constitution--decided this same constitutional question in our favour +long ago; decided it without division among themselves when making the +decision; without division among themselves about the meaning of it +after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing +it upon any mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified +to break up this government unless such a court decision as yours is +shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of +political action? But you will not abide the election of a Republican +President! In that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; +and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon +us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters +through his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you +will be a murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me--my money--was my own; and I +had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is +my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the +threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be +distinguished in principle. + + * * * * * + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, +allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here +in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us +stand by our duty fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none +of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously +plied and belaboured,--contrivances such as groping for some middle +ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who +should be neither a living man nor a dead man; such as a policy of +"don't care," on a question about which all true men do care; such as +Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to disunionists, +reversing the Divine rule, and calling not the sinners, but the +righteous to repentance; such as invocations to Washington, imploring +men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government, +nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might, +and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand +it. + + + + +_Lincoln's Farewell Address at Springfield, Illinois. February 11, 1861_ + + +My Friends, No one not in my situation can appreciate my feeling of +sadness at this parting. To this place, and the kindness of these +people, I owe everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a century, and +have passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have been born, +and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever I may +return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon +Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever +attended him I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. +Trusting in Him, who can go with me and remain with you, and be +everywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. +To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend +me, I bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +_A Letter to the Hon. Geo. Ashmun accepting his Nomination for the +Presidency. May 23, 1860_ + + +I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you +presided, and of which I am formally apprized in the letter of yourself +and others, acting as a committee of the Convention for that purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter, meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to +the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention; to +the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation; +to the inviolability of the Constitution; and the perpetual union, +harmony, and prosperity of all,--I am most happy to co-operate for the +practical success of the principles declared by the Convention. + + Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to Miss Grace Bedell. Springfield, Illinois. October 19, 1860_ + + +My dear little Miss, Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. +I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three +sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven years of age. They, with +their mother, constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, having +never worn any, do you not think people would call it a piece of silly +affectation if I were to begin it now? + + + + +_From an Address to the Legislature at Indianapolis, Indiana. February +12, 1861_ + + +Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana, I am here to thank you much for +this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given +by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just +cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says "there is a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by +the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using +the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that +we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get +exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the +men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent +by the use of words. What then is _coercion_? what is _invasion_? Would +the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her +people and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion? I certainly +think it would; and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians +were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely retake and +hold its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign +importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were +habitually violated, would any or all these things be invasion or +coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully +resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that +such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be +coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve +the object of their affection would seem exceedingly thin and airy. If +sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for +them to swallow. In their view, the Union as a family relation would +seem to be no regular marriage, but a sort of free-love arrangement to +be maintained only on _passional attraction_. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak +not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the +Constitution; for that, by the bond, we all recognize. That position, +however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that +assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is _less_ than +itself, and ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a +county in a given case should be equal in extent of territory, and equal +in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the +State better than the county? Would an exchange of _names_ be an +exchange of _rights_ upon principle? On what rightful principle may a +State, being not more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and +population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionally larger +subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right +to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, +by merely calling it a State? + +Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting anything: I am merely asking +questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +_From his Address to the Legislature at Columbus, Ohio. February 13, +1861_ + + +It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that a very +great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the votes of +the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that weighty +responsibility. I cannot but know, what you all know, that without a +name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has +fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his +Country; and so feeling, I cannot but turn and look for that support +without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I +turn then, and look to the great American people, and to that God who +has never forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in +relation to the policy of the new Administration. In this I have +received from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, and from +others, some deprecation. I still think I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and +without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has +seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the +country, I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at +liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events may +make a change necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing +going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out, there +is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon +political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most +consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is +time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this +people. + + + + +_From his Remarks at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. February 15, 1861_ + +... The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the +mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this +subject all the consideration I possibly can, before specially deciding +in regard to it, so that when I do speak, it may be as nearly right as +possible. When I do speak, I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the +spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or +which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace +of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me to +speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the +people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation +has been based upon anything which I have heretofore said. + +... If the great American people only keep their temper on both sides of +the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which now +distracts the country will be settled, just as surely as all other +difficulties of a like character which have originated in this +government have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, +so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. + +... It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question +must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of +national house-keeping. It is to the government what replenishing the +meal-tub is to the family. Ever-varying circumstances will require +frequent modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of +supply. So far there is little difference of opinion among the people. +It is only whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to +favour home productions. In the home market that controversy begins. One +party insists that too much protection oppresses one class for the +advantage of another; while the other party argues that, with all its +incidents, in the long run all classes are benefited. In the Chicago +platform there is a plank upon this subject, which should be a general +law to the incoming Administration. We should do neither more nor less +than we gave the people reason to believe we would when they gave us +their votes. That plank is as I now read: + + "That while providing revenue for the support of the general + government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an + adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of + the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that + policy of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal + wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and + manufacturers adequate reward for their skill, labour, and + enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and + independence." + +... My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use +of any of the means by the Executive to control the legislation of the +country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as +well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would +rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of +the next Congress, to take an enlarged view, and post himself +thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the +tariff as shall provide a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, +so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and +classes of the people. + + + + +_From his Speech at Trenton to the Senate of New Jersey. February 21, +1861_ + + +... I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our early +history. In the early Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the +old thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their +limits than old New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I +mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being +able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the +younger members have ever seen,--"Weems's Life of Washington." I +remember all the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles +for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my +imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The +crossing of the river, the contest with the Hessians, the great +hardships endured at that time,--all fixed themselves upon my memory +more than any single Revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have +all been boys, how those early impressions last longer than any others. +I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there must have +been something more than common that these men struggled for. I am +exceedingly anxious that that thing--that something even more than +national independence; that something that held out a great promise to +all the people of the world for all time to come,--I am exceedingly +anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the +people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for +which the struggle was made, and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall +be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, His +most chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. + + + + +_Address in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. February 22, 1861_ + + +I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, +where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion +to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. + +You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of +restoring peace to our distracted country. I can say in return, sir, +that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as +I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in +and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling, +politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the +Declaration of Independence. + +I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men +who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declaration. I have +pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers +of the army who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of +myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so +long together. It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies +from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of +Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, +but hope to all the world, for all future time. It was that which gave +promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders +of all men, and that all should have an equal chance. This is the +sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. + +Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I +will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help +to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly +awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that +principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this +spot than surrender it. + +Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of +bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favour of +such a course; and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed +unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use +force unless force is used against it. + +My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. I did not expect to be +called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed I was merely to do +something toward raising a flag. I may, therefore, have said something +indiscreet. But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, +and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by. + + + + +_Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D.C. February 27, 1861_ + + +Mr. Mayor, I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first +time in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented +itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly within a +region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take +this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill-feeling that has +existed and still exists between the people in the section from which I +came and the people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one +another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. +Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never +have had, any other than as kindly feelings towards you as to the people +of my own section. I have not now and never have had any disposition to +treat you in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbours. I have not +now any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the +Constitution under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself +constrained to withhold from my own neighbours; and I hope, in a word, +that when we become better acquainted,--and I say it with great +confidence,--we shall like each other the more. I thank you for the +kindness of this reception. + + + + +_First Inaugural Address. March 4, 1861_ + + +Fellow-citizens of the United States, In compliance with a custom as old +as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, +and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of +the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the +execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that +by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their +peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been +any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to +their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of +him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches +when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. +I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to +do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge +that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never +recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my +acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic +resolution which I now read:-- + + "_Resolved_, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the + States, and especially the right of each State to order and control + its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment + exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the + perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we + denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any + State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the + gravest of crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, +too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution +and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States +when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section +as to another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions:-- + + "No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws + thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or + regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but + shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or + labour may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who +made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear +their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to +any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within +the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are +unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they +not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which +to keep good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference +is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be +of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is +done. And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go +unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be +kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might +it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of +that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizen of +each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of +citizens in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different +and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +executive branch of the government They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is +safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its +organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express +provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure for +ever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a +contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that +in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history +of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It +was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was +matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was +further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly +plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of +Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects +for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more +perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the +Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can +lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that +effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or +States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be +only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the +contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the +declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and +maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The +power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, +there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people +anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior +locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent +resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no +attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. +While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the +exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, +and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for +the time the uses of such offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts +of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the +Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to +them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you +hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any +portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, +while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you +fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so +constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. +Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written +provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force +of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written +constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify +revolution--certainly would if such a right were a vital one. But such +is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals +are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties +and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise +concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision +specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical +administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of +reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible +questions. Shall fugitives from labour be surrendered by national or by +State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. _May_ Congress +prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly +say. _Must_ Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. +If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government +must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government +is acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make +a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of +their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be +controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a +new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely +as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who +cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper +of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose +a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is +wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy +or despotism in some form is all that is left. + +I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that +such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, +as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high +respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments +of the government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision +may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, +being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be +overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be +borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, +the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, +upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably +fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in +ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will +have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically +resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor +is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a +duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought +before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their +decisions to political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave +clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the +foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can +ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly +supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry +legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I +think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases +after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign +slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, +without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only +partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot +do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, +to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; +and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you +cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse +are again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can +exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their +revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant +of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of +having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation +of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people +over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes +prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing +circumstances, favour rather than oppose a fair opportunity being +afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the +convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to +originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to +take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen +for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would +wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to +the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed +Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never +interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that +of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have +said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so +far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied +constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and +irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they +have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the +Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successor. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of +the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences, is either party without faith of being in the +right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and +justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that +truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great +tribunal of the American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people +have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; +and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to +their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their +virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or +folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of +four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never +take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no +good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied +still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, +the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will +have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were +admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the +dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. +Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who +has never yet forsaken this favoured land, are still competent to adjust +in the best way all our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. +You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You +have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I +shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all +over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again +touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + + + + +_Address at Utica, New York. February 18, 1861_ + + +Ladies and Gentlemen, I have no speech to make to you, and no time to +speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see +me; and I am willing to admit, that, so far as the ladies are concerned, +I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I +do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + + + + +_From his First Message to Congress, at the Special Session. July 4, +1861_ + + +... It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter +was in no sense a matter of self-defence on the part of the assailants. +They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility +commit aggression upon them. They knew--they were expressly +notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of +the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless +themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that +this government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail +them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve +the Union from actual and immediate dissolution,--trusting, as +hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box, for final +adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the +reverse object,--to drive out the visible authority of the Federal +Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.... + +That this was their object the Executive well understood; and having +said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without +being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this +declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of +ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand +it.... + +By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that +point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government +began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy to +return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbour +years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that +protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, +they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate +dissolution or blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of man the question whether a +constitutional republic or democracy--a government of the people by the +same people--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against +its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented +individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to +organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this +case or any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break +up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government +upon the earth. It forces us to ask: "Is there, in all republics, this +inherent and fatal weakness?" "Must a government, of necessity, be too +strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its +own existence?" + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power +of the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction +by force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, +surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. + +... The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to +make its nest within her borders,--and this government has no choice +left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, +as the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protection. Those +loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as +being Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the Middle States,--there are +those who favour a policy which they call "armed neutrality;" that is, +an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, +or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion +completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an +impassable wall along the line of separation,--and yet not quite an +impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the +hands of Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, +it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only +what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the +disunionists that which of all things they most desire,--feed them well +and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no +fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and +while very many who have favoured it are doubtless loyal citizens, it +is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + +... The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so +long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as +if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was +probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he +is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States +are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers, and a +general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. + +... It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one; that you place at the control of the +government for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper +ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; +and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by +the men who seem ready to devote the whole. + +... A right result at this time, will be worth more to the world than +ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidences reaching us +from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is +abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it +legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape +and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to +avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, +the people will save their government, if the government itself will do +its part only indifferently well. + +It might seem at first thought to be of little difference whether the +present movement at the South be called _secession_ or _rebellion_. The +movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they +knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude +by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people +possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, +and as much pride in and reverence for the history and government of +their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They +knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these +strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious +debauching of the public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, +if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the +incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself +is that any State of the Union may consistently with the national +Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the +Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. The little +disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just +cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to +merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus _sugar-coated_ they have been drugging the public +mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length +they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against +the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the +farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have +been brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its currency from the +assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining +to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither +more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the +Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. +The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their +British colonial dependence, and the new ones each came into the Union +directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas +in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones +only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that +name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free +and independent States;" but even then the object plainly was, not to +declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly +the contrary, as their mutual pledges and their mutual action before, at +the time, and afterward abundantly show. The express plighting of faith +by each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of +Confederation two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is +most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance or name, +outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State-Rights," +asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is +said about the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word is not in the +National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State +constitutions. What is _sovereignty_ in the political sense of the term? +Would it be far wrong to define it "a political community without a +political superior?" Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, +ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming +into the Union, by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the +United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in +pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the +land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other +legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law +and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured +their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase, the Union +gave each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union +is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as +States. Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and in turn +the Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them States, +such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution +independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotten that all the new +States framed their constitutions before they entered the +Union,--nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the +Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and the rights reserved to +them in and by the National Constitution; but among these, surely, are +not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive; +but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time, as +governmental powers; and, certainly, a power to destroy the government +itself had never been known as a governmental--as a merely +administrative power. This relative matter of National power and States +rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and +locality. Whatever concerns the whole world should be confided to the +whole--to the General Government; while whatever concerns only the +State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of +original principle about it.... What is now combated, is the position +that secession is consistent with the Constitution--is lawful and +peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it; and +nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd +consequences. + +The nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of +these States were formed; is it just that they shall go off without +leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the +aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of +the aboriginal tribes; is it just that she shall now be off without +consent, or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for +money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States in +common with the rest; is it just that the creditors shall go unpaid, or +the remaining States pay the whole?... Again, if one State may secede, +so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the +debts. Is this quite just to the creditors? Did we notify them of this +sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this +doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see +what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which +they will promise to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have +assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which, of +necessity, they have either discarded or retained the right of +secession, as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, +they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If +they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, they show that +to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall +find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other +or selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of +disintegration, and upon which no government can stand. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out +of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians +would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest +outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, +instead of being called "driving the one out," should be called "the +seceding of the others from that one," it would be exactly what the +seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, +because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because +they are a majority, may not rightfully do.... + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole +people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking +and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has +now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has +taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there +are many single regiments, whose members, one and another, possess full +practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, and professions, and +whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and +there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a +President, a cabinet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly +competent to administer the government itself. Nor do I say that this is +not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this +contest; but if it is, so much the better reason why the government +which has conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be +broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a government, +would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he +does it; what better he is likely to get in its stead; whether the +substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the +people? There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries +have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good +old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, "all men are created +equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in +the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, +they omit "We, the people," and substitute "We, the deputies of the +sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out +of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a +struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men,--to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair +chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures +from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for the +existence of which we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the +government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy +who have been favoured with the offices have resigned and proved false +to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common +sailor is known to have deserted his flag. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points +in it our people have already settled,--the successful establishing and +the successful administering of it. One still remains,--its successful +maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is +now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry +an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful +and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly +and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to +bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots +themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of +peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither +can they take by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of +a war. + + + + +_From his Message to Congress at its Regular Session. December 3, 1861_ + + +Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives, In the midst +of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to +God for unusual good health and abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of +the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole year, +been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation +which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect +abroad; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke +foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always +able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous +ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to +be injurious and unfortunate to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of +our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked +abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they +probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have +seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all +moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly +for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the +acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen +their way to their object more directly or clearly through the +destruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could dare +to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than +this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that +they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush +this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw +from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as +our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that +the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty; and that one +strong nation promises a more durable peace and a more extensive, +valuable, and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into +hostile fragments. + + * * * * * + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government,--the +rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the +general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the +abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the +people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, +except the legislative, boldly advocated, with laboured arguments to +prove that large control of the people in government is the source of +all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at, as a +possible refuge from the power of the people. + +In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. + +It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made +in favour of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief +attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, +if not above, labour, in the structure of government. It is assumed that +labour is available only in connection with capital; that nobody +labours, unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow, by the use of +it, induces him to labour. This assumed, it is next considered whether +it is best that capital shall hire labourers, and thus induce them to +work by their own consent, or buy them and drive them to it without +their consent. Having proceeded thus far, it is naturally concluded that +all labourers are either hired labourers, or what we call slaves. And +further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired labourer is fixed in +that condition for life. + +Now, there is no such relation between capital and labour as assumed, +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired labourer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless. + +Labour is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit +of labour, and could never have existed if labour had not first existed. +Labour is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection +as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always +will be, a relation between labour and capital, producing mutual +benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labour of the +community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that +few avoid labour themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another +few to labour for them. A large majority belong to neither +class,--neither work for others, nor have others working for them. In +most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people, of all +colours, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a +majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families--wives, +sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on their farms, in their +houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and +asking no favours of capital on the one hand, nor of hired labourers or +slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of +persons mingle their own labour with capital--that is, they labour with +their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labour for them; but +this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is +disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such +thing as the free, hired labourer being fixed to that condition for +life. Many independent men, everywhere in these States, a few years back +in their lives were hired labourers. The prudent, penniless beginner in +the world labours for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy +tools or land for himself, then labours on his own account another +while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the +just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, +gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of +condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those +who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to take or touch aught +which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a +political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, +will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as +they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of +liberty shall be lost. + + + + +_Letter to General G.B. McClellan. Washington. February 3, 1862_ + + +My dear Sir, You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana and across land to the terminus of the railroad +on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad +southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I +shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +_First._ Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time +and money than mine? + +_Second._ Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +_Third._ Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +_Fourth._ In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would +break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + +_Fifth._ In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by +your plan than mine? + +I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part of a despatch +to you, relating to army corps, which despatch of course will have +reached you long before this will. + +I wish to say a few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered +the army corps organization, not only on the unanimous opinion of the +twelve generals whom you had selected and assigned as generals of +division, but also on the unanimous opinion of every _military man_ I +could get an opinion from (and every modern military book), yourself +only excepted. Of course I did not on my own judgment pretend to +understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how +your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot +entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one +or two pets and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have +had no word from Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of these +corps are of course the three highest officers with you, but I am +constantly told that you have no consultation or communication with +them,--that you consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz +John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints +are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should know of +their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in +anything? + +... Are you strong enough--are you strong enough, even with my help--to +set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes, all at +once? This is a practical and a very serious question for you. + + + + +_Lincoln's Proclamation revoking General Hunter's Order setting the +Slaves free. May 19, 1862_ + + +... General Hunter nor any other commander or person has been authorized +by the Government of the United States to make proclamation declaring +the slaves of any State free, and that the supposed proclamation now in +question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void so far as +respects such declaration.... On the sixth day of March last, by a +special Message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint +resolution, to be substantially as follows:--_Resolved, That the United +States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual +abolishment of slavery, giving to such State earnest expression to +compensate for its inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of system_. + +The resolution in the language above quoted was adopted by large +majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, +definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people +most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of +those States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue--I beseech you to +make arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the +signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of +them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics. +The proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no +reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it +contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or +wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been +done by one effort in all past time as in the providence of God it is +now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament +that you have neglected it. + + + + +_Appeal to the Border States in behalf of Compensated Emancipation. +July 12, 1862_ + + +After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no opportunity +of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of the border +States hold more power for good than any other equal number of members, +I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make this appeal +to you. + +I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to +emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be +obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large +enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people +will not be so reluctant to go. + +I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned,--one which threatens +division among those who, united, are none too strong. General Hunter is +an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none +the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men +everywhere could be free. He proclaimed all men free within certain +States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and +less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet in +repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction if not offence to many whose +support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of +it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing. +By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much more, can +relieve the country, in this important point. + +Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the +message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss +it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such, I pray +you, consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to the +consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate popular +government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do +in no wise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding +the loftiest views and boldest action to bring it speedy relief. Once +relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved +history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future +fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. + +I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, +if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual-emancipation +message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. And the +plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of +ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see, definitely and +certainly, that in no event will the States you represent ever join +their proposed confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the +contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you +with them, so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the +institution within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have +overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their +own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever +before their faces, and they can shake you no more for ever. + +Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I trust +you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your own, +when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask, Can you, for your +States, do better than to take the course I urge? Discarding punctilio +and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the +unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any +possible event? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the +States to the nation shall be practically restored without disturbance +of the institution; and if this were done, my whole duty in this +respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be +performed. But it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by +war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the war continues +long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institution +in your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion,--by +the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have +nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How +much better for you and for your people to take the step which at once +shortens the war and secures substantial compensation for that which is +sure to be wholly lost in any other event? How much better to thus save +the money which else we sink for ever in the war! How much better to do +it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to +do it! How much better for you as seller, and the nation as buyer, to +sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have been, +than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cutting +one another's throats! + + + + +_From a Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt. July 28, 1862_ + + +Now, I think the true remedy is very different from that suggested by +Mr. Durant. It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but +in removing the necessity for the war. The people of Louisiana who wish +protection to person and property, have but to reach forth their hands +and take it. Let them in good faith reinaugurate the national authority, +and set up a State government conforming thereto under the Constitution. +They know how to do it, and can have the protection of the army while +doing it. The army will be withdrawn as soon as such government can +dispense with its presence, and the people of the State can then, upon +the old constitutional terms, govern themselves to their own liking. +This is very simple and easy. + +If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of +destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether it is +probable that I will surrender the government to save them from losing +all. If they decline what I suggest, you will scarcely need to ask what +I will do. + +What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is, or +would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts charged with +rose-water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would +you give up the contest, leaving any available means untried? + +I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can; but I shall do +all I can to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my +personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is +too vast for malicious dealing. + + + + +_Letter to August Belmont. July 31, 1862_ + + +Dear Sir, You send to Mr. W---- an extract from a letter written at New +Orleans the 9th instant, which is shown to me. You do not give the +writer's name; but plainly he is a man of ability, and probably of some +note. He says: "The time has arrived when Mr. Lincoln must take a +decisive course. Trying to please everybody, he will satisfy nobody. A +vacillating policy in matters of importance is the very worst. Now is +the time, if ever, for honest men who love their country to rally to its +support. Why will not the North say officially that it wishes for the +restoration of the Union as it was?" + +And so, it seems, this is the point on which the writer thinks I have no +policy. Why will he not read and understand what I have said? + +The substance of the very declaration he desires is in the inaugural, in +each of the two regular messages to Congress, and in many, if not all, +the minor documents issued by the Executive since the Inauguration. + +Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana has nothing to do now but to +take her place in the Union as it was, barring the already broken eggs. +The sooner she does so, the smaller will be the amount of that which +will be past mending. This government cannot much longer play a game in +which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing. Those enemies must +understand that they cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy +the government, and if they fail still come back into the Union unhurt. +If they expect in any contingency to ever have the Union as it was, I +join with the writer in saying, "Now is the time." + +How much better it would have been for the writer to have gone at this, +under the protection of the army at New Orleans, than to have sat down +in a closet writing complaining letters northward. + + + + +_His Letter to Horace Greeley. August 22, 1862_ + + +I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to myself through +the "New York Tribune." + +If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know +to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. + +If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely +drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. + +If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive +it, in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to +be right. + +As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant +to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in +the shortest way under the Constitution. + +The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union +will be,--the Union as it was. + +If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. + +If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. + +_My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and not +either to save or to destroy slavery._ + +If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; if I +could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could +save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. + +What I do about slavery and the coloured race, I do because I believe it +helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not +believe it would help to save the Union. + +I shall do less whenever I shall believe that what I am doing hurts the +cause; and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help +the cause. + +I shall try to correct errors where shown to be errors, and I shall +adopt new views as fast as they shall appear to be true views. + +I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official duty, +and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all +men everywhere could be free. + + + + +_From his Reply to the Chicago Committee of United Religious +Denominations. September 13, 1862_ + + +The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought +much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with +the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who +are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that +either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and +perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me +to say, that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to others, +on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed that He would +reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than +I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in +this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it. These are not, +however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I +am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain, physical +facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears +to be wise and right. + +The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, four +gentlemen of standing and intelligence, from New York, called as a +delegation on business connected with the war; but before leaving, two +of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general emancipation, upon +which the other two at once attacked them. You also know that the last +session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they +could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious +people. + +Why the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I +fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favour their side: for +one of our soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a +few days since that he met nothing so discouraging as the evident +sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over +the merits of the case. + +What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as +we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole +world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull +against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even +enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court or +magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it there? + +And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon +the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which +offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come +within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single +slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a +proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should +we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude? General +Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more rations to the +slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops under his +command. They eat, and that is all; though it is true General Butler is +feeding the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts to a +famine there. If now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces +from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the +masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again? For I am told that +whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they +immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took from a +boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago. And then I +am very ungenerously attacked for it. For instance, when, after the late +battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington +under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the +rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into +slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper "that the government would +probably do nothing about it." What could I do? + +Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would +follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I +raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, +as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I +have a right to take any measures which may best subdue the enemy; nor +do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences +of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a +practical war-measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or +disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. + +[The committee had said that emancipation would secure us the sympathy +of the world, slavery being the cause of the war. To which the President +replied:] + +I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, or at least its +_sine qua non_. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to +act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their +instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in +Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than +ambition. I grant further, that it would help somewhat at the North, +though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent, imagine. +Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the +war,--and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing +off their labourers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure +that we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear +that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and +indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops. +I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and +contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the +border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of +a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I +do not think they all would,--not so many indeed, as a year ago, nor as +six months ago; not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases +their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and +want to beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more: I think you should +admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the +people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is +a fundamental idea, going down about as deep as anything. + +Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They +indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some +such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of +liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can +assure you that the subject is on my mind by day and night, more than +any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust +that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not +in any respect injured your feelings. + + + + + +_From the Annual Message to Congress. December 1, 1862_ + + +Since your last annual assembling, another year of health and bountiful +harvests has passed; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless +us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light +He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way, all will +yet be well. + +The correspondence, touching foreign affairs, which has taken place +during the last year, is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with +a request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the +close of the last session of Congress. + +If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying +than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more +satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are, might +reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last, there were some +grounds to expect that the maritime powers, which, at the beginning of +our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, +recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would soon recede from that +position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our +own country. But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the +national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens +abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. + +The Civil War, which has so radically changed for the moment the +occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed +the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the +nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily +increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same +time, excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced +a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual +agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between +foreign States, and between parties or factions in such States. We have +attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But we have +left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own +affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign +nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and +often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations +themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of this government, even +if it were just, would certainly be unwise.... + +There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary, +upon which to divide. Trace through from east to west upon the line +between the free and the slave country, and we shall find a little more +than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and +populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while +nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which +people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their +presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, +by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The +fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding +section, the fugitive-slave clause, along with all other constitutional +obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no +treaty stipulation would be ever made to take its place. + +But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east +by the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky +Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and +cotton meets, ... already has above ten millions of people, and will +have fifty millions within fifty years, if not prevented by any +political folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the +country owned by the United States,--certainly more than one million of +square miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, and it +would have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the +map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the +republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the +magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific +being the deepest, and also the richest, in undeveloped resources. In +the production of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed +from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most +important in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small +proportion of the region which has, as yet, been brought into +cultivation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its +products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect +presented. And yet this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean +anywhere. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may for ever +find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by +New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common +country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and +every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from one or +more of these outlets,--not perhaps by a physical barrier, but by +embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. + +And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. +Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of +Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south +of it can trade to any port or place north of it, except upon terms +dictated by a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and +south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting, and +to inhabit, this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the +best, is no proper question. All are better than either; and all of +right belong to that people and their successors for ever. True to +themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but +will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal +regions less interested in these communications to and through them to +the great outside world. They too, and each of them, must have access to +this Egypt of the west, without paying toll at the crossing of any +national boundary. + +Our national strife springs not from our permanent part, not from the +land we inhabit, not from our national homestead. There is no possible +severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In +all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands union and abhors +separation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of +blood and treasure the separation might have cost.... + +Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this +Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal +significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery +trial through which we pass will light us down, in honour or dishonour, +to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will +not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world +knows we do know how to save it. + +We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving +freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free,--honourable alike +in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose +the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not +fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just,--a way which, if +followed, the world will for ever applaud, and God must for ever bless. + + + + +_Emancipation Proclamation. January 1, 1863_ + + +Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord +one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by +the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the +following, to wit: + +"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any +State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be +in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, +and for ever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual freedom. + +"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United +States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony be deemed conclusive evidence +that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against +the United States." + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by +virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and +navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the +authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and +necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first +day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and +sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly +proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first +above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States +wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion +against the United States, the following, to wit: + +Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, +Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, +Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, +including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, +Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the +forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties +of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, +and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which +excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this +proclamation were not issued. + +And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and +declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States +and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the +Executive Government of the United States, including the military and +naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of +said persons. + +And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain +from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to +them that, in all cases when allowed, they labour faithfully for +reasonable wages. + +And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable +condition will be received into the armed service of the United States +to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man +vessels of all sorts in said service. + +And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted +by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate +judgment of mankind and the gracious favour of Almighty God. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +[Sidenote: L.S.] + +Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the +independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. + + ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, + Secretary of State. + + + + +_Letter to General Grant. July 13, 1863_ + + +My dear General, I do not remember that you and I ever met personally. I +write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable +service you have done the country. I wish to say a word further. When +you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do +what you finally did--march the troops across the neck, run the +batteries with the transports, and thus go below; and I never had any +faith, except a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo +Pass expedition and the like could succeed. When you got below and took +Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down the +river and join General Banks, and when you turned northward, east of the +Big Black, I feared it was a mistake. I now wish to make the personal +acknowledgment that you were right and I was wrong. + + Yours very truly, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to ---- Moulton. Washington. July 31, 1863_ + +My dear Sir, There has been a good deal of complaint against you by your +superior officers of the Provost-Marshal-General's Department, and your +removal has been strongly urged on the ground of "persistent +disobedience of orders and neglect of duty." Firmly convinced, as I am, +of the patriotism of your motives, I am unwilling to do anything in your +case which may seem unnecessarily harsh or at variance with the feelings +of personal respect and esteem with which I have always regarded you. I +consider your services in your district valuable, and should be sorry to +lose them. It is unnecessary for me to state, however, that when +differences of opinion arise between officers of the government, the +ranking officer must be obeyed. You of course recognize as clearly as I +do the importance of this rule. I hope you will conclude to go on in +your present position under the regulations of the department. I wish +you would write to me. + + + + +_Letter to Mrs. Lincoln. Washington. August 8, 1863_ + + +My dear Wife, All as well as usual, and no particular trouble anyway. I +put the money into the Treasury at five per cent., with the privilege of +withdrawing it any time upon thirty days' notice. I suppose you are glad +to learn this. Tell dear Tad poor "Nanny Goat" is lost, and Mrs. +Cuthbert and I are in distress about it. The day you left Nanny was +found resting herself and chewing her little cud on the middle of Tad's +bed; but now she's gone! The gardener kept complaining that she +destroyed the flowers, till it was concluded to bring her down to the +White House. This was done, and the second day she had disappeared and +has not been heard of since. This is the last we know of poor "Nanny." + + + + +_Letter to James H. Hackett. Washington. August 17, 1863_ + + +My dear Sir, Months ago I should have acknowledged the receipt of your +book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to beg your pardon for +not having done so. + +For one of my age I have seen very little of the drama. The first +presentation of Falstaff I ever saw was yours here, last winter or +spring. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I truly can, +I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shakespeare's plays I have +never read; while others I have gone over perhaps as frequently as any +unprofessional reader. Among the latter are _Lear_, _Richard III._, +_Henry VIII._, _Hamlet_, and especially _Macbeth_. I think nothing +equals _Macbeth_. It is wonderful. + +Unlike you gentlemen of the profession, I think the soliloquy in +_Hamlet_ commencing "Oh, my offence is rank," surpasses that commencing +"To be or not to be." But pardon this small attempt at criticism. I +should like to hear you pronounce the opening speech of Richard III. +Will you not soon visit Washington again? If you do, please call and let +me make your personal acquaintance. + + + + +_Note to Secretary Stanton. Washington. November 11, 1863_ + + +Dear Sir, I personally wish Jacob Freese, of New Jersey, to be appointed +Colonel of a coloured regiment, and this regardless of whether he can +tell the exact shade of Julius Cęsar's hair. + + + + +_The Letter to James C. Conkling. August 26, 1863_ + + +Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union +men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the third day of +September, has been received. It would be very agreeable to me to thus +meet my old friends at my own home, but I cannot just now be absent from +here so long as a visit there would require. + +The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to +the Union; and I am sure my old political friends will thank me for +tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those and other noble men +whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's +life. + +There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You +desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we +attain it? There are but three conceivable ways. First, to suppress the +rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If +you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to +give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, you +should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for +dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not +believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now +possible. All I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength +of the rebellion is its military, its army. That army dominates all the +country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by +any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply +nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever +to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them. + +To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the +North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise +embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be +used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's +out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of +existence. But no paper compromise, to which the controllers of Lee's +army are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an effort at such +compromise we should waste time which the enemy would improve to our +disadvantage; and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must +be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people +first liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our +own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from +that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to +any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All +charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. +And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it +shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge +myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service,--the +United States Constitution,--and that, as such, I am responsible to +them. + +But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite +likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that +subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose +you do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is +not consistent with even your views, provided you are for the Union. I +suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied, you wished +not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to +buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to +save the Union exclusively by other means. + +You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it +retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think +the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in +time of war. The most that can be said--if so much--is that slaves are +property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that, by the law +of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? +And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy? +Armies the world over destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it, +and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized +belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, +except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions +are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. + +But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is +not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be +retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you +profess to think its retraction would operate favourably for the Union. +Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more +than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the +proclamation issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an +explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt +returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as +favourably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know, +as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the +commanders of our armies in the field who have given us our most +important successes, believe the emancipation policy and the use of +coloured troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion, +and that at least one of these important successes could not have been +achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the +commanders holding these views are some who have never had any affinity +with what is called Abolitionism or with Republican party politics, but +who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit these opinions as +being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged, that +emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and +were not adopted as such in good faith. + +You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to +fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the +Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the +Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if +I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for +you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. + +I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the +negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the +enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought that +whatever negroes could be got to do as soldiers leaves just so much less +for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise +to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should +they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake +their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even +the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept. + +The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the +sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three +hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey +hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colours +than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history was +jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and +let none be banned who bore an honourable part in it. And while those +who cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It +is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at +Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of lesser note. +Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins +they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the +rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the +ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks +to all,--for the great Republic, for the principle it lives by and keeps +alive, for man's vast future,--thanks to all. + +Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, +and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future +time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no +successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take +such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there +will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and +clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have +helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear there will be +some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful +speech they strove to hinder it. + +Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be +quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a +just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result. + + + + +_His Proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving. October 3, 1863_ + + +The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the +blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, +which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source +from which they come, others have been added, which are of so +extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften the +heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of +Almighty God. + +In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which +has sometimes seemed to foreign States to invite and provoke their +aggressions, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been +maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has +prevailed everywhere, except in the theatre of military conflict; while +that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and +navies of the Union. + +Needful diversions of wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful +industry to the national defence have not arrested the plough, the +shuttle, or the ship; the axe has enlarged the borders of our +settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious +metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population +has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in +the camp, the siege, and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in +the consciousness of augmented strength and vigour, is permitted to +expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom. + +No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these +great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, +while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless +remembered mercy. + +It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, +reverently, and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice +by the whole American people. I do, therefore, invite, my +fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who +are at sea, and those sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and +observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and +praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And I +recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to +Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with +humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend +to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, +or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably +engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to +heal the wounds of the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may be +consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, +harmony, tranquillity, and union. + + + + +_Address at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg. +November 19, 1863_ + + +Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this +continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the +proposition that all men are created equal. + +Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or +any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on +a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of +that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives +that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we +should do this. + +But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we +cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled +here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The +world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can +never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be +dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have +thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to +the great task remaining before us; that from these honoured dead we +take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full +measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall +not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new +birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, and +for the people, shall not perish from the earth. + + + + +_From the Annual Message to Congress. December 8, 1863_ + + +... When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted +nearly twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and +sea, with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed back into +reduced limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion at home and +abroad was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections +then just past indicated uneasiness among ourselves; while, amid much +that was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were +uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a +hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffering greatly from a few vessels +built upon and furnished from foreign shores, and we were threatened +with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from +the seas and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European +governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary +Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned +period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the final +proclamation came, including the announcement that coloured men of +suitable condition would be received into the war service. The policy of +emancipation and of employing black soldiers gave to the future a new +aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain +conflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil +administration, the general government had no lawful power to effect +emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that +the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military +measure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it +might come and that, if it should, the crisis of the contest would then +be presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, was followed by dark and +doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take +another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back, and by +the complete opening of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the +rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical +communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been +substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in +each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the +rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective +States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, +Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate +any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only +dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits. + +Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one +hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about +one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving +the double advantage of taking so much labour from the insurgent cause +and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many +white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good +soldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency to violence or +cruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. +These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and +contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiment there is +much improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed, +supported, criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following +are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the +country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The +crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is passed. + + + + +_Letter to Secretary Stanton. Washington. March 1, 1864_ + + +My dear Sir, A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in the army, +that for some offence has been sentenced to serve a long time without +pay, or at most with very little pay. I do not like this punishment of +withholding pay--it falls so very hard upon poor families. After he had +been serving in this way for several months, at the tearful appeal of +the poor mother, I made a direction that he be allowed to enlist for a +new term, on the same condition as others. She now comes, and says she +cannot get it acted upon. Please do it. + + + + +_Letter to Governor Michael Hahn. Washington. March 13, 1864_ + + +My dear Sir, I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as +the first free-State governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a +convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective +franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some +of the coloured people may not be let in--as, for instance, the very +intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our +ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep +the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a +suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone. + + + + +_An Address at a Fair for the Sanitary Commission. March 18, 1864_ + + +I appear to say but a word. This extraordinary war in which we are +engaged falls heavily upon all classes of people, but the most heavily +upon the soldier. For it has been said, "all that a man hath will he +give for his life;" and while all contribute of their substance, the +soldier puts his life at stake, and often yields it up in his country's +cause. _The highest merit, then, is due to the soldier._ + +In this extraordinary war extraordinary developments have manifested +themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and amongst these +manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for the +relief of suffering soldiers and their families. And the chief agents in +these fairs are the women of America. + +I am not accustomed to the language of eulogy. I have never studied the +art of paying compliments to women. But I must say, that if all that has +been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise +of women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them +justice for their conduct during this war. I will close by saying, God +bless the women of America! + + + + +_Letter to A.G. Hodges, of Kentucky. April 4, 1864_ + + +I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. +I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never +understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right +to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath +that I took, that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, +and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take +office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an +oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, +too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to +practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question +of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways. +And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere +deference to my abstract feeling and judgment on slavery. I did +understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the +best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every +indispensable means, that government--that nation--of which that +Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and +yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be +protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life +is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise +unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the +preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. +Right or wrong, I assumed this ground; and now avow it. I could not feel +that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the +Constitution, if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit +the wreck of government, country, and Constitution, all together. When, +early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I +forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. +When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested +the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not think it an +indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted +military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think +the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, +1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to +favour compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity +for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless +averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my +best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the +Union, and with it the Constitution, or laying strong hand upon the +coloured element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for +greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident. More +than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, +none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military +force,--no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a +gain of quite one hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and +labourers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be +no cavilling. We have the men, and we could not have had them without +the measure. + +And now let any Union man who complains of the measure, test himself by +writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force +of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty +thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be +but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, +it is only because he cannot face the truth. + +I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this +tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have +controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. +Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not +what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim +it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a +great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the +South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial +history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and +goodness of God. + + + + +_From an Address at a Sanitary Fair in Baltimore. April 18, 1864_ + + +... The world has never had a good definition of the word "liberty," and +the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare +for liberty; but in using the same word, we do not all mean the same +thing. With some, the word "liberty" may mean for each man to do as he +pleases with himself and the product of his labour; while with others, +the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with other men +and the product of other men's labour. Here are two, not only different, +but incompatible things, called by the same name,--liberty. And it +follows that each of the things is, by the respective parties, called by +two different and incompatible names,--liberty and tyranny. + +The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the +sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him +for the same act as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep +was a black one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a +definition of the word "liberty;" and precisely the same difference +prevails to-day, among us human creatures, even in the North, and all +professing to love liberty. Hence we behold the process by which +thousands are daily passing from under the yoke of bondage hailed by +some as the advance of liberty, and bewailed by others as the +destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it seems, the people of +Maryland have been doing something to define liberty, and thanks to them +that, in what they have done, the wolf's dictionary has been repudiated. + + + + +_Letter to General Grant. April 30, 1864_ + + +Not expecting to see you again before the spring campaign opens, I wish +to express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up +to this time, so far as I understand it. The particulars of your plans I +neither know nor seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant; and, +pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any constraints nor restraints +upon you. While I am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of +our men in great numbers shall be avoided, I know these points are less +likely to escape your attention than they would be mine. If there is +anything wanting which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me +know it. And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain +you. + + + + +_From an Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment. August 22, 1864_ + + +I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to +soldiers, to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the importance +of success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for all +time to come, that we should perpetuate for our children's children that +great and free government which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you +to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen, +temporarily, to occupy this White House. I am a living witness that any +one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It +is in order that each one of you may have, through this free government +which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your +industry, enterprise, and intelligence; that you may all have equal +privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human +aspirations. It is for this the struggle should be maintained, that we +may not lose our birthright--not only for one, but for two or three +years. The nation is worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable +jewel. + + + + +_Reply to a Serenade. November 10, 1864_ + + +It has long been a grave question whether any government not too strong +for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its +existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion +brought our Republic to a severe test; and a presidential election, +occurring in regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to +the strain. + +If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by +the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed +by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. +We cannot have free government without elections; and if the rebellion +could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might +fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the +election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the +case. What has occurred in this case must ever occur in similar cases. +Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, +compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as +silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the +incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them +as wrongs to be revenged. But the election, along with its incidental +and undesirable strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a +people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a +great civil war. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic +men are better than gold. + +But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not +all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our +common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to +avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I +have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply +sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful as I +trust to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right +conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my +satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the +result. + +May I ask those who have not differed with me, to join with me in this +same spirit towards those who have? And now let me close by asking three +hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and +skilful commanders. + + + + +_A Letter to Mrs. Bixley, of Boston. November 21, 1864_ + + +Dear Madam, I have been shown in the files of the War Department a +statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the +mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I +feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should +attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I +cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found +in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our +heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave +you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn +pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the +altar of freedom. + + Yours very sincerely and respectfully, + ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to General Grant. Washington. January 19, 1865_ + + +Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, but +only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second year, having graduated +at Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it ends. I do not +wish to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to which +those who have already served long are better entitled, and better +qualified to hold. Could he, without embarrassment to you or detriment +to the service, go into your military family with some nominal rank, I, +and not the public, furnishing his necessary means? If no, say so +without the least hesitation, because I am as anxious and as deeply +interested that you shall not be encumbered as you can be yourself. + + + + +_The Second Inaugural Address. March 4, 1865_ + + +Fellow-countrymen, At this second appearance to take the oath of the +Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than +there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a +course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration +of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly +called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still +absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little +that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all +else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and +it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With +high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. + +On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were +anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it,--all +sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from +this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, +insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without +war,--seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. +Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than +let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let +it perish. And the war came. + +One-eighth of the whole population were coloured slaves, not distributed +generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. +These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that +this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, +perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the +insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government +claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement +of it.... + +With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the +right, as God gives us to see the right,--let us strive on to finish the +work we are in: to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who +shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do all +which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, +and with all nations. + + + + +_A Letter to Thurlow Weed. Executive Mansion, Washington. March 15, +1865_ + + +Dear Mr. Weed, Every one likes a compliment. Thank you for yours on my +little notification speech and on the recent inaugural address. I expect +the latter to wear as well as--perhaps better than--anything I have +produced; but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men are not +flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose +between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to +deny that there is a God governing the world. It is a truth which I +thought needed to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation there is in +it falls most directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me +to tell it. + + Truly yours, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_From an Address to an Indiana Regiment. March 17, 1865_ + + +There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already +expressed my views by speaking or writing. There is one--the recent +effort of "Our erring brethren," sometimes so called, to employ the +slaves in their armies. The great question with them has been, "Will the +negro fight for them?" They ought to know better than we, and doubtless +do know better than we. I may incidentally remark, that having in my +life heard many arguments--or strings of words meant to pass for +arguments--intended to show that the negro ought to be a slave,--if he +shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better +argument why he should remain a slave than I have ever before heard. He, +perhaps, ought to be a slave if he desires it ardently enough to fight +for it. Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom fight to keep +the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish +meanness. I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any +should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for themselves, +and secondly those who desire it for others. Whenever I hear any one +arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him +personally. + + + + +_From his Reply to a Serenade. Lincoln's Last Public Address. April 11, +1865_ + + +Fellow-citizens, We meet this evening, not in sorrow but in gladness of +heart. The evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg, and the surrender of +the principal insurgent army, give the hope of a just and speedy peace, +the joyous expression of which cannot be restrained. In all this joy, +however, He from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call +for a national thanksgiving is in the course of preparation, and will be +duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part give us the cause for +rejoicing be overlooked. Their honours must not be parcelled out with +others. I, myself, was near the front, and had the high pleasure of +transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honour for +plan or execution is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and +brave men, all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in +reach to take an active part. + +By these recent successes the reinauguration of the national +authority,--reconstruction,--which has had a large share of thought from +the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is +fraught with great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between independent +nations, there is no organized organ for us to treat with,--no one man +has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must +begin with and mould from disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is +it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ +among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction. +As a general rule I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon +myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly +offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my +knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up +and seeking to sustain the new State government of Louisiana. + +In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public knows. +In the annual message of December 1863, and in the accompanying +proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, +which I promised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to and +sustained by the executive government of the nation. I distinctly stated +that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and +I also distinctly protested that the executive claimed no right to say +when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from +such States. This plan was in advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and +approved by every member of it.... + +When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New +Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, +with his military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that +plan. I wrote him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the +result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the +Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before +stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat +this as a bad promise and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that +keeping it is adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so +convinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an +able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not +seemed to be definitely fixed upon the question whether the seceded +States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would perhaps add +astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found +professed Union men endeavouring to answer that question, I have +purposely forborne any public expression upon it.... + +We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper +practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the +government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again +get them into that proper practical relation. I believe that it is not +only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding or even +considering whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than +with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly +immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing +the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between +these States and the Union, and each for ever after innocently indulge +his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States from +without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never +having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which +the new Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if +it contained forty thousand, or thirty thousand, or even twenty +thousand, instead of only about twelve thousand as it does. It is also +unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the +coloured man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the +very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. + +Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it +stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be +wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and +disperse it? Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation +with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State +government? Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of +Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful +political power of the State, held elections, organized a State +government, adopted a free-State constitution, giving the benefit of +public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the +legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the coloured man. +Their legislature has already voted to ratify the constitutional +amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout +the nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully committed to +the Union and to perpetual freedom in the State,--committed to the very +things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants,--and they ask the +nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal. + +If we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and +disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man: You are worthless or +worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks, we +say: This cup of liberty, which these, your old masters, hold to your +lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering +the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, +where, and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white +and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper, practical +relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, +on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of +Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the +hearts and nerve the arms of twelve thousand to adhere to their work, +and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, +and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The coloured man, too, +in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, +and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective +franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced +steps towards it, than by running backward over them? + +... I repeat the question, Can Louisiana be brought into proper +practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding +her new State government? + +... What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other +States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such +important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new +and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible +plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such +exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. +Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present +situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new +announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not +fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. + + + + +Appendix + + + + +ANECDOTES + + +LINCOLN'S ENTRY INTO RICHMOND THE DAY AFTER IT WAS TAKEN + +_As Described at that time by a Writer in the "Atlantic Monthly"_ + +They gathered around the President, ran ahead, hovered about the flanks +of the little company, and hung like a dark cloud upon the rear. Men, +women and children joined the constantly-increasing throng. They came +from all the by-streets, running in breathless haste, shouting and +hallooing, and dancing with delight. The men threw up their hats, the +women waved their bonnets and handkerchiefs, clapped their hands, and +sang, "Glory to God! glory, glory!" rendering all the praise to God, who +had heard their wailings in the past, their moanings for wives, +husbands, children, and friends sold out of their sight; had given them +freedom, and after long years of waiting had permitted them thus +unexpectedly to behold the face of their great benefactor. + +"I thank you, dear Jesus, that I behold President Linkum!" was the +exclamation of a woman who stood upon the threshold of her humble home, +and with streaming eyes and clasped hands gave thanks aloud to the +Saviour of men. + +Another, more demonstrative in her joy, was jumping and striking her +hands with all her might, crying, "Bless de Lord! Bless de Lord! Bless +de Lord!" as if there could be no end to her thanksgiving. + +The air rang with a tumultuous chorus of voices. The street became +almost impassable on account of the increasing multitude, till soldiers +were summoned to clear the way.... + +The walk was long, and the President halted a moment to rest. "May de +good Lord bless you, President Linkum!" said an old negro, removing his +hat and bowing, with tears of joy rolling down his cheeks. The President +removed his own hat, and bowed in silence; but it was a bow which upset +the forms, laws, customs, and ceremonies of centuries. It was a +death-shock to chivalry and a mortal wound to caste. "Recognize a +nigger! Fough!" A woman in an adjoining house beheld it, and turned from +the scene in unspeakable disgust. + + + (The following nine anecdotes were related by Frank B. Carpenter, + the painter, who, while executing his picture of the first reading + in cabinet council of the Emancipation Proclamation, had the + freedom of Mr. Lincoln's private office and saw much of the + President while he posed, and whose relations with him became of an + intimate character.) + + +"YOU DON'T WEAR HOOPS--AND I WILL ... PARDON YOUR BROTHER" + +A distinguished citizen of Ohio had an appointment with the President +one evening at six o'clock. As he entered the vestibule of the White +House, his attention was attracted by a poorly-clad young woman who was +violently sobbing. He asked her the cause of her distress. She said she +had been ordered away by the servants after vainly waiting many hours to +see the President about her only brother, who had been condemned to +death. Her story was this:--She and her brother were foreigners, and +orphans. They had been in this country several years. Her brother +enlisted in the army, but, through bad influences, was induced to +desert. He was captured, tried and sentenced to be shot--the old story. +The poor girl had obtained the signatures of some persons who had +formerly known him, to a petition for a pardon, and alone had come to +Washington to lay the case before the President. Thronged as the +waiting-rooms always were, she had passed the long hours of two days +trying in vain to get an audience, and had at length been ordered away. + +The gentleman's feelings were touched. He said to her that he had come +to see the President, but did not know as _he_ should succeed. He told +her, however, to follow him upstairs, and he would see what could be +done for her. Just before reaching the door, Mr. Lincoln came out, and +meeting his friend said good-humouredly, "Are you not ahead of time?" +The gentleman showed him his watch, with the hand upon the hour of six. +"Well," returned Mr. Lincoln, "I have been so busy to-day that I have +not had time to get a lunch. Go in, and sit down; I will be back +directly." + +The gentleman made the young woman accompany him into the office, and, +when they were seated, said to her, "Now, my good girl, I want you to +muster all the courage you have in the world. When the President comes +back, he will sit down in that arm-chair. I shall get up to speak to +him, and as I do so you must force yourself between us, and insist upon +the examination of your papers, telling him it is a case of life and +death, and admits of no delay." These instructions were carried out to +the letter. Mr. Lincoln was at first somewhat surprised at the apparent +forwardness of the young woman, but observing her distressed appearance, +he ceased conversation with his friend, and commenced an examination of +the document she had placed in his hands. Glancing from it to the face +of the petitioner, whose tears had broken forth afresh, he studied its +expression for a moment, and then his eye fell upon her scanty but neat +dress. Instantly his face lighted up. "My poor girl," said he, "you have +come here with no governor, or senator, or member of Congress, to plead +your cause. You seem honest and truthful; _and you don't wear +hoops_--and I will be whipped but I will pardon your brother." + + +HIS JOY IN GIVING A PARDON + +One night Schuyler Colfax left all other business to ask him to respite +the son of a constituent, who was sentenced to be shot, at Davenport, +for desertion. He heard the story with his usual patience, though he was +wearied out with incessant calls, and anxious for rest, and then +replied:--"Some of our generals complain that I impair discipline and +subordination in the army by my pardons and respites, but it makes me +rested, after a hard day's work, if I can find some good excuse for +saving a man's life, and I go to bed happy as I think how joyous the +signing of my name will make him and his family and his friends." And +with a happy smile beaming over that care-furrowed face, he signed that +name that saved that life. + + +HIS SIMPLICITY AND UNOSTENTATIOUSNESS + +The simplicity and absence of all ostentation on the part of Mr. +Lincoln, is well illustrated by an incident which occurred on the +occasion of a visit he made to Commodore Porter, at Fortress Monroe. +Noticing that the banks of the river were dotted with flowers, he said: +"Commodore, Tad (the pet name for his youngest son, who had accompanied +him on the excursion) is very fond of flowers; won't you let a couple of +men take a boat and go with him for an hour or two, along the banks of +the river, and gather the flowers?" Look at this picture, and then +endeavour to imagine the head of a European nation making a similar +request, in this humble way, of one of his subordinates! + + +A PENITENT MAN CAN BE PARDONED + +One day I took a couple of friends from New York upstairs, who wished to +be introduced to the President. It was after the hour for business +calls, and we found him alone, and, for _once_, at leisure. Soon after +the introduction, one of my friends took occasion to indorse, very +decidedly, the President's Amnesty Proclamation, which had been severely +censured by many friends of the Administration. Mr. S----'s approval +touched Mr. Lincoln. He said, with a great deal of emphasis, and with an +expression of countenance I shall never forget: "When a man is sincerely +_penitent_ for his misdeeds, and gives satisfactory evidence of the +same, he can safely be pardoned, and there is no exception to the rule!" + + +"KEEP SILENCE, AND WE'LL GET YOU SAFE ACROSS" + +At the White House one day some gentlemen were present from the West, +excited and troubled about the commissions and omissions of the +Administration. The President heard them patiently, and then replied: +"Gentlemen, suppose all the property you were worth was in gold, and you +had put it in the hands of Blondin to carry across the Niagara River on +a rope, would you shake the cable, or keep shouting out to him, +'Blondin, stand up a little straighter--Blondin, stoop a little more--go +a little faster--lean a little more to the north--lean a little more to +the south?' No, you would hold your breath as well as your tongue, and +keep your hands off until he was safe over. The Government are carrying +an immense weight. Untold treasures are in their hands. They are doing +the very best they can. Don't badger them. Keep silence, and we'll get +you safe across." + + +REBUFF TO A MAN WITH A SMALL CLAIM + +During a public "reception," a farmer, from one of the border counties +of Virginia, told the President that the Union soldiers, in passing his +farm, had helped themselves not only to hay, but his horse, and he hoped +the President would urge the proper officer to consider his claim +immediately. + +Mr. Lincoln said that this reminded him of an old acquaintance of his, +"Jack Chase," who used to be a lumberman on the Illinois, a steady, +sober man, and the best raftsman on the river. It was quite a trick, +twenty-five years ago, to take the logs over the rapids; but he was +skilful with a raft, and always kept her straight in the channel. +Finally a steamer was put on, and Jack was made captain of her. He +always used to take the wheel going through the rapids. One day when the +boat was plunging and wallowing along the boiling current, and Jack's +utmost vigilance was being exercised to keep her in the narrow channel, +a boy pulled his coat-tail, and hailed him with: "Say, Mister Captain! I +wish you would just stop your boat a minute--I've lost my apple +overboard!" + + +THE PRESIDENT'S SILENCE OVER CRITICISMS + +The President was once speaking about an attack made on him by the +Committee on the Conduct of the War for a certain alleged blunder, or +something worse, in the Southwest--the matter involved being one which +had fallen directly under the observation of the officer to whom he was +talking, who possessed official evidence completely upsetting all the +conclusions of the Committee. + +"Might it not be well for me," queried the officer, "to set this matter +right in a letter to some paper, stating the facts as they actually +transpired?" + +"Oh, no," replied the President, "at least, not now. If I were to try to +read, much less answer, all the attacks made on me, this shop might as +well be closed for any other business. I do the very best I know +how--the very best I can; and I mean to keep doing so until the end. If +the end brings me out all right, what is said against me won't amount to +anything. If the end brings me out wrong, ten angels swearing I was +right would make no difference." + + +"GLAD OF IT" + +On the occasion when the telegram from Cumberland Gap reached Mr. +Lincoln that "firing was heard in the direction of Knoxville," he +remarked that he was "glad of it." Some person present, who had the +perils of Burnside's position uppermost in his mind, could, not see +_why_ Mr. Lincoln should be _glad_ of it, and so expressed himself. +"Why, you see," responded the President, "it reminds me of Mistress +Sallie Ward, a neighbour of mine, who had a very large family. +Occasionally one of her numerous progeny would be heard crying in some +out-of-the-way place, upon which Mrs. Ward would exclaim, 'There's one +of my children that isn't dead yet!'" + + +HIS DEMOCRATIC BEARING + +The evening before I left Washington an incident occurred, illustrating +very perfectly the character of the man. For two days my large painting +had been on exhibition, upon its completion, in the East Room, which had +been thronged with visitors. Late in the afternoon of the second day, +the "black-horse cavalry" escort drew up as usual in front of the +portico, preparatory to the President's leaving for the "Soldiers' +Home," where he spent the midsummer nights. While the carriage was +waiting, I looked around for him, wishing to say a farewell word, +knowing that I should have no other opportunity. Presently I saw him +standing halfway between the portico and the gateway leading to the War +Department, leaning against the iron fence--one arm thrown over the +railing, and one foot on the stone coping which supports it, evidently +having been intercepted, on his way in from the War Department, by a +plain-looking man, who was giving him, very diffidently, an account of a +difficulty which he had been unable to have rectified. While waiting, I +walked out leisurely to the President's side. He said very little to the +man, but was intently studying the expression of his face while he was +narrating his trouble. When he had finished, Mr. Lincoln said to him, +"Have you a blank card?" The man searched his pockets, but finding none, +a gentleman standing near, who had overheard the question, came forward, +and said, "Here is one, Mr. President." Several persons had, in the +meantime, gathered around. Taking the card and a pencil, Mr. Lincoln +sat down upon the stone coping, which is not more than five or six +inches above the pavement, presenting almost the appearance of sitting +upon the pavement itself, and wrote an order upon the card to the proper +official to "examine this man's case." While writing this, I observed +several persons passing down the promenade, smiling at each other, at +what I presume they thought the undignified appearance of the Head of +the Nation, who, however, seemed utterly unconscious, either of any +impropriety in the action, or of attracting any attention. To me it was +not only a touching picture of the native goodness of the man, but of +innate nobility of character, exemplified not so much by a disregard of +conventionalities, as in unconsciousness that there _could_ be any +breach of etiquette, or dignity, in the manner of an honest attempt to +serve, or secure justice to a citizen of the Republic, however humble he +may be. + + + +[Illustration: + EVERYMAN, + I WILL GO WITH THEE + & BE THY GUIDE + IN THY MOST NEED + TO GO BY THY SIDE.] + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM +LINCOLN, 1832-1865*** + + +******* This file should be named 14721-8.txt or 14721-8.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/4/7/2/14721 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: +https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + diff --git a/old/14721-8.zip b/old/14721-8.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..693406e --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-8.zip diff --git a/old/14721-h.zip b/old/14721-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..366579f --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h.zip diff --git a/old/14721-h/14721-h.htm b/old/14721-h/14721-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7287a7 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/14721-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,9321 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd"> +<html> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" /> +<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865, by Abraham Lincoln</title> + <style type="text/css"> +/*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ +<!-- + body {margin-left:10%; + margin-right:10%; + font-family: serif; } + + p { /* all paragraphs unless overridden */ + margin-top: 1em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: 0; + text-indent: 1em; + line-height: 1.4em; + } + + h1, h2, h3, h4, h5, h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + } + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + blockquote { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 5%; + font-size: 90%; /* dubious move */ + } + + p.citation { /* author citation at end of blockquote or poem */ + text-align: right; + font-style: italic; + } + p.quotdate { /* date of a letter aligned right */ + text-align: right; + } + p.quotsig { /* author signature at end of letter */ + margin-left: 75%; + text-indent: -4em; /* gimmick to move 2nd line right */ + } + + hr { + width:45%; + margin-top: 1em; + margin-left: auto; /* these two ensure a.. */ + margin-right: auto; /* ..centered rule */ + clear: both; /* don't let sidebars & floats overlap rule */ + } + hr.major { width:75%; margin-top:2em; margin-bottom: 2em;} /* eg, above chapter head */ + hr.minor { width:30%; } /* eg, above/below epigraph */ + hr.full { width: 100%; } + a:link {color:blue; + text-decoration:none} + link {color:blue; + text-decoration:none} + a:visited {color:blue; + text-decoration:none} + a:hover {color:red} + pre {font-size: 8pt;} + // --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> +</head> +<body> +<h1>The Project Gutenberg eBook, Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, +1832-1865, by Abraham Lincoln, Edited by Merwin Roe</h1> +<pre> +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at <a href = "https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre> +<p>Title: Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865</p> +<p>Author: Abraham Lincoln</p> +<p>Release Date: January 17, 2005 [eBook #14721]</p> +<p>Language: English</p> +<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p> +<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 1832-1865***</p> +<p> </p> +<h3>E-text prepared by Melanie Lybarger, Suzanne Lybarger,<br /> + and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team</h3> +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p> </p> + +<center> +<a href='images/illus001bw.png'><img src='images/illus001_th.jpg' +border='0' width='250' alt='WHEN HE SENT HIS GREAT VOICE +FORTH OUT OF HIS BREAST, & HIS WORDS FELL LIKE THE WINTER SNOWS, NOR +THEN WOULD ANY MORTAL CONTEND WITH ULYSSES—HOMER. ILIAD.' +title='WHEN HE SENT HIS GREAT VOICE FORTH OUT OF HIS BREAST, & HIS +WORDS FELL LIKE THE WINTER SNOWS, NOR THEN WOULD ANY MORTAL CONTEND WITH +ULYSSES—HOMER. ILIAD.' /></a> + +<a href='images/illus002bw.png'><img src='images/illus002_th.jpg' +border='0' width='253' alt='The Speeches and Letters of +Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865. Edited by Merwin Roe.' title='The Speeches +and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865. Edited by Merwin Roe.' /></a> +</center> + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<p> </p> +<h1>SPEECHES & LETTERS<br /> of<br /> ABRAHAM LINCOLN 1832-1865</h1> +<br /> + +<h2>EDITED BY MERWIN ROE</h2> + +<br /> +<h6>London: Published By J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd<br /> +and in New York by E. P. Dutton & Co</h6> + +<h6><i>First issue of this Edition 1907</i><br /> +<i>Reprinted 1909, 1910, 1912</i></h6> + +<h6><i>Mr. Bryce's Introduction to 'Lincoln's Speeches' is printed from plates made<br /> +and type set by the University Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., 1907.</i></h6> +<br /> + +<h6><i>Taken by permission from 'The Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln'<br /> +Century Company, 1894</i></h6> + +<p> </p> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<p> </p> +<h2>INTRODUCTION</h2> +<br /> + +<p>No man since Washington has become to Americans so familiar or so +beloved a figure as Abraham Lincoln. He is to them the representative +and typical American, the man who best embodies the political ideals of +the nation. He is typical in the fact that he sprang from the masses of +the people, that he remained through his whole career a man of the +people, that his chief desire was to be in accord with the beliefs and +wishes of the people, that he never failed to trust in the people and to +rely on their support. Every native American knows his life and his +speeches. His anecdotes and witticisms have passed into the thought and +the conversation of the whole nation as those of no other statesman have +done.</p> + +<p>He belongs, however, not only to the United States, but to the whole of +civilized mankind. It is no exaggeration to say that he has, within the +last thirty years, grown to be a conspicuous figure in the history of +the modern world. Without him, the course of events not only in the +Western hemisphere but in Europe also would have been different, for he +was called to guide at the greatest crisis of its fate a State already +mighty, and now far more mighty than in his days, and the guidance he +gave has affected the march of events ever since. A life and a character +such as his ought to be known to and comprehended by Europeans as well +as by Americans. Among Europeans, it is especially Englishmen who ought +to appreciate him and understand the significance of his life, for he +came of an English stock, he spoke the English tongue, his action told +upon the progress of events and the shaping of opinion in all British +communities everywhere more than it has done upon any other nation +outside America itself.</p> + +<p>This collection of Lincoln's speeches seeks to make him known by +his words as readers of history know him by his deeds. In +popularly-governed countries the great statesman is almost of necessity +an orator, though his eminence as a speaker may be no true measure +either of his momentary power or of his permanent fame, for wisdom, +courage and tact bear little direct relation to the gift for speech. But +whether that gift be present in greater or in lesser degree, the +character and ideas of a statesman are best studied through his own +words. This is particularly true of Lincoln, because he was not what may +be called a professional orator. There have been famous orators whose +speeches we may read for the beauty of their language or for the wealth +of ideas they contain, with comparatively little regard to the +circumstances of time and place that led to their being delivered. +Lincoln is not one of these. His speeches need to be studied in close +relation to the occasions which called them forth. They are not +philosophical lucubrations or brilliant displays of rhetoric. They are a +part of his life. They are the expression of his convictions, and derive +no small part of their weight and dignity from the fact that they deal +with grave and urgent questions, and express the spirit in which he +approached those questions. Few great characters stand out so clearly +revealed by their words, whether spoken or written, as he does.</p> + +<p>Accordingly Lincoln's discourses are not like those of nearly all the +men whose eloquence has won them fame. When we think of such men as +Pericles, Demosthenes, Æschines, Cicero, Hortensius, Burke, Sheridan, +Erskine, Canning, Webster, Gladstone, Bright, Massillon, Vergniaud, +Castelar, we think of exuberance of ideas or of phrases, of a command of +appropriate similes or metaphors, of the gifts of invention and of +exposition, of imaginative flights, or outbursts of passion fit to stir +and rouse an audience to like passion. We think of the orator as gifted +with a powerful or finely-modulated voice, an imposing presence, a +graceful delivery. Or if—remembering that Lincoln was by profession a +lawyer and practised until he became President of the United States—we +think of the special gifts which mark the forensic orator, we should +expect to find a man full of ingenuity and subtlety, one dexterous in +handling his case in such wise as to please and capture the judge or the +jury whom he addresses, one skilled in those rhetorical devices and +strokes of art which can be used, when need be, to engage the listener's +feelings and distract his mind from the real merits of the issue.</p> + +<p>Of all this kind of talent there was in Lincoln but little. He was not +an artful pleader; indeed, it was said of him that he could argue well +only those cases in the justice of which he personally believed, and was +unable to make the worse appear the better reason. For most of the +qualities which the world admires in Cicero or in Burke we should look +in vain in Lincoln's speeches. They are not fine pieces of exquisite +diction, fit to be declaimed as school exercises or set before students +as models of composition.</p> + +<p>What, then, are their merits? and why do they deserve to be valued and +remembered? How comes it that a man of first-rate powers was deficient +in qualities appertaining to his own profession which men less +remarkable have possessed?</p> + +<p>To answer this question, let us first ask what were the preparation and +training Abraham Lincoln had for oratory, whether political or forensic.</p> + +<p>Born in rude and abject poverty, he had never any education, except what +he gave himself, till he was approaching manhood. Not even books +wherewith to inform and train his mind were within his reach. No school, +no university, no legal faculty had any part in training his powers. +When he became a lawyer and a politician, the years most favourable to +continuous study had already passed, and the opportunities he found for +reading were very scanty. He knew but few authors in general literature, +though he knew those few thoroughly. He taught himself a little +mathematics, but he could read no language save his own, and can have +had only the faintest acquaintance with European history or with any +branch of philosophy.</p> + +<p>The want of regular education was not made up for by the persons among +whom his lot was cast. Till he was a grown man, he never moved in any +society from which he could learn those things with which the mind of an +orator or a statesman ought to be stored. Even after he had gained some +legal practice, there was for many years no one for him to mix with +except the petty practitioners of a petty town, men nearly all of whom +knew little more than he did himself.</p> + +<p>Schools gave him nothing, and society gave him nothing. But he had a +powerful intellect and a resolute will. Isolation fostered not only +self-reliance but the habit of reflection, and, indeed, of prolonged and +intense reflection. He made all that he knew a part of himself. He +thought everything out for himself. His convictions were his own—clear +and coherent. He was not positive or opinionated, and he did not deny +that at certain moments he pondered and hesitated long before he decided +on his course. But though he could keep a policy in suspense, waiting +for events to guide him, he did not waver. He paused and reconsidered, +but it was never his way either to go back upon a decision once made, or +to waste time in vain regrets that all he expected had not been +attained. He took advice readily, and left many things to his ministers; +but he did not lean upon his advisers. Without vanity or ostentation, he +was always independent, self-contained, prepared to take full +responsibility for his acts.</p> + +<p>That he was keenly observant of all that passed under his eyes, that his +mind played freely round everything it touched, we know from the +accounts of his talk, which first made him famous in the town and +neighbourhood where he lived. His humour, and his memory for anecdotes +which he could bring out to good purpose, at the right moment, are +qualities which Europe deems distinctively American, but no great man of +action in the nineteenth century, even in America, possessed them in the +same measure. Seldom has so acute a power of observation been found +united to so abundant a power of sympathy.</p> + +<p>These remarks may seem to belong to a study of his character rather than +of his speeches, yet they are not irrelevant, because the interest of +his speeches lies in their revelation of his character. Let us, however, +return to the speeches and to the letters, some of which, given in this +volume, are scarcely less noteworthy than are the speeches.</p> + +<p>What are the distinctive merits of these speeches and letters? There is +less humour in them than his reputation as a humorist would have led us +to expect. They are serious, grave, practical. We feel that the man does +not care to play over the surface of the subject, or to use it as a way +of displaying his cleverness. He is trying to get right down to the very +foundation of the matter and tell us what his real thoughts about it +are. In this respect he sometimes reminds us of Bismarck's speeches, +which, in their rude, broken, forth-darting way, always go straight to +their destined aim; always hit the nail on the head. So too, in their +effort to grapple with fundamental facts, Lincoln's bear a sort of +likeness to Cromwell's speeches, though Cromwell has far less power of +utterance, and always seems to be wrestling with the difficulty of +finding language to convey to others what is plain, true and weighty to +himself. This difficulty makes the great Protector, though we can +usually see what he is driving at, frequently confused and obscure. +Lincoln, however, is always clear. Simplicity, directness and breadth +are the notes of his thought. Aptness, clearness, and again, simplicity, +are the notes of his diction. The American speakers of his generation, +like most of those of the preceding generation, but unlike those of that +earlier generation to which Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, Marshall and +Madison belonged, were generally infected by a floridity which made them +a by-word in Europe. Even men of brilliant talent, such as Edward +Everett, were by no means free from this straining after effect by +highly-coloured phrases and theatrical effects. Such faults have to-day +virtually vanished from the United States, largely from a change in +public taste, to which perhaps the example set by Lincoln himself may +have contributed. In the forties and fifties florid rhetoric was +rampant, especially in the West and South, where taste was less polished +than in the older States. That Lincoln escaped it is a striking mark of +his independence as well as of his greatness. There is no superfluous +ornament in his orations, nothing tawdry, nothing otiose. For the most +part, he addresses the reason of his hearers, and credits them with +desiring to have none but solid arguments laid before them. When he does +appeal to emotion, he does it quietly, perhaps even solemnly. The note +struck is always a high note. The impressiveness of the appeal comes not +from fervid vehemence of language, but from the sincerity of his own +convictions. Sometimes one can see that through its whole course the +argument is suffused by the speaker's feeling, and when the time comes +for the feeling to be directly expressed, it glows not with fitful +flashes, but with the steady heat of an intense and strenuous soul.</p> + +<p>The impression which most of the speeches leave on the reader is that +their matter has been carefully thought over even when the words have +not been learnt by heart. But there is an anecdote that on one occasion, +early in his career, Lincoln went to a public meeting not in the least +intending to speak, but presently being called for by the audience, rose +in obedience to the call, and delivered a long address so ardent and +thrilling that the reporters dropped their pencils and, absorbed in +watching him, forgot to take down what he said. It has also been stated, +on good authority, that on his way in the railroad cars, to the +dedication of the monument on the field of Gettysburg, he turned to a +Pennsylvanian gentleman who was sitting beside him and remarked, "I +suppose I shall be expected to say something this afternoon; lend me a +pencil and a bit of paper," and that he thereupon jotted down the notes +of a speech which has become the best known and best remembered of all +his utterances, so that some of its words and sentences have passed into +the minds of all educated men everywhere.</p> + +<p>That famous Gettysburg speech is the best example one could desire of +the characteristic quality of Lincoln's eloquence. It is a short speech. +It is wonderfully terse in expression. It is quiet, so quiet that at the +moment it did not make upon the audience, an audience wrought up by a +long and highly-decorated harangue from one of the prominent orators of +the day, an impression at all commensurate to that which it began to +make as soon as it was read over America and Europe. There is in it not +a touch of what we call rhetoric, or of any striving after effect. Alike +in thought and in language it is simple, plain, direct. But it states +certain truths and principles in phrases so aptly chosen and so +forcible, that one feels as if those truths could have been conveyed in +no other words, and as if this deliverance of them were made for all +time. Words so simple and so strong could have come only from one who +had meditated so long upon the primal facts of American history and +popular government that the truths those facts taught him had become +like the truths of mathematics in their clearness, their breadth, and +their precision.</p> + +<p>The speeches on Slavery read strange to us now, when slavery as a living +system has been dead for forty years, dead and buried hell deep under +the detestation of mankind. It is hard for those whose memory does not +go back to 1865 to realize that down till then it was not only a +terrible fact, but was defended—defended by many otherwise good men, +defended not only by pseudo-scientific anthropologists as being in the +order of nature, but by ministers of the Gospel, out of the sacred +Scriptures, as part of the ordinances of God. Lincoln's position, the +position of one who had to induce slave-owning fellow-citizens to listen +to him and admit persuasion into their heated and prejudiced minds, did +not allow him to denounce it with horror, as we can all so easily do +to-day. But though his language is calm and restrained, he never +condescends to palter with slavery. He shows its innate evils and +dangers with unanswerable force. The speech on the Dred Scott decision +is a lucid, close and cogent piece of reasoning which, in its wide view +of Constitutional issues, sometimes reminds one of Webster, sometimes +even of Burke, though it does not equal the former in weight nor the +latter in splendour of diction.</p> + +<p>Among the letters, perhaps the most impressive is that written to Mrs. +Bixley, the mother of five sons who had died fighting for the Union in +the armies of the North. It is short, and it deals with a theme on which +hundreds of letters are written daily. But I do not know where the +nobility of self-sacrifice for a great cause, and of the consolation +which the thought of a sacrifice so made should bring, is set forth with +such simple and pathetic beauty. Deep must be the fountains from which +there issues so pure a stream.</p> + +<p>The career of Lincoln is often held up to ambitious young Americans as +an example to show what a man may achieve by his native strength, with +no advantages of birth or environment or education. In this there is +nothing improper, nothing fanciful. The moral is one which may well be +drawn, and in which those on whose early life Fortune has not smiled may +find encouragement. But the example is, after all, no great +encouragement to ordinary men, for Lincoln was an extraordinary man.</p> + +<p>He triumphed over the adverse conditions of his early years because +Nature had bestowed on him high and rare powers. Superficial observers +who saw his homely aspect and plain manners, and noted that his +fellow-townsmen, when asked why they so trusted him, answered that it +was for his common-sense, failed to see that his common-sense was a part +of his genius. What is common-sense but the power of seeing the +fundamentals of any practical question, and of disengaging them from the +accidental and transient features that may overlie these +fundamentals—the power, to use a familiar expression, of getting down +to bed rock? One part of this power is the faculty for perceiving what +the average man will think and can be induced to do. This is what keeps +the superior mind in touch with the ordinary mind, and this is perhaps +why the name of "common-sense" is used, because the superior mind seems +in its power of comprehending others to be itself a part of the general +sense of the community. All men of high practical capacity have this +power. It is the first condition of success. But in men who have +received a philosophical or literary education there is a tendency to +embellish, for purposes of persuasion, or perhaps for their own +gratification, the language in which they recommend their conclusions, +or to state those conclusions in the light of large general principles, +a tendency which may, unless carefully watched, carry them too high +above the heads of the crowd. Lincoln, never having had such an +education, spoke to the people as one of themselves. He seemed to be +saying not only what each felt, but expressing the feeling just as each +would have expressed it. In reality, he was quite as much above his +neighbours in insight as was the polished orator or writer, but the +plain directness of his language seemed to keep him on their level. His +strength lay less in the form and vesture of the thought than in the +thought itself, in the large, simple, practical view which he took of +the position. And thus, to repeat what has been said already, the +sterling merit of these speeches of his, that which made them effective +when they were delivered and makes them worth reading to-day, is to be +found in the justness of his conclusions and their fitness to the +circumstances of the time. When he rose into higher air, when his words +were clothed with stateliness and solemnity, it was the force of his +conviction and the emotion that thrilled through his utterance, that +printed the words deep upon the minds and drove them home to the hearts +of the people.</p> + +<p>What is a great man? Common speech, which after all must be our guide to +the sense of the terms which the world uses, gives this name to many +sorts of men. How far greatness lies in the power and range of the +intellect, how far in the strength of the will, how far in elevation of +view and aim and purpose,—this is a question too large to be debated +here. But of Abraham Lincoln it may be truly said that in his greatness +all three elements were present. He had not the brilliance, either in +thought or word or act, that dazzles, nor the restless activity that +occasionally pushes to the front even persons with gifts not of the +first order. He was a patient, thoughtful, melancholy man, whose +intelligence, working sometimes slowly but always steadily and surely, +was capacious enough to embrace and vigorous enough to master the +incomparably difficult facts and problems he was called to deal with. +His executive talent showed itself not in sudden and startling strokes, +but in the calm serenity with which he formed his judgments and laid his +plans, in the undismayed firmness with which he adhered to them in the +face of popular clamour, of conflicting counsels from his advisers, +sometimes, even, of what others deemed all but hopeless failure. These +were the qualities needed in one who had to pilot the Republic through +the heaviest storm that had ever broken upon it. But the mainspring of +his power, and the truest evidence of his greatness, lay in the nobility +of his aims, in the fervour of his conviction, in the stainless +rectitude which guided his action and won for him the confidence of the +people. Without these things neither the vigour of his intellect nor the +firmness of his will would have availed.</p> + +<p>There is a vulgar saying that all great men are unscrupulous. Of him it +may rather be said that the note of greatness we feel in his thinking +and his speech and his conduct had its source in the loftiness and +purity of his character. Lincoln's is one of the careers that refute +this imputation on human nature.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">JAMES BRYCE</p> +<br /> + +<p>The following is a list of Lincoln's published works:</p> + +<p>SELECTIONS.—Letters on Questions of National Policy, etc., 1863; +Dedicatory Speech of President Lincoln, etc., at the Consecration of +Gettysburg Cemetery, Nov. 19th, 1863, 1864; The Last Address of +President Lincoln to the American People, 1865; The Martyr's Monument, +1865; In Memoriam, 1865; Gems from A. Lincoln, 1865; The President's +Words, 1866; Emancipation Proclamation—Second Inaugural +Address—Gettysburg Speech, 1878; Two Inaugural Addresses and Gettysburg +Speech, 1889; The Gettysburg Speech and other Papers, with an essay on +Lincoln by J.R. Lowell (Riverside Literature Series, 32), 1888; The +Table Talk of Abraham Lincoln, ed. W.O. Stoddard, 1894; Political +Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the celebrated +campaign of 1858 in Illinois, etc. Also the two great speeches of +Abraham Lincoln at Ohio in 1859, 1894; Political Speeches and Debates of +Abraham Lincoln and S.A. Douglas, 1854-1861, edited by A.T. Jones, 1895; +Lincoln, Passages from his Speeches and Letters, with Introduction by +R.W. Gilder, 1901.</p> + +<p>COMPLETE EDITIONS OF WORKS, LETTERS, AND SPEECHES.—H.J. Raymond, +History of the Administration of Abraham Lincoln (Speeches, Letters, +etc.), 1864; Abraham Lincoln, Pen and Voice, being a Complete +Compilation of his Letters, Public Addresses, Messages to Congress, ed. +G.M. Van Buren, etc., 1890; Complete Works, ed. J.G. Nicolay and J. Hay, +2 vols., 1894; enlarged edition, with Introduction by R.W. Gilder, etc., +1905, etc.; A. Lincoln's Speeches, compiled by L.E. Chittenden, 1895; +The Writings of A. Lincoln, ed. A.B. Lapsley, with an Introduction by +Theodore Roosevelt, and a life by Noah Brooks, etc. (Federal Edition), +1905; etc.</p> + +<p>LIFE.—H.J. Raymond; The Life and Public Services of A.L., etc., with +Anecdotes and Personal Reminiscences, by F.B. Carpenter, 1865; J.H. +Barrett, 1865; J.G. Holland, 1866; W.H. Lamon, 1872; W.O. Stoddard, +1884; I.N. Arnold, 1885; J.G. Nicolay and J. Hay, 1890; Condensed +Edition, 1902; Recollections of President Lincoln and his +Administration, 1891; C.C. Coffin, 1893; J.T. Morse, 1893; J. Hay (The +Presidents of the United States), 1894; C.A. Dana, Lincoln and his +Cabinet, etc., 1896; J.H. Choate, 1900; Address delivered before the +Edinburgh Philosophical Institution, Nov. 13, 1900; I.M. Tarbell, 1900; +W.E. Curtis, The True Abraham Lincoln, 1903; J.H. Barrett, A. Lincoln +and his Presidency, 1904; J. Baldwin, 1904. A. Rothschild, Lincoln, +Master of Men, 1906; F.T. Hill, Lincoln the Lawyer, 1906.</p> + +<p>Among those who have written short lives are: Mrs. H. Beecher Stowe, +D.W. Bartlett, C.G. Leland, J.C. Power, etc.</p><br /> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + + +<p><a href="#01">Lincoln's First Public Speech—From an Address to the People of Sangamon County, March 9, 1832</a></p> + +<p><a href="#02">Letter to Col. Robert Allen, June 21, 1836</a></p> + +<p><a href="#03">From a Letter Published in the Sangamon "Journal," June 13, 1836</a></p> + +<p><a href="#04">From his Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Jan. 27, 1837</a></p> + +<p><a href="#05">Letter to Mrs. O.H. Browning, Springfield, April 1, 1838</a></p> + +<p><a href="#06">From a Political Debate, Springfield, Dec, 1839</a></p> + +<p><a href="#07">Letter to W.G. Anderson, Lawrenceville, Ill., Oct. 31, 1840</a></p> + +<p><a href="#08">Extract from a Letter to John T. Stuart, Springfield, Ill., Jan. 23, 1841</a></p> + +<p><a href="#09">From his Address before the Springfield Washingtonian Temperance Society, Feb. 22, 1842</a></p> + +<p><a href="#10">From a Circular of the Whig Committee, March 4, 1843</a></p> + +<p><a href="#11">From a Letter to Martin M. Morris, Springfield, Ill., March 26, 1843</a></p> + +<p><a href="#12">From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed, Springfield, Ill., Oct. 22, 1846</a></p> + +<p><a href="#13">From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, Jan. 8, 1848</a></p> + +<p><a href="#14">From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, June 22, 1848</a></p> + +<p><a href="#15">From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, July 10, 1848</a></p> + +<p><a href="#16">Letter to John D. Johnston, Jan. 2, 1851</a></p> + +<p><a href="#17">Letter to John D. Johnston, Shelbyville, Nov. 4, 1851</a></p> + +<p><a href="#18">Note for Law Lecture—Written about July 1, 1850</a></p> + +<p><a href="#19">A Fragment—Written about July 1, 1854</a></p> + +<p><a href="#20">A Fragment on Slavery, July 1854</a></p> + +<p><a href="#21">From his Reply to Senator Douglas, Peoria, Oct. 16, 1854</a></p> + +<p><a href="#22">From a Letter to the Hon. Geo. Robertson, Lexington, Ky.; Springfield, Ill., Aug. 15, 1855</a></p> + +<p><a href="#23">From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed, Aug. 24, 1855</a></p> + +<p><a href="#24">Lincoln's "Lost Speech," May 19, 1856</a></p> + +<p><a href="#25">Speech on the Dred Scott Case, Springfield, Ill., June 26, 1857</a></p> + +<p><a href="#26">The "Divided House" Speech, Springfield, Ill., June 17, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#27">From his Speech at Chicago in Reply to the Speech of Judge Douglas, July 10, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#28">From a Speech at Springfield, Ill., July 17, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#29">From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the First Joint Debate, Ottawa, Ill., Aug. 21, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#30">From Lincoln's Rejoinder to Judge Douglas at Freeport, Ill., Aug. 27, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#31">From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas at Jonesboro', Sept. 15, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#32">From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas at Charleston, Ill., Sept. 18, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#33">From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Galesburg, Ill., Oct. 7, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#34">Notes for Speeches—Written about Oct. 1, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#35">From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the Seventh and Last Joint Debate, at Alton, Ill., Oct. 15, 1858</a></p> + +<p><a href="#36">From Speech at Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 16, 1859</a></p> + +<p><a href="#37">From Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, Sept. 17, 1859</a></p> + +<p><a href="#38">From a Letter to J.W. Fell, Dec. 20, 1859</a></p> + +<p><a href="#39">From the Address at Cooper Institute, N.Y., Feb. 27, 1860</a></p> + +<p><a href="#40">Lincoln's Farewell to the Citizens of Springfield, Ill., Feb. 11, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#41">Letter to Hon. Geo. Ashmun, Accepting the Nomination for Presidency, May 23, 1860</a></p> + +<p><a href="#42">Letter to Miss Grace Bedell, Springfield, Ill., Oct. 19, 1860</a></p> + +<p><a href="#43">From his Address to the Legislature at Indianapolis, Feb. 12, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#44">From his Address to the Legislature at Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 13, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#45">From his Remarks at Pittsburgh, Pa., Feb. 15, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#46">From his Address at Trenton, N.J., Feb. 21, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#47">Address in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#48">His Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D.C., Feb. 27, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#49">First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#50">Address at Utica, N.Y., Feb. 18, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#51">From his First Message to Congress, at the Special Session, July 4, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#52">From his Message to Congress at its Regular Session, Dec. 3, 1861</a></p> + +<p><a href="#53">Letter to Gen. G.B. McClellan, Washington, Feb. 3, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#54">Proclamation Revoking Gen. Hunter's Order Setting the Slaves Free, May 19, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#55">Appeal to the Border States in Behalf of Compensated Emancipation, July 12, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#56">From Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt, July 28, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#57">Letter to August Belmont, July 31, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#58">Letter to Horace Greeley, Aug. 22, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#59">From his Reply to the Chicago Committee of United Religious Denominations, Sept. 13, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#60">From the Annual Message to Congress, Dec. 1, 1862</a></p> + +<p><a href="#61">Emancipation Proclamation, Jan. 1, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#62">Letter to General Grant, July 13, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#63">Letter to —— Moulton, Washington, July 31, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#64">Letter to Mrs. Lincoln, Washington, Aug. 8, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#65">Letter to James H. Hackett, Washington, Aug. 17, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#66">Note to Secretary Stanton, Washington, Nov. 11, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#67">Letter to James C. Conkling, Aug. 26, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#68">His Proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving, Oct. 3, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#69">Remarks at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, Nov. 19, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#70">From his Annual Message to Congress, Dec. 8, 1863</a></p> + +<p><a href="#71">Letter to Secretary Stanton, Washington, March 1, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#72">Letter to Governor Michael Hahn, Washington, March 13, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#73">Address at a Sanitary Fair, March 18, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#74">Letter to A.G. Hodges, April 4, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#75">Address at a Sanitary Fair at Baltimore, April 18, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#76">Letter to General Grant, April 30, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#77">From Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment, Aug. 22, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#78">Reply to a Serenade, Nov. 10, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#79">Letter to Mrs. Bixley, Nov. 21, 1864</a></p> + +<p><a href="#80">Letter to General Grant, Washington, Jan. 19, 1865</a></p> + +<p><a href="#81">Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865</a></p> + +<p><a href="#82">Letter to Thurlow Weed, March 15, 1865</a></p> + +<p><a href="#83">From an Address to an Indiana Regiment, March 17, 1865</a></p> + +<p><a href="#84">His Last Public Address, April 11, 1865</a></p> + +<h3>APPENDIX</h3> + +<p><a href="#85">Anecdotes</a></p><br /> + + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2>PUBLISHERS' NOTE</h2> + + +<p>For permission to use extracts from "The Complete Works of Abraham +Lincoln," edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, the Publishers wish to +thank The Century Company.</p> + +<p>They also wish to thank Mr. William H. Lambert, the owner of the +copyright, and Mrs. Sarah A. Whitney for their courtesy in allowing them +to publish "Lincoln's Lost Speech."</p><br /> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h1>LINCOLN'S SPEECHES AND LETTERS</h1> +<br /><br /> + +<a name='01'></a> +<h2><i>Lincoln's First Public Speech. From an Address to the People of +Sangamon County. March 9, 1832</i></h2><br /> + +<p>Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or +system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most +important subject which we, as a people, can be engaged in. That every +man may receive at least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to +read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly +appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object +of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the +advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read +the Scriptures and other works, both of a religious and moral nature, +for themselves.</p> + +<p>For my part, I desire to see the time when education—and by its means +morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry—shall become much more +general than at present; and should be gratified to have it in my power +to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which might +have a tendency to accelerate that happy period.</p> + +<p>With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be +necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws—the +law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some +others—are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. +But considering the great probability that the framers of those laws +were wiser than myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless +they were first attacked by others, in which case I should feel it both +a privilege and a duty to take that stand which, in my view, might tend +to the advancement of justice.</p> + +<p>But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of +modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already +been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which +I have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in +regard to any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is +better only to be sometimes right than at all times wrong, so soon as I +discover my opinions to be erroneous I shall be ready to renounce them.</p> + +<p>Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or +not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being +truly esteemed of my fellow-men by rendering myself worthy of their +esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be +developed. I am young and unknown to many of you; I was born and have +ever remained in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or +popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case is thrown +exclusively upon the independent voters of the county, and if elected, +they will have conferred a favour upon me for which I shall be +unremitting in my labours to compensate. But if the good people in their +wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too +familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Your friend and fellow-citizen,<br /> +A. LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='02'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to Colonel Robert Allen. June 21, 1836</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Colonel, I am told that during my absence last week you passed +through this place, and stated publicly that you were in possession of a +fact or facts which, if known to the public, would entirely destroy the +prospects of N.W. Edwards and myself at the ensuing election; but that, +through favour to us, you should forbear to divulge them. No one has +needed favours more than I, and, generally, few have been less unwilling +to accept them; but in this case favour to me would be injustice to the +public, and therefore I must beg your pardon for declining it. That I +once had the confidence of the people of Sangamon, is sufficiently +evident; and if I have since done anything, either by design or +misadventure, which if known would subject me to a forfeiture of that +confidence, he that knows of that thing, and conceals it, is a traitor +to his country's interest.</p> + +<p>I find myself wholly unable to form any conjecture of what fact or +facts, real or supposed, you spoke; but my opinion of your veracity will +not permit me for a moment to doubt that you at least believed what you +said. I am flattered with the personal regard you manifested for me; but +I do hope that, on more mature reflection, you will view the public +interest as a paramount consideration, and therefore determine to let +the worst come. I here assure you that the candid statement of facts on +your part, however low it may sink me, shall never break the tie of +personal friendship between us. I wish an answer to this, and you are at +liberty to publish both, if you choose.</p><br /> + + +<a name='03'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Lincoln's Opinion on Universal Suffrage. From a Letter published in the +Sangamon "Journal." June 13, 1836</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in +bearing its burdens: consequently I go for admitting all whites to the +right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms [by no means excluding +females].</p><br /> + + +<a name='04'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois. +January 27, 1837</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>As a subject for the remarks of the evening "The perpetuation of our +political institutions" is selected. In the great journal of things +happening under the sun, we, the American people, find our account +running under the date of the nineteenth century of the Christian era. +We find ourselves in the peaceful possession of the fairest portion of +the earth, as regards extent of territory, fertility of soil, and +salubrity of climate. We find ourselves under the government of a system +of political institutions conducing more essentially to the ends of +civil and religious liberty, than any of which the history of former +times tells us. We, when remounting the stage of existence, found +ourselves the legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled +not in the acquirement or the establishment of them; they are a legacy +bequeathed to us by a once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now lamented +and departed race of ancestors.</p> + +<p>Theirs was the task (and nobly they performed it) to possess themselves, +and through themselves us, of this goodly land, and to rear upon its +hills and valleys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights; 'tis +ours only to transmit these,—the former unprofaned by the foot of the +invader; the latter undecayed by lapse of time. This, our duty to +ourselves and to our posterity, and love for our species in general, +imperatively require us to perform.</p> + +<p>How, then, shall we perform it? At what point shall we expect the +approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it? Shall we +expect some transatlantic military giant to step across the ocean and +crush us at a blow? Never. All the armies of Europe, Asia and Africa +combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own excepted) in their +military chest, with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not, by force, +take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ridge, in a +trial of a thousand years.</p> + +<p>At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, +if it ever reaches us, it must spring up among us. It cannot come from +abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and +finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die +by suicide.</p> + +<p>There is even now something of ill omen among us. I mean the increasing +disregard for law which pervades the country; the growing disposition to +substitute wild and furious passions in lieu of the sober judgment of +courts; and the worse than savage mobs for the executive ministers of +justice. This disposition is awfully fearful in any community; and that +it now exists in ours, though grating to our feelings to admit, it would +be a violation of truth and an insult to our intelligence to deny.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>I know the American people are <i>much</i> attached to their government. I +know they would suffer <i>much</i> for its sake. I know they would endure +evils long and patiently before they would ever think of exchanging it +for another. Yet, notwithstanding all this, if the laws be continually +despised and disregarded, if their rights to be secure in their persons +and property are held by no better tenure than the caprice of a mob, the +alienation of their affection for the government is the natural +consequence, and to that sooner or later it must come.</p> + +<p>Here, then, is one point at which danger may be expected. The question +recurs, how shall we fortify against it? The answer is simple. Let every +American, every lover of liberty, every well-wisher to his posterity, +swear by the blood of the Revolution never to violate in the least +particular the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their +violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did to the support +of the Declaration of Independence, so to the support of the +Constitution and the Laws let every American pledge his life, his +property, and his sacred honour; let every man remember that to violate +the law is to trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the +charter of his own and his children's liberty. Let reverence for the +laws be breathed by every American mother to the lisping babe that +prattles on her lap. Let it be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in +colleges. Let it be written in primers, spelling-books, and in almanacs. +Let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and +enforced in courts of justice. And, in short, let it become the +political religion of the nation.</p> + +<p>When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let me +not be understood as saying that there are no bad laws, or that +grievances may not arise for the redress of which no legal provisions +have been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do mean to say that +although bad laws, if they exist, should be repealed as soon as +possible, still, while they continue in force, for the sake of example +they should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided cases. If +such arise, let proper legal provisions be made for them with the least +possible delay, but till then let them, if not too intolerable, be borne +with.</p> + +<p>There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law. In any +case that may arise, as, for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism, +one of two positions is necessarily true—that is, the thing is right +within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of all law and all +good citizens, or it is wrong, and therefore proper to be prohibited by +legal enactments; and in neither case is the interposition of mob law +either necessary, justifiable, or excusable....</p> + +<p>They (histories of the Revolution) were pillars of the temple of +liberty; and now that they have crumbled away, that temple must fall +unless we, their descendants, supply their places with other pillars, +hewn from the solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us, but +can do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason—cold, +calculating, unimpassioned reason—must furnish all the materials for +our future support and defence. Let those materials be moulded into +general intelligence, sound morality, and, in particular, a reverence +for the Constitution and laws; and that we improved to the last, that we +remained free to the last, that we revered his name to the last, that +during his long sleep we permitted no hostile foot to pass over or +desecrate his resting-place, shall be that which to learn the last trump +shall awaken our Washington.</p> + +<p>Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its +basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, +"the gates of hell shall not prevail against it."</p> + +<p>Many great and good men, sufficiently qualified for any task they should +undertake, may ever be found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing +beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential chair. But +such belong not to the family of the lion or the brood of the eagle. +What? Think you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Cæsar, or a +Napoleon? Never! Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks +regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to +story upon the monuments of fame erected to the memory of others. It +denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to +tread in the footsteps of any predecessor, however illustrious. It +thirsts and burns for distinction; and, if possible, it will have it, +whether at the expense of emancipating slaves, or enslaving free men. Is +it unreasonable, then, to expect that some men, possessed of the +loftiest genius, coupled with ambition sufficient to push it to its +utmost stretch, will at some time spring up among us? And when such a +one does, it will require the people to be united with each other, +attached to the government and laws, and generally intelligent, to +successfully frustrate his design.</p> + +<p>Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would as +willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm, yet that +opportunity being passed, and nothing left to be done in the way of +building up, he would sit down boldly to the task of pulling down. Here, +then, is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such a one as could not +well have existed heretofore.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>All honour to our Revolutionary ancestors, to whom we are indebted for +these institutions. They will not be forgotten. In history we hope they +will be read of, and recounted, so long as the Bible shall be read. But +even granting that they will, their influence cannot be what it +heretofore has been. Even then, they cannot be so universally known, nor +so vividly felt, as they were by the generation just gone to rest. At +the close of that struggle, nearly every adult male had been a +participator in some of its scenes. The consequence was, that of those +scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a son, or a brother, a +living history was to be found in every family,—a history bearing the +indubitable testimonies to its own authenticity in the limbs mangled, in +the scars of wounds received in the midst of the very scenes related; a +history, too, that could be read and understood alike by all, the wise +and the ignorant, the learned and the unlearned. But those histories are +gone. They can be read no more for ever. They were a fortress of +strength; but what the invading foemen could never do, the silent +artillery of time has done,—the levelling of its walls. They are gone. +They were a forest of giant oaks; but the resistless hurricane has swept +over them, and left only here and there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its +verdure, shorn of its foliage, unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a +few more gentle breezes, and to combat with its mutilated limbs a few +more ruder storms, and then to sink and be no more.</p><br /> + + +<a name='05'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><span class="smcap">Humorous Account of His Experiences With a Lady He Was Requested to +Marry</span></h2> + +<h3><i>A Letter to Mrs. O.H. Browning. Springfield, Illinois. April 1, 1838</i></h3> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Madam, Without apologising for being egotistical, I shall make the +history of so much of my life as has elapsed since I saw you the subject +of this letter. And, by the way, I now discover that in order to give a +full and intelligible account of the things I have done and suffered +since I saw you, I shall necessarily have to relate some that happened +before.</p> + +<p>It was, then, in the autumn of 1836 that a married lady of my +acquaintance, and who was a great friend of mine, being about to pay a +visit to her father and other relatives residing in Kentucky, proposed +to me that on her return she would bring a sister of hers with her on +condition that I would engage to become her brother-in-law with all +convenient dispatch. I, of course, accepted the proposal, for you know I +could not have done otherwise had I really been averse to it; but +privately, between you and me, I was most confoundedly well pleased with +the project. I had seen the said sister some three years before, thought +her intelligent and agreeable, and saw no good objection to plodding +life through hand-in-hand with her. Time passed on, the lady took her +journey, and in due time returned, sister in company, sure enough. This +astonished me a little, for it appeared to me that her coming so readily +showed that she was a trifle too willing, but on reflection it occurred +to me that she might have been prevailed on by her married sister to +come, without anything concerning me having been mentioned to her, and +so I concluded that if no other objection presented itself, I would +consent to waive this. All this occurred to me on hearing of her arrival +in the neighbourhood—for, be it remembered, I had not yet seen her, +except about three years previous, as above mentioned. In a few days we +had an interview, and, although I had seen her before, she did not look +as my imagination had pictured her. I knew she was over-size, but she +now appeared a fair match for Falstaff. I knew she was called an "old +maid," and I felt no doubt of the truth of at least half of the +appellation, but now, when I beheld her, I could not for my life avoid +thinking of my mother; and this, not from withered features,—for her +skin was too full of fat to permit of its contracting into wrinkles—but +from her want of teeth, weather-beaten appearance in general, and from a +kind of notion that ran in my head that nothing could have commenced at +the size of infancy and reached her present bulk in less than +thirty-five or forty years; and, in short, I was not at all pleased with +her. But what could I do? I had told her sister that I would take her +for better or for worse, and I made a point of honour and conscience in +all things to stick to my word, especially if others had been induced to +act on it, which in this case I had no doubt they had, for I was now +fairly convinced that no other man on earth would have her, and hence +the conclusion that they were bent on holding me to my bargain. "Well," +thought I, "I have said it, and, be the consequences what they may, it +shall not be my fault if I fail to do it." At once I determined to +consider her my wife, and this done, all my powers of discovery were put +to work in search of perfections in her which might be fairly set off +against her defects. I tried to imagine her handsome, which, but for her +unfortunate corpulency, was actually true. Exclusive of this, no woman +that I have ever seen has a finer face. I also tried to convince myself +that the mind was much more to be valued than the person, and in this +she was not inferior, as I could discover, to any with whom I had been +acquainted.</p> + +<p>Shortly after this, without attempting to come to any positive +understanding with her, I set out for Vandalia, when and where you first +saw me. During my stay there I had letters from her which did not change +my opinion of either her intellect or intention, but, on the contrary, +confirmed it in both.</p> + +<p>All this while, although I was fixed "firm as the surge-repelling rock" +in my resolution, I found I was continually repenting the rashness which +had led me to make it. Through life I have been in no bondage, either +real or imaginary, from the thraldom of which I so much desired to be +free. After my return home I saw nothing to change my opinion of her in +any particular. She was the same, and so was I. I now spent my time in +planning how I might get along in life after my contemplated change of +circumstances should have taken place, and how I might procrastinate the +evil day for a time, which I really dreaded as much, perhaps more, than +an Irishman does the halter.</p> + +<p>After all my sufferings upon this deeply interesting subject, here I +am, wholly, unexpectedly, completely out of the "scrape," and I now want +to know if you can guess how I got out of it—out, clear, in every sense +of the term—no violation of word, honour, or conscience. I don't +believe you can guess, and so I might as well tell you at once. As the +lawyer says, it was done in the manner following, to wit: After I had +delayed the matter as long as I thought I could in honour do (which, by +the way, had brought me round into the last fall), I concluded I might +as well bring it to a consummation without further delay, and so I +mustered my resolution and made the proposal to her direct; but, +shocking to relate, she answered, No. At first I supposed she did it +through an affectation of modesty, which I thought but ill became her +under the peculiar circumstances of the case, but on my renewal of the +charge I found she repelled it with greater firmness than before. I +tried it again and again, but with the same success, or rather with the +same want of success.</p> + +<p>I finally was forced to give it up, at which I very unexpectedly found +myself mortified almost beyond endurance. I was mortified, it seemed to +me, in a hundred different ways. My vanity was deeply wounded by the +reflection that I had so long been too stupid to discover her +intentions, and at the same time never doubting that I understood them +perfectly; and also that she, whom I had taught myself to believe nobody +else would have, had actually rejected me with all my fancied greatness. +And, to cap the whole, I then for the first time began to suspect that I +was really a little in love with her. But let it all go! I'll try and +outlive it. Others have been made fools of by the girls, but this can +never in truth be said of me. I most emphatically, in this instance, +made a fool of myself. I have now come to the conclusion never again to +think of marrying, and for this reason—I can never be satisfied with +any one who would be blockhead enough to have me.</p> + +<p>When you receive this, write me a long yarn about something to amuse me. +Give my respects to Mr. Browning.</p><br /> + + +<a name='06'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Debate between Lincoln, E.D. Baker, and others against Douglas, +Lamborn, and others. Springfield. December 1839</i></h2><br /> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> +<br /> + +<p>... Mr. Lamborn insists that the difference between the Van Buren party +and the Whigs is, that although the former sometimes err in practice, +they are always correct in principle, whereas the latter are wrong in +principle; and the better to impress this proposition, he uses a +figurative expression in these words: "The Democrats are vulnerable in +the heel, but they are sound in the heart and in the head." The first +branch of the figure—that is, that the Democrats are vulnerable in the +heel—I admit is not merely figuratively but literally true. Who that +looks but for a moment at their Swartwouts, their Prices, their +Harringtons, and their hundreds of others, scampering away with the +public money to Texas, to Europe, and to every spot of the earth where a +villain may hope to find refuge from justice, can at all doubt that they +are most distressingly affected in their heels with a species of running +fever? It seems that this malady of their heels operates on the +sound-headed and honest-hearted creatures very much like the cork leg in +the song did on its owner, which, when he had once got started on it, +the more he tried to stop it, the more it would run away. At the hazard +of wearing this point threadbare, I will relate an anecdote which seems +to be too strikingly in point to be omitted. A witty Irish soldier who +was always boasting of his bravery when no danger was near, but who +invariably retreated without orders at the first charge of the +engagement, being asked by his captain why he did so, replied, "Captain, +I have as brave a heart as Julius Cæsar ever had; but somehow or other, +whenever danger approaches, my cowardly legs will run away with it." So +it is with Mr. Lamborn's party. They take the public money into their +hands for the most laudable purpose that wise heads and honest hearts +can dictate, but before they can possibly get it out again, their +rascally vulnerable heels will run away with them....</p><br /> + + +<a name='07'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to W.G. Anderson. Lawrenceville, Illinois. October 31, 1840</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Sir, Your note of yesterday is received. In the difficulty between +us of which you speak, you say you think I was the aggressor. I do not +think I was. You say my "words imported insult." I meant them as a fair +set-off to your own statements, and not otherwise; and in that light +alone I now wish you to understand them. You ask for my present +"feelings on the subject." I entertain no unkind feelings to you, and +none of any sort upon the subject, except a sincere regret that I +permitted myself to get into such an altercation.</p><br /> + + +<a name='08'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Extract from a Letter to John T. Stuart. Springfield Illinois. January 23, 1841</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>For not giving you a general summary of news, you must pardon me; it is +not in my power to do so. I am now the most miserable man living. If +what I feel were equally distributed to the whole human family, there +would not be one cheerful face on earth. Whether I shall ever be better, +I cannot tell; I awfully forebode I shall not. To remain as I am is +impossible; I must die or be better, it appears to me. The matter you +speak of on my account you may attend to as you say, unless you shall +hear of my condition forbidding it. I say this because I fear I shall be +unable to attend to any business here, and a change of scene might help +me. If I could be myself, I would rather remain at home with Judge +Logan. I can write no more.</p><br /> + + +<a name='09'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address before the Washingtonian Temperance Society. +Springfield, Illinois. February 22, 1842</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Although the temperance cause has been in progress for nearly twenty +years, it is apparent to all that it is just now being crowned with a +degree of success hitherto unparalleled.</p> + +<p>The list of its friends is daily swelled by the additions of fifties, of +hundreds, and of thousands. The cause itself seems suddenly transformed +from a cold abstract theory to a living, breathing, active and powerful +chieftain, going forth conquering and to conquer. The citadels of his +great adversary are daily being stormed and dismantled; his temples and +his altars, where the rites of his idolatrous worship have long been +performed, and where human sacrifices have long been wont to be made, +are daily desecrated and deserted. The trump of the conqueror's fame is +sounding from hill to hill, from sea to sea, and from land to land, and +calling millions to his standard at a blast.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>"But," say some, "we are no drunkards, and we shall not acknowledge +ourselves such by joining a reform drunkard's society, whatever our +influence might be." Surely no Christian will adhere to this objection.</p> + +<p>If they believe, as they profess, that Omnipotence condescended to take +on himself the form of sinful man, and, as such, to die an ignominious +death for their sakes, surely they will not refuse submission to the +infinitely lesser condescension for the temporal and perhaps eternal +salvation of a large, erring, and unfortunate class of their +fellow-creatures; nor is the condescension very great. In my judgment, +such of us as have never fallen victims have been spared more from the +absence of appetite, than from any mental or moral superiority over +those who have. Indeed I believe, if we take habitual drunkards as a +class, their heads and their hearts will bear an advantageous comparison +with those of any other class. There seems ever to have been a proneness +in the brilliant and warm-blooded to fall into this vice. The demon of +intemperance ever seems to have delighted in sucking the blood of genius +and generosity. What one of us but can call to mind some relative more +promising in youth than all his fellows, who has fallen a sacrifice to +his rapacity? He ever seems to have gone forth like the Egyptian angel +of death, commissioned to slay, if not the first, the fairest born of +every family. Shall he now be arrested in his desolating career? In that +arrest all can give aid that will; and who shall be excused that can and +will not? Far around as human breath has ever blown, he keeps our +fathers, our brothers, our sons, and our friends prostrate in the chains +of moral death....</p> + +<p>When the conduct of men is designed to be influenced, persuasion, kind, +unassuming persuasion, should ever be adopted. It is an old and a true +maxim "that a drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall." +So with men. If you would win a man to your cause, first convince him +that you are his sincere friend. Therein is a drop of honey that catches +his heart, which, say what you will, is the great high-road to his +reason, and which, when once gained, you will find but little trouble in +convincing his judgment of the justice of your cause, if indeed that +cause really be a just one. On the contrary, assume to dictate to his +judgment, or to command his action, or to mark him as one to be shunned +and despised, and he will retreat within himself, close all the avenues +to his head and his heart; and though your cause be naked truth itself, +transformed to the heaviest lance, harder than steel, and sharper than +steel can be made, and though you throw it with more than herculean +force and precision, you shall be no more able to pierce him than to +penetrate the hard shell of a tortoise with a rye straw. Such is man, +and so must he be understood by those who would lead him, even to his +own best interests....</p> + +<p>Another error, as it seems to me, into which the old reformers fell, was +the position that all habitual drunkards were utterly incorrigible, and +therefore must be turned adrift and damned without remedy in order that +the grace of temperance might abound, to the temperate then, and to all +mankind some hundreds of years thereafter. There is in this something so +repugnant to humanity, so uncharitable, so cold-blooded and feelingless, +that it never did, nor never can enlist the enthusiasm of a popular +cause. We could not love the man who taught it—we could not hear him +with patience. The heart could not throw open its portals to it, the +generous man could not adopt it—it could not mix with his blood. It +looked so fiendishly selfish, so like throwing fathers and brothers +overboard to lighten the boat for our security, that the noble-minded +shrank from the manifest meanness of the thing. And besides this, the +benefits of a reformation to be effected by such a system were too +remote in point of time to warmly engage many in its behalf. Few can be +induced to labour exclusively for posterity; and none will do it +enthusiastically. Posterity has done nothing for us; and theorize on it +as we may, practically we shall do very little for it, unless we are +made to think we are at the same time doing something for ourselves.</p> + +<p>What an ignorance of human nature does it exhibit, to ask or expect a +whole community to rise up and labour for the temporal happiness of +others, after themselves shall be consigned to the dust, a majority of +which community take no pains whatever to secure their own eternal +welfare at no more distant day! Great distance in either time or space +has wonderful power to lull and render quiescent the human mind. +Pleasures to be enjoyed, or pains to be endured, after we shall be dead +and gone, are but little regarded even in our own cases, and much less +in the cases of others. Still, in addition to this there is something so +ludicrous in promises of good or threats of evil a great way off as to +render the whole subject with which they are connected easily turned +into ridicule. "Better lay down that spade you are stealing, Paddy; if +you don't you'll pay for it at the day of judgment." "Be the powers, if +ye'll credit me so long I'll take another jist."</p><br /> + + +<a name='10'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From the Circular of the Whig Committee. An Address to the People of +Illinois. March 4, 1843</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... The system of loans is but temporary in its nature, and must soon +explode. It is a system not only ruinous while it lasts, but one that +must soon fail and leave us destitute.</p> + +<p>As an individual who undertakes to live by borrowing soon finds his +original means devoured by interest, and next, no one left to borrow +from, so must it be with a government.</p> + +<p>We repeat, then, that a tariff sufficient for revenue, or a direct tax, +must soon be resorted to; and, indeed, we believe this alternative is +now denied by no one. But which system shall be adopted? Some of our +opponents in theory admit the propriety of a tariff sufficient for +revenue, but even they will not in practice vote for such a tariff; +while others boldly advocate direct taxation. Inasmuch, therefore, as +some of them boldly advocate direct taxation, and all the rest—or so +nearly all as to make exceptions needless—refuse to adopt the tariff, +we think it is doing them no injustice to class them all as advocates of +direct taxation. Indeed, we believe they are only delaying an open +avowal of the system till they can assure themselves that the people +will tolerate it. Let us, then, briefly compare the two systems. The +tariff is the cheaper system, because the duties, being collected in +large parcels, at a few commercial points, will require comparatively +few officers in their collection; while by the direct tax system the +land must be literally covered with assessors and collectors, going +forth like swarms of Egyptian locusts, devouring every blade of grass +and other green thing. And, again, by the tariff system the whole +revenue is paid by the consumers of foreign goods, and those chiefly the +luxuries and not the necessaries of life. By this system, the man who +contents himself to live upon the products of his own country pays +nothing at all. And surely that country is extensive enough, and its +products abundant and varied enough, to answer all the real wants of its +people. In short, by this system the burden of revenue falls almost +entirely on the wealthy and luxurious few, while the substantial and +labouring many, who live at home and upon home products, go entirely +free. By the direct tax system, none can escape. However strictly the +citizen may exclude from his premises all foreign luxuries, fine cloths, +fine silks, rich wines, golden chains, and diamond rings,—still, for +the possession of his house, his barn, and his homespun he is to be +perpetually haunted and harassed by the tax-gatherer. With these views, +we leave it to be determined whether we or our opponents are more truly +democratic on the subject.</p><br /> + + +<a name='11'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to Martin M. Morris. Springfield, Illinois. March 26, +1843</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>It is truly gratifying to me to learn that while the people of Sangamon +have cast me off, my old friends of Menard, who have known me longest +and best, stick to me. It would astonish, if not amuse, the older +citizens to learn that I (a stranger, friendless, uneducated, penniless +boy, working on a flatboat at ten dollars per month) have been put down +here as the candidate of pride, wealth, and aristocratic family +distinction. Yet so, chiefly, it was. There was, too, the strangest +combination of church influence against me. Baker is a Campbellite; and +therefore, as I suppose, with few exceptions, got all that church. My +wife has some relations in the Presbyterian churches, and some with the +Episcopal churches; and therefore, wherever it would tell, I was set +down as either the one or the other, while it was everywhere contended +that no Christian ought to go for me, because I belonged to no church, +was suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a duel. +With all these things, Baker, of course, had nothing to do. Nor do I +complain of them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was +right enough, and as to the influences I have spoken of in the other, +though they were very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to +charge that they acted upon them in a body, or were very near so. I only +mean that those influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent. upon +my strength throughout the religious controversy. But enough of this.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='12'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed. Springfield. October 22, 1846</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>We have another boy, born the 10th of March. He is very much such a +child as Bob was at his age, rather of a longer order. Bob is "short and +low," and I expect always will be. He talks very plainly—almost as +plainly as anybody. He is quite smart enough. I sometimes fear that he +is one of the little rare-ripe sort that are smarter at about five than +ever after. He has a great deal of that sort of mischief that is the +offspring of such animal spirits. Since I began this letter, a messenger +came to tell me Bob was lost; but by the time I reached the house his +mother had found him and had him whipped, and by now, very likely, he is +run away again.</p><br /> + + +<a name='13'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington. January 8, 1848</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear William, Your letter of December 27th was received a day or two +ago. I am much obliged to you for the trouble you have taken, and +promise to take in my little business there. As to speech-making, by way +of getting the hang of the House, I made a little speech two or three +days ago on a post-office question of no general interest. I find +speaking here and elsewhere about the same thing. I was about as badly +scared, and no worse, as I am when I speak in court. I expect to make +one within a week or two, in which I hope to succeed well enough to wish +you to see it.</p> + +<p>It is very pleasant to learn from you that there are some who desire +that I should be re-elected. I most heartily thank them for their +partiality; and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation of Texas, +that "personally I would not object" to a re-election, although I +thought at the time, and still think, it would be quite as well for me +to return to the law at the end of a single term. I made the declaration +that I would not be a candidate again, more from a wish to deal fairly +with others, to keep peace among our friends, and to keep the district +from going to the enemy, than for any cause personal to myself; so that, +if it should so happen that nobody else wishes to be elected, I could +refuse the people the right of sending me again. But to enter myself as +a competitor of others, or to authorize any one so to enter me, is what +my word and honour forbid.</p><br /> + + + +<a name='14'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington. June 22, 1848</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>As to the young men. You must not wait to be brought forward by the +older men. For instance, do you suppose that I should ever have got into +notice if I had waited to be hunted up and pushed forward by older men? +You young men get together and form a "Rough and Ready Club," and have +regular meetings and speeches. Take in everybody you can get. Harrison +Grimsley, L.A. Enos, Lee Kimball and C.W. Matheny will do to begin the +thing; but as you go along gather up all the shrewd, wild boys about +town, whether just of age or a little under age—Chris. Logan, Reddick +Ridgley, Lewis Zwizler, and hundreds such. Let every one play the part +he can play best,—some speak, some sing, and all "holler." Your +meetings will be of evenings; the older men, and the women, will go to +hear you; so that it will not only contribute to the election of "Old +Zach," but will be an interesting pastime, and improving to the +intellectual faculties of all engaged. Don't fail to do this.</p><br /> + + +<a name='15'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington, July 10, 1848</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>The way for a young man to rise is to improve himself every way he can, +never suspecting that anybody wishes to hinder him. Allow me to assure +you that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation. +There may sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and +they will succeed, too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its +true channel to brood over the attempted injury. Cast about, and see if +this feeling has not injured every person you have ever known to fall +into it.</p><br /> + + + +<a name='16'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to John D. Johnston. January 2, 1851</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Johnston, Your request for eighty dollars I do not think it best to +comply with now. At the various times when I have helped you a little +you have said to me, "We can get along very well now"; but in a very +short time I find you in the same difficulty again. Now, this can only +happen by some defect in your conduct. What that defect is, I think I +know. You are not lazy, and still you are an idler. I doubt whether, +since I saw you, you have done a good whole day's work in any one day. +You do not very much dislike to work, and still you do not work much, +merely because it does not seem to you that you could get much for it. +This habit of uselessly wasting time is the whole difficulty; it is +vastly important to you, and still more so to your children, that you +should break the habit. It is more important to them, because they have +longer to live, and can keep out of an idle habit before they are in it, +easier than they can get out after they are in.</p> + +<p>You are now in need of some money; and what I propose is, that you shall +go to work, "tooth and nail," for somebody who will give you money for +it. Let father and your boys take charge of your things at home, +prepare for a crop, and make the crop, and you go to work for the best +money wages, or in discharge of any debt you owe, that you can get; and, +to secure you a fair reward for your labour, I now promise you, that for +every dollar you will, between this and the first of May, get for your +own labour, either in money or as your own indebtedness, I will then +give you one other dollar. By this, if you hire yourself at ten dollars +a month, from me you will get ten more, making twenty dollars a month +for your work. In this I do not mean you shall go off to St. Louis, or +the lead mines, or the gold mines in California, but I mean for you to +go at it for the best wages you can get close to home in Coles County. +Now, if you will do this, you will be soon out of debt, and, what is +better, you will have a habit that will keep you from getting in debt +again. But, if I should now clear you out of debt, next year you would +be just as deep in as ever. You say you would almost give your place in +heaven for seventy or eighty dollars. Then you value your place in +heaven very cheap, for I am sure you can, with the offer I make, get the +seventy or eighty dollars for four or five months' work. You say if I +will furnish you the money you will deed me the land, and, if you don't +pay the money back, you will deliver possession. Nonsense! If you can't +now live with the land, how will you then live without it? You have +always been kind to me, and I do not mean to be unkind to you. On the +contrary, if you will but follow my advice, you will find it worth more +than eighty times eighty dollars to you.</p><br /> + + +<a name='17'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to John D. Johnston. Shelbyville. November 4, 1851</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Brother, When I came into Charleston day before yesterday, I +learned that you are anxious to sell the land where you live and move to +Missouri. I have been thinking of this ever since, and cannot but think +such a notion is utterly foolish. What can you do in Missouri better +than here? Is the land any richer? Can you there, any more than here, +raise corn and wheat and oats without work? Will anybody there, any more +than here, do your work for you? If you intend to go to work, there is +no better place than right where you are; if you do not intend to go to +work, you cannot get along anywhere. Squirming and crawling about from +place to place can do no good. You have raised no crop this year; and +what you really want is to sell the land, get the money, and spend it. +Part with the land you have, and, my life upon it, you will never after +own a spot big enough to bury you in. Half you will get for the land you +will spend in moving to Missouri, and the other half you will eat, +drink, and wear out, and no foot of land will be bought. Now, I feel it +my duty to have no hand in such a piece of foolery. I feel that it is so +even on your own account, and particularly on mother's account. The +eastern forty acres I intend to keep for mother while she lives; if you +will not cultivate it, it will rent for enough to support her—at least, +it will rent for something. Her dower in the other two forties she can +let you have, and no thanks to me. Now, do not misunderstand this +letter; I do not write it in any unkindness. I write it in order, if +possible, to get you to face the truth, which truth is, you are +destitute because you have idled away all your time. Your thousand +pretences for not getting along better are all nonsense; they deceive +nobody but yourself. Go to work is the only cure for your case.</p> + +<p>A word to mother. Chapman tells me he wants you to go and live with him. +If I were you I would try it awhile. If you get tired of it (as I think +you will not), you can return to your own home. Chapman feels very +kindly to you, and I have no doubt he will make your situation very +pleasant.</p><br /> + + +<a name='18'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Note for Law Lecture. Written about July 1, 1850</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I am not an accomplished lawyer. I find quite as much material for a +lecture in those points wherein I have failed, as in those wherein I +have been moderately successful. The leading rule for a lawyer, as for +the man of every other calling, is diligence. Leave nothing for +to-morrow which can be done to-day. Never let your correspondence fall +behind. Whatever piece of business you have in hand, before stopping, do +all the labour pertaining to it which can then be done. When you bring a +common law-suit, if you have the facts for doing so, write the +declaration at once. If a law point be involved, examine the books, and +note the authority you rely on upon the declaration itself, where you +are sure to find it when wanted. The same of defences and pleas. In +business not likely to be litigated,—ordinary collection cases, +foreclosures, partitions, and the like,—make all examinations of +titles, and note them and even draft orders and decrees in advance. The +course has a triple advantage; it avoids omissions and neglect, saves +your labour when once done, performs the labour out of court when you +have leisure, rather than in court when you have not.</p> + +<p>Extemporaneous speaking should be practised and cultivated. It is the +lawyer's avenue to the public. However able and faithful he may be in +other respects, people are slow to bring him business if he cannot make +a speech. And yet there is not a more fatal error to young lawyers than +relying too much on speech-making. If any one, upon his rare powers of +speaking, shall claim an exemption from the drudgery of the law, his +case is a failure in advance.</p> + +<p>Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbours to compromise whenever +you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real +loser—in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peace-maker the lawyer +has a superior opportunity of being a good man. There will still be +business enough.</p> + +<p>Never stir up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found than one who +does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually +overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon +to stir up strife, and put money in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be +infused into the profession which should drive such men out of it.</p> + +<p>The matter of fees is important, far beyond the mere question of bread +and butter involved. Properly attended to, fuller justice is done to +both lawyer and client. An exorbitant fee should never be claimed. As a +general rule, never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a +small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common +mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case as if something was +still in prospect for you, as well as for your client. And when you lack +interest in the case the job will very likely lack skill and diligence +in the performance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in advance. +Then you will feel that you are working for something, and you are sure +to do your work faithfully and well. Never sell a fee-note—at least not +before the consideration service is performed. It leads to negligence +and dishonesty—negligence by losing interest in the case, and +dishonesty in refusing to refund when you have allowed the consideration +to fail.</p> + +<p>There is a vague popular belief that lawyers are necessarily dishonest. +I say vague, because when we consider to what extent confidence and +honours are reposed in and conferred upon lawyers by the people, it +appears improbable that their impression of dishonesty is very distinct +and vivid. Yet the impression is common, almost universal. Let no young +man choosing the law for a calling for a moment yield to the popular +belief. Resolve to be honest at all events; and if in your own judgment +you cannot be an honest lawyer, resolve to be honest without being a +lawyer. Choose some other occupation, rather than one in the choosing of +which you do, in advance, consent to be a knave.</p><br /> + + +<a name='19'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>A Fragment. Written about July 1, 1854</i></h2><br /> + +<p>Equality in society alike beats inequality, whether the latter be of the +British aristocratic sort or of the domestic slavery sort.</p> + +<p>We know Southern men declare that their slaves are better off than hired +labourers amongst us. How little they know whereof they speak! There is +no permanent class of hired labourers amongst us. Twenty-five years ago +I was a hired labourer. The hired labourer of yesterday labours on his +own account to-day, and will hire others to labour for him to-morrow.</p> + +<p>Advancement—improvement in condition—is the order of things in a +society of equals. As labour is the common burden of our race, so the +effort of some to shift their share of the burden on to the shoulders of +others is the great durable curse of the race. Originally a curse for +transgression upon the whole race, when, as by slavery, it is +concentrated on a part only, it becomes the double-refined curse of God +upon his creatures.</p> + +<p>Free labour has the inspiration of hope; pure slavery has no hope. The +power of hope upon human exertion and happiness is wonderful. The +slave-master himself has a conception of it, and hence the system of +tasks among slaves. The slave whom you cannot drive with the lash to +break seventy-five pounds of hemp in a day, if you will task him to +break a hundred, and promise him pay for all he does over, he will break +you a hundred and fifty. You have substituted hope for the rod.</p> + +<p>And yet perhaps it does not occur to you that, to the extent of your +gain in the case, you have given up the slave system and adopted the +free system of labour.</p><br /> + + + +<a name='20'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>A Fragment on Slavery. July 1854</i></h2><br /> + +<p>If A can prove, however conclusively, that he may of right enslave B, +why may not B snatch the same argument and prove equally that he may +enslave A? You say A is white and B is black. It is colour, then; the +lighter having the right to enslave the darker? Take care. By this rule +you are to be slave to the first man you meet with a fairer skin than +your own.</p> + +<p>You do not mean colour exactly? You mean the whites are intellectually +the superiors of the blacks, and therefore have the right to enslave +them? Take care again. By this rule you are to be slave to the first man +you meet with an intellect superior to your own.</p> + +<p>But, say you, it is a question of interest, and if you make it your +interest you have the right to enslave another. Very well. And if he can +make it his interest he has the right to enslave you.</p><br /> + + +<a name='21'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Lincoln's Reply to Senator Douglas at Peoria, Illinois. The Origin of +the Wilmot Proviso. October 16, 1854</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... Our war with Mexico broke out in 1846. When Congress was about +adjourning that session, President Polk asked them to place two millions +of dollars under his control, to be used by him in the recess, if found +practicable and expedient, in negotiating a treaty of peace with Mexico, +and acquiring some part of her territory. A bill was duly gotten up for +the purpose, and was progressing swimmingly in the House of +Representatives, when a Democratic member from Pennsylvania by the name +of David Wilmot moved as an amendment, "Provided, that in any territory +thus acquired there shall never be slavery." <i>This is the origin of the +far-famed Wilmot Proviso.</i> It created a great flutter; but it stuck like +wax, was voted into the bill, and the bill passed with it through the +House. The Senate, however, adjourned without final action on it, and so +both the appropriation and the proviso were lost for the time.</p> + +<p>... This declared indifference, but, as I must think, real, covert zeal, +for the spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the +monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our +republican example of its just influence in the world, enables the +enemies of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us as +hypocrites, causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, +and especially because it forces so many good men amongst ourselves into +an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty, +criticizing the Declaration of Independence, and insisting that there is +no right principle of action but self-interest.</p> + +<p>Before proceeding let me say that I think I have no prejudice against +the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. +If slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If +it did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I +believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals +on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances, and +others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were out of +existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North +and become tip-top Abolitionists, while some Northern ones go South and +become most cruel slave-masters.</p> + +<p>When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin +of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the +institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in +any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I +surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to +do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to +do as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all +the slaves, and send them to Liberia, to their own native land. But a +moment's reflection would convince me that whatever of high hope (as I +think there is) there may be in this in the long run, its sudden +execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they +would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus +shipping and surplus money enough to carry them there in many times ten +days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? Is +it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not +hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point is not clear enough for +me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them +politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of +this, and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of +whites will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound +judgment is not the sole question, if indeed it is any part of it. A +universal feeling, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely +disregarded. We cannot then make them equals. It does seem to me that +systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted, but for their +tardiness in this I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the +South.</p> + +<p>Equal justice to the South, it is said, requires us to consent to the +extension of slavery to new countries. That is to say, that inasmuch as +you do not object to my taking my hog to Nebraska, therefore I must not +object to your taking your slave. Now, I admit that this is perfectly +logical, if there is no difference between hogs and slaves. But while +you thus require me to deny the humanity of the negro, I wish to ask +whether you of the South, yourselves, have ever been willing to do as +much? It is kindly provided that of all those who come into the world, +only a small percentage are natural tyrants. That percentage is no +larger in the slave States than in the free. The great majority, South +as well as North, have human sympathies, of which they can no more +divest themselves than they can of their sensibility to physical pain. +These sympathies in the bosoms of the Southern people manifest in many +ways their sense of the wrong of slavery, and their consciousness that, +after all, there is humanity in the negro. If they deny this let me +address them a few plain questions.</p> + +<p>In 1820 you joined the North almost unanimously in declaring the African +slave-trade piracy, and in annexing to it the punishment of death. Why +did you do this? If you did not feel that it was wrong, why did you join +in providing that men should be hung for it? The practice was no more +than bringing wild negroes from Africa to such as would buy them. But +you never thought of hanging men for catching and selling wild horses, +wild buffaloes, or wild bears.</p> + +<p>Again, you have among you a sneaking individual of the class of native +tyrants known as the <i>slave-dealer</i>. He watches your necessities, and +crawls up to buy your slave at a speculating price. If you cannot help +it, you sell to him; but if you can help it, you drive him from your +door. You despise him utterly; you do not recognize him as a friend, or +even as an honest man. Your children must not play with his; they may +rollick freely with the little negroes, but not with the slave-dealer's +children. If you are obliged to deal with him, you try to get through +the job without so much as touching him. It is common with you to join +hands with the men you meet; but with the slave-dealer you avoid the +ceremony,—instinctively shrinking from the snaky contact. If he grows +rich and retires from business, you still remember him, and still keep +up the ban of non-intercourse upon him and his family. Now, why is this? +You do not so treat the man who deals in cotton, corn, or tobacco.</p> + +<p>And yet again. There are in the United States and Territories, including +the District of Columbia, over four hundred and thirty thousand free +blacks. At five hundred dollars per head, they are worth over two +hundred millions of dollars. How comes this vast amount of property to +be running about without owners? We do not see free horses or free +cattle running at large. How is this? All these free blacks are the +descendants of slaves, or have been slaves themselves; and they would be +slaves now but for something that has operated on their white owners, +inducing them at vast pecuniary sacrifice to liberate them. What is that +something? Is there any mistaking it? In all these cases it is your +sense of justice and human sympathy continually telling you that the +poor negro has some natural right to himself,—that those who deny it +and make mere merchandise of him deserve kickings, contempt, and death.</p> + +<p>And now why will you ask us to deny the humanity of the slave, and +estimate him as only the equal of the hog? Why ask us to do what you +will not do yourselves? Why ask us to do for nothing what two hundred +millions of dollars could not induce you to do?</p> + +<p>But one great argument in support of the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise is still to come. That argument is "the sacred right of +self-government." ... Some poet has said,—</p> + +<span style='margin-left: 2.5em;'>"Fools rush in where angels fear to tread."</span><br /> + +<p>At the hazard of being thought one of the fools of this quotation, I +meet that argument,—I rush in,—I take that bull by the horns.... My +faith in the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases +with all which is exclusively his own, lies at the foundation of the +sense of justice there is in me. I extend the principle to communities +of men as well as to individuals. I so extend it because it is +politically wise as well as naturally just,—politically wise in saving +us from broils about matters which do not concern us. Here, or at +Washington, I would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, +or the cranberry laws of Indiana. The doctrine of self-government is +right,—absolutely and internally right; but it has no just application +as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say that whether it has +any application here depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. If +he is not a man, in that case he who is a man may, as a matter of +self-government, do just what he pleases with him. But if the negro is a +man, is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government to +say that he, too, shall not govern himself? When the white man governs +himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also +governs another man, that is more than self-government,—that is +despotism. If the negro is a man, then my ancient faith teaches me that +"all men are created equal," and that there can be no moral right in +connection with one man's making a slave of another.</p> + +<p>Judge Douglas frequently, with bitter irony and sarcasm, paraphrases +our argument by saying: "The white people of Nebraska are good enough to +govern themselves, but they are not good enough to govern a few +miserable negroes!"</p> + +<p>Well, I doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and will continue to +be as good as the average of people elsewhere. I do not say the +contrary. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another +man without that other's consent. I say this is the leading +principle,—the sheet-anchor of American republicanism.</p> + +<p>Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's nature,—opposition to it +in his love of justice. These principles are in eternal antagonism, and +when brought into collision so fiercely as slavery extension brings +them, shocks and throes and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal +the Missouri Compromise; repeal all compromises; repeal the Declaration +of Independence; repeal all past history,—you still cannot repeal human +nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart that slavery +extension is wrong, and out of the abundance of his heart his mouth will +continue to speak....</p> + +<p>The Missouri Compromise ought to be restored. Slavery may or may not be +established in Nebraska. But whether it be or not, we shall have +repudiated—discarded from the councils of the nation—the spirit of +compromise; for who, after this, will ever trust in a national +compromise? The spirit of mutual concession—that spirit which first +gave us the Constitution, and has thrice saved the Union—we shall have +strangled and cast from us for ever. And what shall we have in lieu of +it? The South flushed with triumph and tempted to excess; the North +betrayed, as they believed, brooding on wrong and burning for revenge. +One side will provoke, the other resent. The one will taunt, the other +defy; one aggresses, the other retaliates. Already a few in the North +defy all constitutional restraints, resist the execution of the Fugitive +Slave Law, and even menace the institution of slavery in the States +where it exists. Already a few in the South claim the constitutional +right to take and hold slaves in the free States, demand the revival of +the slave-trade, and demand a treaty with Great Britain by which +fugitive slaves may be reclaimed from Canada. As yet they are but few on +either side. It is a grave question for lovers of the Union, whether the +final destruction of the Missouri Compromise, and with it the spirit of +all compromise, will or will not embolden and embitter each of these, +and fatally increase the number of both.</p> + +<p>... Some men, mostly Whigs, who condemn the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise, nevertheless hesitate to go for its restoration, lest they +be thrown in company with the Abolitionists. Will they allow me, as an +old Whig, to tell them good-humouredly that I think this is very silly? +Stand with anybody that stands right. Stand with him while he is right, +and part with him when he goes wrong. Stand with the Abolitionist in +restoring the Missouri Compromise, and stand against him when he +attempts to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law. In the latter case you stand +with the Southern disunionist. What of that? You are still right. In +both cases you are right In both cases you expose the dangerous +extremes. In both you stand on the middle ground and hold the ship level +and steady. In both you are national, and nothing less than national. +This is the good old Whig ground. To desert such ground because of any +company is to be less than a Whig, less than a man, less than an +American.</p> + +<p>I particularly object to the new position which the avowed principle of +this Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. I object to it +because it assumes that there can be moral right in the enslaving of one +man by another. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance for free +people—a sad evidence that, feeling over-prosperity, we forget right; +that liberty as a principle we have ceased to revere. I object to it +because the Fathers of the Republic eschewed and rejected it. The +argument of "necessity" was the only argument they ever admitted in +favour of slavery, and so far, and so far only as it carried them, did +they ever go. They found the institution existing among us, which they +could not help, and they cast the blame on the British king for having +permitted its introduction. Thus we see the plain, unmistakable spirit +of their age towards slavery was hostility to the principle, and +toleration only by necessity.</p> + +<p>But now it is to be transformed into a <i>sacred right</i>.... Henceforth it +is to be the chief jewel of the nation,—the very figure-head of the +ship of State. Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the +grave, we have been giving up the old for the new faith. Near eighty +years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now +from that beginning we have run down to the other declaration, that for +some men to enslave others is a sacred right of self-government. These +principles cannot stand together. They are as opposite as God and +Mammon; and whoever holds to the one must despise the other....</p> + +<p>Our Republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. Let us purify it. +Let us turn and wash it white in the spirit if not the blood of the +Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its claims of moral right, back +upon its existing legal rights and its arguments of necessity. Let us +return it to the position our fathers gave it, and there let it rest in +peace. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it the +practices and policy which harmonize with it. Let North and South, let +all Americans, let all lovers of liberty everywhere, join in the great +and good work. If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, +but we shall have so saved it as to make and to keep it for ever worthy +of the saving.</p><br /> + + +<a name='22'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From Letter to the Hon. Geo. Robertson, Lexington, Kentucky. +Springfield, Illinois. August 15, 1855</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear Sir, ... You are not a friend of slavery in the abstract. In +that speech you spoke of "the peaceful extinction of slavery" and used +other expressions indicating your belief that the thing was, at some +time, to have an end. Since then we have had thirty-six years of +experience; and this experience has demonstrated, I think, that there is +no peaceful extinction of slavery in prospect for us. The signal failure +of Henry Clay and other good and great men, in 1849, to effect anything +in favour of gradual emancipation in Kentucky, together with a thousand +other signs, extinguishes that hope utterly. On the question of liberty, +as a principle, we are not what we have been. When we were the political +slaves of King George, and wanted to be free, we called the maxim that +"all men are created equal" a self-evident truth; but now when we have +grown fat, and have lost all dread of being slaves ourselves, we have +become so greedy to be <i>masters</i> that we call the same maxim "a +self-evident lie." The Fourth of July has not quite dwindled away; it is +still a great day for burning fire-crackers!</p> + +<p>That spirit which desired the peaceful extinction of slavery has itself +become extinct with the <i>occasion</i> and the <i>men</i> of the Revolution. +Under the impulse of that occasion, nearly half the States adopted +systems of emancipation at once; and it is a significant fact that not a +single State has done the like since. So far as peaceful, voluntary +emancipation is concerned, the condition of the negro slave in America, +scarcely less terrible to the contemplation of the free mind, is now as +fixed and hopeless of change for the better as that of the lost souls of +the finally impenitent. The Autocrat of all the Russias will resign his +crown and proclaim his subjects free republicans, sooner than will our +American masters voluntarily give up their slaves.</p> + +<p>Our political problem now is, "Can we as a nation continue together +<i>permanently—for ever</i>—half slave, and half free?" The problem is too +mighty for me. May God in his mercy superintend the solution.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Your much obliged friend, and humble servant,<br /> +A. LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='23'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Extracts from Letter to Joshua F. Speed. August 24, 1855</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>You suggest that in political action now, you and I would differ. I +suppose we would; not quite so much, however, as you may think. You know +I dislike slavery, and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far +there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your +legal right to the slave, especially at the bidding of those who are not +themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware +that any one is bidding you yield that right; very certainly I am not. I +leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also acknowledge your rights +and my obligations under the Constitution in regard to your slaves. I +confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down and caught and +carried back to their stripes and unrequited toil; but I bite my lips +and keep quiet. In 1841, you and I had together a tedious low-water trip +on a steamboat, from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I +well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio, there were on +board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together with irons. That sight was +a continued torment to me, and I see something like it every time I +touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It is not fair for you to +assume that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually +exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to +appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify +their feelings in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution +and the Union. I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment +and feeling so prompt me, and I am under no obligations to the contrary. +If for this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say if you were +President, you would send an army and hang the leaders of the Missouri +outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes +herself a slave State she must be admitted, or the Union must be +dissolved. But how if she votes herself a slave State unfairly; that +is, by the very means for which you say you would hang men? Must she +still be admitted, or the Union dissolved? That will be the phase of the +question when it first becomes a practical one. In your assumption that +there may be a fair decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I +plainly see that you and I would differ about the Nebraska law. I look +upon that enactment, not as a law, but as a violence from the beginning. +It was conceived in violence, is maintained in violence, and is being +executed in violence. I say it was conceived in violence, because the +destruction of the Missouri Compromise, under the circumstances, was +nothing less than violence. It was passed in violence, because it could +not have passed at all but for the votes of many members in violence of +the known will of their constituents. It is maintained in violence, +because the elections since clearly demand its repeal, and the demand is +openly disregarded.</p> + +<p>You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing the law; I +say that the way it is being executed is quite as good as any of its +antecedents. It is being executed in the precise way which was intended +from the first, else why does no Nebraska man express astonishment or +condemnation? Poor Reeder is the only public man who has been silly +enough to believe that anything like fairness was ever intended, and he +has been bravely undeceived.</p> + +<p>That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and with it ask to be +admitted into the Union, I take to be already a settled question, and so +settled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every principle +of law ever held by any court North or South, every negro taken to +Kansas <i>is</i> free; yet in utter disregard of this—in the spirit of +violence merely—that beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang +any man who shall venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This is +the subject and real object of the law. If, like Haman, they should hang +upon the gallows of their own building, I shall not be among the +mourners for their fate. In my humble sphere, I shall advocate the +restoration of the Missouri Compromise so long as Kansas remains a +Territory; and when, by all these foul means, it seeks to come into the +Union as a slave State, I shall oppose it. I am very loath in any case +to withhold my assent to the enjoyment of property acquired or located +in good faith; but I do not admit that good faith in taking a negro to +Kansas to be held in slavery is a probability with any man. Any man who +has sense enough to be the controller of his own property has too much +sense to misunderstand the outrageous character of the whole Nebraska +business. But I digress. In my opposition to the admission of Kansas, I +shall have some company, but we may be beaten. If we are, I shall not, +on that account, attempt to dissolve the Union. I think it probable, +however, we shall be beaten. Standing as a unit among yourselves, you +can, directly and indirectly, bribe enough of our men to carry the day, +as you could on the open proposition to establish a monarchy. Get hold +of some man in the North whose position and ability are such that he can +make the support of your measure, whatever it may be, a Democratic-party +necessity, and the thing is done. Apropos of this, let me tell you an +anecdote. Douglas introduced the Nebraska Bill in January. In February +afterward, there was a called session of the Illinois Legislature. Of +the one hundred members composing the two branches of that body, about +seventy were Democrats. These latter held a caucus, in which the +Nebraska Bill was talked of, if not formally discussed. It was thereby +discovered that just three, and no more, were in favour of the measure. +In a day or two Douglas's orders came on to have resolutions passed +approving the bill; and they were passed by large majorities! The truth +of this is vouched for by a bolting Democratic member. The masses too, +Democratic as well as Whig, were even nearer unanimous against it; but +as soon as the party necessity of supporting it became apparent, the way +the Democrats began to see the wisdom and justice of it was perfectly +astonishing.</p> + +<p>You say that if Kansas fairly votes herself a free State, as a Christian +you will rejoice at it. All decent slaveholders talk that way, and I do +not doubt their candour; but they never vote that way. Although in a +private letter or conversation you will express your preference that +Kansas should be free, you would vote for no man for Congress who would +say the same thing publicly. No such man could be elected from any +district in a slave State. You think Stringfellow and company ought to +be hung.... The slave-breeders and slave-traders are a small, odious, +and detested class among you; and yet in politics they dictate the +course of all of you, and are as completely your masters as you are the +master of your own negroes. You inquire where I now stand. That is a +disputed point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there are no Whigs, +and that I am an Abolitionist. When I was at Washington, I voted for the +Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times; and I never heard of any one +attempting to unwhig me for that. I now do no more than oppose the +extension of slavery. I am not a Know-nothing; that is certain. How +could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes be in +favour of degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy +appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring +that <i>all men are created equal</i>. We now practically read it, <i>all men +are created equal except negroes</i>. When the Know-nothings get control, +it will read, <i>all men are created equal except negroes</i> and foreigners +and Catholics. When it comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some +country where they make no pretence of loving liberty—to Russia, for +instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy +of hypocrisy.... My kindest regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading +subject of this letter I have more of her sympathy than I have of yours; +and yet let me say I am your friend for ever.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">A. LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='24'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Mr. Lincoln's Speech. May 19, 1856</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I was over at [cries of "Platform!" "Take +the platform!"]—I say, that while I was at Danville Court, some of our +friends of anti-Nebraska got together in Springfield and elected me as +one delegate to represent old Sangamon with them in this convention, and +I am here certainly as a sympathizer in this movement and by virtue of +that meeting and selection. But we can hardly be called delegates +strictly, inasmuch as, properly speaking, we represent nobody but +ourselves. I think it altogether fair to say that we have no +anti-Nebraska party in Sangamon, although there is a good deal of +anti-Nebraska feeling there; but I say for myself, and I think I may +speak also for my colleagues, that we who are here fully approve of the +platform and of all that has been done [A voice: "Yes!"]; and even if we +are not regularly delegates, it will be right for me to answer your call +to speak. I suppose we truly stand for the public sentiment of Sangamon +on the great question of the repeal, although we do not yet represent +many numbers who have taken a distinct position on the question.</p> + +<p>We are in a trying time—it ranges above mere party—and this movement +to call a halt and turn our steps backward needs all the help and good +counsels it can get; for unless popular opinion makes itself very +strongly felt, and a change is made in our present course, <i>blood will +flow on account of Nebraska, and brother's hand will be raised against +brother</i>! [The last sentence was uttered in such an earnest, impressive, +if not, indeed, tragic, manner, as to make a cold chill creep over me. +Others gave a similar experience.]</p> + +<p>I have listened with great interest to the earnest appeal made to +Illinois men by the gentleman from Lawrence [James S. Emery] who has +just addressed us so eloquently and forcibly. I was deeply moved by his +statement of the wrongs done to free-State men out there. I think it +just to say that all true men North should sympathize with them, and +ought to be willing to do any possible and needful thing to right their +wrongs. But we must not promise what we ought not, lest we be called on +to perform what we cannot; we must be calm and moderate, and consider +the whole difficulty, and determine what is possible and just. We must +not be led by excitement and passion to do that which our sober +judgments would not approve in our cooler moments. We have higher aims; +we will have more serious business than to dally with temporary +measures.</p> + +<p>We are here to stand firmly for a principle—to stand firmly for a +right. We know that great political and moral wrongs are done, and +outrages committed, and we denounce those wrongs and outrages, although +we cannot, at present, do much more. But we desire to reach out beyond +those personal outrages and establish a rule that will apply to all, and +so prevent any future outrages.</p> + +<p>We have seen to-day that every shade of popular opinion is represented +here, with <i>Freedom</i> or rather <i>Free-Soil</i> as the basis. We have come +together as in some sort representatives of popular opinion against the +extension of slavery into territory now free in fact as well as by law, +and the pledged word of the statesmen of the nation who are now no more. +We come—we are here assembled together—to protest as well as we can +against a great wrong, and to take measures, as well as we now can, to +make that wrong right; to place the nation, as far as it may be possible +now, as it was before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; and the +plain way to do this is to restore the Compromise, and to demand and +determine that <i>Kansas shall be free!</i> [Immense applause.] While we +affirm, and reaffirm, if necessary, our devotion to the principles of +the Declaration of Independence, let our practical work here be limited +to the above. We know that there is not a perfect agreement of sentiment +here on the public questions which might be rightfully considered in +this convention, and that the indignation which we all must feel cannot +be helped; but all of us must give up something for the good of the +cause. There is one desire which is uppermost in the mind, one wish +common to us all—to which no dissent will be made; and I counsel you +earnestly to bury all resentment, to sink all personal feeling, make all +things work to a common purpose in which we are united and agreed about, +and which all present will agree is absolutely necessary—which <i>must</i> +be done by any rightful mode if there be such: <i>Slavery must be kept out +of Kansas</i>! [Applause.] The test—the pinch—is right there. If we lose +Kansas to freedom, an example will be set which will prove fatal to +freedom in the end. We, therefore, in the language of the <i>Bible</i>, must +"lay the axe to the root of the tree." Temporizing will not do longer; +now is the time for decision—for firm, persistent, resolute action. +[Applause.]</p> + +<p>The Nebraska bill, or rather Nebraska law, is not one of wholesome +legislation, but was and is an act of legislative usurpation, whose +result, if not indeed intention, is to make slavery national; and unless +headed off in some effective way, we are in a fair way to see this land +of boasted freedom converted into a land of slavery in fact. +[Sensation.] Just open your two eyes, and see if this be not so. I need +do no more than state, to command universal approval, that almost the +entire North, as well as a large following in the border States, is +radically opposed to the planting of slavery in free territory. Probably +in a popular vote throughout the nation nine-tenths of the voters in the +free States, and at least one-half in the border States, if they could +express their sentiments freely, would vote NO on such an issue; and it +is safe to say that two-thirds of the votes of the entire nation would +be opposed to it. And yet, in spite of this overbalancing of sentiment +in this free country, we are in a fair way to see Kansas present itself +for admission as a slave State. Indeed, it is a felony, by the local law +of Kansas, to deny that slavery exists there even now. By every +principle of law, a negro in Kansas is free; yet the <i>bogus</i> +legislature makes it an infamous crime to tell him that he is free!</p> + +<p>The party lash and the fear of ridicule will overawe justice and +liberty; for it is a singular fact, but none the less a fact, and well +known by the most common experience, that men will do things under the +terror of the party lash that they would not on any account or for any +consideration do otherwise; while men who will march up to the mouth of +a loaded cannon without shrinking, will run from the terrible name of +"Abolitionist," even when pronounced by a worthless creature whom they, +with good reason, despise. For instance—to press this point a +little—Judge Douglas introduced his anti-Nebraska bill in January; and +we had an extra session of our legislature in the succeeding February, +in which were seventy-five Democrats; and at a party caucus, fully +attended, there were just three votes out of the whole seventy-five, for +the measure. But in a few days orders came on from Washington, +commanding them to approve the measure; the party lash was applied, and +it was brought up again in caucus, and passed by a large majority. The +masses were against it, but party necessity carried it; and it was +passed through the lower house of Congress against the will of the +people, for the same reason. Here is where the greatest danger +lies—that, while we profess to be a government of law and reason, law +will give way to violence on demand of this awful and crushing power. +Like the great Juggernaut—I think that is the name—the great idol, it +crushes everything that comes in its way, and makes a—or as I read +once, in a black-letter law book, "a slave is a human being who is +legally not a <i>person</i>, but a <i>thing</i>." And if the safeguards to liberty +are broken down, as is now attempted, when they have made <i>things</i> of +all the free negroes, how long, think you, before they will begin to +make <i>things</i> of poor white men? [Applause.] Be not deceived. +Revolutions do not go backward. The founder of the Democratic party +declared that <i>all</i> men were created equal. His successor in the +leadership has written the word "white" before men, making it read "all +<i>white</i> men are created equal." Pray, will or may not the Know-nothings, +if they should get in power, add the word "protestant," making it read +"<i>all protestant white men</i>"?</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the hapless negro is the fruitful subject of reprisals in +other quarters. John Pettit, whom Tom Benton paid his respects to, you +will recollect, calls the immortal Declaration "a self-evident lie;" +while at the birth-place of freedom—in the shadow of Bunker Hill and of +the "cradle of liberty," at the home of the Adamses and Warren and +Otis—Choate, from our side of the house, dares to fritter away the +birthday promise of liberty by proclaiming the Declaration to be "a +string of glittering generalities;" and the Southern Whigs, working hand +in hand with pro-slavery Democrats, are making Choate's theories +practical. Thomas Jefferson, a slaveholder, mindful of the moral element +in slavery, solemnly declared that he "trembled for his country when he +remembered that God is just;" while Judge Douglas, with an insignificant +wave of the hand, "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted +down." Now, if slavery is right, or even negative, he has a right to +treat it in this trifling manner. But if it is a moral and political +wrong, as all Christendom considers it to be, how can he answer to God +for this attempt to spread and fortify it? [Applause.]</p> + +<p>But no man, and Judge Douglas no more than any other, can maintain a +negative, or merely neutral, position on this question; and, +accordingly, he avows that the Union was made <i>by</i> white men and <i>for</i> +white men and their descendants. As matter of fact, the first branch of +the proposition is historically true; the government was made by white +men, and they were and are the superior race. This I admit. But the +corner-stone of the government, so to speak, was the declaration that +"<i>all</i> men are created equal," and all entitled to "life, liberty, and +the pursuit of happiness." [Applause.]</p> + +<p>And not only so, but the framers of the Constitution were particular to +keep out of that instrument the word "slave," the reason being that +slavery would ultimately come to an end, and they did not wish to have +any reminder that in this free country human beings were ever +prostituted to slavery. [Applause.] Nor is it any argument that we are +superior and the negro inferior—that he has but one talent while we +have ten. Let the negro possess the little he has in independence; if he +has but one talent, he should be permitted to keep the little he has. +[Applause.] But slavery will endure no test of reason or logic; and yet +its advocates, like Douglas, use a sort of bastard logic, or noisy +assumption, it might better be termed, like the above, in order to +prepare the mind for the gradual, but none the less certain, +encroachments of the Moloch of slavery upon, the fair domain of freedom. +But however much you may argue upon it, or smother it in soft phrases, +slavery can only be maintained by force—by violence. The repeal of the +Missouri Compromise was by violence. It was a violation of both law and +the sacred obligations of honour, to overthrow and trample underfoot a +solemn compromise, obtained by the fearful loss to freedom of one of the +fairest of our Western domains. Congress violated the will and +confidence of its constituents in voting for the bill; and while public +sentiment, as shown by the elections of 1854, demanded the restoration +of this compromise, Congress violated its trust by refusing, simply +because it had the force of numbers to hold on to it. And murderous +violence is being used now, in order to force slavery on to Kansas; for +it cannot be done in any other way. [Sensation.]</p> + +<p>The necessary result was to establish the rule of violence—force, +instead of the rule of law and reason; to perpetuate and spread slavery, +and, in time, to make it general. We see it at both ends of the line. In +Washington, on the very spot where the outrage was started, the fearless +Sumner is beaten to insensibility, and is now slowly dying; while +senators who claim to be gentlemen and Christians stood by, +countenancing the act, and even applauding it afterward in their places +in the Senate. Even Douglas, our man, saw it all and was within helping +distance, yet let the murderous blows fall unopposed. Then, at the other +end of the line, at the very time Sumner was being murdered, Lawrence +was being destroyed for the crime of Freedom. It was the most prominent +stronghold of liberty in Kansas, and must give way to the all-dominating +power of slavery. Only two days ago, Judge Trumbull found it necessary +to propose a bill in the Senate to prevent a general civil war and to +restore peace in Kansas.</p> + +<p>We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect +some new disaster with each newspaper we read. Are we in a healthful +political state? Are not the tendencies plain? Do not the signs of the +times point plainly the way in which we are going? [Sensation.]</p> + +<p>In the early days of the Constitution slavery was recognized, by South +and North alike, as an evil, and the division of sentiment about it was +not controlled by geographical lines or considerations of climate, but +by moral and philanthropic views. Petitions for the abolition of slavery +were presented to the very first Congress by Virginia and Massachusetts +alike. To show the harmony which prevailed, I will state that a fugitive +slave law was passed in 1793, with no dissenting voice in the Senate, +and but seven dissenting votes in the House. It was, however, a wise +law, moderate, and, under the Constitution, a just one. Twenty-five +years later, a more stringent law was proposed and defeated; and +thirty-five years after that, the present law, drafted by Mason of +Virginia, was passed by Northern votes. I am not, just now, complaining +of this law, but I am trying to show how the current sets; for the +proposed law of 1817 was far less offensive than the present one. In +1774 the Continental Congress pledged itself, without a dissenting vote, +to wholly discontinue the slave trade, and to neither purchase nor +import any slave: and less than three months before the passage of the +Declaration of Independence, the same Congress which adopted that +declaration unanimously resolved "that <i>no slave be imported into any of +the thirteen United Colonies</i>." [Great applause.]</p> + +<p>On the second day of July, 1776, the draft of a Declaration of +Independence was reported to Congress by the committee, and in it the +slave trade was characterized as "an execrable commerce," as "a +piratical warfare," as the "opprobrium of infidel powers," and as "a +cruel war against human nature." [Applause.] All agreed on this except +South Carolina and Georgia, and in order to preserve harmony, and from +the necessity of the case, these expressions were omitted. Indeed, +abolition societies existed as far south as Virginia; and it is a +well-known fact that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lee, Henry, Mason, +and Pendleton were qualified abolitionists, and much more radical on +that subject than we of the Whig and Democratic parties claim to be +to-day. On March 1, 1784, Virginia ceded to the confederation all its +lands lying northwest of the Ohio River. Jefferson, Chase of Maryland, +and Howell of Rhode Island, as a committee on that and territory +thereafter <i>to be ceded</i>, reported that no slavery should exist after +the year 1800. Had this report been adopted, not only the Northwest, but +Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi also would have been free; +but it required the assent of nine States to ratify it. North Carolina +was divided, and thus its vote was lost; and Delaware, Georgia, and New +Jersey refused to vote. In point of fact, as it was, it was assented to +by six States. Three years later, on a square vote to exclude slavery +from the Northwest, only one vote, and that from New York, was against +it. And yet, thirty-seven years later, five thousand citizens of +Illinois out of a voting mass of less than twelve thousand, +deliberately, after a long and heated contest, voted to introduce +slavery in Illinois; and, to-day, a large party in the free State of +Illinois are willing to vote to fasten the shackles of slavery on the +fair domain of Kansas, notwithstanding it received the dowry of freedom +long before its birth as a political community. I repeat, therefore, the +question, Is it not plain in what direction we are tending? [Sensation.] +In the colonial time, Mason, Pendleton, and Jefferson were as hostile to +slavery in Virginia as Otis, Ames, and the Adamses were in +Massachusetts; and Virginia made as earnest an effort to get rid of it +as old Massachusetts did. But circumstances were against them and they +failed; but not that the good-will of its leading men was lacking. Yet +within less than fifty years Virginia changed its tune, and made +negro-breeding for the cotton and sugar States one of its leading +industries. [Laughter and applause.]</p> + +<p>In the Constitutional Convention, George Mason of Virginia made a more +violent abolition speech than my friends Lovejoy or Codding would desire +to make here to-day—a speech which could not be safely repeated +anywhere on Southern soil in this enlightened year. But while there were +some differences of opinion on this subject even then, discussion was +allowed; but as you see by the Kansas slave code, which, as you know, is +the Missouri slave code, merely ferried across the river, it is a felony +to even express an opinion hostile to that foul blot in the land of +Washington and the Declaration of Independence. [Sensation.]</p> + +<p>In Kentucky—my State—in 1849, on a test vote, the mighty influence of +Henry Clay and many other good men there could not get a symptom of +expression in favour of gradual emancipation on a plain issue of +marching toward the light of civilization with Ohio and Illinois; but +the State of Boone and Hardin and Henry Clay, with a <i>nigger</i> under each +arm, took the black trail toward the deadly swamps of barbarism. Is +there—can there be—any doubt about this thing? And is there any doubt +that we must all lay aside our prejudices and march, shoulder to +shoulder, in the great army of Freedom? [Applause.]</p> + +<p>Every Fourth of July our young orators all proclaim this to be "the land +of the <i>free</i> and the home of the brave!" Well, now, when you orators +get that off next year, and, may be, this very year, how would you like +some old grizzled farmer to get up in the grove and deny it? [Laughter.] +How would you like that? But suppose Kansas comes in as a slave State, +and all the "border ruffians" have barbecues about it, and free-State +men come trailing back to the dishonoured North, like whipped dogs with +their tails between their legs, it is—ain't it?—evident that this is +no more the "land of the free;" and if we let it go so, we won't dare to +say "home of the brave" out loud. [Sensation and confusion.]</p> + +<p>Can any man doubt that, even in spite of the people's will, slavery will +triumph through violence, unless that will be made manifest and +enforced? Even Governor Reeder claimed at the outset that the contest in +Kansas was to be fair, but he got his eyes open at last; and I believe +that, as a result of this moral and physical violence, Kansas will soon +apply for admission as a slave State. And yet we can't mistake that the +people don't want it so, and that it is a land which is free both by +natural and political law. <i>No law is free law!</i> Such is the +understanding of all Christendom. In the Somerset case, decided nearly a +century ago, the great Lord Mansfield held that slavery was of such a +nature that it must take its rise in <i>positive</i> (as distinguished from +<i>natural</i>) law; and that in no country or age could it be traced back to +any other source. Will some one please tell me where is the <i>positive</i> +law that establishes slavery in Kansas? [A voice: "The <i>bogus</i> laws."] +Aye, the <i>bogus</i> laws! And, on the same principle, a gang of Missouri +horse-thieves could come into Illinois and declare horse-stealing to be +legal [Laughter], and it would be just as legal as slavery is in Kansas. +But by express statute, in the land of Washington and Jefferson, we may +soon be brought face to face with the discreditable fact of showing to +the world by our acts that we prefer slavery to freedom—darkness to +light! [Sensation.]</p> + +<p>It is, I believe, a principle in law that when one party to a contract +violates it so grossly as to chiefly destroy the object for which it is +made, the other party may rescind it. I will ask Browning if that ain't +good law. [Voices: "Yes!"] Well, now if that be right, I go for +rescinding the whole, entire Missouri Compromise and thus turning +Missouri into a free State; and I should like to know the +difference—should like for any one to point out the difference—between +<i>our</i> making a free State of Missouri and <i>their</i> making a slave State +of Kansas. [Great applause.] There ain't one bit of difference, except +that our way would be a great mercy to humanity. But I have never +said—and the Whig party has never said—and those who oppose the +Nebraska bill do not as a body say, that they have any intention of +interfering with slavery in the slave States. Our platform says just the +contrary. We allow slavery to exist in the slave States—not because +slavery is right or good, but from the necessities of our Union. We +grant a fugitive slave law because it is so "nominated in the bond;" +because our fathers so stipulated—had to—and we are bound to carry out +this agreement. But they did not agree to introduce slavery in regions +where it did not previously exist. On the contrary, they said by their +example and teachings that they did not deem it expedient—did not +consider it right—to do so; and it is wise and right to do just as they +did about it [Voices: "Good!"], and that is what we propose—not to +interfere with slavery where it exists (we have never tried to do it), +and to give them a reasonable and efficient fugitive slave law. [A +voice: "No!"] I say YES! [Applause.] It was part of the bargain, and I'm +for living up to it; but I go no further; I'm not bound to do more, and +I won't agree any further. [Great applause.]</p> + +<p>We, here in Illinois, should feel especially proud of the provision of +the Missouri Compromise excluding slavery from what is now Kansas; for +an Illinois man, Jesse B. Thomas, was its father. Henry Clay, who is +credited with the authorship of the Compromise in general terms, did not +even vote for that provision, but only advocated the ultimate admission +by a second compromise; and, Thomas was, beyond all controversy, the +real author of the "slavery restriction" branch of the Compromise. To +show the generosity of the Northern members toward the Southern side; on +a test vote to exclude slavery from Missouri, ninety voted not to +exclude, and eighty-seven to exclude, every vote from the slave States +being ranged with the former and fourteen votes from the free States, +of whom seven were from New England alone; while on a vote to exclude +slavery from what is now Kansas, the vote was one hundred and +thirty-four <i>for</i> to forty-two <i>against</i>. The scheme, as a whole, was, +of course, a Southern triumph. It is idle to contend otherwise, as is +now being done by the Nebraskaites; it was so shown by the votes and +quite as emphatically by the expressions of representative men. Mr. +Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to commit a political mistake; +his was the great judgment of that section; and he declared that this +measure "would restore tranquillity to the country—a result demanded by +every consideration of discretion, of moderation, of wisdom, and of +virtue." When the measure came before President Monroe for his approval, +he put to each member of his cabinet this question: "Has Congress the +constitutional power to prohibit slavery in a territory?" And John C. +Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the South, equally with John Quincy +Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson from the North, alike answered, +"<i>Yes!</i>" without qualification or equivocation; and this measure, of so +great consequence to the South, was passed; and Missouri was, by means +of it, finally enabled to knock at the door of the Republic for an open +passage to its brood of slaves. And, in spite of this, Freedom's share +is about to be taken by violence—by the force of misrepresentative +votes, not called for by the popular will. What name can I, in common +decency, give to this wicked transaction? [Sensation.]</p> + +<p>But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri +constitution came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free +negro or mulatto from entering the State. In short, our Illinois "black +laws" were hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the +controversy was thus revived. Then it was that Mr. Clay's talents shone +out conspicuously, and the controversy that shook the Union to its +foundation was finally settled to the satisfaction of the conservative +parties on both sides of the line, though not to the extremists on +either, and Missouri was admitted by the small majority of six in the +lower House. How great a majority, do you think, would have been given +had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A voice: "A majority the +other way."] "A majority the other way," is answered. Do you think it +would have been safe for a Northern man to have confronted his +constituents after having voted to consign both Missouri and Kansas to +hopeless slavery? And yet this man Douglas, who misrepresents his +constituents, and who has exerted his highest talents in that direction, +will be carried in triumph through the State, and hailed with honour +while applauding that act. [Three groans for "<i>Dug</i>!"] And this shows +whither we are tending. This thing of slavery is more powerful than its +supporters—even than the high priests that minister at its altar. It +debauches even our greatest men. It gathers strength, like a rolling +snow-ball, by its own infamy. Monstrous crimes are committed in its name +by persons collectively which they would not dare to commit as +individuals. Its aggressions and encroachments almost surpass belief. In +a despotism, one might not wonder to see slavery advance steadily and +remorselessly into new dominions; but is it not wonderful, is it not +even alarming, to see its steady advance in a land dedicated to the +proposition that "all men are created equal"? [Sensation.]</p> + +<p>It yields nothing itself; it keeps all it has, and gets all it can +besides. It really came dangerously near securing Illinois in 1824; it +did get Missouri in 1821. The first proposition was to admit what is now +Arkansas <i>and</i> Missouri as one slave State. But the territory was +divided, and Arkansas came in, without serious question, as a slave +State; and afterward Missouri, not as a sort of equality, <i>free</i>, but +also as a slave State. Then we had Florida and Texas; and now Kansas is +about to be forced into the dismal procession. [Sensation.] And so it is +wherever you look. We have not forgotten—it is but six years since—how +dangerously near California came to being a slave State. Texas is a +slave State, and four other slave States may be carved from its vast +domain. And yet, in the year 1829, slavery was abolished throughout +that vast region by a royal decree of the then sovereign of Mexico. Will +you please tell me by what <i>right</i> slavery exists in Texas to-day? By +the same right as, and no higher or greater than, slavery is seeking +dominion in Kansas: by political force—peaceful, if that will suffice; +by the torch (as in Kansas) and the bludgeon (as in the Senate chamber), +if required. And so history repeats itself; and even as slavery has kept +its course by craft, intimidation, and violence in the past, so it will +persist, in my judgment, until met and dominated by the will of a people +bent on its restriction.</p> + +<p>We have, this very afternoon, heard bitter denunciations of Brooks in +Washington, and Titus, Stringfellow, Atchison, Jones, and Shannon in +Kansas—the battle-ground of slavery. I certainly am not going to +advocate or shield them; but they and their acts are but the necessary +outcome of the Nebraska law. We should reserve our highest censure for +the authors of the mischief, and not for the catspaws which they use. I +believe it was Shakespeare who said, "Where the offence lies, there let +the axe fall;" and, in my opinion, this man Douglas and the Northern men +in Congress who advocate "Nebraska" are more guilty than a thousand +Joneses and Stringfellows, with all their murderous practices, can be. +[Applause.]</p> + +<p>We have made a good beginning here to-day. As our Methodist friends +would say, "I feel it is good to be here." While extremists may find +some fault with the moderation of our platform, they should recollect +that "the battle is not always to the strong, nor the race to the +swift." In grave emergencies, moderation is generally safer than +radicalism: and as this struggle is likely to be long and earnest, we +must not, by our action, repel any who are in sympathy with us in the +main, but rather win all that we can to our standard. We must not +belittle nor overlook the facts of our condition—that we are new and +comparatively weak, while our enemies are entrenched and relatively +strong. They have the administration and the political power; and, right +or wrong, at present they have the numbers. Our friends who urge an +appeal to arms with so much force and eloquence, should recollect that +the government is arrayed against us, and that the numbers are now +arrayed against us as well; or, to state it nearer to the truth, they +are not yet expressly and affirmatively for us; and we should repel +friends rather than gain them by anything savouring of revolutionary +methods. As it now stands, we must appeal to the sober sense and +patriotism of the people. We will make converts day by day; we will grow +strong by calmness and moderation; we will grow strong by the violence +and injustice of our adversaries. And, unless truth be a mockery and +justice a hollow lie, we will be in the majority after a while, and then +the revolution which we will accomplish will be none the less radical +from being the result of pacific measures. The battle of freedom is to +be fought out on principle. Slavery is a violation of the eternal right. +We have temporized with it from the necessities of our condition; but +<i>as sure as God reigns and school children read</i>, THAT BLACK FOUL LIE +CAN NEVER BE CONSECRATED INTO GOD'S HALLOWED TRUTH! [Immense applause +lasting some time.] One of our greatest difficulties is, that men who +<i>know</i> that slavery is a detestable crime and ruinous to the nation, are +compelled, by our peculiar condition and other circumstances, to +advocate it concretely, though damning it in the raw. Henry Clay was a +brilliant example of this tendency; others of our purest statesmen are +compelled to do so; and thus slavery secures actual support from those +who detest it at heart. Yet Henry Clay perfected and forced through the +Compromise which secured to slavery a great State as well as a political +advantage. Not that he hated slavery less, but that he loved the whole +Union more. As long as slavery profited by his great Compromise, the +hosts of pro-slavery could not sufficiently cover him with praise; but +now that this Compromise stands in their way—</p> + +<span style='margin-left: 2.5em;'>"...they never mention him,</span><br /> +<span style='margin-left: 2.5em;'>His name is never heard:</span><br /> +<span style='margin-left: 2.5em;'>Their lips are now forbid to speak</span><br /> +<span style='margin-left: 2.5em;'>That once familiar word."</span><br /> + +<p>They have slaughtered one of his most cherished measures, and his ghost +would arise to rebuke them. [Great applause.]</p> + +<p>Now, let us harmonize, my friends, and appeal to the moderation and +patriotism of the people: to the sober second thought; to the awakened +public conscience. The repeal of the sacred Missouri Compromise has +installed the weapons of violence: the bludgeon, the incendiary torch, +the death-dealing rifle, the bristling cannon—the weapons of kingcraft, +of the inquisition, of ignorance, of barbarism, of oppression. We see +its fruits in the dying bed of the heroic Sumner; in the ruins of the +"Free State" hotel; in the smoking embers of the <i>Herald of Freedom</i>; in +the free-State Governor of Kansas chained to a stake on freedom's soil +like a horse-thief, for the crime of freedom. [Applause.] We see it in +Christian statesmen, and Christian newspapers, and Christian pulpits, +applauding <i>the cowardly act of a low bully</i>, WHO CRAWLED UPON HIS +VICTIM BEHIND HIS BACK AND DEALT THE DEADLY BLOW. [Sensation and +applause.] We note our political demoralization in the catch-words that +are coming into such common use; on the one hand, "freedom-shriekers," +and sometimes "freedom-screechers" [Laughter]; and, on the other hand, +"border ruffians," and that fully deserved. And the significance of +catch-words cannot pass unheeded, for they constitute a sign of the +times. Everything in this world "jibes" in with everything else, and all +the fruits of this Nebraska bill are like the poisoned source from which +they come. I will not say that we may not sooner or later be compelled +to meet force by force; but the time has not yet come, and if we are +true to ourselves, may never come. Do not mistake that the ballot is +stronger than the bullet. Therefore let the legions of slavery use +bullets; but let us wait patiently till November, and fire ballots at +them in return; and by that peaceful policy, I believe we shall +ultimately win. [Applause.]</p> + +<p>It was by that policy that here in Illinois the early fathers fought the +good fight and gained the victory. In 1824 the free men of our State, +led by Governor Coles (who was a native of Maryland and President +Madison's private secretary), determined that those beautiful groves +should never re-echo the dirge of one who has no title to himself. By +their resolute determination, the winds that sweep across our broad +prairies shall never cool the parched brow, nor shall the unfettered +streams that bring joy and gladness to our free soil water the tired +feet, of a <i>slave</i>; but so long as those heavenly breezes and sparkling +streams bless the land, or the groves and their fragrance or their +memory remain, the humanity to which they minister SHALL BE FOR EVER +FREE! [Great applause.] Palmer, Yates, Williams, Browning, and some more +in this convention came from Kentucky to Illinois (instead of going to +Missouri), not only to better their conditions, but also to get away +from slavery. They have said so to me, and it is understood among us +Kentuckians that we don't like it one bit. Now, can we, mindful of the +blessings of liberty which the early men of Illinois left to us, refuse +a like privilege to the free men who seek to plant Freedom's banner on +our Western outposts? ["No! No!"] Should we not stand by our neighbours +who seek to better their conditions in Kansas and Nebraska? ["Yes! +Yes!"] Can we as Christian men, and strong and free ourselves, wield the +sledge or hold the iron which is to manacle anew an already oppressed +race? ["No! No!"] "Woe unto them," it is written, "that decree +unrighteous decrees and that write grievousness which they have +prescribed." Can we afford to sin any more deeply against human liberty? +["No! No!"]</p> + +<p>One great trouble in the matter is, that slavery is an insidious and +crafty power, and gains equally by open violence of the brutal as well +as by sly management of the peaceful. Even after the ordinance of 1787, +the settlers in Indiana and Illinois (it was all one government then) +tried to get Congress to allow slavery temporarily, and petitions to +that end were sent from Kaskaskia, and General Harrison, the Governor, +urged it from Vincennes the capital. If that had succeeded, good-bye to +liberty here. But John Randolph of Virginia made a vigorous report +against it; and although they persevered so well as to get three +favourable reports for it, yet the United States Senate, with the aid of +some slave States, finally <i>squelched</i> it for good. [Applause.] And that +is why this hall is to-day a temple for free men instead of a negro +livery stable. [Great applause and laughter.] Once let slavery get +planted in a locality, by ever so weak or doubtful a title, and in ever +so small numbers, and it is like the Canada thistle or Bermuda +grass—you can't root it out. You yourself may detest slavery; but your +neighbour has five or six slaves, and he is an excellent neighbour, or +your son has married his daughter, and they beg you to help save their +property, and you vote against your interest and principles to +accommodate a neighbour, hoping that your vote will be on the losing +side. And others do the same; and in those ways slavery gets a sure +foothold. And when that is done the whole mighty Union—the force of the +nation—is committed to its support. And that very process is working in +Kansas to-day. And you must recollect that the slave property is worth a +billion of dollars ($1,000,000,000); while free-State men must work for +sentiment alone. Then there are "blue lodges"—as they call +them—everywhere doing their secret and deadly work.</p> + +<p>It is a very strange thing, and not solvable by any moral law that I +know of, that if a man loses his horse, the whole country will turn out +to help hang the thief; but if a man but a shade or two darker than I am +is himself stolen, the same crowd will hang one who aids in restoring +him to liberty. Such are the inconsistencies of slavery, where a horse +is more sacred than a man; and the essence of <i>squatter</i> or popular +sovereignty—I don't care how you call it—is that if one man chooses to +make a slave of another, no third man shall be allowed to object. And if +you can do this in free Kansas, and it is allowed to stand, the next +thing you will see is ship-loads of negroes from Africa at the wharf at +Charleston; for one thing is as truly lawful as the other; and these +are the bastard notions we have got to stamp out, else they will stamp +us out. [Sensation and applause.]</p> + +<p>Two years ago, at Springfield, Judge Douglas avowed that Illinois came +into the Union as a slave State, and that slavery was weeded out by the +operation of his great, patent, everlasting principle of "popular +sovereignty." [Laughter.] Well, now, that argument must be answered, for +it has a little grain of truth at the bottom. I do not mean that it is +true in essence, as he would have us believe. It could not be +essentially true if the ordinance of '87 was valid. But, in point of +fact, there were some degraded beings called slaves in Kaskaskia and the +other French settlements when our first State constitution was adopted; +that is a fact, and I don't deny it. Slaves were brought here as early +as 1720, and were kept here in spite of the ordinance of 1787 against +it. But slavery did not thrive here. On the contrary, under the +influence of the ordinance, the number <i>decreased</i> fifty-one from 1810 +to 1820; while under the influence of <i>squatter</i> sovereignty, right +across the river in Missouri, they <i>increased</i> seven thousand two +hundred and eleven in the same time; and slavery finally faded out in +Illinois, under the influence of the law of freedom, while it grew +stronger and stronger in Missouri, under the law or practice of "popular +sovereignty." In point of fact there were but one hundred and seventeen +slaves in Illinois one year after its admission, or one to every four +hundred and seventy of its population; or, to state it in another way, +if Illinois was a slave State in 1820, so were New York and New Jersey +much greater slave States from having had greater numbers, slavery +having been established there in very early times. But there is this +vital difference between all these States and the judge's Kansas +experiment: that they sought to disestablish slavery which had been +already established, while the judge seeks, so far as he can, to +disestablish freedom, which had been established there by the Missouri +Compromise. [Voices: "Good!"]</p> + +<p>The Union is undergoing a fearful strain; but it is a stout old ship, +and has weathered many a hard blow, and "the stars in their courses," +aye, an invisible power, greater than the puny efforts of men, will +fight for us. But we ourselves must not decline the burden of +responsibility, nor take counsel of unworthy passions. Whatever duty +urges us to do or to omit, must be done or omitted; and the recklessness +with which our adversaries break the laws, or counsel their violation, +should afford no example for us. Therefore, let us revere the +Declaration of Independence; let us continue to obey the Constitution +and the laws; let us keep step to the music of the Union. Let us draw a +cordon, so to speak, around the slave States, and the hateful +institution, like a reptile poisoning itself, will perish by its own +infamy. [Applause.]</p> + +<p>But we cannot be free men if this is, by our national choice, to be a +land of slavery. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for +themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it. +[Loud applause.]</p> + +<p>Did you ever, my friends, seriously reflect upon the speed with which we +are tending downward? Within the memory of men now present the leading +statesmen of Virginia could make genuine, red-hot abolitionist speeches +in old Virginia; and, as I have said, now even in "free Kansas" it is a +crime to declare that it is "free Kansas." The very sentiments that I +and others have just uttered would entitle us, and each of us, to the +ignominy and seclusion of a dungeon; and yet I suppose that, like Paul, +we were "free born." But if this thing is allowed to continue, it will +be but one step further to impress the same rule in Illinois. +[Sensation.]</p> + +<p>The conclusion of all is, that we must restore the Missouri Compromise. +We must highly resolve that <i>Kansas must be free</i>! [Great applause.] We +must reinstate the birthday promise of the Republic; we must reaffirm +the Declaration of Independence; we must make good in essence as well as +in form Madison's vowal that "the word <i>slave</i> ought not to appear in +the Constitution;" and we must even go further, and decree that only +local law, and not that time-honoured instrument, shall shelter a +slave-holder. We must make this a land of liberty in fact, as it is in +name. But in seeking to attain these results—so indispensable if the +liberty which is our pride and boast shall endure—we will be loyal to +the Constitution and to the "flag of our Union," and no matter what our +grievance—even though Kansas shall come in as a slave State; and no +matter what theirs—even if we shall restore the Compromise—WE WILL SAY +TO THE SOUTHERN DISUNIONISTS, WE WON'T GO OUT OF THE UNION, AND YOU +SHAN'T!!! [This was the climax; the audience rose to its feet <i>en +masse</i>, applauded, stamped, waved handkerchiefs, threw hats in the air, +and ran riot for several minutes. The arch-enchanter who wrought this +transformation looked, meanwhile, like the personification of political +justice.]</p> + +<p>But let us, meanwhile, appeal to the sense and patriotism of the people, +and not to their prejudices; let us spread the floods of enthusiasm here +aroused all over these vast prairies, so suggestive of freedom. Let us +commence by electing the gallant soldier Governor (Colonel) Bissell who +stood for the honour of our State alike on the plains and amidst the +chaparral of Mexico and on the floor of Congress, while he defied the +Southern Hotspur; and that will have a greater moral effect than all the +border ruffians can accomplish in all their raids on Kansas. There is +both a power and a magic in popular opinion. To that let us now appeal; +and while, in all probability, no resort to force will be needed, our +moderation and forbearance will stand us in good stead when, if ever, WE +MUST MAKE AN APPEAL TO BATTLE AND TO THE GOD OF HOSTS!! [Immense +applause and a rush for the orator.]</p> + +<p>This speech has been called Lincoln's "Lost Speech," because all the +reporters present were so carried away by his eloquence that they one +and all forgot to take any notes. If it had not been for a young lawyer, +a Mr. H.C. Whitney, who kept his head sufficiently to take notes, we +would have no record of it. Mr. Whitney wrote out the speech for +McClure's Magazine in 1896. It was submitted to several people who were +present at the Bloomington Convention, and they said it was remarkably +accurate considering that it was not taken down stenographically.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='25'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Speech on the Dred Scott Decision. Springfield, Illinois. June +26, 1857</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... And now as to the Dred Scott decision. That decision declares two +propositions,—first, that a negro cannot sue in the United States +courts; and secondly, that Congress cannot prohibit slavery in the +Territories. It was made by a divided court,—dividing differently on +the different points. Judge Douglas does not discuss the merits of the +decision, and in that respect I shall follow his example, believing I +could no more improve on McLean and Curtis than he could on Taney.</p> + +<p>He denounces all who question the correctness of that decision, as +offering violent resistance to it. But who resists it? Who has, in spite +of the decision, declared Dred Scott free, and resisted the authority of +his master over him?</p> + +<p>Judicial decisions have two uses: first, to absolutely determine the +case decided; and secondly, to indicate to the public how other similar +cases will be decided when they arise. For the latter use, they are +called "precedents" and "authorities."</p> + +<p>We believe as much as Judge Douglas (perhaps more) in obedience to and +respect for the judicial department of government. We think its +decisions on constitutional questions, when fully settled, should +control not only the particular cases decided, but the general policy of +the country, subject to be disturbed only by amendments of the +Constitution, as provided in that instrument itself. More than this +would be revolution. But we think the Dred Scott decision is erroneous. +We know the court that made it has often overruled its own decisions, +and we shall do what we can to have it overrule this. We offer no +resistance to it.</p> + +<p>Judicial decisions are of greater or less authority as precedents +according to circumstances. That this should be so, accords both with +common-sense and the customary understanding of the legal profession.</p> + +<p>If this important decision had been made by the unanimous concurrence of +the judges, and without any apparent partisan bias, and in accordance +with legal public expectation, and with the steady practice of the +departments throughout our history, and had been in no part based on +assumed historical facts, which are not really true; or if wanting in +some of these, it had been before the court more than once, and had +there been affirmed and reaffirmed through a course of years,—it then +might be, perhaps would be factious, nay, even revolutionary, not to +acquiesce in it as a precedent.</p> + +<p>But when, as is true, we find it wanting in all these claims to the +public confidence, it is not resistance, it is not factious, it is not +even disrespectful to treat it as not having yet quite established a +settled doctrine for the country.</p> + +<p>I have said in substance, that the Dred Scott decision was in part based +on assumed historical facts which were not really true, and I ought not +to leave the subject without giving some reasons for saying this, I +therefore give an instance or two, which I think fully sustain me. Chief +Justice Taney, in delivering the opinion of the majority of the court, +insists at great length that negroes were no part of the people who +made, or for whom was made, the Declaration of Independence, or the +Constitution of the United States.</p> + +<p>On the contrary, Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, shows that in +five of the then thirteen States—to wit, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, +New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina—free negroes were voters, and +in proportion to their numbers had the same part in making the +Constitution that the white people had. He shows this with so much +particularity as to leave no doubt of its truth; and as a sort of +conclusion on that point, holds the following language:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"The Constitution was ordained and established by the people of the + United States, through the action, in each State, of those persons + who were qualified by its laws to act thereon in behalf of + themselves and all other citizens of the State. In some of the + States, as we have seen, coloured persons were among those + qualified by law to act on the subject. These coloured persons were + not only included in the body of 'the people of the United States' + by whom the Constitution was ordained and established; but in at + least five of the States they had the power to act, and doubtless + did act, by their suffrages, upon the question of its adoption."</p></div> + +<p>Again, Chief Justice Taney says:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public + opinion, in relation to that unfortunate race, which prevailed in + the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of + the Declaration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the + United States was framed and adopted."</p></div> + +<p>And again, after quoting from the Declaration, he says:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"The general words above quoted would seem to include the whole + human family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this + day, would be so understood."</p></div> + +<p>In these the Chief Justice does not directly assert, but plainly assumes +as a fact, that the public estimate of the black man is more favourable +now than it was in the days of the Revolution. This assumption is a +mistake. In some trifling particulars the condition of that race has +been ameliorated; but as a whole, in this country, the change between +then and now is decidedly the other way; and their ultimate destiny has +never appeared so hopeless as in the last three or four years. In two +of the five States—New Jersey and North Carolina—that then gave the +free negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken away; and +in a third—New York—it has been greatly abridged: while it has not +been extended, so far as I know, to a single additional State, though +the number of the States has more than doubled. In those days, as I +understand, masters could, at their own pleasure, emancipate their +slaves; but since then such legal restraints have been made upon +emancipation as to amount almost to prohibition. In those days +legislatures held the unquestioned power to abolish slavery in their +respective States; but now it is becoming quite fashionable for State +constitutions to withhold that power from the legislatures. In those +days, by common consent, the spread of the black man's bondage to the +new countries was prohibited; but now Congress decides that it will not +continue the prohibition, and the Supreme Court decides that it could +not if it would. In those days our Declaration of Independence was held +sacred by all, and thought to include all; but now, to aid in making the +bondage of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed and sneered +at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could +rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the +powers of earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon is after him; +ambition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology of the day is +fast joining in the cry. They have him in his prison-house; they have +searched his person, and left no prying instrument with him. One after +another they have closed the heavy iron doors upon him; and now they +have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can +never be unlocked without the concurrence of every key; the keys in the +hands of a hundred different men, and they scattered to a hundred +different and distant places; and they stand musing as to what +invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced to +make the impossibility of escape more complete than it is. It is +grossly incorrect to say or assume that the public estimate of the negro +is more favourable now than it was at the origin of the government.</p> + +<p>... There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people +at the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black +races; and Judge Douglas evidently is basing his chief hope upon the +chances of his being able to appropriate the benefit of this disgust to +himself. If he can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the odium of +that idea upon his adversaries, he thinks he can struggle through the +storm. He therefore clings to this hope as a drowning man to the last +plank. He makes an occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the +Dred Scott decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the +Declaration of Independence includes <i>all</i> men, black as well as white; +and forthwith he boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and +proceeds to argue gravely that all who contend it does, do so only +because they want to vote, and eat, and sleep, and marry with negroes! +He will have it that they cannot be consistent else. Now I protest +against the counterfeit logic which concludes that because I do not want +a black woman for a slave, I must necessarily want her for a wife. I +need not have her for either. I can just leave her alone. In some +respects she certainly is not my equal; but in her natural right to eat +the bread she earns with her own hands without asking leave of any one +else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others.</p> + +<p>Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, admits that +the language of the Declaration is broad enough to include the whole +human family; but he and Judge Douglas argue that the authors of that +instrument did not intend to include negroes, by the fact that they did +not at once actually place them on an equality with the whites. Now this +grave argument comes to just nothing at all, by the other fact that they +did not at once, nor ever afterward, actually place all white people on +an equality with one another. And this is the staple argument of both +the Chief Justice and the senator, for doing this obvious violence to +the plain, unmistakable language of the Declaration.</p> + +<p>I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include <i>all</i> +men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal <i>in all respects</i>. +They did not mean to say that all were equal in colour, size, intellect, +moral developments, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable +distinctness in what respects they did consider all men created +equal,—equal with "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, +liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they +meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were +then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to +confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer +such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the +enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.</p> + +<p>They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be +familiar to all and revered by all,—constantly looked to, constantly +laboured for, and, even though never perfectly attained, constantly +approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its +influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people +of all colours everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created +equal," was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great +Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for +future use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God, it is now proving +itself, a stumbling-block to all those who in after times might seek to +turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew +the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant, when such +should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, that they +should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.</p> + +<p>I have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and object of that +part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that all men are +created equal. Now let us hear Judge Douglas's view of the same +subject, as I find it in the printed report of his late speech. Here it +is:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"No man can vindicate the character, motives and conduct of the + signers of the Declaration of Independence except upon the + hypothesis that they referred to the white race alone, and not to + the African, when they declared all men to have been created equal; + that they were speaking of British subjects on this continent being + equal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain; that + they were entitled to the same inalienable rights, and among them + were enumerated life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The + Declaration was adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists + in the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance + from the British crown, and dissolving their connection with the + mother-country."</p></div> + +<p>My good friends, read that carefully over some leisure hour, and ponder +well upon it; see what a mere wreck and mangled ruin Judge Douglas makes +of our once glorious Declaration. He says "they were speaking of British +subjects on this continent being equal to British subjects born and +residing in Great Britain!" Why, according to this, not only negroes but +white people outside of Great Britain and America were not spoken of in +that instrument. The English, Irish, and Scotch, along with white +Americans, were included, to be sure; but the French, Germans, and other +white people of the world are all gone to pot along with the Judge's +inferior races!</p> + +<p>I had thought that the Declaration promised something better than the +condition of British subjects; but no, it only meant that we should be +equal to them in their own oppressed and unequal condition. According to +that, it gave no promise that, having kicked off the king and lords of +Great Britain, we should not at once be saddled with a king and lords of +our own.</p> + +<p>I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improvement +in the condition of all men, everywhere; but no, it merely "was adopted +for the purpose of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the +civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the British crown, +and dissolving their connection with the mother-country." Why, that +object having been effected some eighty years ago, the Declaration is of +no practical use now—mere rubbish—old wadding, left to rot on the +battle-field after the victory is won.</p> + +<p>I understand you are preparing to celebrate the "Fourth," to-morrow +week. What for? The doings of that day had no reference to the present; +and quite half of you are not even descendants of those who were +referred to at that day. But I suppose you will celebrate, and will even +go so far as to read the Declaration. Suppose, after you read it once in +the old-fashioned way, you read it once more with Judge Douglas's +version. It will then run thus: "We told these truths to be +self-evident, that all British subjects who were on this continent +eighty-one years ago, were created equal to all British subjects born +and then residing in Great Britain!"</p> + +<p>... The very Dred Scott case affords a strong test as to which party +most favours amalgamation, the Republicans or the dear Union-saving +Democracy. Dred Scott, his wife and two daughters, were all involved in +the suit. We desired the court to have held that they were citizens, so +far at least as to entitle them to a hearing as to whether they were +free or not; and then also, that they were in fact and in law really +free. Could we have had our way, the chances of these black girls ever +mixing their blood with that of white people would have been diminished +at least to the extent that it could not have been without their +consent. But Judge Douglas is delighted to have them decided to be +slaves, and not human enough to have a hearing, even if they were free, +and thus left subject to the forced concubinage of their masters, and +liable to become the mothers of mulattoes in spite of themselves,—the +very state of the case that produces nine-tenths of all the mulattoes, +all the mixing of the blood of the nation.</p><br /> + + +<a name='26'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>"A house divided against itself cannot stand." On Lincoln's Nomination +to the United States Senate. Springfield, Illinois. June 17, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we +could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the +fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and +confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the +operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but +has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis +shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself +cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half +slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved,—I do +not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be +divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the +opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it +shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North +as well as South.</p> + +<p>Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts, +carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination—piece +of machinery, so to speak—compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the +Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery +is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also let him study the +history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he +can, to trace the evidences of design and concert of action among its +chief architects from the beginning.</p> + +<p>The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the +States by State constitutions, and from most of the national territory +by congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle +which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition. This opened all +the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.</p> + +<p>But so far, Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, +real or apparent, was indispensable to save the point already gained and +give chance for more.</p> + +<p>This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as +well as might be, in the notable argument of <i>Squatter Sovereignty</i>, +otherwise called <i>sacred right of self-government</i>, which latter phrase, +though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so +perverted in this attempted use of it, as to amount to just this: That +if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed +to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, +in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of +this act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to +exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to +form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject +only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of +loose declamation in favour of <i>Squatter Sovereignty</i> and <i>sacred right +of self-government</i>. "But," said opposition members, "let us amend the +bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may +exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure, and down +they voted the amendment.</p> + +<p>While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a <i>law case</i>, +involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner +having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a +Territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a +slave for a long time in each, was passing through the United States +Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and +law-suit were brought to a decision, in the same month of May, 1854. The +negro's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision +finally rendered in the case. Before the then next presidential +election, the law case came to, and was argued, in the Supreme Court of +the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the +election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of +the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state +<i>his opinion</i> whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally +exclude slavery from their limits, and the latter answers: "That is a +question for the Supreme Court."</p> + +<p>The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such +as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, +however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred +thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and +satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as +impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and +authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not +announce their decision, but ordered a reargument. The presidential +inauguration came, and still no decision of the Court; but the incoming +President in his inaugural address fervently exhorted the people to +abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a few +days, came the decision.</p> + +<p>The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make +a speech at this capitol, indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and +vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, +seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly +construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any +different view had ever been entertained!</p> + +<p>At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of +the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of <i>fact</i> whether the Lecompton +constitution was, or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of +Kansas; and in that quarrel, the latter declares that all he wants is a +fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted +<i>down</i> or <i>voted up</i>. I do not understand his declaration that he cares +not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him +other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the +public mind,—the principle for which he declares he has suffered so +much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that +principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That +principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. +Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of +existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at +the foundry, it served through one blast, and fell back into loose +sand,—helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. +His late joint struggle with the Republicans against the Lecompton +constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That +struggle was made on a point—the right of the people to make their own +constitution—upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.</p> + +<p>The several points of the Dred Scott decision in connection with Senator +Douglas's "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery in its +present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. The +working points of that machinery are:</p> + +<p><i>First.</i> That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no +descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the +sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. +This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible +event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States +Constitution which declares that "citizens of each State shall be +entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several +States."</p> + +<p><i>Secondly.</i> That "subject to the Constitution of the United States," +neither Congress nor a territorial legislature can exclude slavery from +any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual +men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing +them as property, and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the +institution through all the future.</p> + +<p><i>Thirdly.</i> That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free +State makes him free as against the holder, the United States Courts +will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave +State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, +not to be pressed immediately; but if acquiesced in for a while, and +apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the +logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with +Dred Scott in the free State of Illinois, every other master may +lawfully do, with any other one, or one thousand slaves in Illinois, or +in any other free State.</p> + +<p>Auxiliary to all this, and working hand-in-hand with it, the Nebraska +doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould public opinion +not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. This shows +exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither we are tending.</p> + +<p>It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the +mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things +will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were +transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only +to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders +could not then see. Plainly enough now: it was an exactly fitted niche +for the Dred Scott decision to afterwards come in, and declare the +perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the +amendment expressly declaring the right of the people voted down? +Plainly enough now: the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for +the Dred Scott decision. Why was the Court decision held up? Why even a +Senator's individual opinion withheld till after the presidential +election? Plainly enough now: the speaking out then would have damaged +the perfectly free argument upon which the election was to be carried. +Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the +delay of a reargument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation +in favour of the decision? These things look like the cautious patting +and petting of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is +dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty +after-indorsement of the decision by the President and others?</p> + +<p>We cannot absolutely know that all these adaptations are the result of +preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions +of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and +by different workmen—Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance +(Douglas, Pierce, Taney, Buchanan),—and when we see those timbers +joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a +mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths +and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their +respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting +even scaffolding—or if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in +the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in,—in +such a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and +Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the +beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft, drawn up before +the first blow was struck.</p> + +<p>It should not be overlooked that by the Nebraska bill the people of a +State as well as Territory were to be left "perfectly free," "subject +only to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating +for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a +State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United +States; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial +law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein +lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated +as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the Court by Chief +Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all +the concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the +United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial legislature to +exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to +declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State or the +people of a State to exclude it. <i>Possibly</i> this is a mere omission; but +who can be quite sure if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the +opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to +exclude slavery from their limits,—just as Chase and Mace sought to get +such declaration in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the +Nebraska Bill,—I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been +voted down in the one case as it had been in the other? The nearest +approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery is +made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise +idea, and almost the language too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion +his exact language is "except in cases where the power is restrained by +the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme +over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases the +power of the State is so restrained by the United States Constitution is +left an open question, precisely as the same question, as to the +restraint on the power of the Territories, was left open in the Nebraska +act. Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, +which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, +declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit <i>a +State</i> to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be +expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or +voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise +that such a decision can be maintained when made.</p> + +<p>Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in +all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, +and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political +dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down, pleasantly +dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their +State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme +Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power +of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that +consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it?</p> + +<p>There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet +whisper to us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there +is with which to effect that object. They wish us to <i>infer</i> all from +the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of that +dynasty, and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon +which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great +man and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. +But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a +dead lion, for this work is at least a caged and toothless one. How can +he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care anything about it. His +avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to <i>care nothing about +it</i>. A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior +talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade. +Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He +has not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he +resist it? For years he has laboured to prove it a sacred right of white +men to take negro slaves into the new territories. Can he possibly show +that it is a less sacred right to buy them where they can be bought +cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than +in Virginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question +of slavery to one of a mere right of property: and, as such, how can he +oppose the foreign slave-trade?—how can he refuse that trade in that +property shall be "perfectly free," unless he does it as a protection to +home production? And as the home producers will probably not ask the +protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition.</p> + +<p>Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser +to-day than he was yesterday—that he may rightfully change when he +finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer +that he will make any particular change, of which he himself has given +no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague +inference?</p> + +<p>Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, +question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to +him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle, so +that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to +have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But, clearly, he is not now +with us—he does not pretend to be—he does not promise ever to be.</p> + +<p>Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own +undoubted friends—those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the +work, who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the +nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under +the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external +circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile +elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the +battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and +pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now?—now, when that +same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The result is not +doubtful. We shall not fail. If we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise +counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it; but sooner or later the +victory is sure to come.</p><br /> + + +<a name='27'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Chicago on Popular Sovereignty, the +Nebraska Bill, etc. July 10, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! Let us for a +moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty. What is +popular sovereignty? We recollect that at an early period in the history +of this struggle, there was another name for the same thing,—<i>squatter +sovereignty</i>. It was not exactly popular sovereignty, but squatter +sovereignty. What do these terms mean? What do those terms mean when +used now? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in regard +to his support of it, when he declares the last years of his life have +been, and all the future years of his life shall be, devoted to this +matter of popular sovereignty. What is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of +the people! What was squatter sovereignty? I suppose, if it had any +signification at all, it was the right of the people to govern +themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs, while they were +squatted down in a country not their own,—while they had squatted on a +territory that did not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs +to the people who inhabit it,—when it belonged to the nation; such +right to govern themselves was called "squatter sovereignty."</p> + +<p>Now, I wish you to mark, What has become of that squatter sovereignty? +What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the +people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard +to this mooted question of slavery, before they form a State +constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running +fire, and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that +side, assuming that policy had given to the people of a Territory the +right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. +To-day it has been decided—no more than a year ago it was decided by +the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon +to-day—that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude slavery +from a Territory; that if any one man chooses to take slaves into a +Territory, all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. +This being so, and this decision being made, one of the points that the +Judge approved, and one in the approval of which he says he means to +keep me down,—<i>put</i> me down I should not say, for I have never been up! +He says he is in favour of it, and sticks to it, and expects to win his +battle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as +squatter sovereignty, but that any one man may take slaves into a +Territory, and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed to it, +and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that +is so, how much is left of this vast matter of squatter sovereignty, I +should like to know?</p> + +<p>When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make +a constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a +Territory yet, without having formed a constitution, in a very regular +way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by +any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which +the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but +when they come to make a constitution they may say they will not have +slavery. But it is there; they are obliged to tolerate it in some way, +and all experience shows it will be so,—for they will not take the +negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of them. All experience +shows this to be so. All that space of time that runs from the beginning +of the settlement of the Territory until there is a sufficiency of +people to make a State constitution,—all that portion of time popular +sovereignty is given up. The seal is absolutely put down upon it by the +court decision, and Judge Douglas puts his own upon the top of that; yet +he is appealing to the people to give him vast credit for his devotion +to popular sovereignty.</p> + +<p>Again, when we get to the question of the right of the people to form a +State constitution as they please, to form it with slavery or without +slavery,—if that is anything new I confess I don't know it. Has there +ever been a time when anybody said that any other than the people of a +Territory itself should form a constitution? What is now in it that +Judge Douglas should have fought several years of his life, and pledge +himself to fight all the remaining years of his life for? Can Judge +Douglas find anybody on earth that said that anybody else should form a +constitution for a people?... It is enough for my purpose to ask, +whenever a Republican said anything against it? They never said anything +against it, but they have constantly spoken for it; and whosoever will +undertake to examine the platform and the speeches of responsible men of +the party, and of irresponsible men, too, if you please, will be unable +to find one word from anybody in the Republican ranks opposed to that +popular sovereignty which Judge Douglas thinks he has invented. I +suppose that Judge Douglas will claim in a little while that he is the +inventor of the idea that the people should govern themselves; that +nobody ever thought of such a thing until he brought it forward. We do +not remember that in that old Declaration of Independence it is said +that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created +equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable +rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among +men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." There +is the origin of popular sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in at this +day and claim that he invented it? The Lecompton constitution connects +itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the Lecompton +constitution that our friend Judge Douglas claims such vast credit. I +agree that in opposing the Lecompton constitution, so far as I can +perceive, he was right. I do not deny that at all; and, gentlemen, you +will readily see why I could not deny it, even if I wanted to. But I do +not wish to, for all the Republicans in the nation opposed it, and they +would have opposed it just as much without Judge Douglas's aid as with +it. They had all taken ground against it long before he did. Why, the +reason that he urges against that constitution I urged against him a +year before. I have the printed speech in my hand. The argument that he +makes why that constitution should not be adopted, that the people were +not fairly represented nor allowed to vote, I pointed out in a speech a +year ago, which I hold in my hand now, that no fair chance was to be +given to the people.</p> + +<p>... A little more now as to this matter of popular sovereignty and the +Lecompton constitution. The Lecompton constitution, as the Judge tells +us, was defeated. The defeat of it was a good thing, or it was not. He +thinks the defeat of it was a good thing, and so do I; and we agree in +that. Who defeated it? [A voice: "Judge Douglas."] Yes, he furnished +himself; and if you suppose he controlled the other Democrats that went +with him, he furnished three votes, while the Republicans furnished +twenty.</p> + +<p>That is what he did to defeat it. In the House of Representatives he and +his friends furnished some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished +ninety odd. Now, who was it that did the work? [A voice: "Douglas."] +Why, yes, Douglas did it? To be sure he did!</p> + +<p>Let us, however, put that proposition another way. The Republicans could +not have done it without Judge Douglas. Could he have done it without +them? Which could have come the nearest to doing it without the other? +Ground was taken against it by the Republicans long before Douglas did +it. The proposition of opposition to that measure is about five to one. +[A voice: "Why don't they come out on it?"] You don't know what you are +talking about, my friend; I am quite willing to answer any gentleman in +the crowd who asks an intelligent question.</p> + +<p>Now, who in all this country has ever found any of our friends of Judge +Douglas's way of thinking, and who have acted upon this main question, +that have ever thought of uttering a word in behalf of Judge Trumbull? I +defy you to show a printed resolution passed in a Democratic meeting. I +take it upon myself to defy any man to show a printed resolution, large +or small, of a Democratic meeting in favour of Judge Trumbull, or any of +the five to one Republicans who beat that bill. Everything must be for +the Democrats! They did everything, and the five to the one that really +did the thing, they snub over, and they do not seem to remember that +they have an existence upon the face of the earth.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, I fear that I shall become tedious. I leave this branch of +the subject to take hold of another. I take up that part of Judge +Douglas's speech in which he respectfully attended to me.</p> + +<p>Judge Douglas made two points upon my recent speech at Springfield. He +says they are to be the issues of this campaign. The first one of these +points he bases upon the language in a speech which I delivered at +Springfield, which I believe I can quote correctly from memory. I said +that "we are now far into the fifth year since a policy was instituted +for the avowed object and with the confident promise of putting an end +to slavery agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation +has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. I believe it will +not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house +divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot +endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union +to be dissolved,"—I am quoting from my speech,—"I do not expect the +house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will +become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery +will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become +alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new; North as well as +South."</p> + +<p>That is the paragraph! In this paragraph which I have quoted in your +hearing, and to which I ask the attention of all, Judge Douglas thinks +he discovers great political heresy. I want your attention particularly +to what he has inferred from it. He says I am in favour of making all +the States of this Union uniform in all their internal regulations; that +in all their domestic concerns I am in favour of making them entirely +uniform. He draws this inference from the language I have quoted to you. +He says that I am in favour of making war by the North upon the South +for the extinction of slavery; that I am also in favour of inviting (as +he expresses it) the South to a war upon the North for the purpose of +nationalizing slavery. Now, it is singular enough, if you will carefully +read that passage over, that I did not say that I was in favour of +anything in it. I only said what I expected would take place. I made a +prediction only,—it may have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did not +even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ultimate +extinction. I do say so now, however; so there need be no longer any +difficulty about that. It may be written down in the great speech.</p> + +<p>Gentlemen, Judge Douglas informed you that this speech of mine was +probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was. I am not master of +language; I have not a fine education; I am not capable of entering into +a disquisition upon dialectics, as I believe you call it; but I do not +believe the language I employed bears any such construction as Judge +Douglas puts upon it. But I don't care about a quibble in regard to +words. I know what I meant, and I will not leave this crowd in doubt, if +I can explain it to them, what I really meant in the use of that +paragraph.</p> + +<p>I am not, in the first place, unaware that this government has endured +eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I know that. I am tolerably +well acquainted with the history of the country, and I know that it has +endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe—and that +is what I meant to allude to there—I believe it has endured, because, +during all that time, until the introduction of the Nebraska bill, the +public mind did rest all the time in the belief that slavery was in +course of ultimate extinction. That was what gave us the rest that we +had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I believe. I +have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist,—I +have been an old-line Whig,—I have always hated it, but I have always +been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the +Nebraska bill began. I always believed that everybody was against it, +and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.... They had reason so +to believe.</p> + +<p>The adoption of the Constitution and its attendant history led the +people to believe so, and that such was the belief of the framers of the +Constitution itself. Why did those old men, about the time of the +adoption of the Constitution, decree that slavery should not go into the +new Territory where it had not already gone? Why declare that within +twenty years the African slave-trade, by which slaves are supplied, +might be cut off by Congress? Why were all these acts? I might enumerate +more of these acts; but enough. What were they but a clear indication +that the framers of the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate +extinction of that institution? And now when I say,—as I said in my +speech that Judge Douglas has quoted from,—when I say that I think the +opponents of slavery will resist the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction, I only mean to say that they will place it where +the founders of this government originally placed it.</p> + +<p>I have said a hundred times, and I have now no inclination to take it +back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no inclination +in the people of the free States, to enter into the slave States and +interfere with the question of slavery at all. I have said that always; +Judge Douglas has heard me say it. And when it is said that I am in +favour of interfering with slavery where it exists, I know it is +unwarranted by anything I have ever intended, and, as I believe, by +anything I have ever said. If by any means I have ever used language +which could fairly be so construed (as, however, I believe I never +have), I now correct it.</p> + +<p>So much, then, for the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in +favour of setting the sections at war with one another. I know that I +never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind can infer +any such thing from anything I have said.</p> + +<p>Now, in relation to his inference that I am in favour of a general +consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States.... I +have said very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing that no man +believed more than I in the principle of self-government; that it lies +at the bottom of all my ideas of just government from beginning to end. +I have denied that his use of that term applies properly. But for the +thing itself I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in his +devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency in +advocating it. I think that I have said it in your hearing, that I +believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with +himself and the fruit of his labour, so far as it in no wise interferes +with any other man's rights; that each community, as a State, has a +right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that +State that interfere with the right of no other State; and that the +general government upon principle has no right to interfere with +anything other than that general class of things that does concern the +whole. I have said that at all times; I have said as illustrations that +I do not believe in the right of Illinois to interfere with the +cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster laws of Virginia, or the liquor +laws of Maine.</p> + +<p>How is it, then, that Judge Douglas infers, because I hope to see +slavery put where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in +the course of ultimate extinction, that I am in favour of Illinois going +over and interfering with the cranberry laws of Indiana? What can +authorize him to draw any such inference? I suppose there might be one +thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference, that would +not be true with me or many others; that is, because he looks upon all +this matter of slavery as an exceedingly little thing,—this matter of +keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole nation in a state of +oppression and tyranny unequalled in the world. He looks upon it as +being an exceedingly little thing, only equal to the question of the +cranberry laws of Indiana; as something having no moral question in it; +as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture +his land with cattle or plant it with tobacco; so little and so small a +thing that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done +to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be +in favour of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little +things in the Union. Now, it so happens—and there, I presume, is the +foundation of this mistake—that the Judge thinks thus; and it so +happens that there is a vast portion of the American people that do not +look upon that matter as being this very little thing. They look upon it +as a vast moral evil; they can prove it as such by the writings of those +who gave us the blessings of liberty which we enjoy, and that they so +looked upon it, and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States +where it is situated; and while we agree that by the Constitution we +assented to, in the States where it exists we have no right to interfere +with it, because it is in the Constitution, we are both by duty and +inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit +from beginning to end.</p> + +<p>So much, then, as to my disposition, my wish, to have all the State +legislatures blotted out and to have one consolidated government and a +uniformity of domestic regulations in all the States; by which I suppose +it is meant, if we raise corn here we must make sugar-cane grow here +too, and we must make those things which grow North grow in the South. +All this I suppose he understands I am in favour of doing. Now, so much +for all this nonsense—for I must call it so. The Judge can have no +issue with me on a question of establishing uniformity in the domestic +regulations of the States.</p> + +<p>A little now on the other point,—the Dred Scott decision. Another of +the issues, he says, that is to be made with me is upon his devotion to +the Dred Scott decision and my opposition to it.</p> + +<p>I have expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred +Scott decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that +opposition, and I ask your indulgence while I do so. What is fairly +implied by the term Judge Douglas has used, "resistance to the +decision"? I do not resist it. If I wanted to take Dred Scott from his +master I would be interfering with property, and that terrible +difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of interfering with property, +would arise. But I am doing no such thing as that; all that I am doing +is refusing to obey it as a political rule. If I were in Congress, and a +vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited +in a new Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I would vote +that it should.</p> + +<p>That is what I would do. Judge Douglas said last night that before the +decision he might advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the +decision when it was made; but after it was made he would abide by it +until it was reversed. Just so! We let this property abide by the +decision, but we will try to reverse that decision. We will try to put +it where Judge Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it +until it is reversed. Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is +made; and we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably.</p> + +<p>What are the uses of decisions of courts? They have two uses. First, +they decide upon the question before the court. They decide in this case +that Dred Scott is a slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they +say to everybody else that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands +are as he is. That is, they say that when a question comes up upon +another person it will be so decided again, unless the court decides +another way, unless the court overrules its decision. Well, we mean to +do what we can to have the court decide the other way. That is one thing +we mean to try to do.</p> + +<p>The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a +degree of sacredness that has never been before thrown around any other +decision. I have never heard of such a thing. Why, decisions apparently +contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were contrary +to that decision, have been made by that very court before. It is the +first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history; it is a new +wonder of the world; it is based upon falsehood in the main as to +the facts,—allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts +at all in many instances,—and no decision made on any question—the +first instance of a decision made under so many unfavourable +circumstances—thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, +and it has always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as +settled law; but Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take +this extraordinary decision made under these extraordinary circumstances +and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it, and +obey it in every possible sense. Circumstances alter cases. Do not +gentlemen here remember the case of that same Supreme Court some +twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that a national bank was +constitutional? I ask if somebody does not remember that a national bank +was declared to be constitutional? Such is the truth, whether it be +remembered or not. The bank charter ran out, and a re-charter was +granted by Congress. That re-charter was laid before General Jackson. It +was urged upon him, when he denied the constitutionality of the bank, +that the Supreme Court had decided that it was constitutional; and +General Jackson then said that the Supreme Court had no right to lay +down a rule to govern a coordinate branch of the government, the members +of which had sworn to support the Constitution,—that each member had +sworn to support the Constitution as he understood it. I will venture +here to say that I have heard Judge Douglas say that he approved of +General Jackson for that act. What has now become of all his tirade +against "resistance to the Supreme Court"?</p> + +<p>My fellow-citizens, getting back a little,—for I pass from these +points,—when Judge Douglas makes his threat of annihilation upon the +"alliance," he is cautious to say that that warfare of his is to fall +upon the leaders of the Republican party. Almost every word he utters +and every distinction he makes has its significance. He means for the +Republicans who do not count themselves as leaders to be his friends; he +makes no fuss over them, it is the leaders that he is making war upon. +He wants it understood that the mass of the Republican party are really +his friends. It is only the leaders that are doing something, that are +intolerant, and require extermination at his hands. As this is clearly +and unquestionably the light in which he presents that matter, I want to +ask your attention, addressing myself to Republicans here, that I may +ask you some questions as to where you, as the Republican party, would +be placed if you sustained Judge Douglas in his present position by a +re-election? I do not claim, gentlemen, to be unselfish; I do not +pretend that I would not like to go to the United States Senate,—I make +no such hypocritical pretence; but I do say to you, that in this mighty +issue it is nothing to you, nothing to the mass of the people of the +nation, whether or not Judge Douglas or myself shall ever be heard of +after this night. It may be a trifle to either of us; but in connection +with this mighty question, upon which hang the destinies of the nation, +perhaps, it is absolutely nothing. But where will you be placed if you +reindorse Judge Douglas? Don't you know how apt he is, how exceedingly +anxious he is, at all times to seize upon anything and everything to +persuade you that something he has done you did yourselves? Why, he +tried to persuade you last night that our Illinois Legislature +instructed him to introduce the Nebraska bill. There was nobody in that +Legislature ever thought of it; but still he fights furiously for the +proposition; and that he did it because there was a standing instruction +to our senators to be always introducing Nebraska bills. He tells you he +is for the Cincinnati platform; he tells you he is for the Dred Scott +decision; he tells you—not in his speech last night, but substantially +in a former speech—that he cares not if slavery is voted up or down; he +tells you the struggle on Lecompton is past,—it may come up again or +not, and if it does, he stands where he stood when, in spite of him and +his opposition, you built up the Republican party. If you indorse him, +you tell him you do not care whether slavery be voted up or down, and he +will close, or try to close, your mouths with his declaration, repeated +by the day, the week, the month, and the year. I think, in the position +in which Judge Douglas stood in opposing the Lecompton constitution, he +was right; he does not know that it will return, but if it does we may +know where to find him; and if it does not, we may know where to look +for him, and that is on the Cincinnati platform. Now, I could ask the +Republican party, after all the hard names Judge Douglas has called them +by, ... all his declarations of Black Republicanism—(by the way, we are +improving, the black has got rubbed off), but with all that, if he be +indorsed by Republican votes, where do you stand? Plainly, you stand +ready saddled, bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to +the slavery-extension camp of the nation,—just ready to be driven over, +tied together in a lot,—to be driven over, every man with a rope around +his neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas. That is the question. +If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think +they had better not do it; but I think the Republican party is made up +of those who, as far as they can peaceably, will oppose the extension of +slavery, and who will hope for its ultimate extinction. If they believe +it is wrong in grasping up the new lands of the continent, and keeping +them from the settlement of free white labourers, who want the land to +bring up their families upon; if they are in earnest,—although they may +make a mistake, they will grow restless, and the time will come when +they will come back again and reorganize, if not by the same name, at +least upon the same principles as their party now has. It is better, +then, to save the work while it is begun. You have done the labour; +maintain it, keep it. If men choose to serve you, go with them; but as +you have made up your organization upon principle, stand by it; for, as +surely as God reigns over you, and has inspired your minds and given you +a sense of propriety and continues to give you hope, so surely will you +still cling to these ideas, and you will at last come back again after +your wanderings, merely to do your work over again.</p> + +<p>We were often,—more than once, at least,—in the course of Judge +Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this government was made for +white men,—that he believed it was made for white men. Well, that is +putting it into a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge +then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not +warranted. I protest, now and for ever, against that counterfeit logic +which presumes that, because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I +do necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is, that I need not +have her for either; but, as God made us separate, we can leave one +another alone, and do one another much good thereby. There are white men +enough to marry all the white women, and enough black men to marry all +the black women; and in God's name let them be so married. The Judge +regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the mixture +of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, Judge, if +we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't mix +there. I should say at least that that was a self-evident truth.</p> + +<p>Now, it happens that we meet together once every year, somewhere about +the 4th of July, for some reason or other. These 4th of July gatherings, +I suppose, have their uses. If you will indulge me, I will state what I +suppose to be some of them.</p> + +<p>We are now a mighty nation: we are thirty, or about thirty, millions of +people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth part of the dry land +of the whole earth. We run our memory back over the pages of history for +about eighty-two years, and we discover that we were then a very small +people in point of numbers, vastly inferior to what we are now, with a +vastly less extent of country, with vastly less of everything we deem +desirable among men. We look upon the change as exceedingly advantageous +to us and to our posterity, and we fix upon something that happened away +back, as in some way or other being connected with this rise of +prosperity. We find a race of men living in that day whom we claim as +our fathers and grandfathers; they were iron men; they fought for the +principle that they were contending for, and we understand that by what +they then did, it has followed that the degree of prosperity which we +now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebration to remind +ourselves of all the good done in this process of time,—of how it was +done, and who did it, and how we are historically connected with it; and +we go from these meetings in better humour with ourselves,—we feel more +attached the one to the other, and more firmly bound to the country we +inhabit. In every way we are better men, in the age and race and country +in which we live, for these celebrations. But after we have done all +this, we have not yet reached the whole. There is something else +connected with it. We have, besides these men—descended by blood from +our ancestors—among us, perhaps half our people who are not descendants +at all of these men; they are men who have come from Europe,—German, +Irish, French, and Scandinavian,—men that have come from Europe +themselves, or whose ancestors have come hither and settled here, +finding themselves our equal in all things. If they look back through +this history, to trace their connection with those days by blood, they +find they have none: they cannot carry themselves back into that +glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us; but +when they look through that old Declaration of Independence, they find +that those old men say that "we hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal," and then they feel that that moral +sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that +it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a +right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of +the flesh, of the men who wrote that Declaration; and so they are. That +is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of +patriotic and liberty-loving men together; that will link those +patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of +men throughout the world.</p> + +<p>Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea of "don't +care if slavery is voted up or voted down"; for sustaining the Dred +Scott decision; for holding that the Declaration of Independence did not +mean anything at all,—we have Judge Douglas giving his exposition of +what the Declaration of Independence means, and we have him saying that +the people of America are equal to the people of England. According to +his construction, you Germans are not connected with it. Now, I ask you +in all soberness, if all these things, if indulged in, if ratified, if +confirmed and indorsed, if taught to our children and repeated to them, +do not tend to rub out the sentiment of liberty in the country, and to +transform this government into a government of some other form? Those +arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be treated with +as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as much is to be +done for them as their condition will allow,—what are these arguments? +They are the arguments that kings have made for enslaving the people in +all ages of the world. You will find that all the arguments in favour of +kingcraft were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the +people,—not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were +better off for being ridden. That is their argument; and this argument +of the Judge is the same old serpent, that says, "You work, and I eat; +you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it." Turn in whatever way you +will,—whether it come from the mouth of a king, an excuse for enslaving +the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one race as a +reason for enslaving the men of another race,—it is all the same old +serpent; and I hold, if that course of argumentation that is made for +the purpose of convincing the public mind that we should not care about +this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I should like +to know—taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares +that all men are equal, upon principle, and making exceptions to +it—where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why +not another say it does not mean some other man? If that Declaration is +not the truth, let us get the statute-book in which we find it, and tear +it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not true, let us tear it +out. [Cries of "No! No!"] Let us stick to it, then; let us stand firmly +by it, then.</p> + +<p>It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities +and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed +upon a man, he must submit to it. I think that was the condition in +which we found ourselves when we established this government. We had +slaves among us; we could not get our Constitution unless we permitted +them to remain in slavery; we could not secure the good we did secure, +if we grasped for more; but, having by necessity submitted to that much, +it does not destroy the principle that is the charter of our liberties. +Let that charter stand as our standard.</p> + +<p>My friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote Scripture. I +will try it again, however. It is said in one of the admonitions of our +Lord, "Be ye [therefore] perfect even as your Father which is in heaven +is perfect." The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human +creature could be perfect as the Father in heaven; but He said: "As your +Father in heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." He set that up as a +standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard attained the +highest degree of moral perfection. So I say in relation to the +principle that all men are created equal, let it be as nearly reached as +we can. If we cannot give freedom to every creature, let us do nothing +that will impose slavery upon any other creature. Let us, then, turn +this government back into the channel in which the framers of the +Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each other. +If we do not do so, we are tending in the contrary direction, that our +friend Judge Douglas proposes,—not intentionally,—working in the +traces that tend to make this one universal slave nation. He is one that +runs in that direction, and as such I resist him.</p> + +<p>My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desired to do, and I +have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and +the other man, this race and that race and the other race being +inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position. Let +us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this +land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are +created equal.</p> + +<p>My friends, I could not, without launching off upon some new topic, +which would detain you too long, continue to-night. I thank you for this +most extensive audience that you have furnished me to-night. I leave +you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until +there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created free and +equal.</p><br /> + + +<a name='28'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Speech at Springfield, Illinois. July 17, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... There is still another disadvantage under which we labour, and to +which I will ask your attention. It arises out of the relative positions +of the two persons who stand before the State as candidates for the +Senate. Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious +politicians of his party, or who have been of his party for years past, +have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the +President of the United States. They have seen, in his round, jolly, +fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshalships, and cabinet +appointments, chargéships and foreign missions, bursting and sprouting +out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy +hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so +long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the +party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope. But with greedier +anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, +triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what, even in the days of his +highest prosperity, they could have brought about in his favour. On the +contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my poor, lean, +lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. +These are disadvantages, all taken together, that the Republicans labour +under. We have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principle +alone. I am in a certain sense made the standard-bearer in behalf of the +Republicans. I was made so merely because there had to be some one so +placed,—I being in no wise preferable to any other one of the +twenty-five, perhaps a hundred, we have in the Republican ranks. Then I +say, I wish it to be distinctly understood and borne in mind, that we +have to fight this battle without many—perhaps without any—of the +external aids which are brought to bear against us. So I hope those with +whom I am surrounded have principle enough to nerve themselves for the +task, and leave nothing undone that can fairly be done to bring about +the right result. As appears by two speeches I have heard him deliver +since his arrival in Illinois, he gave special attention to the speech +of mine delivered on the sixteenth of June. He says that he carefully +read that speech. He told us that at Chicago a week ago last night, and +he repeated it at Bloomington last night.... He says it was evidently +prepared with great care. I freely admit it was prepared with care.... +But I was very careful not to put anything in that speech as a matter of +fact, or make any inferences which did not appear to me to be true and +fully warrantable. If I had made any mistake I was willing to be +corrected; if I had drawn any inference in regard to Judge Douglas or +any one else, which was not warranted, I was fully prepared to modify it +as soon as discovered. I planted myself upon the truth and the truth +only, so far as I knew it, or could be brought to know it.</p> + +<p>Having made that speech with the most kindly feelings toward Judge +Douglas, as manifested therein, I was gratified when I found that he had +carefully examined it, and had detected no error of fact, nor any +inference against him, nor any misrepresentations, of which he thought +fit to complain.... He seizes upon the doctrines he supposes to be +included in that speech, and declares that upon them will turn the +issues of the campaign. He then quotes, or attempts to quote, from my +speech. I will not say that he wilfully misquotes, but he does fail to +quote accurately. His attempt at quoting is from a passage which I +believe I can quote accurately from memory. I shall make the quotation +now, with some comments upon it, as I have already said, in order that +the Judge shall be left entirely without excuse for misrepresenting me. +I do so now, as I hope, for the last time. I do this in great caution, +in order that if he repeats his misrepresentation, it shall be plain to +all that he does so wilfully. If, after all, he still persists, I shall +be compelled to reconstruct the course I have marked out for myself, and +draw upon such humble resources as I have for a new course, better +suited to the real exigencies of the case. I set out in this campaign +with the intention of conducting it strictly as a gentleman, in +substance at least, if not in the outside polish. The latter I shall +never be, but that which constitutes the inside of a gentleman I hope I +understand, and am not less inclined to practise than others. It was my +purpose and expectation that this canvass would be conducted upon +principle, and with fairness on both sides, and it shall not be my fault +if this purpose and expectation shall be given up.</p> + +<p>He charges, in substance, that I invite a war of sections; that I +propose all local institutions of the different States shall become +consolidated and uniform. What is there in the language of that speech +which expresses such purpose or bears such construction? I have again +and again said that I would not enter into any one of the States to +disturb the institution of slavery. Judge Douglas said at Bloomington +that I used language most able and ingenious for concealing what I +really meant; and that while I had protested against entering into the +slave States, I nevertheless did mean to go on the banks of the Ohio and +throw missiles into Kentucky, to disturb them in their domestic +institutions.</p> + +<p>... I have said that I do not understand the Declaration to mean that +all men were created equal in all respects. The negroes are not our +equals in colour; but I suppose it does mean to declare that all men are +equal in some respects; they are equal in their right to "life, liberty, +and the pursuit of happiness." Certainly the negro is not our equal in +colour, perhaps not in many other respects. Still, in the right to put +into his mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal +of every other man, white or black. In pointing out that more has been +given you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has +been given him. All I ask for the negro is, that if you do not like him, +let him alone. If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy.</p> + +<p>... One more point on this Springfield speech, which Judge Douglas says +he has read so carefully. I expressed my belief in the existence of a +conspiracy to perpetuate and nationalize slavery. I did not profess to +know it, nor do I now. I showed the part Judge Douglas had played in the +string of facts, constituting to my mind the proof of that conspiracy. I +showed the parts played by others.</p> + +<p>I charged that the people had been deceived into carrying the last +presidential election, by the impression that the people of the +Territories might exclude slavery if they chose, when it was known in +advance by the conspirators that the court was to decide that neither +Congress nor the people could so exclude slavery. These charges are more +distinctly made than anything else in the speech.</p> + +<p>Judge Douglas has carefully read and re-read that speech. He has not, so +far as I know, contradicted those charges. In the two speeches which I +heard he certainly did not. On his own tacit admission I renew that +charge. I charge him with having been a party to that conspiracy and to +that deception, for the sole purpose of nationalizing slavery.</p><br /> + + +<a name='29'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the First Joint Debate at Ottawa, +Illinois. August 21, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>When a man bears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes him—at +least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very +gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him.... [After stating the +charge of an arrangement between himself and Judge Trumbull.]</p> + +<p>Now, all I have to say upon that subject is, that I think no man—not +even Judge Douglas—can prove it, because it is not true. I have no +doubt he is "conscientious" in saying it. As to those resolutions that +he took such a length of time to read, as being the platform of the +Republican party in 1854, I say I never had anything to do with them, +and I think Trumbull never had. Judge Douglas cannot show that either of +us ever had anything to do with them....</p> + +<p>Now, about this story that Judge Douglas tells of Trumbull bargaining to +sell out the old Democratic party, and Lincoln agreeing to sell out the +old Whig party, I have the means of knowing about that; Judge Douglas +cannot have; and I know there is no substance to it whatever....</p> + +<p>A man cannot prove a negative, but he has a right to claim that when a +man makes an affirmative charge, he must offer some proof to show the +truth of what he says. I certainly cannot introduce testimony to show +the negative about things, but I have a right to claim that if a man +says he knows a thing, then he must show how he knows it. I always have +a right to claim this; and it is not satisfactory to me that he may be +"conscientious" on the subject.</p> + +<p>... Anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and +political equality with the negro is but a specious and fantastic +arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a +chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no +purpose, either directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have +no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no +purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and +the black races. There is a physical difference between the two, which, +in my judgment, will probably for ever forbid their living together upon +the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity +that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in +favour of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I +have never said anything to the contrary; but I hold, that, +notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro +is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration +of Independence,—the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. +I agree with Judge Douglas, he is not my equal in many respects, +certainly not in colour, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. +But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody, which +his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and +the equal of any living man.</p> + +<p>... As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed, I will +dwell a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics upon which +the Judge has spoken. He has read from my speech at Springfield, in +which I say that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." Does the +Judge say it can stand? I don't know whether he does or not. The Judge +does not seem to be attending to me just now, but I would like to know +if it is his opinion that a house divided against itself can stand? If +he does, then there is a question of veracity, not between him and me, +but between the Judge and an authority of a somewhat higher character.</p> + +<p>Now, my friends, I ask your attention to this matter for the purpose of +saying something seriously, I know that the Judge may readily enough +agree with me that the maxim which was put forth by the Saviour is true, +but he may allege that I misapply it; and the Judge has a right to urge +that in my application I do misapply it, and then I have a right to show +that I do not misapply it. When he undertakes to say that because I +think this nation, so far as the question of slavery is concerned, will +all become one thing or all the other, I am in favour of bringing about +a dead uniformity in the various States, in all their institutions, he +argues erroneously. The great variety of local institutions in the +States, springing from differences in the soil, differences in the face +of the country, and in the climate, are bonds of union. They do not make +"a house divided against itself," but they make a house united. If they +produce in one section of the country what is called for by the wants of +another section, and this other section can supply the wants of the +first, they are not matters of discord, but bonds of union, true bonds +of union. But can this question of slavery be considered as among these +varieties in the institutions of the country? I leave it for you to say, +whether in the history of our government, this institution of slavery +has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary, been +an apple of discord and an element of division in the house. I ask you +to consider whether so long as the moral constitution of men's minds +shall continue to be the same, after this generation and assemblage +shall sink into the grave, and another race shall arise with the same +moral and intellectual development we have—whether, if that institution +is standing in the same irritating position in which it now is, it will +not continue an element of division?</p> + +<p>If so, then I have a right to say that, in regard to this question, the +Union is a house divided against itself; and when the Judge reminds me +that I have often said to him that the institution of slavery has +existed for eighty years in some States, and yet it does not exist in +some others, I agree to the fact, and I account for it by looking at +the position in which our fathers originally placed it,—restricting it +from the new Territories where it had not gone, and legislating to cut +off its source by the abrogation of the slave-trade, thus putting the +seal of legislation against its spread. The public mind did rest in the +belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. But lately, I +think,—and in this I charge nothing on the Judge's motives,—lately, I +think that he and those acting with him have placed that institution on +a new basis, which looks to the perpetuity and nationalization of +slavery. And while it is placed on this new basis, I say, and I have +said, that I believe we shall not have peace upon the question, until +the opponents of slavery arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction; or, on the other hand, that its advocates will +push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, +old as well as new, North as well as South. Now, I believe if we could +arrest the spread, and place it where Washington and Jefferson and +Madison placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction, and +the public mind would, as for eighty years past, believe that it was in +the course of ultimate extinction. The crisis would be past, and the +institution might be let alone for a hundred years—if it should live so +long—in the States where it exists, yet it would be going out of +existence in the way best for both the black and the white races. [A +voice: "Then do you repudiate popular sovereignty?"] Well, then, let us +talk about popular sovereignty. What is popular sovereignty? Is it the +right of the people to have slavery or not to have it, as they see fit, +in the Territories? I will state—and I have an able man to watch me—my +understanding is that popular sovereignty, as now applied to the +question of slavery, does allow the people of a Territory to have +slavery if they want to, but does not allow them not to have it if they +do not want it. I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people were +in a Territory of the United States, any one of them would be obliged +to have a slave if he did not want one; but I do say that, as I +understand the Dred Scott decision, if any one man wants slaves, all the +rest have no way of keeping that one man from holding them.</p> + +<p>When I made my speech at Springfield, of which the Judge complains, and +from which he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things which he +ascribes to me at all. I had no thought in the world that I was doing +anything to bring about a war between the free and slave States. I had +no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a +political and social equality of the black and white races. It never +occurred to me that I was doing anything or favouring anything to reduce +to a dead uniformity all the local institutions of the various States. +But I must say, in all fairness to him, if he thinks I am doing +something which leads to these bad results, it is none the better that I +did not mean it. It is just as fatal to the country, if I have any +influence in producing it, whether I intend it or not. But can it be +true that placing this institution upon the original basis—the basis +upon which our fathers placed it—can have any tendency to set the +Northern and the Southern States at war with one another, or that it can +have any tendency to make the people of Vermont raise sugar-cane, +because they raise it in Louisiana, or that it can compel the people of +Illinois to cut pine logs on the Grand Prairie, where they will not +grow, because they cut pine logs in Maine, where they do grow? The Judge +says this is a new principle started in regard to this question. Does +the Judge claim that he is working on the plan of the founders of the +government? I think he says in some of his speeches—indeed, I have one +here now—that he saw evidence of a policy to allow slavery to be south +of a certain line, while north of it it should be excluded, and he saw +an indisposition on the part of the country to stand upon that policy, +and, therefore, he set about studying the subject upon original +principles, and upon original principles he got up the Nebraska bill! I +am fighting it upon these "original principles"—fighting it in the +Jeffersonian, Washingtonian, Madisonian fashion....</p> + +<p>If I have brought forward anything not a fact, if he (Judge Douglas) +will point it out, it will not even ruffle me to take it back. But if he +will not point out anything erroneous in the evidence, is it not rather +for him to show by a comparison of the evidence that I have reasoned +falsely, than to call the "kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman" a liar?</p> + +<p>I want to ask your attention to a portion of the Nebraska bill which +Judge Douglas has quoted: "It being the true intent and meaning of this +act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to +exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to +form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject +only to the Constitution of the United States." Thereupon Judge Douglas +and others began to argue in favour of "popular sovereignty,"—the right +of the people to have slaves if they wanted them, and to exclude slavery +if they did not want them. "But," said, in substance, a senator from +Ohio (Mr. Chase, I believe), "we more than suspect that you do not mean +to allow the people to exclude slavery if they wish to; and if you do +mean it, accept an amendment which I propose, expressly authorizing the +people to exclude slavery." I believe I have the amendment here before +me, which was offered, and under which the people of the Territory, +through their proper representatives, might, if they saw fit, prohibit +the existence of slavery therein.</p> + +<p>And now I state it as a fact, to be taken back if there is any mistake +about it, that Judge Douglas and those acting with him voted that +amendment down. I now think that those who voted it down had a real +reason for doing so. They know what that reason was. It looks to us, +since we have seen the Dred Scott decision pronounced, holding that +"under the Constitution" the people cannot exclude slavery—I say it +looks to outsiders, poor, simple, "amiable, intelligent gentlemen," as +though the niche was left as a place to put that Dred Scott decision +in, a niche that would have been spoiled by adopting the amendment. And +now I say again, if this was not the reason, it will avail the Judge +much more to calmly and good-humouredly point out to these people what +that other reason was for voting the amendment down, than swelling +himself up to vociferate that he may be provoked to call somebody a +liar.</p> + +<p>Again, there is in that same quotation from the Nebraska bill this +clause: "it being the true intent and meaning of this bill not to +legislate slavery into any Territory or State." I have always been +puzzled to know what business the word "State" had in that connection. +Judge Douglas knows—he put it there. He knows what he put it there for. +We outsiders cannot say what he put it there for. The law they were +passing was not about States, and was not making provision for States. +What was it placed there for? After seeing the Dred Scott decision, +which holds that the people cannot exclude slavery from a Territory, if +another Dred Scott decision shall come, holding that they cannot exclude +it from a State, we shall discover that when the word was originally put +there, it was in view of something that was to come in due time; we +shall see that it was the other half of something. I now say again, if +there was any different reason for putting it there, Judge Douglas, in a +good-humoured way, without calling anybody a liar, can tell what the +reason was....</p> + +<p>Now, my friends, ... I ask the attention of the people here assembled, +and elsewhere, to the course that Judge Douglas is pursuing every day as +bearing upon this question of making slavery national. Not going back to +the records, but taking the speeches he makes, the speeches he made +yesterday and the day before, and makes constantly, all over the +country, I ask your attention to them. In the first place, what is +necessary to make the institution national? Not war: there is no danger +that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets and ... march +into Illinois to force the blacks upon us. There is no danger of our +going over there, and making war upon them. Then what is necessary for +the nationalization of slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott +decision. It is merely for the Supreme Court to decide that no State +under the Constitution can exclude it, just as they have already decided +that under the Constitution neither Congress nor the territorial +legislature can do it. When that is decided and acquiesced in, the whole +thing is done. This being true and this being the way, as I think, that +slavery is to be made national, let us consider what Judge Douglas is +doing every day to that end. In the first place, let us see what +influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like +communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment +nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who +moulds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or +pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or +impossible to be executed. This must be borne in mind, as also the +additional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast influence, so great +that it is enough for many men to profess to believe anything when they +once find out that Judge Douglas professes to believe it. Consider also +the attitude he occupies at the head of a large party,—a party which he +claims has a majority of all the voters in the country.</p> + +<p>This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a Territory to +exclude slavery, and he does so not because he says it is right in +itself,—he does not give any opinion on that,—but because it has been +decided by the Court, and, being decided by the Court, he is, and you +are, bound to take it in your political action as law,—not that he +judges at all of its merits, but because a decision of the Court is to +him a "Thus saith the Lord." He places it on that ground alone, and you +will bear in mind that thus committing himself unreservedly to this +decision, commits himself just as firmly to the next one as to this. He +did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the +decision, but it is a "Thus saith the Lord." The next decision as much +as this will be a "Thus saith the Lord." There is nothing that can +divert or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point +out to him that his great prototype, General Jackson, did not believe in +the binding force of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jefferson did +not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of +Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the Supreme Court +pronouncing a national bank constitutional. He says I did not hear him +say so. He denies the accuracy of my recollection. I say he ought to +know better than I, but I will make no question about this thing, though +it still seems to me that I heard him say it twenty times. I will tell +him, though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform, +which affirms that Congress cannot charter a national bank in the teeth +of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank. And I +remind him of another piece of Illinois history on the question of +respect for judicial decisions, and it is a piece of Illinois history +belonging to a time when a large party to which Judge Douglas belonged, +were displeased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, +because they had decided that a Governor could not remove a secretary of +State, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in +favour of over-slaughing that decision, by the mode of adding five new +Judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended +in the Judge's sitting down on the very bench as one of the five new +judges to break down the four old ones. It was in this way precisely +that he got his title of Judge. Now, when the Judge tells me that men +appointed conditionally to sit as members of a Court will have to be +catechized beforehand upon some subject, I say, "You know, Judge; you +have tried it!" When he says a Court of this kind will lose the +confidence of all men, will be prostituted and disgraced by such a +proceeding, I say, "You know best, Judge; you have been through the +mill."</p> + +<p>But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott +decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect) that will +hang on when he has once got his teeth fixed—you may cut off a leg, or +you may tear away an arm, still he will not relax his hold. And so I may +point out to the Judge, and say that he is bespattered all over, from +the beginning of his political life to the present time, with attacks +upon judicial decisions,—I may cut off limb after limb of his public +record, and strive to wrench from him a single dictum of the Court, yet +I cannot divert him from it. He hangs to the last to the Dred Scott +decision.... Henry Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, ... once said of +a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate +emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, go back to the era +of our independence, and muzzle the cannon that thunders its annual +joyous return; that they must blow out the moral lights around us; they +must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty; +and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this +country! To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast +influence, doing that very thing in this community when he says that the +negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly +understood the contrary. Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our +Revolution, and, to the extent of his ability, muzzling the cannon which +thunders its annual joyous return. When he invites any people, willing +to have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights +around us. When he says he "cares not whether slavery is voted down or +voted up,"—that it is a sacred right of self-government,—he is, in my +judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason +and the love of liberty in this American people. And now I will only +say, that when, by all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall +succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact accordance with his own +views; when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments; +when they shall come to repeat his views and avow his principles, and to +say all that he says on these mighty questions,—then it needs only the +formality of a second Dred Scott decision, which he indorses in advance, +to make slavery alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, +North as well as South.</p><br /> + + +<a name='30'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas in the Second Joint Debate. Freeport, +Illinois. August 27, 1858</i></h2><br /> + +<p>... The plain truth is this. At the introduction of the Nebraska policy, +we believed there was a new era being introduced in the history of the +Republic, which tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in +our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one another in +everything. The people in the north end of the State were for stronger +measures of opposition than we of the southern and central portions of +the State, but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had that +one feeling and one sentiment in common. You at the north end met in +your conventions, and passed your resolutions. We in the middle of the +State and further south did not hold such conventions and pass the same +resolutions, although we had in general a common view and a common +sentiment. So that these meetings which the Judge has alluded to, and +the resolutions he has read from, were local, and did not spread over +the whole State. We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the +State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You who held more extreme +notions, either yielded those notions, or if not wholly yielding them, +agreed to yield them practically, for the sake of embodying the +opposition to the measures which the opposite party were pushing forward +at that time. We met you then, and if there was anything yielded, it was +for practical purposes. We agreed then upon a platform for the party +throughout the entire State of Illinois, and now we are all bound as a +party to that platform. And I say here to you, if any one expects of me +in the case of my election, that I will do anything not signified by +our Republican platform and my answers here to-day, I tell you very +frankly, that person will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any +one who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that I dare not +speak out.... If I should never be elected to any office, I trust I may +go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation, notwithstanding +the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me.</p><br /> + + +<a name='31'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From Lincoln's Reply at Jonesboro'. September 15, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Ladies and Gentlemen, There is very much in the principles that Judge +Douglas has here enunciated that I most cordially approve, and over +which I shall have no controversy with him. In so far as he insisted +that all the States have the right to do exactly as they please about +all their domestic relations, including that of slavery, I agree +entirely with him. He places me wrong in spite of all I tell him, though +I repeat it again and again, insisting that I have made no difference +with him upon this subject. I have made a great many speeches, some of +which have been printed, and it will be utterly impossible for him to +find anything that I have ever put in print contrary to what I now say +on the subject. I hold myself under constitutional obligations to allow +the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, +to do exactly as they please, and I deny that I have any inclination to +interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional +obligation. I can only say again that I am placed improperly—altogether +improperly, in spite of all that I can say—when it is insisted that I +entertain any other view or purpose in regard to that matter.</p> + +<p>While I am upon this subject, I will make some answers briefly to +certain propositions that Judge Douglas has put. He says, "Why can't +this Union endure permanently half slave and half free?" I have said +that I supposed it could not, and I will try, before this new audience, +to give briefly some of the reasons for entertaining that opinion. +Another form of his question is, "Why can't we let it stand as our +fathers placed it?" That is the exact difficulty between us. I say that +Judge Douglas and his friends have changed it from the position in which +our fathers originally placed it.</p> + +<p>I say in the way our fathers originally left the slavery question, the +institution was in the course of ultimate extinction. I say when this +government was first established, it was the policy of its founders to +prohibit the spread of slavery into the new Territories of the United +States where it had not existed. But Judge Douglas and his friends have +broken up that policy, and placed it upon a new basis, by which it is to +become national and perpetual. All I have asked or desired anywhere is +that it should be placed back again upon the basis that the fathers of +our government originally placed it upon. I have no doubt that it would +become extinct for all time to come, if we had but readopted the policy +of the fathers by restricting it to the limits it has already +covered—restricting it from the new Territories.</p> + +<p>I do not wish to dwell on this branch of the subject at great length at +this time, but allow me to repeat one thing that I have stated before. +Brooks, the man who assaulted Senator Sumner on the floor of the Senate, +and who was complimented with dinners and silver pitchers and +gold-headed canes, and a good many other things for that feat, in one of +his speeches declared that when this government was originally +established, nobody expected that the institution of slavery would last +until this day. That was but the opinion of one man, but it is such an +opinion as we can never get from Judge Douglas or anybody in favour of +slavery in the North at all. You can sometimes get it from a Southern +man. He said at the same time that the framers of our government did not +have the knowledge that experience has taught us—that experience and +the invention of the cotton gin have taught us that the perpetuation of +slavery is a necessity. He insisted therefore upon its being changed +from the basis upon which the fathers of the government left it to the +basis of perpetuation and nationalization.</p> + +<p>I insist that this is the difference between Judge Douglas and +myself—that Judge Douglas is helping the change along. I insist upon +this government being placed where our fathers originally placed it.</p> + +<p>... When he asks me why we cannot get along with it [slavery] in the +attitude where our fathers placed it, he had better clear up the +evidences that he has himself changed it from that basis; that he has +himself been chiefly instrumental in changing the policy of the fathers. +Any one who will read his speech of the twenty-second of March last, +will see that he there makes an open confession, showing that he set +about fixing the institution upon an altogether different set of +principles....</p> + +<p>Now, fellow-citizens, in regard to this matter about a contract between +myself and Judge Trumbull, and myself and all that long portion of Judge +Douglas's speech on this subject. I wish simply to say, what I have said +to him before, that he cannot know whether it is true or not, and I do +know that there is not a word of truth in it. And I have told him so +before. I don't want any harsh language indulged in, but I do not know +how to deal with this persistent insisting on a story that I know to be +utterly without truth. It used to be the fashion amongst men that when a +charge was made, some sort of proof was brought forward to establish it, +and if no proof was found to exist, it was dropped. I don't know how to +meet this kind of an argument. I don't want to have a fight with Judge +Douglas, and I have no way of making an argument up into the consistency +of a corn-cob and stopping his mouth with it. All I can do is +good-humouredly to say, that from the beginning to the end of all that +story about a bargain between Judge Trumbull and myself, there is not a +word of truth in it....</p> + +<p>When that compromise [of 1850] was made, it did not repeal the old +Missouri Compromise. It left a region of United States territory half as +large as the present territory of the United States, north of the line +of 36° 30', in which slavery was prohibited by act of Congress. This +compromise did not repeal that one. It did not affect nor propose to +repeal it. But at last it became Judge Douglas's duty, as he thought +(and I find no fault with him), as chairman of the Committee on +Territories, to bring in a bill for the organization of a territorial +government—first of one, then of two Territories north of that line. +When he did so, it ended in his inserting a provision substantially +repealing the Missouri Compromise. That was because the Compromise of +1850 had not repealed it. And now I ask why he could not have left that +compromise alone? We were quiet from the agitation of the slavery +question. We were making no fuss about it. All had acquiesced in the +compromise measures of 1850. We never had been seriously disturbed by +any Abolition agitation before that period.... I close this part of the +discussion on my part by asking him the question again, Why, when we had +peace under the Missouri Compromise, could you not have let it alone?</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different +institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily +proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face of the country, +and the difference of the natural features of the States. I agree to all +that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty amongst us? +Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have +laws in Louisiana designed to regulate the commerce that springs from +the production of sugar, or because we have a different class relative +to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any +differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They +don't make the house a house divided against itself. They are the props +that hold up the house and sustain the Union.</p> + +<p>But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had +quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have +quarrels over it? Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to +observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery +question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was +excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has +been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to +spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has +proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at +the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again with the annexation +of Texas; so with the territory acquired by the Mexican War; and it is +so now. Whenever there has been an effort to spread it, there has been +agitation and resistance. Now, I appeal to this audience (very few of +whom are my political friends), as rational men, whether we have reason +to expect that the agitation in regard to this subject will cease while +the causes that tend to reproduce agitation are actively at work? Will +not the same cause that produced agitation in 1820, when the Missouri +Compromise was formed,—that which produced the agitation upon the +annexation of Texas, and at other times,—work out the same results +always? Do you think that the nature of man will be changed; that the +same causes that produced agitation at one time will not have the same +effect at another?</p> + +<p>This has been the result so far as my observation of the slavery +question and my reading in history extend. What right have we then to +hope that the trouble will cease, that the agitation will come to an +end, until it shall either be placed back where it originally stood, and +where the fathers originally placed it, or, on the other hand, until it +shall entirely master all opposition? This is the view I entertain, and +this is the reason why I entertained it, as Judge Douglas has read from +my Springfield speech.</p> + +<p>... At Freeport I answered several interrogatories that had been +propounded to me by Judge Douglas at the Ottawa meeting.... At the same +time I propounded four interrogatories to him, claiming it as a right +that he should answer as many for me as I did for him, and I would +reserve myself for a future instalment when I got them ready. The Judge, +in answering me upon that occasion, put in what I suppose he intends as +answers to all four of my interrogatories. The first one of these I +have before me, and it is in these words:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Question 1.</i> If the people of Kansas shall by means entirely + unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State constitution + and ask admission into the Union under it, before they have the + requisite number of inhabitants according to the English bill—some + 93,000—will you vote to admit them?</p></div> + +<p>As I read the Judge's answer in the newspaper, and as I remember it as +pronounced at the time, he does not give any answer which is equivalent +to yes or no,—I will or I won't. He answers at very considerable +length, rather quarrelling with me for asking the question, and +insisting that Judge Trumbull had done something that I ought to say +something about; and finally, getting out such statements as induce me +to infer that he means to be understood, he will, in that supposed case, +vote for the admission of Kansas. I only bring this forward now, for the +purpose of saying that, if he chooses to put a different construction +upon his answer, he may do it. But if he does not, I shall from this +time forward assume that he will vote for the admission of Kansas in +disregard of the English bill. He has the right to remove any +misunderstanding I may have. I only mention it now, that I may hereafter +assume this to have been the true construction of his answer, if he does +not now choose to correct me.</p> + +<p>The second interrogatory I propounded to him was this:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Question 2.</i> Can the people of a United States Territory in any + lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, + exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State + constitution?</p></div> + +<p>To this Judge Douglas answered that they can lawfully exclude slavery +from the Territory prior to the formation of a constitution. He goes +on to tell us how it can be done. As I understand him, he holds that +it can be done by the territorial legislature refusing to make any +enactments for the protection of slavery in the Territory, and +especially by adopting unfriendly legislation to it. For the sake of +clearness, I state it again: that they can exclude slavery from the +Territory,—first, by withholding what he assumes to be an indispensable +assistance to it in the way of legislation; and second, by unfriendly +legislation. If I rightly understand him, I wish to ask your attention +for a while to his position.</p> + +<p>In the first place, the Supreme Court of the United States has decided +that any congressional prohibition of slavery in the Territories is +unconstitutional: they have reached this proposition as a conclusion +from their former proposition that the Constitution of the United States +expressly recognizes property in slaves; and from that other +constitutional provision that no person shall be deprived of property +without due process of law. Hence they reach the conclusion that as the +Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes property in +slaves, and prohibits any person from being deprived of property without +due process of law, to pass an act of Congress by which a man who owned +a slave on one side of a line would be deprived of him if he took him on +the other side, is depriving him of that property without due process of +law. That I understand to be the decision of the Supreme Court. I +understand also that Judge Douglas adheres most firmly to that decision; +and the difficulty is, how is it possible for any power to exclude +slavery from the Territory unless in violation of that decision? That is +the difficulty.</p> + +<p>In the Senate of the United States, in 1856, Judge Trumbull in a speech, +substantially if not directly, put the same interrogatory to Judge +Douglas, as to whether the people of a Territory had the lawful power to +exclude slavery prior to the formation of a constitution? Judge Douglas +then answered at considerable length, and his answer will be found in +the "Congressional Globe," under date of June 9, 1856. The Judge said +that whether the people could exclude slavery prior to the formation of +a constitution or not, was a question to be decided by the Supreme +Court. He put that proposition, as will be seen by the "Congressional +Globe," in a variety of forms, all running to the same thing in +substance,—that it was a question for the Supreme Court. I maintain +that when he says, after the Supreme Court has decided the question, +that the people may yet exclude slavery by any means whatever, he does +virtually say that it is not a question for the Supreme Court. He shifts +his ground. I appeal to you whether he did not say it was a question for +the Supreme Court? Has not the Supreme Court decided that question? When +he now says that the people may exclude slavery, does he not make it a +question for the people? Does he not virtually shift his ground and say +that it is not a question for the court, but for the people? This is a +very simple proposition,—a very plain and naked one. It seems to me +that there is no difficulty in deciding it. In a variety of ways he said +that it was a question for the Supreme Court. He did not stop then to +tell us that, whatever the Supreme Court decides, the people can by +withholding necessary "police regulations" keep slavery out. He did not +make any such answer. I submit to you now, whether the new state of the +case has not induced the Judge to sheer away from his original ground? +Would not this be the impression of every fair-minded man?</p> + +<p>I hold that the proposition that slavery cannot enter a new country +without police regulations is historically false. It is not true at all. +I hold that the history of this country shows that the institution of +slavery was originally planted upon this continent without these "police +regulations" which the Judge now thinks necessary for the actual +establishment of it. Not only so, but is there not another fact,—how +came this Dred Scott decision to be made? It was made upon the case of a +negro being taken and actually held in slavery in Minnesota Territory, +claiming his freedom because the act of Congress prohibited his being so +held there. Will the Judge pretend that Dred Scott was not held there +without police regulations? There is at least one matter of record as to +his having been held in slavery in the Territory, not only without +police regulations, but in the teeth of congressional legislation +supposed to be valid at the time. This shows that there is vigour enough +in slavery to plant itself in a new country, even against unfriendly +legislation. It takes not only law, but the enforcement of law to keep +it out. That is the history of this country upon the subject.</p> + +<p>I wish to ask one other question. It being understood that the +Constitution of the United States guarantees property in slaves in the +Territories, if there is any infringement of the right of that property, +would not the United States courts, organized for the government of the +Territory, apply such remedy as might be necessary in that case? It is a +maxim held by the courts that there is no wrong without its remedy; and +the courts have a remedy for whatever is acknowledged and treated as a +wrong.</p> + +<p>Again: I will ask you, my friends, if you were elected members of the +legislature, what would be the first thing you would have to do before +entering upon your duties? Swear to support the Constitution of the +United States. Suppose you believe as Judge Douglas does, that the +Constitution of the United States guarantees to your neighbour the right +to hold slaves in that Territory,—that they are his property,—how can +you clear your oaths unless you give him such legislation as is +necessary to enable him to enjoy that property? What do you understand +by supporting the Constitution of a State or of the United States? Is it +not to give such constitutional helps to the rights established by that +Constitution as may be practically needed? Can you, if you swear to +support the Constitution and believe that the Constitution establishes a +right, clear your oath without giving it support? Do you support the +Constitution if, knowing or believing there is a right established under +it which needs specific legislation, you withhold that legislation? Do +you not violate and disregard your oath? I can conceive of nothing +plainer in the world. There can be nothing in the words "support the +Constitution," if you may run counter to it by refusing support to any +right established under the Constitution. And what I say here will hold +with still more force against the Judge's doctrine of "unfriendly +legislation." How could you, having sworn to support the Constitution, +and believing that it guaranteed the right to hold slaves in the +Territories, assist in legislation intended to defeat that right? That +would be violating your own view of the Constitution. Not only so, but +if you were to do so, how long would it take the courts to hold your +votes unconstitutional and void? Not a moment.</p> + +<p>Lastly, I would ask, is not Congress itself under obligation to give +legislative support to any right that is established under the United +States Constitution? I repeat the question, is not Congress itself bound +to give legislative support to any right that is established in the +United States Constitution? A member of Congress swears to support the +Constitution of the United States, and if he sees a right established by +that Constitution which needs specific legislative protection, can he +clear his oath without giving that protection? Let me ask you why many +of us, who are opposed to slavery upon principle, give our acquiescence +to a fugitive-slave law? Why do we hold ourselves under obligations to +pass such a law, and abide by it when passed? Because the Constitution +makes provision that the owners of slaves shall have the right to +reclaim them. It gives the right to reclaim slaves; and that right is, +as Judge Douglas says, a barren right, unless there is legislation that +will enforce it.</p> + +<p>The mere declaration, "No person held to service or labour in one State, +under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of +any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or +labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such +service or labour may be due," is powerless without specific legislation +to enforce it. Now, on what ground would a member of Congress who is +opposed to slavery in the abstract, vote for a fugitive law, as I would +deem it my duty to do? Because there is a constitutional right which +needs legislation to enforce it. And, although it is distasteful to me, +I have sworn to support the Constitution; and, having so sworn, I +cannot conceive that I do support it if I withhold from that right any +necessary legislation to make it practical. And if that is true in +regard to a fugitive-slave law, is the right to have fugitive slaves +reclaimed any better fixed in the Constitution than the right to hold +slaves in the Territories? For this decision is a just exposition of the +Constitution, as Judge Douglas thinks. Is the one right any better than +the other? If I wished to refuse to give legislative support to slave +property in the Territories, if a member of Congress, I could not do it, +holding the view that the Constitution establishes that right. If I did +it at all, it would be because I deny that this decision properly +construes the Constitution. But if I acknowledge with Judge Douglas that +this decision properly construes the Constitution, I cannot conceive +that I would be less than a perjured man if I should refuse in Congress +to give such protection to that property as in its nature it needed....</p> +<br /> + +<a name='32'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Charleston, Illinois. +September 18, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me +an answer to the question whether I am in favour of negro citizenship. +So far as I know, the Judge never asked me the question before. He shall +have no occasion ever to ask it again, for I tell him very frankly that +I am not in favour of negro citizenship.... Now my opinion is, that the +different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the +Constitution of the United States, if they choose. The Dred Scott +decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois +had that power, I should be opposed to the exercise of it. That is all I +have to say about it.</p> + +<p>Judge Douglas has told me that he heard my speeches north and my +speeches south, ... and there was a very different cast of sentiment in +the speeches made at the different points. I will not charge upon Judge +Douglas that he wilfully misrepresents me, but I call upon every +fair-minded man to take these speeches and read them, and I dare him to +point out any difference between my speeches north and south. While I am +here, perhaps I ought to say a word, if I have the time, in regard to +the latter portion of the Judge's speech, which was a sort of +declamation in reference to my having said that I entertained the belief +that this government would not endure, half slave and half free. I have +said so, and I did not say it without what seemed to me good reasons. It +perhaps would require more time than I have now to set forth those +reasons in detail; but let me ask you a few questions. Have we ever had +any peace on this slavery question? When are we to have peace upon it if +it is kept in the position it now occupies? How are we ever to have +peace upon it? That is an important question. To be sure, if we will all +stop and allow Judge Douglas and his friends to march on in their +present career until they plant the institution all over the nation, +here and wherever else our flag waves, and we acquiesce in it, there +will be peace. But let me ask Judge Douglas how he is going to get the +people to do that? They have been wrangling over this question for forty +years. This was the cause of the agitation resulting in the Missouri +Compromise; this produced the troubles at the annexation of Texas, in +the acquisition of the territory acquired in the Mexican War. Again, +this was the trouble quieted by the Compromise of 1850, when it was +settled "for ever," as both the great political parties declared in +their national conventions. That "for ever" turned out to be just four +years, when Judge Douglas himself reopened it.</p> + +<p>When is it likely to come to an end? He introduced the Nebraska bill in +1854, to put another end to the slavery agitation. He promised that it +would finish it all up immediately, and he has never made a speech +since, until he got into a quarrel with the President about the +Lecompton constitution, in which he has not declared that we are just at +the end of the slavery agitation. But in one speech, I think last +winter, he did say that he didn't quite see when the end of the slavery +agitation would come. Now he tells us again that it is all over, and the +people of Kansas have voted down the Lecompton constitution. How is it +over? That was only one of the attempts to put an end to the slavery +agitation,—one of these "final settlements." Is Kansas in the Union? +Has she formed a constitution that she is likely to come in under? Is +not the slavery agitation still an open question in that Territory?... +If Kansas should sink to-day, and leave a great vacant space in the +earth's surface, this vexed question would still be among us. I say, +then, there is no way of putting an end to the slavery agitation amongst +us, but to put it back upon the basis where our fathers placed it; no +way but to keep it out of our new Territories,—to restrict it for ever +to the old States where it now exists. Then the public mind will rest in +the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. That is one +way of putting an end to the slavery agitation.</p> + +<p>The other way is for us to surrender, and let Judge Douglas and his +friends have their way, and plant slavery over all the States,—cease +speaking of it as in any way a wrong—regard slavery as one of the +common matters of property, and speak of our negroes as we do of our +horse and cattle.</p><br /> + + +<a name='33'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Galesburg, Illinois. October, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... The Judge has alluded to the Declaration of Independence, and +insisted that negroes are not included in that Declaration; and that it +is a slander on the framers of that instrument to suppose that negroes +were meant therein; and he asks you, Is it possible to believe that Mr. +Jefferson, who penned that immortal paper, could have supposed himself +applying the language of that instrument to the negro race, and yet held +a portion of that race in slavery? Would he not at once have freed +them? I only have to remark upon this part of his speech (and that too, +very briefly, for I shall not detain myself or you upon that point for +any great length of time), that I believe the entire records of the +world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within +three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation from +one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of +Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that he ever said +so, that Washington ever said so, that any President ever said so, that +any member of Congress ever said so, or that any living man upon the +whole earth ever said so, until the necessities of the present policy of +the Democratic party in regard to slavery had to invent that +affirmation. And I will remind Judge Douglas and this audience, that +while Mr. Jefferson was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in +speaking on this very subject, he used the strong language that "he +trembled for his country when he remembered that God was just;" and I +will offer the highest premium in my power to Judge Douglas if he will +show that he, in all his life, ever uttered a sentiment at all akin to +that of Jefferson.</p> + +<p>... I want to call to the Judge's attention an attack he made upon me in +the first one of these debates.... In order to fix extreme Abolitionism +upon me, Judge Douglas read a set of resolutions which he declared had +been passed by a Republican State Convention, in October 1854, held at +Springfield, Illinois, and he declared that I had taken a part in that +convention. It turned out that although a few men calling themselves an +anti-Nebraska State Convention had sat at Springfield about that time, +yet neither did I take any part in it, nor did it pass the resolutions +or any such resolutions as Judge Douglas read. So apparent had it become +that the resolutions that he read had not been passed at Springfield at +all, nor by any State Convention in which I had taken part, that seven +days later at Freeport ... Judge Douglas declared that he had been +misled ... and promised ... that when he went to Springfield he would +investigate the matter.... I have waited as I think a sufficient time +for the report of that investigation.</p> + +<p>... A fraud, an absolute forgery, was committed, and the perpetration of +it was traced to the three,—Lanphier, Harris, and Douglas.... Whether +it can be narrowed in any way, so as to exonerate any one of them, is +what Judge Douglas's report would probably show. The main object of that +forgery at that time was to beat Yates and elect Harris to Congress, and +that object was known to be exceedingly dear to Judge Douglas at that +time.</p> + +<p>... The fraud having been apparently successful upon that occasion, both +Harris and Douglas have more than once since then been attempting to put +it to new uses. As the fisherman's wife, whose drowned husband was +brought home with his body full of eels, said, when she was asked what +was to be done with him, 'Take out the eels and set him again,' so +Harris and Douglas have shown a disposition to take the eels out of that +stale fraud by which they gained Harris's election, and set the fraud +again, more than once.... And now that it has been discovered publicly +to be a fraud, we find that Judge Douglas manifests no surprise at +all.... But meanwhile the three are agreed that each is a most +honourable man.</p><br /> + + +<a name='34'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Notes for Speeches. October 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Suppose it is true that the negro is inferior to the white in the gifts +of nature; is it not the exact reverse of justice that the white should +for that reason take from the negro any part of the little which he has +had given him? "Give to him that is needy" is the Christian rule of +charity; but "Take from him that is needy" is the rule of slavery.</p> + +<p>The sum of pro-slavery theology seems to be this: "Slavery is not +universally right, nor yet universally wrong; it is better for some +people to be slaves; and, in such cases, it is the will of God that they +be such."</p> + +<p>Certainly there is no contending against the will of God; but still +there is some difficulty in ascertaining and applying it to particular +cases. For instance, we will suppose the Rev. Dr. Ross has a slave named +Sambo, and the question is, "Is it the will of God that Sambo shall +remain a slave, or be set free?" The Almighty gives no audible answer to +the question, and his revelation, the Bible, gives none—or at most none +but such as admits of a squabble as to its meaning; no one thinks of +asking Sambo's opinion on it. So at last it comes to this, that Dr. Ross +is to decide the question; and while he considers it, he sits in the +shade, with gloves on his hands, and subsists on the bread that Sambo is +earning in the burning sun. If he decides that God wills Sambo to +continue a slave, he thereby retains his own comfortable position; but +if he decides that God wills Sambo to be free, he thereby has to walk +out of the shade, throw off his gloves, and delve for his own bread. +Will Dr. Ross be actuated by the perfect impartiality which has ever +been considered most favourable to correct decisions?</p> + +<p>We have in this nation the element of domestic slavery. It is a matter +of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element. It is the opinion +of all the great men who have expressed an opinion upon it, that it is a +dangerous element. We keep up a controversy in regard to it. That +controversy necessarily springs from difference of opinion, and if we +can learn exactly—can reduce to the lowest elements—what that +difference of opinion is, we perhaps shall be better prepared for +discussing the different systems of policy that we would propose in +regard to that disturbing element.</p> + +<p>I suggest that the difference of opinion, reduced to its lowest terms, +is no other than the difference between the men who think slavery a +wrong and those who do not think it wrong. The Republican party think it +wrong—we think it is a moral, a social, and a political wrong. We think +it is a wrong not confining itself merely to the persons or the States +where it exists, but that it is a wrong which in its tendency, to say +the least, affects the existence of the whole nation. Because we think +it wrong, we propose a course of policy that shall deal with it as a +wrong.</p> + +<p>We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its +growing any larger, and so deal with it that in the run of time there +may be some promise of an end to it We have a due regard to the actual +presence of it amongst us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in +any satisfactory way, and all the constitutional obligations thrown +about it. I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in +the nation, and to our constitutional obligations, we have no right at +all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we profess that we +have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it. +We go further than that: we don't propose to disturb it where, in one +instance, we think the Constitution would permit us. We think the +Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the District of Columbia. +Still we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in terms which I +don't suppose the nation is very likely soon to agree to—the terms of +making the emancipation gradual and compensating the unwilling owners. +Where we suppose we have the constitutional right, we restrain ourselves +in reference to the actual existence of the institution and the +difficulties thrown about it. We also oppose it as an evil so far as it +seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that shall restrict it +to its present limits. We don't suppose that in doing this we violate +anything due to the actual presence of the institution, or anything due +to the constitutional guaranties thrown around it.</p> + +<p>We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain way, upon which I ought +perhaps to address you in a few words. We do not propose that when Dred +Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will +decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any other one, or +one thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves, we will in +any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled; but we +nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political rule, which shall be +binding on the voter to vote for nobody who thinks it wrong, which shall +be binding on the members of Congress or the President to favour no +measure that does not actually concur with the principles of that +decision. We do not propose to be bound by it as a political rule in +that way, because we think it lays the foundation not merely of +enlarging and spreading out what we consider an evil, but it lays the +foundation for spreading that evil into the States themselves. We +propose so resisting it as to have it reversed if we can, and a new +judicial rule established upon this subject.</p> + +<p>I will add this, that if there be any man who does not believe that +slavery is wrong in the three aspects which I have mentioned, or in any +one of them, that man is misplaced and ought to leave us. While, on the +other hand, if there be any man in the Republican party who is impatient +over the necessity springing from its actual presence, and is impatient +of the constitutional guaranties thrown around it, and would act in +disregard of these, he too is misplaced, standing with us. He will find +his place somewhere else; for we have a due regard, so far as we are +capable of understanding them, for all these things. This, gentlemen, as +well as I can give it, is a plain statement of our principles in all +their enormity.</p> + +<p>I will say now that there is a sentiment in the country contrary to +me—a sentiment which holds that slavery is not wrong, and therefore +goes for the policy that does not propose dealing with it as a wrong. +That policy is the Democratic policy, and that sentiment is the +Democratic sentiment. If there be a doubt in the mind of any one of this +vast audience that this is really the central idea of the Democratic +party, in relation to this subject, I ask him to bear with me while I +state a few things tending, as I think, to prove that proposition.</p> + +<p>In the first place, the leading man,—I think I may do my friend Judge +Douglas the honour of calling him such,—advocating the present +Democratic policy, never himself says it is wrong. He has the high +distinction, so far as I know, of never having said slavery is either +right or wrong. Almost everybody else says one or the other, but the +Judge never does. If there be a man in the Democratic party who thinks +it is wrong, and yet clings to that party, I suggest to him in the first +place that his leader don't talk as he does, for he never says that it +is wrong.</p> + +<p>In the second place, I suggest to him that if he will examine the policy +proposed to be carried forward, he will find that he carefully excludes +the idea that there is anything wrong in it. If you will examine the +arguments that are made on it, you will find that every one carefully +excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery.</p> + +<p>Perhaps that Democrat who says he is as much opposed to slavery as I am +will tell me that I am wrong about this. I wish him to examine his own +course in regard to this matter a moment, and then see if his opinion +will not be changed a little. You say it is wrong; but don't you +constantly object to anybody else saying so? Do you not constantly argue +that this is not the right place to oppose it? You say it must not be +opposed in the free States, because slavery is not there; it must not be +opposed in the slave States, because it is there; it must not be opposed +in politics, because that will make a fuss; it must not be opposed in +the pulpit, because it is not religion. Then where is the place to +oppose it? There is no suitable place to oppose it. There is no plan in +the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent, which you +say yourself is coming. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a +system of gradual emancipation in Missouri, had an election in August, +and got beat; and you, Mr. Democrat, threw up your hat and hallooed, +"Hurrah for Democracy!"</p> + +<p>So I say again, that in regard to the arguments that are made, when +Judge Douglas says he "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted +down," whether he means that as an individual expression of sentiment, +or only as a sort of statement of his views on national policy, it is +alike true to say that he can thus argue logically if he don't see +anything wrong in it; but he cannot say so logically if he admits that +slavery is wrong. He cannot say that he would as soon see a wrong voted +up as voted down. When Judge Douglas says that whoever or whatever +community wants slaves, they have a right to have them, he is perfectly +logical if there is nothing wrong in the institution; but if you admit +that it is wrong, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do +wrong. When he says that slave property and horse and hog property are +alike to be allowed to go into the Territories, upon the principles of +equality, he is reasoning truly if there is no difference between them +as property; but if the one is property, held rightfully, and the other +is wrong, then there is no equality between the right and wrong; so +that, turn it in any way you can, in all the arguments sustaining the +Democratic policy, and in that policy itself, there is a careful, +studied exclusion of the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery.</p> + +<p>Let us understand this. I am not, just here, trying to prove that we are +right and they are wrong. I have been stating where we and they stand, +and trying to show what is the real difference between us; and I now say +that whenever we can get the question distinctly stated,—can get all +these men who believe that slavery is in some of these respects wrong, +to stand and act with us in treating it as a wrong,—then, and not till +then, I think, will we in some way come to an end of this slavery +agitation.</p><br /> + + +<a name='35'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Mr. Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas in the Seventh and Last Debate. +Alton, Illinois. October 15, 1858</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... But is it true that all the difficulty and agitation we have in +regard to this institution of slavery springs from office-seeking,—from +the mere ambition of politicians? Is that the truth? How many times have +we had danger from this question? Go back to the day of the Missouri +Compromise. Go back to the nullification question, at the bottom of +which lay this same slavery question. Go back to the time of the +annexation of Texas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise +of 1850. You will find that every time, with the single exception of the +nullification question, they sprung from an endeavour to spread this +institution. There never was a party in the history of this country, and +there probably never will be, of sufficient strength to disturb the +general peace of the country. Parties themselves may be divided and +quarrel on minor questions, yet it extends not beyond the parties +themselves. But does not this question make a disturbance outside of +political circles? Does it not enter into the churches and rend them +asunder? What divided the great Methodist Church into two parts, North +and South? What has raised this constant disturbance in every +Presbyterian General Assembly that meets? What disturbed the Unitarian +Church in this very city two years ago? What has jarred and shaken the +great American Tract Society recently,—not yet splitting it, but sure +to divide it in the end? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power, +that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up +in every avenue of society, in politics, in religion, in literature, in +morals, in all the manifold relations of life? Is this the work of +politicians? Is that irresistible power which for fifty years has shaken +the government and agitated the people, to be stilled and subdued by +pretending that it is an exceedingly simple thing, and we ought not to +talk about it? If you will get everybody else to stop talking about it, +I assure you that I will quit before they have half done so. But where +is the philosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that +disturbing element in our society, which has disturbed us for more than +half a century, which has been the only serious danger that has +threatened our institutions? I say where is the philosophy or the +statesmanship, based on the assumption that we are to quit talking about +it, and that the public mind is all at once to cease being agitated by +it? Yet this is the policy here in the North that Douglas is +advocating,—that we are to care nothing about it! I ask you if it is +not a false philosophy? Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes +to build up a system of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about +the very thing that everybody does care the most about,—a thing which +all experience has shown we care a very great deal about?</p> + +<p>... The Judge alludes very often in the course of his remarks to the +exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for +themselves. I agree with him very readily.... Our controversy with him +is in regard to the new Territories. We agree that when States come in +as States they have the right and power to do as they please.... We +profess constantly that we have no more inclination than belief in the +power of the government to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to +defend ourselves from the assumption that we are warring upon the rights +of the States. What I insist upon is, that the new Territories shall be +kept free from it while in the territorial condition ...</p> + +<p>... These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force +the controversy....</p> + +<p>The real issue in this controversy—the one dressing upon every mind—is +the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution +of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it +as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery +in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It +is the sentiment around which all their actions, all their arguments, +circle; from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as +being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate +it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence +among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory +way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet, +having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that +looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it, as far +as may be, be treated as a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it +as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. They also +desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery some time, as +being a wrong. These are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I +understand them; and all their sentiments, all their arguments and +propositions are brought within this range, I have said, and I here +repeat it, that if there be a man amongst us who does not think that the +institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I +have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there +be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard +its actual presence among us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it +suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional +obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our +platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. He is not +placed properly with us.</p> + +<p>On this subject of treating it as a wrong and limiting its spread, let +me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union +save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we +hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever +threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution +of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition +of things by enlarging slavery,—by spreading it out and making it +bigger? You may have a wen or a cancer upon your person, and not be able +to cut it out lest you bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure +it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper +way of treating what you regard as a wrong. You see this peaceful way of +dealing with it as a wrong,—restricting the spread of it, and not +allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed. +That is the peaceful way—the old-fashioned way—the way in which the +fathers themselves set us the example.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment which treats it as +not being wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do not +mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively +asserts that it is right. That class will include all who positively +assert that it is right, and all who, like Judge Douglas, treat it as +indifferent, and do not say it is either right or wrong. These two +classes of men fall within the general class of those who do not look +upon it as a wrong. And if there be among you anybody who supposes that +he, as a Democrat, can consider himself "as much opposed to slavery as +anybody," I would like to reason with him. You never treat it <i>as</i> a +wrong. What other thing that you consider a wrong do you deal with as +you deal with that? Perhaps you say it is wrong, but your leader never +does, and you quarrel with anybody who says it is wrong. Although you +pretend to say so yourself, you can find no fit place to deal with it as +a wrong. You must not say anything about it in the free States, because +it is not here. You must not say anything about it in the slave States, +because it is there. You must not say anything about it in the pulpit, +because that is religion, and has nothing to do with it. You must not +say anything about it in politics, because that will disturb the +security of "my place." There is no place to talk about it as being a +wrong, although you say yourself it is a wrong. But, finally, you will +screw yourself up to the belief that if the people of the slave States +should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the slavery question, +you would be in favour of it. You would be in favour of it! You say that +is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it +succeed. But you are deceiving yourself. You all know that Frank Blair +and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that +system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the +system of gradual emancipation, which you pretend you would be glad to +see succeed. Now I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they +were beaten; and when the news came over here, you threw up your hats +and hurrahed for Democracy! More than that; take all the argument made +in favour of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the +idea that there is anything wrong in the institution of slavery. The +arguments to sustain that policy carefully exclude it. Even here to-day, +you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me, because I uttered a wish that +it might sometime come to an end. Although Henry Clay could say he +wished every slave in the United States was in the country of his +ancestors, I am denounced by those who pretend to respect Henry Clay, +for uttering a wish that it might sometime, in some peaceful way, come +to an end.</p> + +<p>The Democratic policy in regard to that institution will not tolerate +the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the least degree of wrong +about it. Try it by some of Judge Douglas's arguments. He says he "don't +care whether it is voted up or voted down in the Territories." I do not +care myself in dealing with that expression whether it is intended to be +expressive of his individual sentiments on the subject or only of the +national policy he desires to have established.</p> + +<p>But no man can logically say it who does see a wrong in it; because no +man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted +down.... Any man can say that who does not see anything wrong in +slavery.... But if it is a wrong, he cannot say that people have a right +to do wrong. He says that, upon the score of equality, slaves should be +allowed to go into a new Territory like other property. This is strictly +logical if there is no difference between it and other property.... But +if you insist that one is wrong and the other right, there is no use to +institute a comparison between right and wrong.... The Democratic policy +everywhere carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in +it.</p> + +<p>That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this +country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be +silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles—right +and wrong—throughout the world. They are the two principles that have +stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to +struggle.</p> + +<p>The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right +of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. +It is the same spirit that says, "You toil and work and earn bread, and +I'll eat it." No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth +of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live +by the fruit of their labour, or from one race of men as an apology for +enslaving another race,—it is the same tyrannical principle.... +Whenever the issue can be distinctly made, and all extraneous matter +thrown out, so that men can fairly see the real difference between the +parties, this controversy will soon be settled, and it will be done +peaceably, too. There will be no war, no violence. It will be placed +again where the wisest and best men of the world placed it.</p><br /> + + +<a name='36'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Speech at Columbus, Ohio, on the Slave Trade, Popular +Sovereignty, etc. September 16, 1859</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... The Republican party, as I understand its principles and policy, +believes that there is great danger of the institution of slavery being +spread out and extended, until it is ultimately made alike lawful in all +the States of this Union; so believing, to prevent that incidental and +ultimate consummation is the original and chief purpose of the +Republican organization.</p> + +<p>I say "chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is +certainly true that if the national House shall fall into the hands of +the Republicans, they will have to attend to all the matters of national +house-keeping as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the +Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and +except to restore this Government to its original tone in regard to this +element of slavery, and there to maintain it, looking for no further +change in reference to it than that which the original framers of the +Government themselves expected and looked forward to.</p> + +<p>The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now +the revival of the African slave-trade, or the passage of a +Congressional slave-code ... but the most imminent danger that now +threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. +This is the miner and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the +African slave-trade, nor to pass a slave-code, nor to make a second Dred +Scott decision, it is preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these +ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to come on, and the word of +command for them to advance shall be given. I say this <i>Douglas</i> popular +sovereignty—for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, +between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty.</p> + +<p>I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition +of genuine popular sovereignty in the abstract would be about this: that +each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all +those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to governments, this +principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things +which pertain to it; and all the local governments shall do precisely as +they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. +I understand that this government of the United States under which we +live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is +supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle.</p> + +<p>Now, what is Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, +no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man, +neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied +in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new +Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose +of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their +limits or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the +persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who +are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the +families of communities of which they are but an incipient member, or +the general head of the family of States as parent of all,—however +their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or +right to interfere. That is Douglas popular sovereignty applied.</p> + +<p>... I cannot but express my gratitude that this true view of this +element of discord among us, as I believe it is, is attracting more and +more attention. I do not believe that Governor Seward uttered that +sentiment because I had done so before, but because he reflected upon +this subject, and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe, because +Governor Seward or I uttered it, that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, in +different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the +utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and +slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of +Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, +and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much about +him: of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my +notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal.</p> + +<p>... Judge Douglas ... proceeds to assume, without proving it, that +slavery is one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are +of just about as much consequence as the question would be to me, +whether my neighbour should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that +there is no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter +of dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for +settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing +which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the soil, +cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come thereafter; that +it is one of those little things that is so trivial in its nature that +it has no effect upon anybody save the few men who first plant upon the +soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the family of +communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the general +government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well-known fact +that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence +except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only +upon a par with onions and potatoes.</p> + +<p>... Did you ever, five years ago, hear of anybody in the world saying +that the negro had no share in the Declaration of National Independence; +that it did not mean negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of, +negroes were not included?</p> + +<p>... Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the Declaration +of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say +that he said it five years ago. If you think that now, and did not think +it then, the next thing that strikes me is to remark that there has been +a <i>change</i> wrought in you, and a very significant change it is, being no +less than changing the negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man +to that of a brute....</p> + +<p>Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public +opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours this +popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a +change in the public mind to the extent I have stated....</p> + +<p>... Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, I ask you to note that +fact (the popular-sovereignty of Judge Douglas), and the like of which +is to follow, to be plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you +are prepared to deal with the negro everywhere as with the brute. If +public sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new +turn of the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is +constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular +sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your minds, +now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all these things, +and you will receive and support or submit to the slave-trade, revived +with all its horrors,—a slave-code enforced in our Territories,—and a +new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of the +free North.</p> + +<p>... I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these +popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around +us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the +Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile +and the reptile; that man with body and soul is a matter of dollars and +cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, +if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact, that +there is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public +opinion on this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='37'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the Intentions of "Black +Republicans," the Relation of Labour and Capital, etc. September 17, +1859</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... I say, then, in the first place to the Kentuckians that I am what +they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is +wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further +spread in these United States, and I should not object if it should +gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I +say to you, Kentuckians, that I understand you differ radically with me +upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that +slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this +Union. Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not +pretend, in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to attempt +proselyting you. That would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I +only propose to try to show you that you ought to nominate for the next +presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend, Judge Douglas. In +all that, there is no real difference between you and him; I understand +he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are for +yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition.</p> + +<p>In Kentucky perhaps—in many of the slave States certainly—you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by +Divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, +upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that +slavery was right by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the +slavery of the white man,—of men without reference to colour,—and he +knows very well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as +you please, but you will never win any Northern support upon it. He +makes a wiser argument for you. He makes the argument that the slavery +of the black man—the slavery of the man who has a skin of a different +colour from your own—is right. He thereby brings to your support +Northern voters, who could not for a moment be brought by your own +argument of the Bible right of slavery.</p> + +<p>... At Memphis he [Judge Douglas] declared that in all contests between +the negro and the white man, he was for the white man, but that in all +questions between the negro and the crocodile, he was for the negro. He +did not make that declaration accidentally ... he made it a great many +times.</p> + +<p>The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other; and that whoever is +opposed to the negro being enslaved is in some way or other against the +white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict +between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as +much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I +say there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only +does not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it +positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be +enslaved,—that the mass of white men are really injured by the effects +of slave labour in the vicinity of the fields of their own labour....</p> + +<p>There is one other thing that I will say to you in this relation. It is +but my opinion; I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it +is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you +may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the +Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend "to +stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat +you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat +you, we have to beat you both together. We know that "you are all of a +feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do +it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as +deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and +resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say, beat +you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you.</p> + +<p>I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, +what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we +possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean +to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution; to +abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, +coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as +degenerate men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the example of +those noble fathers—Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to +remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between +us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and +bear in mind always, that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as +other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly. We +mean to marry your girls when we have a chance—the white ones, I mean, +and I have the honour to inform you that I once did have a chance in +that way.</p> + +<p>I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing +takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you +mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is +elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That +is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He +is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do +with your half of it. Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and +push your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside +of us outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way +between your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours +can't come over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you +think you can better yourselves on that subject by leaving us here +under no obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable +property that come hither?</p> + +<p>You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, as +you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligation to do +anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will you +make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as +gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a +good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown +yourselves capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you +are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there +are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were +fewer in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were +equal it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, +you will make nothing by attempting to master us....</p> + +<p>Labour is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labour in society. Some men assume that there is a +necessary connection between capital and labour, and that connection +draws within it the whole of the labour of the community. They assume +that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. They begin next +to consider what is the best way. They say there are but two ways,—one +is to hire men and to allure them to labour by their consent; the other +is to buy the men, and drive them to it, and that is slavery. Having +assumed that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the +labourers themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of +hired labourers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the +condition of slaves.</p> + +<p>In the first place, I say the whole thing is a mistake. That there is a +certain relation between capital and labour, I admit. That it does +exist, and rightfully exist, I think is true. That men who are +industrious and sober and honest in the pursuit of their own interests +should after a while accumulate capital, and after that should be +allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also if they should choose, when they +have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labour, +and hire other people to labour for them,—is right. In doing so, they +do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men who have not their +own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by +working for others,—hired labourers, receiving their capital for it. +Thus a few men that own capital hire a few others, and these establish +the relation of capital and labour rightfully—a relation of which I +make no complaint. But I insist that that relation, after all, does not +embrace more than one-eighth of the labour of the country.</p> + +<p>There are a plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good +enough for me, to be either President or Vice-President, provided they +will profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves +on such ground that our men upon principle can vote for them. There are +scores of them—good men in their character for intelligence, for talent +and integrity. If such an one will place himself upon the right ground, +I am for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or opposition +ticket. I will go heartily for him. But unless he does so place himself, +I think it is perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon +any other basis; that if a union be made, the elements will so scatter +that there can be no success for such a ticket. The good old maxims of +the Bible are applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs; and in +this, as in other things, we may say that he who is not for us is +against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad +to have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South place +themselves where we can confer upon them the high honour of an election +upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do +that thing. It would enable us to teach them that inasmuch as we select +one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from +the charge that we mean more than we say....</p><br /> + + +<a name='38'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to J.W. Fell. December 20, 1859</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families—second +families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, +was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, +and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham +Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about +1781 or 1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, +not in battle, but by stealth, when he was labouring to open a farm in +the forest. His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks +County, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England +family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity +of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, +Solomon, Abraham, and the like.</p> + +<p>My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he +grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is +now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home +about the time the State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with +many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. +There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever +required of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin'" to the +rule of three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to +sojourn in the neighbourhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was +absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I +came of age I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, +and cipher to the rule of three, but that was all. I have not been to +school since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education +I have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity.</p> + +<p>I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At +twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at +that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as +a sort of clerk in a store.</p> + +<p>Then came the Black Hawk War; and I was elected a captain of volunteers, +a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went +the campaign, was elated, ran for the legislature the same year (1832), +and was beaten—the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. The +next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the +legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During this legislative +period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to practise it. In +1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. Was not a +candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practised +law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in politics; and +generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active canvasses. I was +losing interest in politics when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise +aroused me again. What I have done since then is pretty well known.</p> + +<p>If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I +am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on +an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse +black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected.</p><br /> + + +<a name='39'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address delivered at Cooper Institute, New York. February 27, +1860</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... Now, and hear, let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I +do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our +fathers did. To do so, would be to discard all the lights of current +experience—to reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is, +that if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any +case, we should do so on evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, +that even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot +stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they +understood the question better than we.</p> + +<p>If any man at this day sincerely believes that the proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids +the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal +Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all +truthful evidence and fair argument he can. But he has no right to +mislead others who have less access to history, and less leisure to +study it, into the false belief that "our fathers who framed the +government under which we live" were of the same opinion—thus +substituting falsehood and deception for truthful evidence and fair +argument. If any man at this day sincerely believes "our fathers who +framed the government under which we live" used and applied principles, +in other cases, which ought to have led them to understand that a proper +division of local from Federal authority, or some part of the +Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the +same time, have the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he +understands their principles better than they did themselves; and +especially should he not shirk the responsibility by asserting that they +understood the question just as well and even better than we do now.</p> + +<p>But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers who framed the +government under which we live understood this question just as well, +and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they +acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask, all Republicans desire, in +relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it again be +marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected +only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that +toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those +fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For +this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, +they will be content.</p> + +<p>And now, if they would listen,—as I suppose they will not,—I would +address a few words to the Southern people.</p> + +<p>I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak +of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the +best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or +murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your +contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional +condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended +to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable +prerequisite—license, so to speak—among you to be admitted or +permitted to speak at all. Now, can you or not be prevailed upon to +pause and to consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to +yourselves? Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be +patient long enough to hear us deny or justify.</p> + +<p>You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section—gets no votes in +your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the +issue? If it does, then, in case we should, without change of principle, +begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be +sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing +to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that we have +ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very +year. You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that +your proof does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in +your section is a fact of your making, and not of ours.</p> + +<p>And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and +remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or +practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the +fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have +started—to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of +ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, +on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong +your section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may +be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really +believe that the principle which "our fathers who framed the government +under which we live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and +indorse it again and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so +clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's +consideration.</p> + +<p>Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional +parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight +years before Washington gave that warning he had, as President of the +United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied +the policy of the government upon that subject up to and at the very +moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he +wrote Lafayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time +have a confederacy of free States.</p> + +<p>Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it.</p> + +<p>But you say you are conservative,—eminently conservative,—while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort.</p> + +<p>What is conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against +the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed +the government under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, +and scout, and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting +something new.</p> + +<p>True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in +rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are +for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a Congressional +slave-code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the +Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for +maintaining slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for +the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no +third man should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; +but never a man among you is in favour of Federal prohibition of slavery +in Federal Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who +framed the government under which we live." Not one of all your various +plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which +our government originated.</p> + +<p>Consider, then, whether your claim for conservatism for yourselves, and +your charge of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear +and stable foundations.</p> + +<p>Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it +formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we +deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old +policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; +and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have +that question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old +policy. What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you +would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy +of the old times.</p> + +<p>You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; +and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! John Brown! John Brown was no +Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his +Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that +matter, you know it, or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are +inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do +not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for +persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander.</p> + +<p>Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the +Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We +know we hold no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held +to and made by "our fathers who framed the government under which we +live." You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it +occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were +in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you +could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and +your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew +that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not +much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favour. Republican +doctrines and declarations are accompanied with a continual protest +against any interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about +your slaves. Surely this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, +in common with "our fathers who framed the government under which we +live," declare our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not +hear us declare even this. For anything we say or do, the slaves would +scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in +fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their +hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each faction +charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to +give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be +insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves.</p> + +<p>Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which at least three times as +many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your +very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by +Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United +States, I do not think a general, or even a very extensive, slave +insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be +attained. The slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can +incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials +are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied, +the indispensable connecting trains.</p> + +<p>Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their +masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for +an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty +individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a favourite +master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave +revolution in Haiti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring +under peculiar circumstances. The Gunpowder Plot of British history, +though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only +about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his +anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by +consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the +kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local +revolts extending to a score or so, will continue to occur as the +natural results of slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I +think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears, +or much hopes, for such an event, will be alike disappointed.</p> + +<p>In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still +in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation +peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off +insensibly, and their places be, <i>pari passu</i>, filled up by free white +labourers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human +nature must shudder at the prospect held up."</p> + +<p>Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as +to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. +The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of +restraining the extension of the institution—the power to insure that a +slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now +free from slavery.</p> + +<p>John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It +was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which +the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the +slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not +succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many +attempts, related in history, at the assassination of kings and +emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people till he +fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the +attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's +attempt on Louis Napoleon, and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry, +were, in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast +blame on Old England in the one case, and on New England in the other, +does not disprove the sameness of the two things.</p> + +<p>And how much would it avail you if you could, by the use of John Brown, +Helper's book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human +action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be +changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this +nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot +destroy that judgment and feeling—that sentiment—by breaking up the +political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter +and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of +your heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing +the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the +ballot-box into some other channel? What would that other channel +probably be? Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by +the operation?</p> + +<p>But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your +constitutional rights.</p> + +<p>That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But +we are proposing no such thing.</p> + +<p>When you make these declarations you have a specific and well-understood +allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into +the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such +right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is +literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that +such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication.</p> + +<p>Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +government, unless you be allowed to construe and force the Constitution +as you please, on all points in dispute between you and us. You will +rule or ruin in all events.</p> + +<p>This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme +Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favour. +Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and +decision, the court has decided the question for you in a sort of way. +The court has substantially said, it is your constitutional right to +take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as +property. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it +was made in a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they +not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that +it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another +about its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken +statement of fact—the statement in the opinion that "the right of +property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the +Constitution."</p> + +<p>An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property +in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in +mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is +impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity +that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there—"distinctly," that +is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words +meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of +no other meaning.</p> + +<p>If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to +show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the +Constitution, nor the word "property," even, in any connection with +language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in +that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and +wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it +is spoken of as "service or labour which may be due"—as a debt payable +in service or labour. Also it would be open to show, by contemporaneous +history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of +speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the +Constitution the idea that there could be property in man.</p> + +<p>To show all this is easy and certain.</p> + +<p>When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their +notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the +mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it?</p> + +<p>And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers who framed +the government under which we live"—the men who made the +Constitution—decided this same constitutional question in our favour +long ago; decided it without division among themselves when making the +decision; without division among themselves about the meaning of it +after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing +it upon any mistaken statement of facts.</p> + +<p>Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified +to break up this government unless such a court decision as yours is +shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of +political action? But you will not abide the election of a Republican +President! In that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; +and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon +us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters +through his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you +will be a murderer!"</p> + +<p>To be sure, what the robber demanded of me—my money—was my own; and I +had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is +my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the +threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be +distinguished in principle.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, +allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here +in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us +stand by our duty fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none +of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously +plied and belaboured,—contrivances such as groping for some middle +ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who +should be neither a living man nor a dead man; such as a policy of +"don't care," on a question about which all true men do care; such as +Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to disunionists, +reversing the Divine rule, and calling not the sinners, but the +righteous to repentance; such as invocations to Washington, imploring +men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did.</p> + +<p>Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government, +nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might, +and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand +it.</p><br /> + + +<a name='40'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Lincoln's Farewell Address at Springfield, Illinois. February 11, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My Friends, No one not in my situation can appreciate my feeling of +sadness at this parting. To this place, and the kindness of these +people, I owe everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a century, and +have passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have been born, +and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever I may +return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon +Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever +attended him I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. +Trusting in Him, who can go with me and remain with you, and be +everywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. +To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend +me, I bid you an affectionate farewell.</p><br /> + + +<a name='41'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>A Letter to the Hon. Geo. Ashmun accepting his Nomination for the +Presidency. May 23, 1860</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you +presided, and of which I am formally apprized in the letter of yourself +and others, acting as a committee of the Convention for that purpose.</p> + +<p>The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter, meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part.</p> + +<p>Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to +the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention; to +the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation; +to the inviolability of the Constitution; and the perpetual union, +harmony, and prosperity of all,—I am most happy to co-operate for the +practical success of the principles declared by the Convention.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,<br /> +A. LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='42'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to Miss Grace Bedell. Springfield, Illinois. October 19, 1860</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear little Miss, Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. +I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three +sons—one seventeen, one nine, and one seven years of age. They, with +their mother, constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, having +never worn any, do you not think people would call it a piece of silly +affectation if I were to begin it now?</p><br /> + + +<a name='43'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address to the Legislature at Indianapolis, Indiana. February +12, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana, I am here to thank you much for +this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given +by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just +cause of the whole country and the whole world.</p> + +<p>Solomon says "there is a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by +the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using +the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence.</p> + +<p>The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that +we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get +exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the +men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent +by the use of words. What then is <i>coercion</i>? what is <i>invasion</i>? Would +the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her +people and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion? I certainly +think it would; and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians +were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely retake and +hold its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign +importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were +habitually violated, would any or all these things be invasion or +coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully +resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that +such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be +coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve +the object of their affection would seem exceedingly thin and airy. If +sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for +them to swallow. In their view, the Union as a family relation would +seem to be no regular marriage, but a sort of free-love arrangement to +be maintained only on <i>passional attraction</i>.</p> + +<p>By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak +not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the +Constitution; for that, by the bond, we all recognize. That position, +however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that +assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is <i>less</i> than +itself, and ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a +county in a given case should be equal in extent of territory, and equal +in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the +State better than the county? Would an exchange of <i>names</i> be an +exchange of <i>rights</i> upon principle? On what rightful principle may a +State, being not more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and +population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionally larger +subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right +to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, +by merely calling it a State?</p> + +<p>Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting anything: I am merely asking +questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='44'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Address to the Legislature at Columbus, Ohio. February 13, +1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that a very +great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the votes of +the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that weighty +responsibility. I cannot but know, what you all know, that without a +name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has +fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his +Country; and so feeling, I cannot but turn and look for that support +without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I +turn then, and look to the great American people, and to that God who +has never forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in +relation to the policy of the new Administration. In this I have +received from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, and from +others, some deprecation. I still think I was right.</p> + +<p>In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and +without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has +seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the +country, I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at +liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events may +make a change necessary.</p> + +<p>I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing +going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out, there +is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon +political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most +consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is +time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this +people.</p><br /> + + +<a name='45'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Remarks at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. February 15, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the +mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this +subject all the consideration I possibly can, before specially deciding +in regard to it, so that when I do speak, it may be as nearly right as +possible. When I do speak, I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the +spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or +which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace +of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me to +speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the +people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation +has been based upon anything which I have heretofore said.</p> + +<p>... If the great American people only keep their temper on both sides of +the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which now +distracts the country will be settled, just as surely as all other +difficulties of a like character which have originated in this +government have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, +so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore.</p> + +<p>... It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question +must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of +national house-keeping. It is to the government what replenishing the +meal-tub is to the family. Ever-varying circumstances will require +frequent modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of +supply. So far there is little difference of opinion among the people. +It is only whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to +favour home productions. In the home market that controversy begins. One +party insists that too much protection oppresses one class for the +advantage of another; while the other party argues that, with all its +incidents, in the long run all classes are benefited. In the Chicago +platform there is a plank upon this subject, which should be a general +law to the incoming Administration. We should do neither more nor less +than we gave the people reason to believe we would when they gave us +their votes. That plank is as I now read:</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"That while providing revenue for the support of the general + government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an + adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of + the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that + policy of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal + wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and + manufacturers adequate reward for their skill, labour, and + enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and + independence."</p></div> + +<p>... My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use +of any of the means by the Executive to control the legislation of the +country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as +well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would +rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of +the next Congress, to take an enlarged view, and post himself +thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the +tariff as shall provide a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, +so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and +classes of the people.</p><br /> + + +<a name='46'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Speech at Trenton to the Senate of New Jersey. February 21, +1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our early +history. In the early Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the +old thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their +limits than old New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I +mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being +able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the +younger members have ever seen,—"Weems's Life of Washington." I +remember all the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles +for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my +imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The +crossing of the river, the contest with the Hessians, the great +hardships endured at that time,—all fixed themselves upon my memory +more than any single Revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have +all been boys, how those early impressions last longer than any others. +I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there must have +been something more than common that these men struggled for. I am +exceedingly anxious that that thing—that something even more than +national independence; that something that held out a great promise to +all the people of the world for all time to come,—I am exceedingly +anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the +people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for +which the struggle was made, and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall +be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, His +most chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='47'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Address in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. February 22, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, +where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion +to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live.</p> + +<p>You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of +restoring peace to our distracted country. I can say in return, sir, +that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as +I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in +and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling, +politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the +Declaration of Independence.</p> + +<p>I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men +who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declaration. I have +pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers +of the army who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of +myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so +long together. It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies +from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of +Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, +but hope to all the world, for all future time. It was that which gave +promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders +of all men, and that all should have an equal chance. This is the +sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.</p> + +<p>Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I +will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help +to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly +awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that +principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this +spot than surrender it.</p> + +<p>Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of +bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favour of +such a course; and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed +unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use +force unless force is used against it.</p> + +<p>My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. I did not expect to be +called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed I was merely to do +something toward raising a flag. I may, therefore, have said something +indiscreet. But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, +and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by.</p><br /> + + +<a name='48'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D.C. February 27, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Mr. Mayor, I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first +time in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented +itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly within a +region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take +this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill-feeling that has +existed and still exists between the people in the section from which I +came and the people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one +another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. +Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never +have had, any other than as kindly feelings towards you as to the people +of my own section. I have not now and never have had any disposition to +treat you in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbours. I have not +now any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the +Constitution under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself +constrained to withhold from my own neighbours; and I hope, in a word, +that when we become better acquainted,—and I say it with great +confidence,—we shall like each other the more. I thank you for the +kindness of this reception.</p><br /> + + +<a name='49'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>First Inaugural Address. March 4, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Fellow-citizens of the United States, In compliance with a custom as old +as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, +and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of +the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the +execution of his office."</p> + +<p>I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement.</p> + +<p>Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that +by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their +peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been +any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to +their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of +him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches +when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. +I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to +do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge +that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never +recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my +acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic +resolution which I now read:—</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"<i>Resolved</i>, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the + States, and especially the right of each State to order and control + its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment + exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the + perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we + denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any + State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the + gravest of crimes."</p></div> + +<p>I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, +too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution +and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States +when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section +as to another.</p> + +<p>There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions:—</p> + +<div class='blkquot'><p>"No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws + thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or + regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but + shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or + labour may be due."</p></div> + +<p>It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who +made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear +their support to the whole Constitution—to this provision as much as to +any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within +the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are +unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they +not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which +to keep good that unanimous oath?</p> + +<p>There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference +is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be +of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is +done. And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go +unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be +kept?</p> + +<p>Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might +it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of +that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizen of +each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of +citizens in the several States"?</p> + +<p>I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.</p> + +<p>It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different +and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +executive branch of the government They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.</p> + +<p>I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is +safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its +organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express +provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure for +ever—it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself.</p> + +<p>Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a +contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it—break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all to lawfully rescind it?</p> + +<p>Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that +in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history +of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It +was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was +matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was +further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly +plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of +Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects +for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more +perfect Union."</p> + +<p>But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the +Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.</p> + +<p>It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can +lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that +effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or +States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances.</p> + +<p>I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be +only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the +contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the +declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and +maintain itself.</p> + +<p>In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The +power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, +there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people +anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior +locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent +resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no +attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. +While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the +exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, +and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for +the time the uses of such offices.</p> + +<p>The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts +of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections.</p> + +<p>That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the +Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to +them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?</p> + +<p>Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you +hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any +portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, +while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you +fly from—will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?</p> + +<p>All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so +constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. +Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written +provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force +of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written +constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify +revolution—certainly would if such a right were a vital one. But such +is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals +are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties +and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise +concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision +specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical +administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of +reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible +questions. Shall fugitives from labour be surrendered by national or by +State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. <i>May</i> Congress +prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly +say. <i>Must</i> Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say.</p> + +<p>From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. +If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government +must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government +is acquiescence on one side or the other.</p> + +<p>If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make +a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of +their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be +controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a +new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely +as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who +cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper +of doing this.</p> + +<p>Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose +a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?</p> + +<p>Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is +wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy +or despotism in some form is all that is left.</p> + +<p>I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that +such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, +as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high +respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments +of the government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision +may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, +being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be +overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be +borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, +the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, +upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably +fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in +ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will +have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically +resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor +is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a +duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought +before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their +decisions to political purposes.</p> + +<p>One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave +clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the +foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can +ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly +supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry +legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I +think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases +after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign +slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, +without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only +partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.</p> + +<p>Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot +do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, +to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; +and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you +cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse +are again upon you.</p> + +<p>This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can +exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their +revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant +of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of +having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation +of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people +over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes +prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing +circumstances, favour rather than oppose a fair opportunity being +afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the +convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to +originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to +take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen +for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would +wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to +the Constitution—which amendment, however, I have not seen—has passed +Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never +interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that +of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have +said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so +far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied +constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and +irrevocable.</p> + +<p>The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they +have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the +Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successor.</p> + +<p>Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of +the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences, is either party without faith of being in the +right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and +justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that +truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great +tribunal of the American people.</p> + +<p>By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people +have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; +and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to +their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their +virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or +folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of +four years.</p> + +<p>My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never +take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no +good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied +still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, +the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will +have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were +admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the +dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. +Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who +has never yet forsaken this favoured land, are still competent to adjust +in the best way all our present difficulty.</p> + +<p>In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. +You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You +have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I +shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."</p> + +<p>I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all +over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again +touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='50'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Address at Utica, New York. February 18, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Ladies and Gentlemen, I have no speech to make to you, and no time to +speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see +me; and I am willing to admit, that, so far as the ladies are concerned, +I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I +do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men.</p><br /> + + +<a name='51'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his First Message to Congress, at the Special Session. July 4, +1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter +was in no sense a matter of self-defence on the part of the assailants. +They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility +commit aggression upon them. They knew—they were expressly +notified—that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of +the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless +themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that +this government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail +them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve +the Union from actual and immediate dissolution,—trusting, as +hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box, for final +adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the +reverse object,—to drive out the visible authority of the Federal +Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution....</p> + +<p>That this was their object the Executive well understood; and having +said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without +being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this +declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of +ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand +it....</p> + +<p>By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that +point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government +began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy to +return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbour +years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that +protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, +they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate +dissolution or blood."</p> + +<p>And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of man the question whether a +constitutional republic or democracy—a government of the people by the +same people—can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against +its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented +individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to +organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this +case or any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break +up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government +upon the earth. It forces us to ask: "Is there, in all republics, this +inherent and fatal weakness?" "Must a government, of necessity, be too +strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its +own existence?"</p> + +<p>So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power +of the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction +by force for its preservation.</p> + +<p>The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, +surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation.</p> + +<p>... The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to +make its nest within her borders,—and this government has no choice +left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, +as the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protection. Those +loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as +being Virginia.</p> + +<p>In the border States, so called,—in fact, the Middle States,—there are +those who favour a policy which they call "armed neutrality;" that is, +an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, +or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion +completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an +impassable wall along the line of separation,—and yet not quite an +impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the +hands of Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, +it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only +what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the +disunionists that which of all things they most desire,—feed them well +and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no +fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and +while very many who have favoured it are doubtless loyal citizens, it +is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect.</p> + +<p>... The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so +long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as +if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was +probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he +is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States +are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers, and a +general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world.</p> + +<p>... It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one; that you place at the control of the +government for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper +ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; +and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by +the men who seem ready to devote the whole.</p> + +<p>... A right result at this time, will be worth more to the world than +ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidences reaching us +from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is +abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it +legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape +and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to +avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, +the people will save their government, if the government itself will do +its part only indifferently well.</p> + +<p>It might seem at first thought to be of little difference whether the +present movement at the South be called <i>secession</i> or <i>rebellion</i>. The +movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they +knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude +by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people +possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, +and as much pride in and reverence for the history and government of +their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They +knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these +strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious +debauching of the public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, +if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the +incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself +is that any State of the Union may consistently with the national +Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the +Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. The little +disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just +cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to +merit any notice.</p> + +<p>With rebellion thus <i>sugar-coated</i> they have been drugging the public +mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length +they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against +the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the +farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have +been brought to no such thing the day before.</p> + +<p>This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its currency from the +assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining +to a State—to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither +more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the +Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. +The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their +British colonial dependence, and the new ones each came into the Union +directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas +in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones +only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that +name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free +and independent States;" but even then the object plainly was, not to +declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly +the contrary, as their mutual pledges and their mutual action before, at +the time, and afterward abundantly show. The express plighting of faith +by each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of +Confederation two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is +most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance or name, +outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State-Rights," +asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is +said about the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word is not in the +National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State +constitutions. What is <i>sovereignty</i> in the political sense of the term? +Would it be far wrong to define it "a political community without a +political superior?" Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, +ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming +into the Union, by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the +United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in +pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the +land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other +legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law +and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured +their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase, the Union +gave each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union +is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as +States. Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and in turn +the Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them States, +such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution +independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotten that all the new +States framed their constitutions before they entered the +Union,—nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the +Union.</p> + +<p>Unquestionably the States have the powers and the rights reserved to +them in and by the National Constitution; but among these, surely, are +not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive; +but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time, as +governmental powers; and, certainly, a power to destroy the government +itself had never been known as a governmental—as a merely +administrative power. This relative matter of National power and States +rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and +locality. Whatever concerns the whole world should be confided to the +whole—to the General Government; while whatever concerns only the +State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of +original principle about it.... What is now combated, is the position +that secession is consistent with the Constitution—is lawful and +peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it; and +nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd +consequences.</p> + +<p>The nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of +these States were formed; is it just that they shall go off without +leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the +aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of +the aboriginal tribes; is it just that she shall now be off without +consent, or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for +money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States in +common with the rest; is it just that the creditors shall go unpaid, or +the remaining States pay the whole?... Again, if one State may secede, +so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the +debts. Is this quite just to the creditors? Did we notify them of this +sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this +doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see +what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which +they will promise to remain.</p> + +<p>The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have +assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which, of +necessity, they have either discarded or retained the right of +secession, as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, +they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If +they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, they show that +to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall +find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other +or selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of +disintegration, and upon which no government can stand.</p> + +<p>If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out +of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians +would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest +outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, +instead of being called "driving the one out," should be called "the +seceding of the others from that one," it would be exactly what the +seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, +because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because +they are a majority, may not rightfully do....</p> + +<p>It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole +people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking +and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has +now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has +taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there +are many single regiments, whose members, one and another, possess full +practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, and professions, and +whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and +there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a +President, a cabinet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly +competent to administer the government itself. Nor do I say that this is +not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this +contest; but if it is, so much the better reason why the government +which has conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be +broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a government, +would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he +does it; what better he is likely to get in its stead; whether the +substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the +people? There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries +have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good +old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, "all men are created +equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in +the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, +they omit "We, the people," and substitute "We, the deputies of the +sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out +of view the rights of men and the authority of the people?</p> + +<p>This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a +struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men,—to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair +chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures +from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for the +existence of which we contend.</p> + +<p>I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the +government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy +who have been favoured with the offices have resigned and proved false +to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common +sailor is known to have deserted his flag.</p> + +<p>Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points +in it our people have already settled,—the successful establishing and +the successful administering of it. One still remains,—its successful +maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is +now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry +an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful +and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly +and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to +bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots +themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of +peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither +can they take by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of +a war.</p><br /> + + +<a name='52'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Message to Congress at its Regular Session. December 3, 1861</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives, In the midst +of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to +God for unusual good health and abundant harvests.</p> + +<p>You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of +the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.</p> + +<p>A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole year, +been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation +which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect +abroad; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke +foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always +able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous +ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to +be injurious and unfortunate to those adopting them.</p> + +<p>The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of +our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked +abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they +probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have +seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all +moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly +for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the +acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen +their way to their object more directly or clearly through the +destruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could dare +to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than +this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that +they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush +this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.</p> + +<p>The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw +from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as +our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that +the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty; and that one +strong nation promises a more durable peace and a more extensive, +valuable, and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into +hostile fragments.</p> + +<hr style='width: 45%;' /> + +<p>It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government,—the +rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the +general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the +abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the +people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, +except the legislative, boldly advocated, with laboured arguments to +prove that large control of the people in government is the source of +all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at, as a +possible refuge from the power of the people.</p> + +<p>In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.</p> + +<p>It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made +in favour of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief +attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, +if not above, labour, in the structure of government. It is assumed that +labour is available only in connection with capital; that nobody +labours, unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow, by the use of +it, induces him to labour. This assumed, it is next considered whether +it is best that capital shall hire labourers, and thus induce them to +work by their own consent, or buy them and drive them to it without +their consent. Having proceeded thus far, it is naturally concluded that +all labourers are either hired labourers, or what we call slaves. And +further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired labourer is fixed in +that condition for life.</p> + +<p>Now, there is no such relation between capital and labour as assumed, +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired labourer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless.</p> + +<p>Labour is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit +of labour, and could never have existed if labour had not first existed. +Labour is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection +as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always +will be, a relation between labour and capital, producing mutual +benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labour of the +community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that +few avoid labour themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another +few to labour for them. A large majority belong to neither +class,—neither work for others, nor have others working for them. In +most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people, of all +colours, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a +majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families—wives, +sons, and daughters—work for themselves, on their farms, in their +houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and +asking no favours of capital on the one hand, nor of hired labourers or +slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of +persons mingle their own labour with capital—that is, they labour with +their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labour for them; but +this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is +disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.</p> + +<p>Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such +thing as the free, hired labourer being fixed to that condition for +life. Many independent men, everywhere in these States, a few years back +in their lives were hired labourers. The prudent, penniless beginner in +the world labours for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy +tools or land for himself, then labours on his own account another +while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the +just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, +gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of +condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those +who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to take or touch aught +which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a +political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, +will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as +they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of +liberty shall be lost.</p><br /> + + +<a name='53'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to General G.B. McClellan. Washington. February 3, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear Sir, You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac—yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana and across land to the terminus of the railroad +on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad +southwest of Manassas.</p> + +<p>If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I +shall gladly yield my plan to yours.</p> + +<p><i>First.</i> Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time +and money than mine?</p> + +<p><i>Second.</i> Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine?</p> + +<p><i>Third.</i> Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine?</p> + +<p><i>Fourth.</i> In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would +break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would?</p> + +<p><i>Fifth.</i> In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by +your plan than mine?</p> + +<p>I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part of a despatch +to you, relating to army corps, which despatch of course will have +reached you long before this will.</p> + +<p>I wish to say a few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered +the army corps organization, not only on the unanimous opinion of the +twelve generals whom you had selected and assigned as generals of +division, but also on the unanimous opinion of every <i>military man</i> I +could get an opinion from (and every modern military book), yourself +only excepted. Of course I did not on my own judgment pretend to +understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how +your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot +entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one +or two pets and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have +had no word from Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of these +corps are of course the three highest officers with you, but I am +constantly told that you have no consultation or communication with +them,—that you consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz +John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints +are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should know of +their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in +anything?</p> + +<p>... Are you strong enough—are you strong enough, even with my help—to +set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes, all at +once? This is a practical and a very serious question for you.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='54'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Lincoln's Proclamation revoking General Hunter's Order setting the +Slaves free. May 19, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... General Hunter nor any other commander or person has been authorized +by the Government of the United States to make proclamation declaring +the slaves of any State free, and that the supposed proclamation now in +question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void so far as +respects such declaration.... On the sixth day of March last, by a +special Message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint +resolution, to be substantially as follows:—<i>Resolved, That the United +States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual +abolishment of slavery, giving to such State earnest expression to +compensate for its inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of system</i>.</p> + +<p>The resolution in the language above quoted was adopted by large +majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, +definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people +most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of +those States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue—I beseech you to +make arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the +signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of +them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics. +The proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no +reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it +contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or +wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been +done by one effort in all past time as in the providence of God it is +now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament +that you have neglected it.</p><br /> + + +<a name='55'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Appeal to the Border States in behalf of Compensated Emancipation. +July 12, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no opportunity +of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of the border +States hold more power for good than any other equal number of members, +I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make this appeal +to you.</p> + +<p>I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to +emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be +obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large +enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people +will not be so reluctant to go.</p> + +<p>I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned,—one which threatens +division among those who, united, are none too strong. General Hunter is +an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none +the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men +everywhere could be free. He proclaimed all men free within certain +States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and +less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet in +repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction if not offence to many whose +support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of +it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing. +By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much more, can +relieve the country, in this important point.</p> + +<p>Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the +message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss +it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such, I pray +you, consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to the +consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate popular +government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do +in no wise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding +the loftiest views and boldest action to bring it speedy relief. Once +relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved +history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future +fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand.</p> + +<p>I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, +if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual-emancipation +message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. And the +plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of +ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see, definitely and +certainly, that in no event will the States you represent ever join +their proposed confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the +contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you +with them, so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the +institution within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have +overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their +own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever +before their faces, and they can shake you no more for ever.</p> + +<p>Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I trust +you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your own, +when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask, Can you, for your +States, do better than to take the course I urge? Discarding punctilio +and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the +unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any +possible event? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the +States to the nation shall be practically restored without disturbance +of the institution; and if this were done, my whole duty in this +respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be +performed. But it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by +war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the war continues +long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institution +in your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion,—by +the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have +nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How +much better for you and for your people to take the step which at once +shortens the war and secures substantial compensation for that which is +sure to be wholly lost in any other event? How much better to thus save +the money which else we sink for ever in the war! How much better to do +it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to +do it! How much better for you as seller, and the nation as buyer, to +sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have been, +than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cutting +one another's throats!</p><br /> + + +<a name='56'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From a Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt. July 28, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Now, I think the true remedy is very different from that suggested by +Mr. Durant. It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but +in removing the necessity for the war. The people of Louisiana who wish +protection to person and property, have but to reach forth their hands +and take it. Let them in good faith reinaugurate the national authority, +and set up a State government conforming thereto under the Constitution. +They know how to do it, and can have the protection of the army while +doing it. The army will be withdrawn as soon as such government can +dispense with its presence, and the people of the State can then, upon +the old constitutional terms, govern themselves to their own liking. +This is very simple and easy.</p> + +<p>If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of +destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether it is +probable that I will surrender the government to save them from losing +all. If they decline what I suggest, you will scarcely need to ask what +I will do.</p> + +<p>What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is, or +would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts charged with +rose-water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would +you give up the contest, leaving any available means untried?</p> + +<p>I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can; but I shall do +all I can to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my +personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is +too vast for malicious dealing.</p><br /> + + +<a name='57'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to August Belmont. July 31, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Sir, You send to Mr. W—— an extract from a letter written at New +Orleans the 9th instant, which is shown to me. You do not give the +writer's name; but plainly he is a man of ability, and probably of some +note. He says: "The time has arrived when Mr. Lincoln must take a +decisive course. Trying to please everybody, he will satisfy nobody. A +vacillating policy in matters of importance is the very worst. Now is +the time, if ever, for honest men who love their country to rally to its +support. Why will not the North say officially that it wishes for the +restoration of the Union as it was?"</p> + +<p>And so, it seems, this is the point on which the writer thinks I have no +policy. Why will he not read and understand what I have said?</p> + +<p>The substance of the very declaration he desires is in the inaugural, in +each of the two regular messages to Congress, and in many, if not all, +the minor documents issued by the Executive since the Inauguration.</p> + +<p>Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana has nothing to do now but to +take her place in the Union as it was, barring the already broken eggs. +The sooner she does so, the smaller will be the amount of that which +will be past mending. This government cannot much longer play a game in +which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing. Those enemies must +understand that they cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy +the government, and if they fail still come back into the Union unhurt. +If they expect in any contingency to ever have the Union as it was, I +join with the writer in saying, "Now is the time."</p> + +<p>How much better it would have been for the writer to have gone at this, +under the protection of the army at New Orleans, than to have sat down +in a closet writing complaining letters northward.</p><br /> + + +<a name='58'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>His Letter to Horace Greeley. August 22, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to myself through +the "New York Tribune."</p> + +<p>If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know +to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.</p> + +<p>If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely +drawn, I do not now and here argue against them.</p> + +<p>If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive +it, in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to +be right.</p> + +<p>As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant +to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in +the shortest way under the Constitution.</p> + +<p>The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union +will be,—the Union as it was.</p> + +<p>If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time save slavery, I do not agree with them.</p> + +<p>If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them.</p> + +<p><i>My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and not +either to save or to destroy slavery.</i></p> + +<p>If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; if I +could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could +save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.</p> + +<p>What I do about slavery and the coloured race, I do because I believe it +helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not +believe it would help to save the Union.</p> + +<p>I shall do less whenever I shall believe that what I am doing hurts the +cause; and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help +the cause.</p> + +<p>I shall try to correct errors where shown to be errors, and I shall +adopt new views as fast as they shall appear to be true views.</p> + +<p>I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official duty, +and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all +men everywhere could be free.</p><br /> + + +<a name='59'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Reply to the Chicago Committee of United Religious +Denominations. September 13, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought +much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with +the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who +are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that +either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and +perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me +to say, that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to others, +on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed that He would +reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than +I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in +this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it. These are not, +however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I +am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain, physical +facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears +to be wise and right.</p> + +<p>The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, four +gentlemen of standing and intelligence, from New York, called as a +delegation on business connected with the war; but before leaving, two +of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general emancipation, upon +which the other two at once attacked them. You also know that the last +session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they +could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious +people.</p> + +<p>Why the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I +fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favour their side: for +one of our soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a +few days since that he met nothing so discouraging as the evident +sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over +the merits of the case.</p> + +<p>What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as +we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole +world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull +against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even +enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court or +magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it there?</p> + +<p>And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon +the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which +offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come +within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single +slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a +proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should +we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude? General +Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more rations to the +slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops under his +command. They eat, and that is all; though it is true General Butler is +feeding the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts to a +famine there. If now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces +from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the +masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again? For I am told that +whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they +immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took from a +boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago. And then I +am very ungenerously attacked for it. For instance, when, after the late +battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington +under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the +rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into +slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper "that the government would +probably do nothing about it." What could I do?</p> + +<p>Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would +follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I +raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, +as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I +have a right to take any measures which may best subdue the enemy; nor +do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences +of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a +practical war-measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or +disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.</p> + +<p>[The committee had said that emancipation would secure us the sympathy +of the world, slavery being the cause of the war. To which the President +replied:]</p> + +<p>I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, or at least its +<i>sine qua non</i>. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to +act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their +instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in +Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than +ambition. I grant further, that it would help somewhat at the North, +though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent, imagine. +Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the +war,—and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing +off their labourers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure +that we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear +that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and +indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops. +I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and +contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the +border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of +a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I +do not think they all would,—not so many indeed, as a year ago, nor as +six months ago; not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases +their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and +want to beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more: I think you should +admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the +people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is +a fundamental idea, going down about as deep as anything.</p> + +<p>Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They +indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some +such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of +liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can +assure you that the subject is on my mind by day and night, more than +any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust +that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not +in any respect injured your feelings.</p><br /> + + + +<a name='60'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From the Annual Message to Congress. December 1, 1862</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Since your last annual assembling, another year of health and bountiful +harvests has passed; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless +us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light +He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way, all will +yet be well.</p> + +<p>The correspondence, touching foreign affairs, which has taken place +during the last year, is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with +a request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the +close of the last session of Congress.</p> + +<p>If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying +than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more +satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are, might +reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last, there were some +grounds to expect that the maritime powers, which, at the beginning of +our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, +recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would soon recede from that +position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our +own country. But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the +national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens +abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice.</p> + +<p>The Civil War, which has so radically changed for the moment the +occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed +the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the +nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily +increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same +time, excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced +a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual +agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between +foreign States, and between parties or factions in such States. We have +attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But we have +left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own +affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign +nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and +often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations +themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of this government, even +if it were just, would certainly be unwise....</p> + +<p>There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary, +upon which to divide. Trace through from east to west upon the line +between the free and the slave country, and we shall find a little more +than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and +populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while +nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which +people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their +presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, +by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The +fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding +section, the fugitive-slave clause, along with all other constitutional +obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no +treaty stipulation would be ever made to take its place.</p> + +<p>But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east +by the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky +Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and +cotton meets, ... already has above ten millions of people, and will +have fifty millions within fifty years, if not prevented by any +political folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the +country owned by the United States,—certainly more than one million of +square miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, and it +would have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the +map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the +republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the +magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific +being the deepest, and also the richest, in undeveloped resources. In +the production of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed +from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most +important in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small +proportion of the region which has, as yet, been brought into +cultivation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its +products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect +presented. And yet this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean +anywhere. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may for ever +find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by +New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common +country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and +every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from one or +more of these outlets,—not perhaps by a physical barrier, but by +embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.</p> + +<p>And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. +Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of +Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south +of it can trade to any port or place north of it, except upon terms +dictated by a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and +south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting, and +to inhabit, this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the +best, is no proper question. All are better than either; and all of +right belong to that people and their successors for ever. True to +themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but +will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal +regions less interested in these communications to and through them to +the great outside world. They too, and each of them, must have access to +this Egypt of the west, without paying toll at the crossing of any +national boundary.</p> + +<p>Our national strife springs not from our permanent part, not from the +land we inhabit, not from our national homestead. There is no possible +severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In +all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands union and abhors +separation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of +blood and treasure the separation might have cost....</p> + +<p>Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this +Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal +significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery +trial through which we pass will light us down, in honour or dishonour, +to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will +not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world +knows we do know how to save it.</p> + +<p>We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving +freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free,—honourable alike +in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose +the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not +fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just,—a way which, if +followed, the world will for ever applaud, and God must for ever bless.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='61'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Emancipation Proclamation. January 1, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord +one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by +the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the +following, to wit:</p> + +<p>"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any +State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be +in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, +and for ever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual freedom.</p> + +<p>"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United +States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony be deemed conclusive evidence +that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against +the United States."</p> + +<p>Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by +virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and +navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the +authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and +necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first +day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and +sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly +proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first +above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States +wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion +against the United States, the following, to wit:</p> + +<p>Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, +Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, +Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, +including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, +Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the +forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties +of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, +and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which +excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this +proclamation were not issued.</p> + +<p>And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and +declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States +and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the +Executive Government of the United States, including the military and +naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of +said persons.</p> + +<p>And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain +from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to +them that, in all cases when allowed, they labour faithfully for +reasonable wages.</p> + +<p>And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable +condition will be received into the armed service of the United States +to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man +vessels of all sorts in said service.</p> + +<p>And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted +by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate +judgment of mankind and the gracious favour of Almighty God.</p> + +<p>In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<div style="float: left; height: 4em; width: 15%; text-align: center;"> +<p> +[L.S.] +</p> +</div> +<p> +Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the +independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. +</p> +<p style="text-align: right">ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<span style='margin-left: 1em;'>By the President:</span><br /> +<span style='margin-left: 3em;'>WILLIAM H. SEWARD,</span><br /> +<span style='margin-left: 5em;'>Secretary of State.</span><br /> +<br /> + +<a name='62'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to General Grant. July 13, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear General, I do not remember that you and I ever met personally. I +write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable +service you have done the country. I wish to say a word further. When +you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do +what you finally did—march the troops across the neck, run the +batteries with the transports, and thus go below; and I never had any +faith, except a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo +Pass expedition and the like could succeed. When you got below and took +Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down the +river and join General Banks, and when you turned northward, east of the +Big Black, I feared it was a mistake. I now wish to make the personal +acknowledgment that you were right and I was wrong.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Yours very truly,<br /> +A. LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='63'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to —— Moulton. Washington. July 31, 1863</i></h2> + +<p>My dear Sir, There has been a good deal of complaint against you by your +superior officers of the Provost-Marshal-General's Department, and your +removal has been strongly urged on the ground of "persistent +disobedience of orders and neglect of duty." Firmly convinced, as I am, +of the patriotism of your motives, I am unwilling to do anything in your +case which may seem unnecessarily harsh or at variance with the feelings +of personal respect and esteem with which I have always regarded you. I +consider your services in your district valuable, and should be sorry to +lose them. It is unnecessary for me to state, however, that when +differences of opinion arise between officers of the government, the +ranking officer must be obeyed. You of course recognize as clearly as I +do the importance of this rule. I hope you will conclude to go on in +your present position under the regulations of the department. I wish +you would write to me.</p><br /> + + +<a name='64'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to Mrs. Lincoln. Washington. August 8, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear Wife, All as well as usual, and no particular trouble anyway. I +put the money into the Treasury at five per cent., with the privilege of +withdrawing it any time upon thirty days' notice. I suppose you are glad +to learn this. Tell dear Tad poor "Nanny Goat" is lost, and Mrs. +Cuthbert and I are in distress about it. The day you left Nanny was +found resting herself and chewing her little cud on the middle of Tad's +bed; but now she's gone! The gardener kept complaining that she +destroyed the flowers, till it was concluded to bring her down to the +White House. This was done, and the second day she had disappeared and +has not been heard of since. This is the last we know of poor "Nanny."</p> +<br /> + +<a name='65'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to James H. Hackett. Washington. August 17, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear Sir, Months ago I should have acknowledged the receipt of your +book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to beg your pardon for +not having done so.</p> + +<p>For one of my age I have seen very little of the drama. The first +presentation of Falstaff I ever saw was yours here, last winter or +spring. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I truly can, +I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shakespeare's plays I have +never read; while others I have gone over perhaps as frequently as any +unprofessional reader. Among the latter are <i>Lear</i>, <i>Richard III.</i>, +<i>Henry VIII.</i>, <i>Hamlet</i>, and especially <i>Macbeth</i>. I think nothing +equals <i>Macbeth</i>. It is wonderful.</p> + +<p>Unlike you gentlemen of the profession, I think the soliloquy in +<i>Hamlet</i> commencing "Oh, my offence is rank," surpasses that commencing +"To be or not to be." But pardon this small attempt at criticism. I +should like to hear you pronounce the opening speech of Richard III. +Will you not soon visit Washington again? If you do, please call and let +me make your personal acquaintance.</p><br /> + + +<a name='66'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Note to Secretary Stanton. Washington. November 11, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Sir, I personally wish Jacob Freese, of New Jersey, to be appointed +Colonel of a coloured regiment, and this regardless of whether he can +tell the exact shade of Julius Cæsar's hair.</p><br /> + + +<a name='67'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>The Letter to James C. Conkling. August 26, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union +men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the third day of +September, has been received. It would be very agreeable to me to thus +meet my old friends at my own home, but I cannot just now be absent from +here so long as a visit there would require.</p> + +<p>The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to +the Union; and I am sure my old political friends will thank me for +tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those and other noble men +whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's +life.</p> + +<p>There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You +desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we +attain it? There are but three conceivable ways. First, to suppress the +rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If +you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to +give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, you +should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for +dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not +believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now +possible. All I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength +of the rebellion is its military, its army. That army dominates all the +country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by +any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply +nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever +to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them.</p> + +<p>To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the +North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise +embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be +used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's +out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of +existence. But no paper compromise, to which the controllers of Lee's +army are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an effort at such +compromise we should waste time which the enemy would improve to our +disadvantage; and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must +be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people +first liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our +own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from +that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to +any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All +charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. +And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it +shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge +myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service,—the +United States Constitution,—and that, as such, I am responsible to +them.</p> + +<p>But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite +likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that +subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose +you do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is +not consistent with even your views, provided you are for the Union. I +suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied, you wished +not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to +buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to +save the Union exclusively by other means.</p> + +<p>You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it +retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think +the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in +time of war. The most that can be said—if so much—is that slaves are +property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that, by the law +of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? +And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy? +Armies the world over destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it, +and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized +belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, +except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions +are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female.</p> + +<p>But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is +not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be +retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you +profess to think its retraction would operate favourably for the Union. +Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more +than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the +proclamation issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an +explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt +returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as +favourably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know, +as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the +commanders of our armies in the field who have given us our most +important successes, believe the emancipation policy and the use of +coloured troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion, +and that at least one of these important successes could not have been +achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the +commanders holding these views are some who have never had any affinity +with what is called Abolitionism or with Republican party politics, but +who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit these opinions as +being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged, that +emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and +were not adopted as such in good faith.</p> + +<p>You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to +fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the +Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the +Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if +I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for +you to declare you will not fight to free negroes.</p> + +<p>I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the +negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the +enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought that +whatever negroes could be got to do as soldiers leaves just so much less +for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise +to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should +they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake +their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even +the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept.</p> + +<p>The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the +sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three +hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey +hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colours +than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history was +jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and +let none be banned who bore an honourable part in it. And while those +who cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It +is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at +Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of lesser note. +Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins +they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the +rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the +ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks +to all,—for the great Republic, for the principle it lives by and keeps +alive, for man's vast future,—thanks to all.</p> + +<p>Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, +and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future +time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no +successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take +such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there +will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and +clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have +helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear there will be +some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful +speech they strove to hinder it.</p> + +<p>Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be +quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a +just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='68'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>His Proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving. October 3, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the +blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, +which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source +from which they come, others have been added, which are of so +extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften the +heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of +Almighty God.</p> + +<p>In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which +has sometimes seemed to foreign States to invite and provoke their +aggressions, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been +maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has +prevailed everywhere, except in the theatre of military conflict; while +that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and +navies of the Union.</p> + +<p>Needful diversions of wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful +industry to the national defence have not arrested the plough, the +shuttle, or the ship; the axe has enlarged the borders of our +settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious +metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population +has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in +the camp, the siege, and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in +the consciousness of augmented strength and vigour, is permitted to +expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom.</p> + +<p>No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these +great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, +while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless +remembered mercy.</p> + +<p>It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, +reverently, and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice +by the whole American people. I do, therefore, invite, my +fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who +are at sea, and those sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and +observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and +praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And I +recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to +Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with +humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend +to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, +or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably +engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to +heal the wounds of the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may be +consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, +harmony, tranquillity, and union.</p><br /> + + +<a name='69'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Address at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg. +November 19, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this +continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the +proposition that all men are created equal.</p> + +<p>Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or +any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on +a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of +that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives +that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we +should do this.</p> + +<p>But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we +cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled +here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The +world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can +never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be +dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have +thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to +the great task remaining before us; that from these honoured dead we +take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full +measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall +not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new +birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, and +for the people, shall not perish from the earth.</p><br /> + + +<a name='70'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From the Annual Message to Congress. December 8, 1863</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted +nearly twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and +sea, with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed back into +reduced limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion at home and +abroad was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections +then just past indicated uneasiness among ourselves; while, amid much +that was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were +uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a +hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffering greatly from a few vessels +built upon and furnished from foreign shores, and we were threatened +with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from +the seas and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European +governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary +Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned +period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the final +proclamation came, including the announcement that coloured men of +suitable condition would be received into the war service. The policy of +emancipation and of employing black soldiers gave to the future a new +aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain +conflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil +administration, the general government had no lawful power to effect +emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that +the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military +measure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it +might come and that, if it should, the crisis of the contest would then +be presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, was followed by dark and +doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take +another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back, and by +the complete opening of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the +rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical +communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been +substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in +each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the +rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective +States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, +Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate +any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only +dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits.</p> + +<p>Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one +hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about +one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving +the double advantage of taking so much labour from the insurgent cause +and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many +white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good +soldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency to violence or +cruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. +These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and +contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiment there is +much improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed, +supported, criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following +are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the +country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The +crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is passed.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='71'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to Secretary Stanton. Washington. March 1, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear Sir, A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in the army, +that for some offence has been sentenced to serve a long time without +pay, or at most with very little pay. I do not like this punishment of +withholding pay—it falls so very hard upon poor families. After he had +been serving in this way for several months, at the tearful appeal of +the poor mother, I made a direction that he be allowed to enlist for a +new term, on the same condition as others. She now comes, and says she +cannot get it acted upon. Please do it.</p><br /> + + +<a name='72'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to Governor Michael Hahn. Washington. March 13, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>My dear Sir, I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as +the first free-State governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a +convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective +franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some +of the coloured people may not be let in—as, for instance, the very +intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our +ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep +the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a +suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone.</p><br /> + + +<a name='73'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>An Address at a Fair for the Sanitary Commission. March 18, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I appear to say but a word. This extraordinary war in which we are +engaged falls heavily upon all classes of people, but the most heavily +upon the soldier. For it has been said, "all that a man hath will he +give for his life;" and while all contribute of their substance, the +soldier puts his life at stake, and often yields it up in his country's +cause. <i>The highest merit, then, is due to the soldier.</i></p> + +<p>In this extraordinary war extraordinary developments have manifested +themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and amongst these +manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for the +relief of suffering soldiers and their families. And the chief agents in +these fairs are the women of America.</p> + +<p>I am not accustomed to the language of eulogy. I have never studied the +art of paying compliments to women. But I must say, that if all that has +been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise +of women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them +justice for their conduct during this war. I will close by saying, God +bless the women of America!</p><br /> + + +<a name='74'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to A.G. Hodges, of Kentucky. April 4, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. +I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never +understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right +to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath +that I took, that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, +and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take +office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an +oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, +too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to +practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question +of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways. +And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere +deference to my abstract feeling and judgment on slavery. I did +understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the +best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every +indispensable means, that government—that nation—of which that +Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and +yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be +protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life +is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise +unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the +preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. +Right or wrong, I assumed this ground; and now avow it. I could not feel +that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the +Constitution, if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit +the wreck of government, country, and Constitution, all together. When, +early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I +forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. +When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested +the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not think it an +indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted +military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think +the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, +1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to +favour compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity +for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless +averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my +best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the +Union, and with it the Constitution, or laying strong hand upon the +coloured element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for +greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident. More +than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, +none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military +force,—no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a +gain of quite one hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and +labourers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be +no cavilling. We have the men, and we could not have had them without +the measure.</p> + +<p>And now let any Union man who complains of the measure, test himself by +writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force +of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty +thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be +but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, +it is only because he cannot face the truth.</p> + +<p>I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this +tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have +controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. +Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not +what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim +it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a +great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the +South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial +history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and +goodness of God.</p><br /> + + +<a name='75'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address at a Sanitary Fair in Baltimore. April 18, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>... The world has never had a good definition of the word "liberty," and +the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare +for liberty; but in using the same word, we do not all mean the same +thing. With some, the word "liberty" may mean for each man to do as he +pleases with himself and the product of his labour; while with others, +the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with other men +and the product of other men's labour. Here are two, not only different, +but incompatible things, called by the same name,—liberty. And it +follows that each of the things is, by the respective parties, called by +two different and incompatible names,—liberty and tyranny.</p> + +<p>The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the +sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him +for the same act as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep +was a black one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a +definition of the word "liberty;" and precisely the same difference +prevails to-day, among us human creatures, even in the North, and all +professing to love liberty. Hence we behold the process by which +thousands are daily passing from under the yoke of bondage hailed by +some as the advance of liberty, and bewailed by others as the +destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it seems, the people of +Maryland have been doing something to define liberty, and thanks to them +that, in what they have done, the wolf's dictionary has been repudiated.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='76'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to General Grant. April 30, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Not expecting to see you again before the spring campaign opens, I wish +to express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up +to this time, so far as I understand it. The particulars of your plans I +neither know nor seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant; and, +pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any constraints nor restraints +upon you. While I am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of +our men in great numbers shall be avoided, I know these points are less +likely to escape your attention than they would be mine. If there is +anything wanting which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me +know it. And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain +you.</p><br /> + + +<a name='77'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment. August 22, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to +soldiers, to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the importance +of success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for all +time to come, that we should perpetuate for our children's children that +great and free government which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you +to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen, +temporarily, to occupy this White House. I am a living witness that any +one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It +is in order that each one of you may have, through this free government +which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your +industry, enterprise, and intelligence; that you may all have equal +privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human +aspirations. It is for this the struggle should be maintained, that we +may not lose our birthright—not only for one, but for two or three +years. The nation is worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable +jewel.</p><br /> + + +<a name='78'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Reply to a Serenade. November 10, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>It has long been a grave question whether any government not too strong +for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its +existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion +brought our Republic to a severe test; and a presidential election, +occurring in regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to +the strain.</p> + +<p>If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by +the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed +by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. +We cannot have free government without elections; and if the rebellion +could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might +fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the +election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the +case. What has occurred in this case must ever occur in similar cases. +Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, +compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as +silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the +incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them +as wrongs to be revenged. But the election, along with its incidental +and undesirable strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a +people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a +great civil war. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic +men are better than gold.</p> + +<p>But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not +all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our +common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to +avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I +have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply +sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful as I +trust to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right +conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my +satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the +result.</p> + +<p>May I ask those who have not differed with me, to join with me in this +same spirit towards those who have? And now let me close by asking three +hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and +skilful commanders.</p><br /> + + +<a name='79'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>A Letter to Mrs. Bixley, of Boston. November 21, 1864</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Madam, I have been shown in the files of the War Department a +statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the +mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I +feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should +attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I +cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found +in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our +heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave +you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn +pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the +altar of freedom.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Yours very sincerely and respectfully,<br /> +ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='80'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>Letter to General Grant. Washington. January 19, 1865</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, but +only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second year, having graduated +at Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it ends. I do not +wish to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to which +those who have already served long are better entitled, and better +qualified to hold. Could he, without embarrassment to you or detriment +to the service, go into your military family with some nominal rank, I, +and not the public, furnishing his necessary means? If no, say so +without the least hesitation, because I am as anxious and as deeply +interested that you shall not be encumbered as you can be yourself.</p> +<br /> + +<a name='81'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>The Second Inaugural Address. March 4, 1865</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Fellow-countrymen, At this second appearance to take the oath of the +Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than +there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a +course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration +of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly +called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still +absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little +that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all +else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and +it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With +high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.</p> + +<p>On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were +anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it,—all +sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from +this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, +insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without +war,—seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. +Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than +let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let +it perish. And the war came.</p> + +<p>One-eighth of the whole population were coloured slaves, not distributed +generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. +These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that +this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, +perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the +insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government +claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement +of it....</p> + +<p>With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the +right, as God gives us to see the right,—let us strive on to finish the +work we are in: to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who +shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do all +which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, +and with all nations.</p><br /> + + +<a name='82'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>A Letter to Thurlow Weed. Executive Mansion, Washington. March 15, +1865</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Dear Mr. Weed, Every one likes a compliment. Thank you for yours on my +little notification speech and on the recent inaugural address. I expect +the latter to wear as well as—perhaps better than—anything I have +produced; but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men are not +flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose +between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to +deny that there is a God governing the world. It is a truth which I +thought needed to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation there is in +it falls most directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me +to tell it.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right">Truly yours,<br /> +A. LINCOLN.</p><br /> + + +<a name='83'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From an Address to an Indiana Regiment. March 17, 1865</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already +expressed my views by speaking or writing. There is one—the recent +effort of "Our erring brethren," sometimes so called, to employ the +slaves in their armies. The great question with them has been, "Will the +negro fight for them?" They ought to know better than we, and doubtless +do know better than we. I may incidentally remark, that having in my +life heard many arguments—or strings of words meant to pass for +arguments—intended to show that the negro ought to be a slave,—if he +shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better +argument why he should remain a slave than I have ever before heard. He, +perhaps, ought to be a slave if he desires it ardently enough to fight +for it. Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom fight to keep +the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish +meanness. I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any +should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for themselves, +and secondly those who desire it for others. Whenever I hear any one +arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him +personally.</p><br /> + + +<a name='84'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2><i>From his Reply to a Serenade. Lincoln's Last Public Address. April 11, +1865</i></h2> +<br /> + +<p>Fellow-citizens, We meet this evening, not in sorrow but in gladness of +heart. The evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg, and the surrender of +the principal insurgent army, give the hope of a just and speedy peace, +the joyous expression of which cannot be restrained. In all this joy, +however, He from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call +for a national thanksgiving is in the course of preparation, and will be +duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part give us the cause for +rejoicing be overlooked. Their honours must not be parcelled out with +others. I, myself, was near the front, and had the high pleasure of +transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honour for +plan or execution is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and +brave men, all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in +reach to take an active part.</p> + +<p>By these recent successes the reinauguration of the national +authority,—reconstruction,—which has had a large share of thought from +the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is +fraught with great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between independent +nations, there is no organized organ for us to treat with,—no one man +has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must +begin with and mould from disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is +it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ +among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction. +As a general rule I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon +myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly +offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my +knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up +and seeking to sustain the new State government of Louisiana.</p> + +<p>In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public knows. +In the annual message of December 1863, and in the accompanying +proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, +which I promised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to and +sustained by the executive government of the nation. I distinctly stated +that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and +I also distinctly protested that the executive claimed no right to say +when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from +such States. This plan was in advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and +approved by every member of it....</p> + +<p>When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New +Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, +with his military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that +plan. I wrote him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the +result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the +Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before +stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat +this as a bad promise and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that +keeping it is adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so +convinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an +able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not +seemed to be definitely fixed upon the question whether the seceded +States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would perhaps add +astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found +professed Union men endeavouring to answer that question, I have +purposely forborne any public expression upon it....</p> + +<p>We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper +practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the +government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again +get them into that proper practical relation. I believe that it is not +only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding or even +considering whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than +with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly +immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing +the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between +these States and the Union, and each for ever after innocently indulge +his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States from +without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never +having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which +the new Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if +it contained forty thousand, or thirty thousand, or even twenty +thousand, instead of only about twelve thousand as it does. It is also +unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the +coloured man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the +very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers.</p> + +<p>Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it +stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be +wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and +disperse it? Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation +with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State +government? Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of +Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful +political power of the State, held elections, organized a State +government, adopted a free-State constitution, giving the benefit of +public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the +legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the coloured man. +Their legislature has already voted to ratify the constitutional +amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout +the nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully committed to +the Union and to perpetual freedom in the State,—committed to the very +things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants,—and they ask the +nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal.</p> + +<p>If we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and +disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man: You are worthless or +worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks, we +say: This cup of liberty, which these, your old masters, hold to your +lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering +the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, +where, and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white +and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper, practical +relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, +on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of +Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the +hearts and nerve the arms of twelve thousand to adhere to their work, +and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, +and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The coloured man, too, +in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, +and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective +franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced +steps towards it, than by running backward over them?</p> + +<p>... I repeat the question, Can Louisiana be brought into proper +practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding +her new State government?</p> + +<p>... What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other +States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such +important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new +and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible +plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such +exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. +Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present +situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new +announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not +fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2>Appendix</h2> + + +<a name='85'></a> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2>ANECDOTES</h2> +<br /> + +<h3>LINCOLN'S ENTRY INTO RICHMOND THE DAY AFTER IT WAS TAKEN</h3> + +<h4><i>As Described at that time by a Writer in the "Atlantic Monthly"</i></h4> + +<p>They gathered around the President, ran ahead, hovered about the flanks +of the little company, and hung like a dark cloud upon the rear. Men, +women and children joined the constantly-increasing throng. They came +from all the by-streets, running in breathless haste, shouting and +hallooing, and dancing with delight. The men threw up their hats, the +women waved their bonnets and handkerchiefs, clapped their hands, and +sang, "Glory to God! glory, glory!" rendering all the praise to God, who +had heard their wailings in the past, their moanings for wives, +husbands, children, and friends sold out of their sight; had given them +freedom, and after long years of waiting had permitted them thus +unexpectedly to behold the face of their great benefactor.</p> + +<p>"I thank you, dear Jesus, that I behold President Linkum!" was the +exclamation of a woman who stood upon the threshold of her humble home, +and with streaming eyes and clasped hands gave thanks aloud to the +Saviour of men.</p> + +<p>Another, more demonstrative in her joy, was jumping and striking her +hands with all her might, crying, "Bless de Lord! Bless de Lord! Bless +de Lord!" as if there could be no end to her thanksgiving.</p> + +<p>The air rang with a tumultuous chorus of voices. The street became +almost impassable on account of the increasing multitude, till soldiers +were summoned to clear the way....</p> + +<p>The walk was long, and the President halted a moment to rest. "May de +good Lord bless you, President Linkum!" said an old negro, removing his +hat and bowing, with tears of joy rolling down his cheeks. The President +removed his own hat, and bowed in silence; but it was a bow which upset +the forms, laws, customs, and ceremonies of centuries. It was a +death-shock to chivalry and a mortal wound to caste. "Recognize a +nigger! Fough!" A woman in an adjoining house beheld it, and turned from +the scene in unspeakable disgust.</p> + + +<div class='blkquot'><p>(The following nine anecdotes were related by Frank B. Carpenter, + the painter, who, while executing his picture of the first reading + in cabinet council of the Emancipation Proclamation, had the + freedom of Mr. Lincoln's private office and saw much of the + President while he posed, and whose relations with him became of an + intimate character.)</p></div> +<br /> + +<h3>"YOU DON'T WEAR HOOPS—AND I WILL ... PARDON YOUR BROTHER"</h3> + +<p>A distinguished citizen of Ohio had an appointment with the President +one evening at six o'clock. As he entered the vestibule of the White +House, his attention was attracted by a poorly-clad young woman who was +violently sobbing. He asked her the cause of her distress. She said she +had been ordered away by the servants after vainly waiting many hours to +see the President about her only brother, who had been condemned to +death. Her story was this:—She and her brother were foreigners, and +orphans. They had been in this country several years. Her brother +enlisted in the army, but, through bad influences, was induced to +desert. He was captured, tried and sentenced to be shot—the old story. +The poor girl had obtained the signatures of some persons who had +formerly known him, to a petition for a pardon, and alone had come to +Washington to lay the case before the President. Thronged as the +waiting-rooms always were, she had passed the long hours of two days +trying in vain to get an audience, and had at length been ordered away.</p> + +<p>The gentleman's feelings were touched. He said to her that he had come +to see the President, but did not know as <i>he</i> should succeed. He told +her, however, to follow him upstairs, and he would see what could be +done for her. Just before reaching the door, Mr. Lincoln came out, and +meeting his friend said good-humouredly, "Are you not ahead of time?" +The gentleman showed him his watch, with the hand upon the hour of six. +"Well," returned Mr. Lincoln, "I have been so busy to-day that I have +not had time to get a lunch. Go in, and sit down; I will be back +directly."</p> + +<p>The gentleman made the young woman accompany him into the office, and, +when they were seated, said to her, "Now, my good girl, I want you to +muster all the courage you have in the world. When the President comes +back, he will sit down in that arm-chair. I shall get up to speak to +him, and as I do so you must force yourself between us, and insist upon +the examination of your papers, telling him it is a case of life and +death, and admits of no delay." These instructions were carried out to +the letter. Mr. Lincoln was at first somewhat surprised at the apparent +forwardness of the young woman, but observing her distressed appearance, +he ceased conversation with his friend, and commenced an examination of +the document she had placed in his hands. Glancing from it to the face +of the petitioner, whose tears had broken forth afresh, he studied its +expression for a moment, and then his eye fell upon her scanty but neat +dress. Instantly his face lighted up. "My poor girl," said he, "you have +come here with no governor, or senator, or member of Congress, to plead +your cause. You seem honest and truthful; <i>and you don't wear +hoops</i>—and I will be whipped but I will pardon your brother."</p> +<br /> + +<h3>HIS JOY IN GIVING A PARDON</h3> + +<p>One night Schuyler Colfax left all other business to ask him to respite +the son of a constituent, who was sentenced to be shot, at Davenport, +for desertion. He heard the story with his usual patience, though he was +wearied out with incessant calls, and anxious for rest, and then +replied:—"Some of our generals complain that I impair discipline and +subordination in the army by my pardons and respites, but it makes me +rested, after a hard day's work, if I can find some good excuse for +saving a man's life, and I go to bed happy as I think how joyous the +signing of my name will make him and his family and his friends." And +with a happy smile beaming over that care-furrowed face, he signed that +name that saved that life.</p> +<br /> + +<h3>HIS SIMPLICITY AND UNOSTENTATIOUSNESS</h3> + +<p>The simplicity and absence of all ostentation on the part of Mr. +Lincoln, is well illustrated by an incident which occurred on the +occasion of a visit he made to Commodore Porter, at Fortress Monroe. +Noticing that the banks of the river were dotted with flowers, he said: +"Commodore, Tad (the pet name for his youngest son, who had accompanied +him on the excursion) is very fond of flowers; won't you let a couple of +men take a boat and go with him for an hour or two, along the banks of +the river, and gather the flowers?" Look at this picture, and then +endeavour to imagine the head of a European nation making a similar +request, in this humble way, of one of his subordinates!</p> +<br /> + +<h3>A PENITENT MAN CAN BE PARDONED</h3> + +<p>One day I took a couple of friends from New York upstairs, who wished to +be introduced to the President. It was after the hour for business +calls, and we found him alone, and, for <i>once</i>, at leisure. Soon after +the introduction, one of my friends took occasion to indorse, very +decidedly, the President's Amnesty Proclamation, which had been severely +censured by many friends of the Administration. Mr. S——'s approval +touched Mr. Lincoln. He said, with a great deal of emphasis, and with an +expression of countenance I shall never forget: "When a man is sincerely +<i>penitent</i> for his misdeeds, and gives satisfactory evidence of the +same, he can safely be pardoned, and there is no exception to the rule!"</p> +<br /> + +<h3>"KEEP SILENCE, AND WE'LL GET YOU SAFE ACROSS"</h3> + +<p>At the White House one day some gentlemen were present from the West, +excited and troubled about the commissions and omissions of the +Administration. The President heard them patiently, and then replied: +"Gentlemen, suppose all the property you were worth was in gold, and you +had put it in the hands of Blondin to carry across the Niagara River on +a rope, would you shake the cable, or keep shouting out to him, +'Blondin, stand up a little straighter—Blondin, stoop a little more—go +a little faster—lean a little more to the north—lean a little more to +the south?' No, you would hold your breath as well as your tongue, and +keep your hands off until he was safe over. The Government are carrying +an immense weight. Untold treasures are in their hands. They are doing +the very best they can. Don't badger them. Keep silence, and we'll get +you safe across."</p> +<br /> + +<h3>REBUFF TO A MAN WITH A SMALL CLAIM</h3> + +<p>During a public "reception," a farmer, from one of the border counties +of Virginia, told the President that the Union soldiers, in passing his +farm, had helped themselves not only to hay, but his horse, and he hoped +the President would urge the proper officer to consider his claim +immediately.</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln said that this reminded him of an old acquaintance of his, +"Jack Chase," who used to be a lumberman on the Illinois, a steady, +sober man, and the best raftsman on the river. It was quite a trick, +twenty-five years ago, to take the logs over the rapids; but he was +skilful with a raft, and always kept her straight in the channel. +Finally a steamer was put on, and Jack was made captain of her. He +always used to take the wheel going through the rapids. One day when the +boat was plunging and wallowing along the boiling current, and Jack's +utmost vigilance was being exercised to keep her in the narrow channel, +a boy pulled his coat-tail, and hailed him with: "Say, Mister Captain! I +wish you would just stop your boat a minute—I've lost my apple +overboard!"</p> +<br /> + +<h3>THE PRESIDENT'S SILENCE OVER CRITICISMS</h3> + +<p>The President was once speaking about an attack made on him by the +Committee on the Conduct of the War for a certain alleged blunder, or +something worse, in the Southwest—the matter involved being one which +had fallen directly under the observation of the officer to whom he was +talking, who possessed official evidence completely upsetting all the +conclusions of the Committee.</p> + +<p>"Might it not be well for me," queried the officer, "to set this matter +right in a letter to some paper, stating the facts as they actually +transpired?"</p> + +<p>"Oh, no," replied the President, "at least, not now. If I were to try to +read, much less answer, all the attacks made on me, this shop might as +well be closed for any other business. I do the very best I know +how—the very best I can; and I mean to keep doing so until the end. If +the end brings me out all right, what is said against me won't amount to +anything. If the end brings me out wrong, ten angels swearing I was +right would make no difference."</p> +<br /> + +<h3>"GLAD OF IT"</h3> + +<p>On the occasion when the telegram from Cumberland Gap reached Mr. +Lincoln that "firing was heard in the direction of Knoxville," he +remarked that he was "glad of it." Some person present, who had the +perils of Burnside's position uppermost in his mind, could, not see +<i>why</i> Mr. Lincoln should be <i>glad</i> of it, and so expressed himself. +"Why, you see," responded the President, "it reminds me of Mistress +Sallie Ward, a neighbour of mine, who had a very large family. +Occasionally one of her numerous progeny would be heard crying in some +out-of-the-way place, upon which Mrs. Ward would exclaim, 'There's one +of my children that isn't dead yet!'"</p> +<br /> + +<h3>HIS DEMOCRATIC BEARING</h3> + +<p>The evening before I left Washington an incident occurred, illustrating +very perfectly the character of the man. For two days my large painting +had been on exhibition, upon its completion, in the East Room, which had +been thronged with visitors. Late in the afternoon of the second day, +the "black-horse cavalry" escort drew up as usual in front of the +portico, preparatory to the President's leaving for the "Soldiers' +Home," where he spent the midsummer nights. While the carriage was +waiting, I looked around for him, wishing to say a farewell word, +knowing that I should have no other opportunity. Presently I saw him +standing halfway between the portico and the gateway leading to the War +Department, leaning against the iron fence—one arm thrown over the +railing, and one foot on the stone coping which supports it, evidently +having been intercepted, on his way in from the War Department, by a +plain-looking man, who was giving him, very diffidently, an account of a +difficulty which he had been unable to have rectified. While waiting, I +walked out leisurely to the President's side. He said very little to the +man, but was intently studying the expression of his face while he was +narrating his trouble. When he had finished, Mr. Lincoln said to him, +"Have you a blank card?" The man searched his pockets, but finding none, +a gentleman standing near, who had overheard the question, came forward, +and said, "Here is one, Mr. President." Several persons had, in the +meantime, gathered around. Taking the card and a pencil, Mr. Lincoln +sat down upon the stone coping, which is not more than five or six +inches above the pavement, presenting almost the appearance of sitting +upon the pavement itself, and wrote an order upon the card to the proper +official to "examine this man's case." While writing this, I observed +several persons passing down the promenade, smiling at each other, at +what I presume they thought the undignified appearance of the Head of +the Nation, who, however, seemed utterly unconscious, either of any +impropriety in the action, or of attracting any attention. To me it was +not only a touching picture of the native goodness of the man, but of +innate nobility of character, exemplified not so much by a disregard of +conventionalities, as in unconsciousness that there <i>could</i> be any +breach of etiquette, or dignity, in the manner of an honest attempt to +serve, or secure justice to a citizen of the Republic, however humble he +may be.</p> + +<br /> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<br /> +<center> +<a href='images/illus259a.png'><img src='images/illus259_th.jpg' +border='0' width='250' alt='EVERYMAN, +I WILL GO WITH THEE +& BE THY GUIDE +IN THY MOST NEED +TO GO BY THY SIDE.' title='EVERYMAN, +I WILL GO WITH THEE +& BE THY GUIDE +IN THY MOST NEED +TO GO BY THY SIDE.' /></a> + +<a href='images/illus260a.png'><img src='images/illus260_th.jpg' +border='0' width='250' alt='Illustration' /> +</a></center> + +<p> </p> +<hr class="full" /> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 1832-1865***</p> +<p>******* This file should be named 14721-h.txt or 14721-h.zip *******</p> +<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> +<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/4/7/2/14721">https://www.gutenberg.org/1/4/7/2/14721</a></p> +<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed.</p> + +<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution.</p> + + + +<pre> +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +<a href="https://gutenberg.org/license">https://gutenberg.org/license)</a>. + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS,' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: +https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's +eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII, +compressed (zipped), HTML and others. + +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over +the old filename and etext number. The replaced older file is renamed. +VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving +new filenames and etext numbers. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + +<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">https://www.gutenberg.org</a> + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + +EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000, +are filed in directories based on their release date. If you want to +download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular +search system you may utilize the following addresses and just +download by the etext year. + +<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext06/">https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext06/</a> + + (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99, + 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90) + +EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are +filed in a different way. The year of a release date is no longer part +of the directory path. The path is based on the etext number (which is +identical to the filename). The path to the file is made up of single +digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename. For +example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at: + +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/0/2/3/10234 + +or filename 24689 would be found at: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/4/6/8/24689 + +An alternative method of locating eBooks: +<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/GUTINDEX.ALL">https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/GUTINDEX.ALL</a> + +*** END: FULL LICENSE *** +</pre> +</body> +</html> diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus001_th.jpg b/old/14721-h/images/illus001_th.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..004d173 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus001_th.jpg diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus001bw.png b/old/14721-h/images/illus001bw.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..fdf6c9b --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus001bw.png diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus002_th.jpg b/old/14721-h/images/illus002_th.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..5a49412 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus002_th.jpg diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus002bw.png b/old/14721-h/images/illus002bw.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..8527fd1 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus002bw.png diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus259_th.jpg b/old/14721-h/images/illus259_th.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..2f81d9e --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus259_th.jpg diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus259a.png b/old/14721-h/images/illus259a.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..d2b0005 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus259a.png diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus260_th.jpg b/old/14721-h/images/illus260_th.jpg Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..6f02d08 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus260_th.jpg diff --git a/old/14721-h/images/illus260a.png b/old/14721-h/images/illus260a.png Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..3acecbb --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721-h/images/illus260a.png diff --git a/old/14721.txt b/old/14721.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..68a0c25 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721.txt @@ -0,0 +1,9228 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, +1832-1865, by Abraham Lincoln, Edited by Merwin Roe + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: Speeches and Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 1832-1865 + +Author: Abraham Lincoln + +Release Date: January 17, 2005 [eBook #14721] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM +LINCOLN, 1832-1865*** + + +E-text prepared by Melanie Lybarger, Suzanne Lybarger, and the Project +Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team + + + +SPEECHES & LETTERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN 1832-1865 + +Edited by + +MERWIN ROE + +London: Published +by J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd +and in New York +by E.P. Dutton & Co + +First issue of this Edition 1907; Reprinted 1909, 1910, 1912 + +Mr. Bryce's Introduction to 'Lincoln's Speeches' is printed from plates +made and type set by the University Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. + +Taken by permission from 'The Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln,' +Century Company, 1894 + + + + + + + +[Illustration: WHEN HE SENT HIS GREAT VOICE FORTH OUT OF HIS BREAST, & +HIS WORDS FELL LIKE THE WINTER SNOWS, NOR THEN WOULD ANY MORTAL CONTEND +WITH ULYSSES--HOMER. ILIAD.] + + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +No man since Washington has become to Americans so familiar or so +beloved a figure as Abraham Lincoln. He is to them the representative +and typical American, the man who best embodies the political ideals of +the nation. He is typical in the fact that he sprang from the masses of +the people, that he remained through his whole career a man of the +people, that his chief desire was to be in accord with the beliefs and +wishes of the people, that he never failed to trust in the people and to +rely on their support. Every native American knows his life and his +speeches. His anecdotes and witticisms have passed into the thought and +the conversation of the whole nation as those of no other statesman have +done. + +He belongs, however, not only to the United States, but to the whole of +civilized mankind. It is no exaggeration to say that he has, within the +last thirty years, grown to be a conspicuous figure in the history of +the modern world. Without him, the course of events not only in the +Western hemisphere but in Europe also would have been different, for he +was called to guide at the greatest crisis of its fate a State already +mighty, and now far more mighty than in his days, and the guidance he +gave has affected the march of events ever since. A life and a character +such as his ought to be known to and comprehended by Europeans as well +as by Americans. Among Europeans, it is especially Englishmen who ought +to appreciate him and understand the significance of his life, for he +came of an English stock, he spoke the English tongue, his action told +upon the progress of events and the shaping of opinion in all British +communities everywhere more than it has done upon any other nation +outside America itself. + +This collection of Lincoln's speeches seeks to make him known by +his words as readers of history know him by his deeds. In +popularly-governed countries the great statesman is almost of necessity +an orator, though his eminence as a speaker may be no true measure +either of his momentary power or of his permanent fame, for wisdom, +courage and tact bear little direct relation to the gift for speech. But +whether that gift be present in greater or in lesser degree, the +character and ideas of a statesman are best studied through his own +words. This is particularly true of Lincoln, because he was not what may +be called a professional orator. There have been famous orators whose +speeches we may read for the beauty of their language or for the wealth +of ideas they contain, with comparatively little regard to the +circumstances of time and place that led to their being delivered. +Lincoln is not one of these. His speeches need to be studied in close +relation to the occasions which called them forth. They are not +philosophical lucubrations or brilliant displays of rhetoric. They are a +part of his life. They are the expression of his convictions, and derive +no small part of their weight and dignity from the fact that they deal +with grave and urgent questions, and express the spirit in which he +approached those questions. Few great characters stand out so clearly +revealed by their words, whether spoken or written, as he does. + +Accordingly Lincoln's discourses are not like those of nearly all the +men whose eloquence has won them fame. When we think of such men as +Pericles, Demosthenes, AEschines, Cicero, Hortensius, Burke, Sheridan, +Erskine, Canning, Webster, Gladstone, Bright, Massillon, Vergniaud, +Castelar, we think of exuberance of ideas or of phrases, of a command of +appropriate similes or metaphors, of the gifts of invention and of +exposition, of imaginative flights, or outbursts of passion fit to stir +and rouse an audience to like passion. We think of the orator as gifted +with a powerful or finely-modulated voice, an imposing presence, a +graceful delivery. Or if--remembering that Lincoln was by profession a +lawyer and practised until he became President of the United States--we +think of the special gifts which mark the forensic orator, we should +expect to find a man full of ingenuity and subtlety, one dexterous in +handling his case in such wise as to please and capture the judge or the +jury whom he addresses, one skilled in those rhetorical devices and +strokes of art which can be used, when need be, to engage the listener's +feelings and distract his mind from the real merits of the issue. + +Of all this kind of talent there was in Lincoln but little. He was not +an artful pleader; indeed, it was said of him that he could argue well +only those cases in the justice of which he personally believed, and was +unable to make the worse appear the better reason. For most of the +qualities which the world admires in Cicero or in Burke we should look +in vain in Lincoln's speeches. They are not fine pieces of exquisite +diction, fit to be declaimed as school exercises or set before students +as models of composition. + +What, then, are their merits? and why do they deserve to be valued and +remembered? How comes it that a man of first-rate powers was deficient +in qualities appertaining to his own profession which men less +remarkable have possessed? + +To answer this question, let us first ask what were the preparation and +training Abraham Lincoln had for oratory, whether political or forensic. + +Born in rude and abject poverty, he had never any education, except what +he gave himself, till he was approaching manhood. Not even books +wherewith to inform and train his mind were within his reach. No school, +no university, no legal faculty had any part in training his powers. +When he became a lawyer and a politician, the years most favourable to +continuous study had already passed, and the opportunities he found for +reading were very scanty. He knew but few authors in general literature, +though he knew those few thoroughly. He taught himself a little +mathematics, but he could read no language save his own, and can have +had only the faintest acquaintance with European history or with any +branch of philosophy. + +The want of regular education was not made up for by the persons among +whom his lot was cast. Till he was a grown man, he never moved in any +society from which he could learn those things with which the mind of an +orator or a statesman ought to be stored. Even after he had gained some +legal practice, there was for many years no one for him to mix with +except the petty practitioners of a petty town, men nearly all of whom +knew little more than he did himself. + +Schools gave him nothing, and society gave him nothing. But he had a +powerful intellect and a resolute will. Isolation fostered not only +self-reliance but the habit of reflection, and, indeed, of prolonged and +intense reflection. He made all that he knew a part of himself. He +thought everything out for himself. His convictions were his own--clear +and coherent. He was not positive or opinionated, and he did not deny +that at certain moments he pondered and hesitated long before he decided +on his course. But though he could keep a policy in suspense, waiting +for events to guide him, he did not waver. He paused and reconsidered, +but it was never his way either to go back upon a decision once made, or +to waste time in vain regrets that all he expected had not been +attained. He took advice readily, and left many things to his ministers; +but he did not lean upon his advisers. Without vanity or ostentation, he +was always independent, self-contained, prepared to take full +responsibility for his acts. + +That he was keenly observant of all that passed under his eyes, that his +mind played freely round everything it touched, we know from the +accounts of his talk, which first made him famous in the town and +neighbourhood where he lived. His humour, and his memory for anecdotes +which he could bring out to good purpose, at the right moment, are +qualities which Europe deems distinctively American, but no great man of +action in the nineteenth century, even in America, possessed them in the +same measure. Seldom has so acute a power of observation been found +united to so abundant a power of sympathy. + +These remarks may seem to belong to a study of his character rather than +of his speeches, yet they are not irrelevant, because the interest of +his speeches lies in their revelation of his character. Let us, however, +return to the speeches and to the letters, some of which, given in this +volume, are scarcely less noteworthy than are the speeches. + +What are the distinctive merits of these speeches and letters? There is +less humour in them than his reputation as a humorist would have led us +to expect. They are serious, grave, practical. We feel that the man does +not care to play over the surface of the subject, or to use it as a way +of displaying his cleverness. He is trying to get right down to the very +foundation of the matter and tell us what his real thoughts about it +are. In this respect he sometimes reminds us of Bismarck's speeches, +which, in their rude, broken, forth-darting way, always go straight to +their destined aim; always hit the nail on the head. So too, in their +effort to grapple with fundamental facts, Lincoln's bear a sort of +likeness to Cromwell's speeches, though Cromwell has far less power of +utterance, and always seems to be wrestling with the difficulty of +finding language to convey to others what is plain, true and weighty to +himself. This difficulty makes the great Protector, though we can +usually see what he is driving at, frequently confused and obscure. +Lincoln, however, is always clear. Simplicity, directness and breadth +are the notes of his thought. Aptness, clearness, and again, simplicity, +are the notes of his diction. The American speakers of his generation, +like most of those of the preceding generation, but unlike those of that +earlier generation to which Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, Marshall and +Madison belonged, were generally infected by a floridity which made them +a by-word in Europe. Even men of brilliant talent, such as Edward +Everett, were by no means free from this straining after effect by +highly-coloured phrases and theatrical effects. Such faults have to-day +virtually vanished from the United States, largely from a change in +public taste, to which perhaps the example set by Lincoln himself may +have contributed. In the forties and fifties florid rhetoric was +rampant, especially in the West and South, where taste was less polished +than in the older States. That Lincoln escaped it is a striking mark of +his independence as well as of his greatness. There is no superfluous +ornament in his orations, nothing tawdry, nothing otiose. For the most +part, he addresses the reason of his hearers, and credits them with +desiring to have none but solid arguments laid before them. When he does +appeal to emotion, he does it quietly, perhaps even solemnly. The note +struck is always a high note. The impressiveness of the appeal comes not +from fervid vehemence of language, but from the sincerity of his own +convictions. Sometimes one can see that through its whole course the +argument is suffused by the speaker's feeling, and when the time comes +for the feeling to be directly expressed, it glows not with fitful +flashes, but with the steady heat of an intense and strenuous soul. + +The impression which most of the speeches leave on the reader is that +their matter has been carefully thought over even when the words have +not been learnt by heart. But there is an anecdote that on one occasion, +early in his career, Lincoln went to a public meeting not in the least +intending to speak, but presently being called for by the audience, rose +in obedience to the call, and delivered a long address so ardent and +thrilling that the reporters dropped their pencils and, absorbed in +watching him, forgot to take down what he said. It has also been stated, +on good authority, that on his way in the railroad cars, to the +dedication of the monument on the field of Gettysburg, he turned to a +Pennsylvanian gentleman who was sitting beside him and remarked, "I +suppose I shall be expected to say something this afternoon; lend me a +pencil and a bit of paper," and that he thereupon jotted down the notes +of a speech which has become the best known and best remembered of all +his utterances, so that some of its words and sentences have passed into +the minds of all educated men everywhere. + +That famous Gettysburg speech is the best example one could desire of +the characteristic quality of Lincoln's eloquence. It is a short speech. +It is wonderfully terse in expression. It is quiet, so quiet that at the +moment it did not make upon the audience, an audience wrought up by a +long and highly-decorated harangue from one of the prominent orators of +the day, an impression at all commensurate to that which it began to +make as soon as it was read over America and Europe. There is in it not +a touch of what we call rhetoric, or of any striving after effect. Alike +in thought and in language it is simple, plain, direct. But it states +certain truths and principles in phrases so aptly chosen and so +forcible, that one feels as if those truths could have been conveyed in +no other words, and as if this deliverance of them were made for all +time. Words so simple and so strong could have come only from one who +had meditated so long upon the primal facts of American history and +popular government that the truths those facts taught him had become +like the truths of mathematics in their clearness, their breadth, and +their precision. + +The speeches on Slavery read strange to us now, when slavery as a living +system has been dead for forty years, dead and buried hell deep under +the detestation of mankind. It is hard for those whose memory does not +go back to 1865 to realize that down till then it was not only a +terrible fact, but was defended--defended by many otherwise good men, +defended not only by pseudo-scientific anthropologists as being in the +order of nature, but by ministers of the Gospel, out of the sacred +Scriptures, as part of the ordinances of God. Lincoln's position, the +position of one who had to induce slave-owning fellow-citizens to listen +to him and admit persuasion into their heated and prejudiced minds, did +not allow him to denounce it with horror, as we can all so easily do +to-day. But though his language is calm and restrained, he never +condescends to palter with slavery. He shows its innate evils and +dangers with unanswerable force. The speech on the Dred Scott decision +is a lucid, close and cogent piece of reasoning which, in its wide view +of Constitutional issues, sometimes reminds one of Webster, sometimes +even of Burke, though it does not equal the former in weight nor the +latter in splendour of diction. + +Among the letters, perhaps the most impressive is that written to Mrs. +Bixley, the mother of five sons who had died fighting for the Union in +the armies of the North. It is short, and it deals with a theme on which +hundreds of letters are written daily. But I do not know where the +nobility of self-sacrifice for a great cause, and of the consolation +which the thought of a sacrifice so made should bring, is set forth with +such simple and pathetic beauty. Deep must be the fountains from which +there issues so pure a stream. + +The career of Lincoln is often held up to ambitious young Americans as +an example to show what a man may achieve by his native strength, with +no advantages of birth or environment or education. In this there is +nothing improper, nothing fanciful. The moral is one which may well be +drawn, and in which those on whose early life Fortune has not smiled may +find encouragement. But the example is, after all, no great +encouragement to ordinary men, for Lincoln was an extraordinary man. + +He triumphed over the adverse conditions of his early years because +Nature had bestowed on him high and rare powers. Superficial observers +who saw his homely aspect and plain manners, and noted that his +fellow-townsmen, when asked why they so trusted him, answered that it +was for his common-sense, failed to see that his common-sense was a part +of his genius. What is common-sense but the power of seeing the +fundamentals of any practical question, and of disengaging them from the +accidental and transient features that may overlie these +fundamentals--the power, to use a familiar expression, of getting down +to bed rock? One part of this power is the faculty for perceiving what +the average man will think and can be induced to do. This is what keeps +the superior mind in touch with the ordinary mind, and this is perhaps +why the name of "common-sense" is used, because the superior mind seems +in its power of comprehending others to be itself a part of the general +sense of the community. All men of high practical capacity have this +power. It is the first condition of success. But in men who have +received a philosophical or literary education there is a tendency to +embellish, for purposes of persuasion, or perhaps for their own +gratification, the language in which they recommend their conclusions, +or to state those conclusions in the light of large general principles, +a tendency which may, unless carefully watched, carry them too high +above the heads of the crowd. Lincoln, never having had such an +education, spoke to the people as one of themselves. He seemed to be +saying not only what each felt, but expressing the feeling just as each +would have expressed it. In reality, he was quite as much above his +neighbours in insight as was the polished orator or writer, but the +plain directness of his language seemed to keep him on their level. His +strength lay less in the form and vesture of the thought than in the +thought itself, in the large, simple, practical view which he took of +the position. And thus, to repeat what has been said already, the +sterling merit of these speeches of his, that which made them effective +when they were delivered and makes them worth reading to-day, is to be +found in the justness of his conclusions and their fitness to the +circumstances of the time. When he rose into higher air, when his words +were clothed with stateliness and solemnity, it was the force of his +conviction and the emotion that thrilled through his utterance, that +printed the words deep upon the minds and drove them home to the hearts +of the people. + +What is a great man? Common speech, which after all must be our guide to +the sense of the terms which the world uses, gives this name to many +sorts of men. How far greatness lies in the power and range of the +intellect, how far in the strength of the will, how far in elevation of +view and aim and purpose,--this is a question too large to be debated +here. But of Abraham Lincoln it may be truly said that in his greatness +all three elements were present. He had not the brilliance, either in +thought or word or act, that dazzles, nor the restless activity that +occasionally pushes to the front even persons with gifts not of the +first order. He was a patient, thoughtful, melancholy man, whose +intelligence, working sometimes slowly but always steadily and surely, +was capacious enough to embrace and vigorous enough to master the +incomparably difficult facts and problems he was called to deal with. +His executive talent showed itself not in sudden and startling strokes, +but in the calm serenity with which he formed his judgments and laid his +plans, in the undismayed firmness with which he adhered to them in the +face of popular clamour, of conflicting counsels from his advisers, +sometimes, even, of what others deemed all but hopeless failure. These +were the qualities needed in one who had to pilot the Republic through +the heaviest storm that had ever broken upon it. But the mainspring of +his power, and the truest evidence of his greatness, lay in the nobility +of his aims, in the fervour of his conviction, in the stainless +rectitude which guided his action and won for him the confidence of the +people. Without these things neither the vigour of his intellect nor the +firmness of his will would have availed. + +There is a vulgar saying that all great men are unscrupulous. Of him it +may rather be said that the note of greatness we feel in his thinking +and his speech and his conduct had its source in the loftiness and +purity of his character. Lincoln's is one of the careers that refute +this imputation on human nature. + +JAMES BRYCE + + +The following is a list of Lincoln's published works: + +SELECTIONS.--Letters on Questions of National Policy, etc., 1863; +Dedicatory Speech of President Lincoln, etc., at the Consecration of +Gettysburg Cemetery, Nov. 19th, 1863, 1864; The Last Address of +President Lincoln to the American People, 1865; The Martyr's Monument, +1865; In Memoriam, 1865; Gems from A. Lincoln, 1865; The President's +Words, 1866; Emancipation Proclamation--Second Inaugural +Address--Gettysburg Speech, 1878; Two Inaugural Addresses and Gettysburg +Speech, 1889; The Gettysburg Speech and other Papers, with an essay on +Lincoln by J.R. Lowell (Riverside Literature Series, 32), 1888; The +Table Talk of Abraham Lincoln, ed. W.O. Stoddard, 1894; Political +Debates between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the celebrated +campaign of 1858 in Illinois, etc. Also the two great speeches of +Abraham Lincoln at Ohio in 1859, 1894; Political Speeches and Debates of +Abraham Lincoln and S.A. Douglas, 1854-1861, edited by A.T. Jones, 1895; +Lincoln, Passages from his Speeches and Letters, with Introduction by +R.W. Gilder, 1901. + +COMPLETE EDITIONS OF WORKS, LETTERS, AND SPEECHES.--H.J. Raymond, +History of the Administration of Abraham Lincoln (Speeches, Letters, +etc.), 1864; Abraham Lincoln, Pen and Voice, being a Complete +Compilation of his Letters, Public Addresses, Messages to Congress, ed. +G.M. Van Buren, etc., 1890; Complete Works, ed. J.G. Nicolay and J. Hay, +2 vols., 1894; enlarged edition, with Introduction by R.W. Gilder, etc., +1905, etc.; A. Lincoln's Speeches, compiled by L.E. Chittenden, 1895; +The Writings of A. Lincoln, ed. A.B. Lapsley, with an Introduction by +Theodore Roosevelt, and a life by Noah Brooks, etc. (Federal Edition), +1905; etc. + +LIFE.--H.J. Raymond; The Life and Public Services of A.L., etc., with +Anecdotes and Personal Reminiscences, by F.B. Carpenter, 1865; J.H. +Barrett, 1865; J.G. Holland, 1866; W.H. Lamon, 1872; W.O. Stoddard, +1884; I.N. Arnold, 1885; J.G. Nicolay and J. Hay, 1890; Condensed +Edition, 1902; Recollections of President Lincoln and his +Administration, 1891; C.C. Coffin, 1893; J.T. Morse, 1893; J. Hay (The +Presidents of the United States), 1894; C.A. Dana, Lincoln and his +Cabinet, etc., 1896; J.H. Choate, 1900; Address delivered before the +Edinburgh Philosophical Institution, Nov. 13, 1900; I.M. Tarbell, 1900; +W.E. Curtis, The True Abraham Lincoln, 1903; J.H. Barrett, A. Lincoln +and his Presidency, 1904; J. Baldwin, 1904. A. Rothschild, Lincoln, +Master of Men, 1906; F.T. Hill, Lincoln the Lawyer, 1906. + +Among those who have written short lives are: Mrs. H. Beecher Stowe, +D.W. Bartlett, C.G. Leland, J.C. Power, etc. + + + + +CONTENTS + + +Lincoln's First Public Speech--From an Address to the People of Sangamon + County, March 9, 1832 + +Letter to Col. Robert Allen, June 21, 1836 + +From a Letter Published in the Sangamon "Journal," June 13, 1836 + +From his Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Jan. 27, + 1837 + +Letter to Mrs. O.H. Browning, Springfield, April 1, 1838 + +From a Political Debate, Springfield, Dec, 1839 + +Letter to W.G. Anderson, Lawrenceville, Ill., Oct. 31, 1840 + +Extract from a Letter to John T. Stuart, Springfield, Ill., Jan. 23, + 1841 + +From his Address before the Springfield Washingtonian Temperance + Society, Feb. 22, 1842 + +From a Circular of the Whig Committee, March 4, 1843 + +From a Letter to Martin M. Morris, Springfield, Ill., March 26, 1843 + +From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed, Springfield, Ill., Oct. 22, 1846 + +From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, Jan. 8, 1848 + +From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, June 22, 1848 + +From a Letter to Wm. H. Herndon, Washington, July 10, 1848 + +Letter to John D. Johnston, Jan. 2, 1851 + +Letter to John D. Johnston, Shelbyville, Nov. 4, 1851 + +Note for Law Lecture--Written about July 1, 1850 + +A Fragment--Written about July 1, 1854 + +A Fragment on Slavery, July 1854 + +From his Reply to Senator Douglas, Peoria, Oct. 16, 1854 + +From a Letter to the Hon. Geo. Robertson, Lexington, Ky.; Springfield, + Ill., Aug. 15, 1855 + +From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed, Aug. 24, 1855 + +Lincoln's "Lost Speech," May 19, 1856 + +Speech on the Dred Scott Case, Springfield, Ill., June 26, 1857 + +The "Divided House" Speech, Springfield, Ill., June 17, 1858 + +From his Speech at Chicago in Reply to the Speech of Judge Douglas, July + 10, 1858 + +From a Speech at Springfield, Ill., July 17, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the First Joint Debate, Ottawa, Ill., + Aug. 21, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Rejoinder to Judge Douglas at Freeport, Ill., Aug. 27, + 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas at Jonesboro', Sept. 15, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas at Charleston, Ill., Sept. 18, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Galesburg, Ill., Oct. 7, 1858 + +Notes for Speeches--Written about Oct. 1, 1858 + +From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the Seventh and Last Joint Debate, at + Alton, Ill., Oct. 15, 1858 + +From Speech at Columbus, Ohio, Sept. 16, 1859 + +From Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, Sept. 17, 1859 + +From a Letter to J.W. Fell, Dec. 20, 1859 + +From the Address at Cooper Institute, N.Y., Feb. 27, 1860 + +Lincoln's Farewell to the Citizens of Springfield, Ill., Feb. 11, 1861 + +Letter to Hon. Geo. Ashmun, Accepting the Nomination for Presidency, May + 23, 1860 + +Letter to Miss Grace Bedell, Springfield, Ill., Oct. 19, 1860 + +From his Address to the Legislature at Indianapolis, Feb. 12, 1861 + +From his Address to the Legislature at Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 13, 1861 + +From his Remarks at Pittsburgh, Pa., Feb. 15, 1861 + +From his Address at Trenton, N.J., Feb. 21, 1861 + +Address in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1861 + +His Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D.C., Feb. 27, 1861 + +First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861 + +Address at Utica, N.Y., Feb. 18, 1861 + +From his First Message to Congress, at the Special Session, July 4, 1861 + +From his Message to Congress at its Regular Session, Dec. 3, 1861 + +Letter to Gen. G.B. McClellan, Washington, Feb. 3, 1862 + +Proclamation Revoking Gen. Hunter's Order Setting the Slaves Free, May + 19, 1862 + +Appeal to the Border States in Behalf of Compensated Emancipation, July + 12, 1862 + +From Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt, July 28, 1862 + +Letter to August Belmont, July 31, 1862 + +Letter to Horace Greeley, Aug. 22, 1862 + +From his Reply to the Chicago Committee of United Religious + Denominations, Sept. 13, 1862 + +From the Annual Message to Congress, Dec. 1, 1862 + +Emancipation Proclamation, Jan. 1, 1863 + +Letter to General Grant, July 13, 1863 + +Letter to ---- Moulton, Washington, July 31, 1863 + +Letter to Mrs. Lincoln, Washington, Aug. 8, 1863 + +Letter to James H. Hackett, Washington, Aug. 17, 1863 + +Note to Secretary Stanton, Washington, Nov. 11, 1863 + +Letter to James C. Conkling, Aug. 26, 1863 + +His Proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving, Oct. 3, 1863 + +Remarks at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, Nov. + 19, 1863 + +From his Annual Message to Congress, Dec. 8, 1863 + +Letter to Secretary Stanton, Washington, March 1, 1864 + +Letter to Governor Michael Hahn, Washington, March 13, 1864 + +Address at a Sanitary Fair, March 18, 1864 + +Letter to A.G. Hodges, April 4, 1864 + +Address at a Sanitary Fair at Baltimore, April 18, 1864 + +Letter to General Grant, April 30, 1864 + +From Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment, Aug. 22, 1864 + +Reply to a Serenade, Nov. 10, 1864 + +Letter to Mrs. Bixley, Nov. 21, 1864 + +Letter to General Grant, Washington, Jan. 19, 1865 + +Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865 + +Letter to Thurlow Weed, March 15, 1865 + +From an Address to an Indiana Regiment, March 17, 1865 + +His Last Public Address, April 11, 1865 + +APPENDIX + +Anecdotes + + + + +PUBLISHERS' NOTE + + +For permission to use extracts from "The Complete Works of Abraham +Lincoln," edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay, the Publishers wish to +thank The Century Company. + +They also wish to thank Mr. William H. Lambert, the owner of the +copyright, and Mrs. Sarah A. Whitney for their courtesy in allowing them +to publish "Lincoln's Lost Speech." + + + + +LINCOLN'S SPEECHES AND LETTERS + + +_Lincoln's First Public Speech. From an Address to the People of +Sangamon County. March 9, 1832_ + + +Upon the subject of education, not presuming to dictate any plan or +system respecting it, I can only say that I view it as the most +important subject which we, as a people, can be engaged in. That every +man may receive at least a moderate education, and thereby be enabled to +read the histories of his own and other countries, by which he may duly +appreciate the value of our free institutions, appears to be an object +of vital importance, even on this account alone, to say nothing of the +advantages and satisfaction to be derived from all being able to read +the Scriptures and other works, both of a religious and moral nature, +for themselves. + +For my part, I desire to see the time when education--and by its means +morality, sobriety, enterprise, and industry--shall become much more +general than at present; and should be gratified to have it in my power +to contribute something to the advancement of any measure which might +have a tendency to accelerate that happy period. + +With regard to existing laws, some alterations are thought to be +necessary. Many respectable men have suggested that our estray laws--the +law respecting the issuing of executions, the road law, and some +others--are deficient in their present form, and require alterations. +But considering the great probability that the framers of those laws +were wiser than myself, I should prefer not meddling with them, unless +they were first attacked by others, in which case I should feel it both +a privilege and a duty to take that stand which, in my view, might tend +to the advancement of justice. + +But, fellow-citizens, I shall conclude. Considering the great degree of +modesty which should always attend youth, it is probable I have already +been more presuming than becomes me. However, upon the subjects of which +I have treated, I have spoken as I have thought. I may be wrong in +regard to any or all of them; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is +better only to be sometimes right than at all times wrong, so soon as I +discover my opinions to be erroneous I shall be ready to renounce them. + +Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or +not, I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being +truly esteemed of my fellow-men by rendering myself worthy of their +esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be +developed. I am young and unknown to many of you; I was born and have +ever remained in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or +popular relations or friends to recommend me. My case is thrown +exclusively upon the independent voters of the county, and if elected, +they will have conferred a favour upon me for which I shall be +unremitting in my labours to compensate. But if the good people in their +wisdom shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too +familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined. + + Your friend and fellow-citizen, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to Colonel Robert Allen. June 21, 1836_ + + +Dear Colonel, I am told that during my absence last week you passed +through this place, and stated publicly that you were in possession of a +fact or facts which, if known to the public, would entirely destroy the +prospects of N.W. Edwards and myself at the ensuing election; but that, +through favour to us, you should forbear to divulge them. No one has +needed favours more than I, and, generally, few have been less unwilling +to accept them; but in this case favour to me would be injustice to the +public, and therefore I must beg your pardon for declining it. That I +once had the confidence of the people of Sangamon, is sufficiently +evident; and if I have since done anything, either by design or +misadventure, which if known would subject me to a forfeiture of that +confidence, he that knows of that thing, and conceals it, is a traitor +to his country's interest. + +I find myself wholly unable to form any conjecture of what fact or +facts, real or supposed, you spoke; but my opinion of your veracity will +not permit me for a moment to doubt that you at least believed what you +said. I am flattered with the personal regard you manifested for me; but +I do hope that, on more mature reflection, you will view the public +interest as a paramount consideration, and therefore determine to let +the worst come. I here assure you that the candid statement of facts on +your part, however low it may sink me, shall never break the tie of +personal friendship between us. I wish an answer to this, and you are at +liberty to publish both, if you choose. + + + + +_Lincoln's Opinion on Universal Suffrage. From a Letter published in the +Sangamon "Journal." June 13, 1836_ + + +I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in +bearing its burdens: consequently I go for admitting all whites to the +right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms [by no means excluding +females]. + + + + +_From an Address before the Young Men's Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois. +January 27, 1837_ + + +As a subject for the remarks of the evening "The perpetuation of our +political institutions" is selected. In the great journal of things +happening under the sun, we, the American people, find our account +running under the date of the nineteenth century of the Christian era. +We find ourselves in the peaceful possession of the fairest portion of +the earth, as regards extent of territory, fertility of soil, and +salubrity of climate. We find ourselves under the government of a system +of political institutions conducing more essentially to the ends of +civil and religious liberty, than any of which the history of former +times tells us. We, when remounting the stage of existence, found +ourselves the legal inheritors of these fundamental blessings. We toiled +not in the acquirement or the establishment of them; they are a legacy +bequeathed to us by a once hardy, brave, and patriotic, but now lamented +and departed race of ancestors. + +Theirs was the task (and nobly they performed it) to possess themselves, +and through themselves us, of this goodly land, and to rear upon its +hills and valleys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights; 'tis +ours only to transmit these,--the former unprofaned by the foot of the +invader; the latter undecayed by lapse of time. This, our duty to +ourselves and to our posterity, and love for our species in general, +imperatively require us to perform. + +How, then, shall we perform it? At what point shall we expect the +approach of danger? By what means shall we fortify against it? Shall we +expect some transatlantic military giant to step across the ocean and +crush us at a blow? Never. All the armies of Europe, Asia and Africa +combined, with all the treasure of the earth (our own excepted) in their +military chest, with a Bonaparte for a commander, could not, by force, +take a drink from the Ohio, or make a track on the Blue Ridge, in a +trial of a thousand years. + +At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected? I answer, +if it ever reaches us, it must spring up among us. It cannot come from +abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and +finisher. As a nation of freemen, we must live through all time, or die +by suicide. + +There is even now something of ill omen among us. I mean the increasing +disregard for law which pervades the country; the growing disposition to +substitute wild and furious passions in lieu of the sober judgment of +courts; and the worse than savage mobs for the executive ministers of +justice. This disposition is awfully fearful in any community; and that +it now exists in ours, though grating to our feelings to admit, it would +be a violation of truth and an insult to our intelligence to deny. + + * * * * * + +I know the American people are _much_ attached to their government. I +know they would suffer _much_ for its sake. I know they would endure +evils long and patiently before they would ever think of exchanging it +for another. Yet, notwithstanding all this, if the laws be continually +despised and disregarded, if their rights to be secure in their persons +and property are held by no better tenure than the caprice of a mob, the +alienation of their affection for the government is the natural +consequence, and to that sooner or later it must come. + +Here, then, is one point at which danger may be expected. The question +recurs, how shall we fortify against it? The answer is simple. Let every +American, every lover of liberty, every well-wisher to his posterity, +swear by the blood of the Revolution never to violate in the least +particular the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their +violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did to the support +of the Declaration of Independence, so to the support of the +Constitution and the Laws let every American pledge his life, his +property, and his sacred honour; let every man remember that to violate +the law is to trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the +charter of his own and his children's liberty. Let reverence for the +laws be breathed by every American mother to the lisping babe that +prattles on her lap. Let it be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in +colleges. Let it be written in primers, spelling-books, and in almanacs. +Let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and +enforced in courts of justice. And, in short, let it become the +political religion of the nation. + +When I so pressingly urge a strict observance of all the laws, let me +not be understood as saying that there are no bad laws, or that +grievances may not arise for the redress of which no legal provisions +have been made. I mean to say no such thing. But I do mean to say that +although bad laws, if they exist, should be repealed as soon as +possible, still, while they continue in force, for the sake of example +they should be religiously observed. So also in unprovided cases. If +such arise, let proper legal provisions be made for them with the least +possible delay, but till then let them, if not too intolerable, be borne +with. + +There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law. In any +case that may arise, as, for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism, +one of two positions is necessarily true--that is, the thing is right +within itself, and therefore deserves the protection of all law and all +good citizens, or it is wrong, and therefore proper to be prohibited by +legal enactments; and in neither case is the interposition of mob law +either necessary, justifiable, or excusable.... + +They (histories of the Revolution) were pillars of the temple of +liberty; and now that they have crumbled away, that temple must fall +unless we, their descendants, supply their places with other pillars, +hewn from the solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us, but +can do so no more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason--cold, +calculating, unimpassioned reason--must furnish all the materials for +our future support and defence. Let those materials be moulded into +general intelligence, sound morality, and, in particular, a reverence +for the Constitution and laws; and that we improved to the last, that we +remained free to the last, that we revered his name to the last, that +during his long sleep we permitted no hostile foot to pass over or +desecrate his resting-place, shall be that which to learn the last trump +shall awaken our Washington. + +Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest, as the rock of its +basis; and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, +"the gates of hell shall not prevail against it." + +Many great and good men, sufficiently qualified for any task they should +undertake, may ever be found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing +beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or a presidential chair. But +such belong not to the family of the lion or the brood of the eagle. +What? Think you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Caesar, or a +Napoleon? Never! Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks +regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to +story upon the monuments of fame erected to the memory of others. It +denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to +tread in the footsteps of any predecessor, however illustrious. It +thirsts and burns for distinction; and, if possible, it will have it, +whether at the expense of emancipating slaves, or enslaving free men. Is +it unreasonable, then, to expect that some men, possessed of the +loftiest genius, coupled with ambition sufficient to push it to its +utmost stretch, will at some time spring up among us? And when such a +one does, it will require the people to be united with each other, +attached to the government and laws, and generally intelligent, to +successfully frustrate his design. + +Distinction will be his paramount object, and although he would as +willingly, perhaps more so, acquire it by doing good as harm, yet that +opportunity being passed, and nothing left to be done in the way of +building up, he would sit down boldly to the task of pulling down. Here, +then, is a probable case, highly dangerous, and such a one as could not +well have existed heretofore. + + * * * * * + +All honour to our Revolutionary ancestors, to whom we are indebted for +these institutions. They will not be forgotten. In history we hope they +will be read of, and recounted, so long as the Bible shall be read. But +even granting that they will, their influence cannot be what it +heretofore has been. Even then, they cannot be so universally known, nor +so vividly felt, as they were by the generation just gone to rest. At +the close of that struggle, nearly every adult male had been a +participator in some of its scenes. The consequence was, that of those +scenes, in the form of a husband, a father, a son, or a brother, a +living history was to be found in every family,--a history bearing the +indubitable testimonies to its own authenticity in the limbs mangled, in +the scars of wounds received in the midst of the very scenes related; a +history, too, that could be read and understood alike by all, the wise +and the ignorant, the learned and the unlearned. But those histories are +gone. They can be read no more for ever. They were a fortress of +strength; but what the invading foemen could never do, the silent +artillery of time has done,--the levelling of its walls. They are gone. +They were a forest of giant oaks; but the resistless hurricane has swept +over them, and left only here and there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its +verdure, shorn of its foliage, unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a +few more gentle breezes, and to combat with its mutilated limbs a few +more ruder storms, and then to sink and be no more. + + + + +HUMOROUS ACCOUNT OF HIS EXPERIENCES WITH A LADY HE WAS REQUESTED TO +MARRY + +_A Letter to Mrs. O.H. Browning. Springfield, Illinois. April 1, 1838_ + + +Dear Madam, Without apologising for being egotistical, I shall make the +history of so much of my life as has elapsed since I saw you the subject +of this letter. And, by the way, I now discover that in order to give a +full and intelligible account of the things I have done and suffered +since I saw you, I shall necessarily have to relate some that happened +before. + +It was, then, in the autumn of 1836 that a married lady of my +acquaintance, and who was a great friend of mine, being about to pay a +visit to her father and other relatives residing in Kentucky, proposed +to me that on her return she would bring a sister of hers with her on +condition that I would engage to become her brother-in-law with all +convenient dispatch. I, of course, accepted the proposal, for you know I +could not have done otherwise had I really been averse to it; but +privately, between you and me, I was most confoundedly well pleased with +the project. I had seen the said sister some three years before, thought +her intelligent and agreeable, and saw no good objection to plodding +life through hand-in-hand with her. Time passed on, the lady took her +journey, and in due time returned, sister in company, sure enough. This +astonished me a little, for it appeared to me that her coming so readily +showed that she was a trifle too willing, but on reflection it occurred +to me that she might have been prevailed on by her married sister to +come, without anything concerning me having been mentioned to her, and +so I concluded that if no other objection presented itself, I would +consent to waive this. All this occurred to me on hearing of her arrival +in the neighbourhood--for, be it remembered, I had not yet seen her, +except about three years previous, as above mentioned. In a few days we +had an interview, and, although I had seen her before, she did not look +as my imagination had pictured her. I knew she was over-size, but she +now appeared a fair match for Falstaff. I knew she was called an "old +maid," and I felt no doubt of the truth of at least half of the +appellation, but now, when I beheld her, I could not for my life avoid +thinking of my mother; and this, not from withered features,--for her +skin was too full of fat to permit of its contracting into wrinkles--but +from her want of teeth, weather-beaten appearance in general, and from a +kind of notion that ran in my head that nothing could have commenced at +the size of infancy and reached her present bulk in less than +thirty-five or forty years; and, in short, I was not at all pleased with +her. But what could I do? I had told her sister that I would take her +for better or for worse, and I made a point of honour and conscience in +all things to stick to my word, especially if others had been induced to +act on it, which in this case I had no doubt they had, for I was now +fairly convinced that no other man on earth would have her, and hence +the conclusion that they were bent on holding me to my bargain. "Well," +thought I, "I have said it, and, be the consequences what they may, it +shall not be my fault if I fail to do it." At once I determined to +consider her my wife, and this done, all my powers of discovery were put +to work in search of perfections in her which might be fairly set off +against her defects. I tried to imagine her handsome, which, but for her +unfortunate corpulency, was actually true. Exclusive of this, no woman +that I have ever seen has a finer face. I also tried to convince myself +that the mind was much more to be valued than the person, and in this +she was not inferior, as I could discover, to any with whom I had been +acquainted. + +Shortly after this, without attempting to come to any positive +understanding with her, I set out for Vandalia, when and where you first +saw me. During my stay there I had letters from her which did not change +my opinion of either her intellect or intention, but, on the contrary, +confirmed it in both. + +All this while, although I was fixed "firm as the surge-repelling rock" +in my resolution, I found I was continually repenting the rashness which +had led me to make it. Through life I have been in no bondage, either +real or imaginary, from the thraldom of which I so much desired to be +free. After my return home I saw nothing to change my opinion of her in +any particular. She was the same, and so was I. I now spent my time in +planning how I might get along in life after my contemplated change of +circumstances should have taken place, and how I might procrastinate the +evil day for a time, which I really dreaded as much, perhaps more, than +an Irishman does the halter. + +After all my sufferings upon this deeply interesting subject, here I +am, wholly, unexpectedly, completely out of the "scrape," and I now want +to know if you can guess how I got out of it--out, clear, in every sense +of the term--no violation of word, honour, or conscience. I don't +believe you can guess, and so I might as well tell you at once. As the +lawyer says, it was done in the manner following, to wit: After I had +delayed the matter as long as I thought I could in honour do (which, by +the way, had brought me round into the last fall), I concluded I might +as well bring it to a consummation without further delay, and so I +mustered my resolution and made the proposal to her direct; but, +shocking to relate, she answered, No. At first I supposed she did it +through an affectation of modesty, which I thought but ill became her +under the peculiar circumstances of the case, but on my renewal of the +charge I found she repelled it with greater firmness than before. I +tried it again and again, but with the same success, or rather with the +same want of success. + +I finally was forced to give it up, at which I very unexpectedly found +myself mortified almost beyond endurance. I was mortified, it seemed to +me, in a hundred different ways. My vanity was deeply wounded by the +reflection that I had so long been too stupid to discover her +intentions, and at the same time never doubting that I understood them +perfectly; and also that she, whom I had taught myself to believe nobody +else would have, had actually rejected me with all my fancied greatness. +And, to cap the whole, I then for the first time began to suspect that I +was really a little in love with her. But let it all go! I'll try and +outlive it. Others have been made fools of by the girls, but this can +never in truth be said of me. I most emphatically, in this instance, +made a fool of myself. I have now come to the conclusion never again to +think of marrying, and for this reason--I can never be satisfied with +any one who would be blockhead enough to have me. + +When you receive this, write me a long yarn about something to amuse me. +Give my respects to Mr. Browning. + + + + +_From a Debate between Lincoln, E.D. Baker, and others against Douglas, +Lamborn, and others. Springfield. December 1839_ + + * * * * * + + +... Mr. Lamborn insists that the difference between the Van Buren party +and the Whigs is, that although the former sometimes err in practice, +they are always correct in principle, whereas the latter are wrong in +principle; and the better to impress this proposition, he uses a +figurative expression in these words: "The Democrats are vulnerable in +the heel, but they are sound in the heart and in the head." The first +branch of the figure--that is, that the Democrats are vulnerable in the +heel--I admit is not merely figuratively but literally true. Who that +looks but for a moment at their Swartwouts, their Prices, their +Harringtons, and their hundreds of others, scampering away with the +public money to Texas, to Europe, and to every spot of the earth where a +villain may hope to find refuge from justice, can at all doubt that they +are most distressingly affected in their heels with a species of running +fever? It seems that this malady of their heels operates on the +sound-headed and honest-hearted creatures very much like the cork leg in +the song did on its owner, which, when he had once got started on it, +the more he tried to stop it, the more it would run away. At the hazard +of wearing this point threadbare, I will relate an anecdote which seems +to be too strikingly in point to be omitted. A witty Irish soldier who +was always boasting of his bravery when no danger was near, but who +invariably retreated without orders at the first charge of the +engagement, being asked by his captain why he did so, replied, "Captain, +I have as brave a heart as Julius Caesar ever had; but somehow or other, +whenever danger approaches, my cowardly legs will run away with it." So +it is with Mr. Lamborn's party. They take the public money into their +hands for the most laudable purpose that wise heads and honest hearts +can dictate, but before they can possibly get it out again, their +rascally vulnerable heels will run away with them.... + + + + +_Letter to W.G. Anderson. Lawrenceville, Illinois. October 31, 1840_ + + +Dear Sir, Your note of yesterday is received. In the difficulty between +us of which you speak, you say you think I was the aggressor. I do not +think I was. You say my "words imported insult." I meant them as a fair +set-off to your own statements, and not otherwise; and in that light +alone I now wish you to understand them. You ask for my present +"feelings on the subject." I entertain no unkind feelings to you, and +none of any sort upon the subject, except a sincere regret that I +permitted myself to get into such an altercation. + + + + +_Extract from a Letter to John T. Stuart. Springfield Illinois. January +23, 1841_ + + +For not giving you a general summary of news, you must pardon me; it is +not in my power to do so. I am now the most miserable man living. If +what I feel were equally distributed to the whole human family, there +would not be one cheerful face on earth. Whether I shall ever be better, +I cannot tell; I awfully forebode I shall not. To remain as I am is +impossible; I must die or be better, it appears to me. The matter you +speak of on my account you may attend to as you say, unless you shall +hear of my condition forbidding it. I say this because I fear I shall be +unable to attend to any business here, and a change of scene might help +me. If I could be myself, I would rather remain at home with Judge +Logan. I can write no more. + + + + +_From an Address before the Washingtonian Temperance Society. +Springfield, Illinois. February 22, 1842_ + + +Although the temperance cause has been in progress for nearly twenty +years, it is apparent to all that it is just now being crowned with a +degree of success hitherto unparalleled. + +The list of its friends is daily swelled by the additions of fifties, of +hundreds, and of thousands. The cause itself seems suddenly transformed +from a cold abstract theory to a living, breathing, active and powerful +chieftain, going forth conquering and to conquer. The citadels of his +great adversary are daily being stormed and dismantled; his temples and +his altars, where the rites of his idolatrous worship have long been +performed, and where human sacrifices have long been wont to be made, +are daily desecrated and deserted. The trump of the conqueror's fame is +sounding from hill to hill, from sea to sea, and from land to land, and +calling millions to his standard at a blast. + + * * * * * + +"But," say some, "we are no drunkards, and we shall not acknowledge +ourselves such by joining a reform drunkard's society, whatever our +influence might be." Surely no Christian will adhere to this objection. + +If they believe, as they profess, that Omnipotence condescended to take +on himself the form of sinful man, and, as such, to die an ignominious +death for their sakes, surely they will not refuse submission to the +infinitely lesser condescension for the temporal and perhaps eternal +salvation of a large, erring, and unfortunate class of their +fellow-creatures; nor is the condescension very great. In my judgment, +such of us as have never fallen victims have been spared more from the +absence of appetite, than from any mental or moral superiority over +those who have. Indeed I believe, if we take habitual drunkards as a +class, their heads and their hearts will bear an advantageous comparison +with those of any other class. There seems ever to have been a proneness +in the brilliant and warm-blooded to fall into this vice. The demon of +intemperance ever seems to have delighted in sucking the blood of genius +and generosity. What one of us but can call to mind some relative more +promising in youth than all his fellows, who has fallen a sacrifice to +his rapacity? He ever seems to have gone forth like the Egyptian angel +of death, commissioned to slay, if not the first, the fairest born of +every family. Shall he now be arrested in his desolating career? In that +arrest all can give aid that will; and who shall be excused that can and +will not? Far around as human breath has ever blown, he keeps our +fathers, our brothers, our sons, and our friends prostrate in the chains +of moral death.... + +When the conduct of men is designed to be influenced, persuasion, kind, +unassuming persuasion, should ever be adopted. It is an old and a true +maxim "that a drop of honey catches more flies than a gallon of gall." +So with men. If you would win a man to your cause, first convince him +that you are his sincere friend. Therein is a drop of honey that catches +his heart, which, say what you will, is the great high-road to his +reason, and which, when once gained, you will find but little trouble in +convincing his judgment of the justice of your cause, if indeed that +cause really be a just one. On the contrary, assume to dictate to his +judgment, or to command his action, or to mark him as one to be shunned +and despised, and he will retreat within himself, close all the avenues +to his head and his heart; and though your cause be naked truth itself, +transformed to the heaviest lance, harder than steel, and sharper than +steel can be made, and though you throw it with more than herculean +force and precision, you shall be no more able to pierce him than to +penetrate the hard shell of a tortoise with a rye straw. Such is man, +and so must he be understood by those who would lead him, even to his +own best interests.... + +Another error, as it seems to me, into which the old reformers fell, was +the position that all habitual drunkards were utterly incorrigible, and +therefore must be turned adrift and damned without remedy in order that +the grace of temperance might abound, to the temperate then, and to all +mankind some hundreds of years thereafter. There is in this something so +repugnant to humanity, so uncharitable, so cold-blooded and feelingless, +that it never did, nor never can enlist the enthusiasm of a popular +cause. We could not love the man who taught it--we could not hear him +with patience. The heart could not throw open its portals to it, the +generous man could not adopt it--it could not mix with his blood. It +looked so fiendishly selfish, so like throwing fathers and brothers +overboard to lighten the boat for our security, that the noble-minded +shrank from the manifest meanness of the thing. And besides this, the +benefits of a reformation to be effected by such a system were too +remote in point of time to warmly engage many in its behalf. Few can be +induced to labour exclusively for posterity; and none will do it +enthusiastically. Posterity has done nothing for us; and theorize on it +as we may, practically we shall do very little for it, unless we are +made to think we are at the same time doing something for ourselves. + +What an ignorance of human nature does it exhibit, to ask or expect a +whole community to rise up and labour for the temporal happiness of +others, after themselves shall be consigned to the dust, a majority of +which community take no pains whatever to secure their own eternal +welfare at no more distant day! Great distance in either time or space +has wonderful power to lull and render quiescent the human mind. +Pleasures to be enjoyed, or pains to be endured, after we shall be dead +and gone, are but little regarded even in our own cases, and much less +in the cases of others. Still, in addition to this there is something so +ludicrous in promises of good or threats of evil a great way off as to +render the whole subject with which they are connected easily turned +into ridicule. "Better lay down that spade you are stealing, Paddy; if +you don't you'll pay for it at the day of judgment." "Be the powers, if +ye'll credit me so long I'll take another jist." + + + + +_From the Circular of the Whig Committee. An Address to the People of +Illinois. March 4, 1843_ + + +... The system of loans is but temporary in its nature, and must soon +explode. It is a system not only ruinous while it lasts, but one that +must soon fail and leave us destitute. + +As an individual who undertakes to live by borrowing soon finds his +original means devoured by interest, and next, no one left to borrow +from, so must it be with a government. + +We repeat, then, that a tariff sufficient for revenue, or a direct tax, +must soon be resorted to; and, indeed, we believe this alternative is +now denied by no one. But which system shall be adopted? Some of our +opponents in theory admit the propriety of a tariff sufficient for +revenue, but even they will not in practice vote for such a tariff; +while others boldly advocate direct taxation. Inasmuch, therefore, as +some of them boldly advocate direct taxation, and all the rest--or so +nearly all as to make exceptions needless--refuse to adopt the tariff, +we think it is doing them no injustice to class them all as advocates of +direct taxation. Indeed, we believe they are only delaying an open +avowal of the system till they can assure themselves that the people +will tolerate it. Let us, then, briefly compare the two systems. The +tariff is the cheaper system, because the duties, being collected in +large parcels, at a few commercial points, will require comparatively +few officers in their collection; while by the direct tax system the +land must be literally covered with assessors and collectors, going +forth like swarms of Egyptian locusts, devouring every blade of grass +and other green thing. And, again, by the tariff system the whole +revenue is paid by the consumers of foreign goods, and those chiefly the +luxuries and not the necessaries of life. By this system, the man who +contents himself to live upon the products of his own country pays +nothing at all. And surely that country is extensive enough, and its +products abundant and varied enough, to answer all the real wants of its +people. In short, by this system the burden of revenue falls almost +entirely on the wealthy and luxurious few, while the substantial and +labouring many, who live at home and upon home products, go entirely +free. By the direct tax system, none can escape. However strictly the +citizen may exclude from his premises all foreign luxuries, fine cloths, +fine silks, rich wines, golden chains, and diamond rings,--still, for +the possession of his house, his barn, and his homespun he is to be +perpetually haunted and harassed by the tax-gatherer. With these views, +we leave it to be determined whether we or our opponents are more truly +democratic on the subject. + + + + +_From a Letter to Martin M. Morris. Springfield, Illinois. March 26, +1843_ + + +It is truly gratifying to me to learn that while the people of Sangamon +have cast me off, my old friends of Menard, who have known me longest +and best, stick to me. It would astonish, if not amuse, the older +citizens to learn that I (a stranger, friendless, uneducated, penniless +boy, working on a flatboat at ten dollars per month) have been put down +here as the candidate of pride, wealth, and aristocratic family +distinction. Yet so, chiefly, it was. There was, too, the strangest +combination of church influence against me. Baker is a Campbellite; and +therefore, as I suppose, with few exceptions, got all that church. My +wife has some relations in the Presbyterian churches, and some with the +Episcopal churches; and therefore, wherever it would tell, I was set +down as either the one or the other, while it was everywhere contended +that no Christian ought to go for me, because I belonged to no church, +was suspected of being a deist, and had talked about fighting a duel. +With all these things, Baker, of course, had nothing to do. Nor do I +complain of them. As to his own church going for him, I think that was +right enough, and as to the influences I have spoken of in the other, +though they were very strong, it would be grossly untrue and unjust to +charge that they acted upon them in a body, or were very near so. I only +mean that those influences levied a tax of a considerable per cent. upon +my strength throughout the religious controversy. But enough of this. + + + + +_From a Letter to Joshua F. Speed. Springfield. October 22, 1846_ + + +We have another boy, born the 10th of March. He is very much such a +child as Bob was at his age, rather of a longer order. Bob is "short and +low," and I expect always will be. He talks very plainly--almost as +plainly as anybody. He is quite smart enough. I sometimes fear that he +is one of the little rare-ripe sort that are smarter at about five than +ever after. He has a great deal of that sort of mischief that is the +offspring of such animal spirits. Since I began this letter, a messenger +came to tell me Bob was lost; but by the time I reached the house his +mother had found him and had him whipped, and by now, very likely, he is +run away again. + + + + +_From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington. January 8, 1848_ + + +Dear William, Your letter of December 27th was received a day or two +ago. I am much obliged to you for the trouble you have taken, and +promise to take in my little business there. As to speech-making, by way +of getting the hang of the House, I made a little speech two or three +days ago on a post-office question of no general interest. I find +speaking here and elsewhere about the same thing. I was about as badly +scared, and no worse, as I am when I speak in court. I expect to make +one within a week or two, in which I hope to succeed well enough to wish +you to see it. + +It is very pleasant to learn from you that there are some who desire +that I should be re-elected. I most heartily thank them for their +partiality; and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation of Texas, +that "personally I would not object" to a re-election, although I +thought at the time, and still think, it would be quite as well for me +to return to the law at the end of a single term. I made the declaration +that I would not be a candidate again, more from a wish to deal fairly +with others, to keep peace among our friends, and to keep the district +from going to the enemy, than for any cause personal to myself; so that, +if it should so happen that nobody else wishes to be elected, I could +refuse the people the right of sending me again. But to enter myself as +a competitor of others, or to authorize any one so to enter me, is what +my word and honour forbid. + + + + + +_From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington. June 22, 1848_ + + +As to the young men. You must not wait to be brought forward by the +older men. For instance, do you suppose that I should ever have got into +notice if I had waited to be hunted up and pushed forward by older men? +You young men get together and form a "Rough and Ready Club," and have +regular meetings and speeches. Take in everybody you can get. Harrison +Grimsley, L.A. Enos, Lee Kimball and C.W. Matheny will do to begin the +thing; but as you go along gather up all the shrewd, wild boys about +town, whether just of age or a little under age--Chris. Logan, Reddick +Ridgley, Lewis Zwizler, and hundreds such. Let every one play the part +he can play best,--some speak, some sing, and all "holler." Your +meetings will be of evenings; the older men, and the women, will go to +hear you; so that it will not only contribute to the election of "Old +Zach," but will be an interesting pastime, and improving to the +intellectual faculties of all engaged. Don't fail to do this. + + + + +_From a Letter to William H. Herndon. Washington, July 10, 1848_ + + +The way for a young man to rise is to improve himself every way he can, +never suspecting that anybody wishes to hinder him. Allow me to assure +you that suspicion and jealousy never did help any man in any situation. +There may sometimes be ungenerous attempts to keep a young man down; and +they will succeed, too, if he allows his mind to be diverted from its +true channel to brood over the attempted injury. Cast about, and see if +this feeling has not injured every person you have ever known to fall +into it. + + + + + +_Letter to John D. Johnston. January 2, 1851_ + + +Dear Johnston, Your request for eighty dollars I do not think it best to +comply with now. At the various times when I have helped you a little +you have said to me, "We can get along very well now"; but in a very +short time I find you in the same difficulty again. Now, this can only +happen by some defect in your conduct. What that defect is, I think I +know. You are not lazy, and still you are an idler. I doubt whether, +since I saw you, you have done a good whole day's work in any one day. +You do not very much dislike to work, and still you do not work much, +merely because it does not seem to you that you could get much for it. +This habit of uselessly wasting time is the whole difficulty; it is +vastly important to you, and still more so to your children, that you +should break the habit. It is more important to them, because they have +longer to live, and can keep out of an idle habit before they are in it, +easier than they can get out after they are in. + +You are now in need of some money; and what I propose is, that you shall +go to work, "tooth and nail," for somebody who will give you money for +it. Let father and your boys take charge of your things at home, +prepare for a crop, and make the crop, and you go to work for the best +money wages, or in discharge of any debt you owe, that you can get; and, +to secure you a fair reward for your labour, I now promise you, that for +every dollar you will, between this and the first of May, get for your +own labour, either in money or as your own indebtedness, I will then +give you one other dollar. By this, if you hire yourself at ten dollars +a month, from me you will get ten more, making twenty dollars a month +for your work. In this I do not mean you shall go off to St. Louis, or +the lead mines, or the gold mines in California, but I mean for you to +go at it for the best wages you can get close to home in Coles County. +Now, if you will do this, you will be soon out of debt, and, what is +better, you will have a habit that will keep you from getting in debt +again. But, if I should now clear you out of debt, next year you would +be just as deep in as ever. You say you would almost give your place in +heaven for seventy or eighty dollars. Then you value your place in +heaven very cheap, for I am sure you can, with the offer I make, get the +seventy or eighty dollars for four or five months' work. You say if I +will furnish you the money you will deed me the land, and, if you don't +pay the money back, you will deliver possession. Nonsense! If you can't +now live with the land, how will you then live without it? You have +always been kind to me, and I do not mean to be unkind to you. On the +contrary, if you will but follow my advice, you will find it worth more +than eighty times eighty dollars to you. + + + + +_Letter to John D. Johnston. Shelbyville. November 4, 1851_ + + +Dear Brother, When I came into Charleston day before yesterday, I +learned that you are anxious to sell the land where you live and move to +Missouri. I have been thinking of this ever since, and cannot but think +such a notion is utterly foolish. What can you do in Missouri better +than here? Is the land any richer? Can you there, any more than here, +raise corn and wheat and oats without work? Will anybody there, any more +than here, do your work for you? If you intend to go to work, there is +no better place than right where you are; if you do not intend to go to +work, you cannot get along anywhere. Squirming and crawling about from +place to place can do no good. You have raised no crop this year; and +what you really want is to sell the land, get the money, and spend it. +Part with the land you have, and, my life upon it, you will never after +own a spot big enough to bury you in. Half you will get for the land you +will spend in moving to Missouri, and the other half you will eat, +drink, and wear out, and no foot of land will be bought. Now, I feel it +my duty to have no hand in such a piece of foolery. I feel that it is so +even on your own account, and particularly on mother's account. The +eastern forty acres I intend to keep for mother while she lives; if you +will not cultivate it, it will rent for enough to support her--at least, +it will rent for something. Her dower in the other two forties she can +let you have, and no thanks to me. Now, do not misunderstand this +letter; I do not write it in any unkindness. I write it in order, if +possible, to get you to face the truth, which truth is, you are +destitute because you have idled away all your time. Your thousand +pretences for not getting along better are all nonsense; they deceive +nobody but yourself. Go to work is the only cure for your case. + +A word to mother. Chapman tells me he wants you to go and live with him. +If I were you I would try it awhile. If you get tired of it (as I think +you will not), you can return to your own home. Chapman feels very +kindly to you, and I have no doubt he will make your situation very +pleasant. + + + + +_Note for Law Lecture. Written about July 1, 1850_ + + +I am not an accomplished lawyer. I find quite as much material for a +lecture in those points wherein I have failed, as in those wherein I +have been moderately successful. The leading rule for a lawyer, as for +the man of every other calling, is diligence. Leave nothing for +to-morrow which can be done to-day. Never let your correspondence fall +behind. Whatever piece of business you have in hand, before stopping, do +all the labour pertaining to it which can then be done. When you bring a +common law-suit, if you have the facts for doing so, write the +declaration at once. If a law point be involved, examine the books, and +note the authority you rely on upon the declaration itself, where you +are sure to find it when wanted. The same of defences and pleas. In +business not likely to be litigated,--ordinary collection cases, +foreclosures, partitions, and the like,--make all examinations of +titles, and note them and even draft orders and decrees in advance. The +course has a triple advantage; it avoids omissions and neglect, saves +your labour when once done, performs the labour out of court when you +have leisure, rather than in court when you have not. + +Extemporaneous speaking should be practised and cultivated. It is the +lawyer's avenue to the public. However able and faithful he may be in +other respects, people are slow to bring him business if he cannot make +a speech. And yet there is not a more fatal error to young lawyers than +relying too much on speech-making. If any one, upon his rare powers of +speaking, shall claim an exemption from the drudgery of the law, his +case is a failure in advance. + +Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbours to compromise whenever +you can. Point out to them how the nominal winner is often a real +loser--in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peace-maker the lawyer +has a superior opportunity of being a good man. There will still be +business enough. + +Never stir up litigation. A worse man can scarcely be found than one who +does this. Who can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually +overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects in titles, whereon +to stir up strife, and put money in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be +infused into the profession which should drive such men out of it. + +The matter of fees is important, far beyond the mere question of bread +and butter involved. Properly attended to, fuller justice is done to +both lawyer and client. An exorbitant fee should never be claimed. As a +general rule, never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a +small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than a common +mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case as if something was +still in prospect for you, as well as for your client. And when you lack +interest in the case the job will very likely lack skill and diligence +in the performance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in advance. +Then you will feel that you are working for something, and you are sure +to do your work faithfully and well. Never sell a fee-note--at least not +before the consideration service is performed. It leads to negligence +and dishonesty--negligence by losing interest in the case, and +dishonesty in refusing to refund when you have allowed the consideration +to fail. + +There is a vague popular belief that lawyers are necessarily dishonest. +I say vague, because when we consider to what extent confidence and +honours are reposed in and conferred upon lawyers by the people, it +appears improbable that their impression of dishonesty is very distinct +and vivid. Yet the impression is common, almost universal. Let no young +man choosing the law for a calling for a moment yield to the popular +belief. Resolve to be honest at all events; and if in your own judgment +you cannot be an honest lawyer, resolve to be honest without being a +lawyer. Choose some other occupation, rather than one in the choosing of +which you do, in advance, consent to be a knave. + + + + +_A Fragment. Written about July 1, 1854_ + +Equality in society alike beats inequality, whether the latter be of the +British aristocratic sort or of the domestic slavery sort. + +We know Southern men declare that their slaves are better off than hired +labourers amongst us. How little they know whereof they speak! There is +no permanent class of hired labourers amongst us. Twenty-five years ago +I was a hired labourer. The hired labourer of yesterday labours on his +own account to-day, and will hire others to labour for him to-morrow. + +Advancement--improvement in condition--is the order of things in a +society of equals. As labour is the common burden of our race, so the +effort of some to shift their share of the burden on to the shoulders of +others is the great durable curse of the race. Originally a curse for +transgression upon the whole race, when, as by slavery, it is +concentrated on a part only, it becomes the double-refined curse of God +upon his creatures. + +Free labour has the inspiration of hope; pure slavery has no hope. The +power of hope upon human exertion and happiness is wonderful. The +slave-master himself has a conception of it, and hence the system of +tasks among slaves. The slave whom you cannot drive with the lash to +break seventy-five pounds of hemp in a day, if you will task him to +break a hundred, and promise him pay for all he does over, he will break +you a hundred and fifty. You have substituted hope for the rod. + +And yet perhaps it does not occur to you that, to the extent of your +gain in the case, you have given up the slave system and adopted the +free system of labour. + + + + + +_A Fragment on Slavery. July 1854_ + +If A can prove, however conclusively, that he may of right enslave B, +why may not B snatch the same argument and prove equally that he may +enslave A? You say A is white and B is black. It is colour, then; the +lighter having the right to enslave the darker? Take care. By this rule +you are to be slave to the first man you meet with a fairer skin than +your own. + +You do not mean colour exactly? You mean the whites are intellectually +the superiors of the blacks, and therefore have the right to enslave +them? Take care again. By this rule you are to be slave to the first man +you meet with an intellect superior to your own. + +But, say you, it is a question of interest, and if you make it your +interest you have the right to enslave another. Very well. And if he can +make it his interest he has the right to enslave you. + + + + +_Lincoln's Reply to Senator Douglas at Peoria, Illinois. The Origin of +the Wilmot Proviso. October 16, 1854_ + + +... Our war with Mexico broke out in 1846. When Congress was about +adjourning that session, President Polk asked them to place two millions +of dollars under his control, to be used by him in the recess, if found +practicable and expedient, in negotiating a treaty of peace with Mexico, +and acquiring some part of her territory. A bill was duly gotten up for +the purpose, and was progressing swimmingly in the House of +Representatives, when a Democratic member from Pennsylvania by the name +of David Wilmot moved as an amendment, "Provided, that in any territory +thus acquired there shall never be slavery." _This is the origin of the +far-famed Wilmot Proviso._ It created a great flutter; but it stuck like +wax, was voted into the bill, and the bill passed with it through the +House. The Senate, however, adjourned without final action on it, and so +both the appropriation and the proviso were lost for the time. + +... This declared indifference, but, as I must think, real, covert zeal, +for the spread of slavery, I cannot but hate. I hate it because of the +monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our +republican example of its just influence in the world, enables the +enemies of free institutions with plausibility to taunt us as +hypocrites, causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, +and especially because it forces so many good men amongst ourselves into +an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty, +criticizing the Declaration of Independence, and insisting that there is +no right principle of action but self-interest. + +Before proceeding let me say that I think I have no prejudice against +the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. +If slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If +it did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I +believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals +on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances, and +others who would gladly introduce slavery anew if it were out of +existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North +and become tip-top Abolitionists, while some Northern ones go South and +become most cruel slave-masters. + +When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin +of slavery than we are, I acknowledge the fact. When it is said that the +institution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid of it in +any satisfactory way, I can understand and appreciate the saying. I +surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to +do myself. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to +do as to the existing institution. My first impulse would be to free all +the slaves, and send them to Liberia, to their own native land. But a +moment's reflection would convince me that whatever of high hope (as I +think there is) there may be in this in the long run, its sudden +execution is impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they +would all perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus +shipping and surplus money enough to carry them there in many times ten +days. What then? Free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? Is +it quite certain that this betters their condition? I think I would not +hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point is not clear enough for +me to denounce people upon. What next? Free them, and make them +politically and socially our equals? My own feelings will not admit of +this, and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of +whites will not. Whether this feeling accords with justice and sound +judgment is not the sole question, if indeed it is any part of it. A +universal feeling, whether well or ill founded, cannot be safely +disregarded. We cannot then make them equals. It does seem to me that +systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted, but for their +tardiness in this I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the +South. + +Equal justice to the South, it is said, requires us to consent to the +extension of slavery to new countries. That is to say, that inasmuch as +you do not object to my taking my hog to Nebraska, therefore I must not +object to your taking your slave. Now, I admit that this is perfectly +logical, if there is no difference between hogs and slaves. But while +you thus require me to deny the humanity of the negro, I wish to ask +whether you of the South, yourselves, have ever been willing to do as +much? It is kindly provided that of all those who come into the world, +only a small percentage are natural tyrants. That percentage is no +larger in the slave States than in the free. The great majority, South +as well as North, have human sympathies, of which they can no more +divest themselves than they can of their sensibility to physical pain. +These sympathies in the bosoms of the Southern people manifest in many +ways their sense of the wrong of slavery, and their consciousness that, +after all, there is humanity in the negro. If they deny this let me +address them a few plain questions. + +In 1820 you joined the North almost unanimously in declaring the African +slave-trade piracy, and in annexing to it the punishment of death. Why +did you do this? If you did not feel that it was wrong, why did you join +in providing that men should be hung for it? The practice was no more +than bringing wild negroes from Africa to such as would buy them. But +you never thought of hanging men for catching and selling wild horses, +wild buffaloes, or wild bears. + +Again, you have among you a sneaking individual of the class of native +tyrants known as the _slave-dealer_. He watches your necessities, and +crawls up to buy your slave at a speculating price. If you cannot help +it, you sell to him; but if you can help it, you drive him from your +door. You despise him utterly; you do not recognize him as a friend, or +even as an honest man. Your children must not play with his; they may +rollick freely with the little negroes, but not with the slave-dealer's +children. If you are obliged to deal with him, you try to get through +the job without so much as touching him. It is common with you to join +hands with the men you meet; but with the slave-dealer you avoid the +ceremony,--instinctively shrinking from the snaky contact. If he grows +rich and retires from business, you still remember him, and still keep +up the ban of non-intercourse upon him and his family. Now, why is this? +You do not so treat the man who deals in cotton, corn, or tobacco. + +And yet again. There are in the United States and Territories, including +the District of Columbia, over four hundred and thirty thousand free +blacks. At five hundred dollars per head, they are worth over two +hundred millions of dollars. How comes this vast amount of property to +be running about without owners? We do not see free horses or free +cattle running at large. How is this? All these free blacks are the +descendants of slaves, or have been slaves themselves; and they would be +slaves now but for something that has operated on their white owners, +inducing them at vast pecuniary sacrifice to liberate them. What is that +something? Is there any mistaking it? In all these cases it is your +sense of justice and human sympathy continually telling you that the +poor negro has some natural right to himself,--that those who deny it +and make mere merchandise of him deserve kickings, contempt, and death. + +And now why will you ask us to deny the humanity of the slave, and +estimate him as only the equal of the hog? Why ask us to do what you +will not do yourselves? Why ask us to do for nothing what two hundred +millions of dollars could not induce you to do? + +But one great argument in support of the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise is still to come. That argument is "the sacred right of +self-government." ... Some poet has said,-- + + "Fools rush in where angels fear to tread." + +At the hazard of being thought one of the fools of this quotation, I +meet that argument,--I rush in,--I take that bull by the horns.... My +faith in the proposition that each man should do precisely as he pleases +with all which is exclusively his own, lies at the foundation of the +sense of justice there is in me. I extend the principle to communities +of men as well as to individuals. I so extend it because it is +politically wise as well as naturally just,--politically wise in saving +us from broils about matters which do not concern us. Here, or at +Washington, I would not trouble myself with the oyster laws of Virginia, +or the cranberry laws of Indiana. The doctrine of self-government is +right,--absolutely and internally right; but it has no just application +as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say that whether it has +any application here depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. If +he is not a man, in that case he who is a man may, as a matter of +self-government, do just what he pleases with him. But if the negro is a +man, is it not to that extent a total destruction of self-government to +say that he, too, shall not govern himself? When the white man governs +himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also +governs another man, that is more than self-government,--that is +despotism. If the negro is a man, then my ancient faith teaches me that +"all men are created equal," and that there can be no moral right in +connection with one man's making a slave of another. + +Judge Douglas frequently, with bitter irony and sarcasm, paraphrases +our argument by saying: "The white people of Nebraska are good enough to +govern themselves, but they are not good enough to govern a few +miserable negroes!" + +Well, I doubt not that the people of Nebraska are and will continue to +be as good as the average of people elsewhere. I do not say the +contrary. What I do say is that no man is good enough to govern another +man without that other's consent. I say this is the leading +principle,--the sheet-anchor of American republicanism. + +Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's nature,--opposition to it +in his love of justice. These principles are in eternal antagonism, and +when brought into collision so fiercely as slavery extension brings +them, shocks and throes and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal +the Missouri Compromise; repeal all compromises; repeal the Declaration +of Independence; repeal all past history,--you still cannot repeal human +nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart that slavery +extension is wrong, and out of the abundance of his heart his mouth will +continue to speak.... + +The Missouri Compromise ought to be restored. Slavery may or may not be +established in Nebraska. But whether it be or not, we shall have +repudiated--discarded from the councils of the nation--the spirit of +compromise; for who, after this, will ever trust in a national +compromise? The spirit of mutual concession--that spirit which first +gave us the Constitution, and has thrice saved the Union--we shall have +strangled and cast from us for ever. And what shall we have in lieu of +it? The South flushed with triumph and tempted to excess; the North +betrayed, as they believed, brooding on wrong and burning for revenge. +One side will provoke, the other resent. The one will taunt, the other +defy; one aggresses, the other retaliates. Already a few in the North +defy all constitutional restraints, resist the execution of the Fugitive +Slave Law, and even menace the institution of slavery in the States +where it exists. Already a few in the South claim the constitutional +right to take and hold slaves in the free States, demand the revival of +the slave-trade, and demand a treaty with Great Britain by which +fugitive slaves may be reclaimed from Canada. As yet they are but few on +either side. It is a grave question for lovers of the Union, whether the +final destruction of the Missouri Compromise, and with it the spirit of +all compromise, will or will not embolden and embitter each of these, +and fatally increase the number of both. + +... Some men, mostly Whigs, who condemn the repeal of the Missouri +Compromise, nevertheless hesitate to go for its restoration, lest they +be thrown in company with the Abolitionists. Will they allow me, as an +old Whig, to tell them good-humouredly that I think this is very silly? +Stand with anybody that stands right. Stand with him while he is right, +and part with him when he goes wrong. Stand with the Abolitionist in +restoring the Missouri Compromise, and stand against him when he +attempts to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law. In the latter case you stand +with the Southern disunionist. What of that? You are still right. In +both cases you are right In both cases you expose the dangerous +extremes. In both you stand on the middle ground and hold the ship level +and steady. In both you are national, and nothing less than national. +This is the good old Whig ground. To desert such ground because of any +company is to be less than a Whig, less than a man, less than an +American. + +I particularly object to the new position which the avowed principle of +this Nebraska law gives to slavery in the body politic. I object to it +because it assumes that there can be moral right in the enslaving of one +man by another. I object to it as a dangerous dalliance for free +people--a sad evidence that, feeling over-prosperity, we forget right; +that liberty as a principle we have ceased to revere. I object to it +because the Fathers of the Republic eschewed and rejected it. The +argument of "necessity" was the only argument they ever admitted in +favour of slavery, and so far, and so far only as it carried them, did +they ever go. They found the institution existing among us, which they +could not help, and they cast the blame on the British king for having +permitted its introduction. Thus we see the plain, unmistakable spirit +of their age towards slavery was hostility to the principle, and +toleration only by necessity. + +But now it is to be transformed into a _sacred right_.... Henceforth it +is to be the chief jewel of the nation,--the very figure-head of the +ship of State. Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the +grave, we have been giving up the old for the new faith. Near eighty +years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal; but now +from that beginning we have run down to the other declaration, that for +some men to enslave others is a sacred right of self-government. These +principles cannot stand together. They are as opposite as God and +Mammon; and whoever holds to the one must despise the other.... + +Our Republican robe is soiled and trailed in the dust. Let us purify it. +Let us turn and wash it white in the spirit if not the blood of the +Revolution. Let us turn slavery from its claims of moral right, back +upon its existing legal rights and its arguments of necessity. Let us +return it to the position our fathers gave it, and there let it rest in +peace. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it the +practices and policy which harmonize with it. Let North and South, let +all Americans, let all lovers of liberty everywhere, join in the great +and good work. If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, +but we shall have so saved it as to make and to keep it for ever worthy +of the saving. + + + + +_From Letter to the Hon. Geo. Robertson, Lexington, Kentucky. +Springfield, Illinois. August 15, 1855_ + + +My dear Sir, ... You are not a friend of slavery in the abstract. In +that speech you spoke of "the peaceful extinction of slavery" and used +other expressions indicating your belief that the thing was, at some +time, to have an end. Since then we have had thirty-six years of +experience; and this experience has demonstrated, I think, that there is +no peaceful extinction of slavery in prospect for us. The signal failure +of Henry Clay and other good and great men, in 1849, to effect anything +in favour of gradual emancipation in Kentucky, together with a thousand +other signs, extinguishes that hope utterly. On the question of liberty, +as a principle, we are not what we have been. When we were the political +slaves of King George, and wanted to be free, we called the maxim that +"all men are created equal" a self-evident truth; but now when we have +grown fat, and have lost all dread of being slaves ourselves, we have +become so greedy to be _masters_ that we call the same maxim "a +self-evident lie." The Fourth of July has not quite dwindled away; it is +still a great day for burning fire-crackers! + +That spirit which desired the peaceful extinction of slavery has itself +become extinct with the _occasion_ and the _men_ of the Revolution. +Under the impulse of that occasion, nearly half the States adopted +systems of emancipation at once; and it is a significant fact that not a +single State has done the like since. So far as peaceful, voluntary +emancipation is concerned, the condition of the negro slave in America, +scarcely less terrible to the contemplation of the free mind, is now as +fixed and hopeless of change for the better as that of the lost souls of +the finally impenitent. The Autocrat of all the Russias will resign his +crown and proclaim his subjects free republicans, sooner than will our +American masters voluntarily give up their slaves. + +Our political problem now is, "Can we as a nation continue together +_permanently--for ever_--half slave, and half free?" The problem is too +mighty for me. May God in his mercy superintend the solution. + + Your much obliged friend, and humble servant, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Extracts from Letter to Joshua F. Speed. August 24, 1855_ + + +You suggest that in political action now, you and I would differ. I +suppose we would; not quite so much, however, as you may think. You know +I dislike slavery, and you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far +there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield your +legal right to the slave, especially at the bidding of those who are not +themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware +that any one is bidding you yield that right; very certainly I am not. I +leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also acknowledge your rights +and my obligations under the Constitution in regard to your slaves. I +confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down and caught and +carried back to their stripes and unrequited toil; but I bite my lips +and keep quiet. In 1841, you and I had together a tedious low-water trip +on a steamboat, from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I +well do, that from Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio, there were on +board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together with irons. That sight was +a continued torment to me, and I see something like it every time I +touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It is not fair for you to +assume that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually +exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to +appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify +their feelings in order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution +and the Union. I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment +and feeling so prompt me, and I am under no obligations to the contrary. +If for this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say if you were +President, you would send an army and hang the leaders of the Missouri +outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes +herself a slave State she must be admitted, or the Union must be +dissolved. But how if she votes herself a slave State unfairly; that +is, by the very means for which you say you would hang men? Must she +still be admitted, or the Union dissolved? That will be the phase of the +question when it first becomes a practical one. In your assumption that +there may be a fair decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I +plainly see that you and I would differ about the Nebraska law. I look +upon that enactment, not as a law, but as a violence from the beginning. +It was conceived in violence, is maintained in violence, and is being +executed in violence. I say it was conceived in violence, because the +destruction of the Missouri Compromise, under the circumstances, was +nothing less than violence. It was passed in violence, because it could +not have passed at all but for the votes of many members in violence of +the known will of their constituents. It is maintained in violence, +because the elections since clearly demand its repeal, and the demand is +openly disregarded. + +You say men ought to be hung for the way they are executing the law; I +say that the way it is being executed is quite as good as any of its +antecedents. It is being executed in the precise way which was intended +from the first, else why does no Nebraska man express astonishment or +condemnation? Poor Reeder is the only public man who has been silly +enough to believe that anything like fairness was ever intended, and he +has been bravely undeceived. + +That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and with it ask to be +admitted into the Union, I take to be already a settled question, and so +settled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every principle +of law ever held by any court North or South, every negro taken to +Kansas _is_ free; yet in utter disregard of this--in the spirit of +violence merely--that beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang +any man who shall venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This is +the subject and real object of the law. If, like Haman, they should hang +upon the gallows of their own building, I shall not be among the +mourners for their fate. In my humble sphere, I shall advocate the +restoration of the Missouri Compromise so long as Kansas remains a +Territory; and when, by all these foul means, it seeks to come into the +Union as a slave State, I shall oppose it. I am very loath in any case +to withhold my assent to the enjoyment of property acquired or located +in good faith; but I do not admit that good faith in taking a negro to +Kansas to be held in slavery is a probability with any man. Any man who +has sense enough to be the controller of his own property has too much +sense to misunderstand the outrageous character of the whole Nebraska +business. But I digress. In my opposition to the admission of Kansas, I +shall have some company, but we may be beaten. If we are, I shall not, +on that account, attempt to dissolve the Union. I think it probable, +however, we shall be beaten. Standing as a unit among yourselves, you +can, directly and indirectly, bribe enough of our men to carry the day, +as you could on the open proposition to establish a monarchy. Get hold +of some man in the North whose position and ability are such that he can +make the support of your measure, whatever it may be, a Democratic-party +necessity, and the thing is done. Apropos of this, let me tell you an +anecdote. Douglas introduced the Nebraska Bill in January. In February +afterward, there was a called session of the Illinois Legislature. Of +the one hundred members composing the two branches of that body, about +seventy were Democrats. These latter held a caucus, in which the +Nebraska Bill was talked of, if not formally discussed. It was thereby +discovered that just three, and no more, were in favour of the measure. +In a day or two Douglas's orders came on to have resolutions passed +approving the bill; and they were passed by large majorities! The truth +of this is vouched for by a bolting Democratic member. The masses too, +Democratic as well as Whig, were even nearer unanimous against it; but +as soon as the party necessity of supporting it became apparent, the way +the Democrats began to see the wisdom and justice of it was perfectly +astonishing. + +You say that if Kansas fairly votes herself a free State, as a Christian +you will rejoice at it. All decent slaveholders talk that way, and I do +not doubt their candour; but they never vote that way. Although in a +private letter or conversation you will express your preference that +Kansas should be free, you would vote for no man for Congress who would +say the same thing publicly. No such man could be elected from any +district in a slave State. You think Stringfellow and company ought to +be hung.... The slave-breeders and slave-traders are a small, odious, +and detested class among you; and yet in politics they dictate the +course of all of you, and are as completely your masters as you are the +master of your own negroes. You inquire where I now stand. That is a +disputed point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there are no Whigs, +and that I am an Abolitionist. When I was at Washington, I voted for the +Wilmot Proviso as good as forty times; and I never heard of any one +attempting to unwhig me for that. I now do no more than oppose the +extension of slavery. I am not a Know-nothing; that is certain. How +could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes be in +favour of degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy +appears to me to be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring +that _all men are created equal_. We now practically read it, _all men +are created equal except negroes_. When the Know-nothings get control, +it will read, _all men are created equal except negroes_ and foreigners +and Catholics. When it comes to this, I shall prefer emigrating to some +country where they make no pretence of loving liberty--to Russia, for +instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base alloy +of hypocrisy.... My kindest regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading +subject of this letter I have more of her sympathy than I have of yours; +and yet let me say I am your friend for ever. + + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Mr. Lincoln's Speech. May 19, 1856_ + + +Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I was over at [cries of "Platform!" "Take +the platform!"]--I say, that while I was at Danville Court, some of our +friends of anti-Nebraska got together in Springfield and elected me as +one delegate to represent old Sangamon with them in this convention, and +I am here certainly as a sympathizer in this movement and by virtue of +that meeting and selection. But we can hardly be called delegates +strictly, inasmuch as, properly speaking, we represent nobody but +ourselves. I think it altogether fair to say that we have no +anti-Nebraska party in Sangamon, although there is a good deal of +anti-Nebraska feeling there; but I say for myself, and I think I may +speak also for my colleagues, that we who are here fully approve of the +platform and of all that has been done [A voice: "Yes!"]; and even if we +are not regularly delegates, it will be right for me to answer your call +to speak. I suppose we truly stand for the public sentiment of Sangamon +on the great question of the repeal, although we do not yet represent +many numbers who have taken a distinct position on the question. + +We are in a trying time--it ranges above mere party--and this movement +to call a halt and turn our steps backward needs all the help and good +counsels it can get; for unless popular opinion makes itself very +strongly felt, and a change is made in our present course, _blood will +flow on account of Nebraska, and brother's hand will be raised against +brother_! [The last sentence was uttered in such an earnest, impressive, +if not, indeed, tragic, manner, as to make a cold chill creep over me. +Others gave a similar experience.] + +I have listened with great interest to the earnest appeal made to +Illinois men by the gentleman from Lawrence [James S. Emery] who has +just addressed us so eloquently and forcibly. I was deeply moved by his +statement of the wrongs done to free-State men out there. I think it +just to say that all true men North should sympathize with them, and +ought to be willing to do any possible and needful thing to right their +wrongs. But we must not promise what we ought not, lest we be called on +to perform what we cannot; we must be calm and moderate, and consider +the whole difficulty, and determine what is possible and just. We must +not be led by excitement and passion to do that which our sober +judgments would not approve in our cooler moments. We have higher aims; +we will have more serious business than to dally with temporary +measures. + +We are here to stand firmly for a principle--to stand firmly for a +right. We know that great political and moral wrongs are done, and +outrages committed, and we denounce those wrongs and outrages, although +we cannot, at present, do much more. But we desire to reach out beyond +those personal outrages and establish a rule that will apply to all, and +so prevent any future outrages. + +We have seen to-day that every shade of popular opinion is represented +here, with _Freedom_ or rather _Free-Soil_ as the basis. We have come +together as in some sort representatives of popular opinion against the +extension of slavery into territory now free in fact as well as by law, +and the pledged word of the statesmen of the nation who are now no more. +We come--we are here assembled together--to protest as well as we can +against a great wrong, and to take measures, as well as we now can, to +make that wrong right; to place the nation, as far as it may be possible +now, as it was before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; and the +plain way to do this is to restore the Compromise, and to demand and +determine that _Kansas shall be free!_ [Immense applause.] While we +affirm, and reaffirm, if necessary, our devotion to the principles of +the Declaration of Independence, let our practical work here be limited +to the above. We know that there is not a perfect agreement of sentiment +here on the public questions which might be rightfully considered in +this convention, and that the indignation which we all must feel cannot +be helped; but all of us must give up something for the good of the +cause. There is one desire which is uppermost in the mind, one wish +common to us all--to which no dissent will be made; and I counsel you +earnestly to bury all resentment, to sink all personal feeling, make all +things work to a common purpose in which we are united and agreed about, +and which all present will agree is absolutely necessary--which _must_ +be done by any rightful mode if there be such: _Slavery must be kept out +of Kansas_! [Applause.] The test--the pinch--is right there. If we lose +Kansas to freedom, an example will be set which will prove fatal to +freedom in the end. We, therefore, in the language of the _Bible_, must +"lay the axe to the root of the tree." Temporizing will not do longer; +now is the time for decision--for firm, persistent, resolute action. +[Applause.] + +The Nebraska bill, or rather Nebraska law, is not one of wholesome +legislation, but was and is an act of legislative usurpation, whose +result, if not indeed intention, is to make slavery national; and unless +headed off in some effective way, we are in a fair way to see this land +of boasted freedom converted into a land of slavery in fact. +[Sensation.] Just open your two eyes, and see if this be not so. I need +do no more than state, to command universal approval, that almost the +entire North, as well as a large following in the border States, is +radically opposed to the planting of slavery in free territory. Probably +in a popular vote throughout the nation nine-tenths of the voters in the +free States, and at least one-half in the border States, if they could +express their sentiments freely, would vote NO on such an issue; and it +is safe to say that two-thirds of the votes of the entire nation would +be opposed to it. And yet, in spite of this overbalancing of sentiment +in this free country, we are in a fair way to see Kansas present itself +for admission as a slave State. Indeed, it is a felony, by the local law +of Kansas, to deny that slavery exists there even now. By every +principle of law, a negro in Kansas is free; yet the _bogus_ +legislature makes it an infamous crime to tell him that he is free! + +The party lash and the fear of ridicule will overawe justice and +liberty; for it is a singular fact, but none the less a fact, and well +known by the most common experience, that men will do things under the +terror of the party lash that they would not on any account or for any +consideration do otherwise; while men who will march up to the mouth of +a loaded cannon without shrinking, will run from the terrible name of +"Abolitionist," even when pronounced by a worthless creature whom they, +with good reason, despise. For instance--to press this point a +little--Judge Douglas introduced his anti-Nebraska bill in January; and +we had an extra session of our legislature in the succeeding February, +in which were seventy-five Democrats; and at a party caucus, fully +attended, there were just three votes out of the whole seventy-five, for +the measure. But in a few days orders came on from Washington, +commanding them to approve the measure; the party lash was applied, and +it was brought up again in caucus, and passed by a large majority. The +masses were against it, but party necessity carried it; and it was +passed through the lower house of Congress against the will of the +people, for the same reason. Here is where the greatest danger +lies--that, while we profess to be a government of law and reason, law +will give way to violence on demand of this awful and crushing power. +Like the great Juggernaut--I think that is the name--the great idol, it +crushes everything that comes in its way, and makes a--or as I read +once, in a black-letter law book, "a slave is a human being who is +legally not a _person_, but a _thing_." And if the safeguards to liberty +are broken down, as is now attempted, when they have made _things_ of +all the free negroes, how long, think you, before they will begin to +make _things_ of poor white men? [Applause.] Be not deceived. +Revolutions do not go backward. The founder of the Democratic party +declared that _all_ men were created equal. His successor in the +leadership has written the word "white" before men, making it read "all +_white_ men are created equal." Pray, will or may not the Know-nothings, +if they should get in power, add the word "protestant," making it read +"_all protestant white men_"? + +Meanwhile the hapless negro is the fruitful subject of reprisals in +other quarters. John Pettit, whom Tom Benton paid his respects to, you +will recollect, calls the immortal Declaration "a self-evident lie;" +while at the birth-place of freedom--in the shadow of Bunker Hill and of +the "cradle of liberty," at the home of the Adamses and Warren and +Otis--Choate, from our side of the house, dares to fritter away the +birthday promise of liberty by proclaiming the Declaration to be "a +string of glittering generalities;" and the Southern Whigs, working hand +in hand with pro-slavery Democrats, are making Choate's theories +practical. Thomas Jefferson, a slaveholder, mindful of the moral element +in slavery, solemnly declared that he "trembled for his country when he +remembered that God is just;" while Judge Douglas, with an insignificant +wave of the hand, "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted +down." Now, if slavery is right, or even negative, he has a right to +treat it in this trifling manner. But if it is a moral and political +wrong, as all Christendom considers it to be, how can he answer to God +for this attempt to spread and fortify it? [Applause.] + +But no man, and Judge Douglas no more than any other, can maintain a +negative, or merely neutral, position on this question; and, +accordingly, he avows that the Union was made _by_ white men and _for_ +white men and their descendants. As matter of fact, the first branch of +the proposition is historically true; the government was made by white +men, and they were and are the superior race. This I admit. But the +corner-stone of the government, so to speak, was the declaration that +"_all_ men are created equal," and all entitled to "life, liberty, and +the pursuit of happiness." [Applause.] + +And not only so, but the framers of the Constitution were particular to +keep out of that instrument the word "slave," the reason being that +slavery would ultimately come to an end, and they did not wish to have +any reminder that in this free country human beings were ever +prostituted to slavery. [Applause.] Nor is it any argument that we are +superior and the negro inferior--that he has but one talent while we +have ten. Let the negro possess the little he has in independence; if he +has but one talent, he should be permitted to keep the little he has. +[Applause.] But slavery will endure no test of reason or logic; and yet +its advocates, like Douglas, use a sort of bastard logic, or noisy +assumption, it might better be termed, like the above, in order to +prepare the mind for the gradual, but none the less certain, +encroachments of the Moloch of slavery upon, the fair domain of freedom. +But however much you may argue upon it, or smother it in soft phrases, +slavery can only be maintained by force--by violence. The repeal of the +Missouri Compromise was by violence. It was a violation of both law and +the sacred obligations of honour, to overthrow and trample underfoot a +solemn compromise, obtained by the fearful loss to freedom of one of the +fairest of our Western domains. Congress violated the will and +confidence of its constituents in voting for the bill; and while public +sentiment, as shown by the elections of 1854, demanded the restoration +of this compromise, Congress violated its trust by refusing, simply +because it had the force of numbers to hold on to it. And murderous +violence is being used now, in order to force slavery on to Kansas; for +it cannot be done in any other way. [Sensation.] + +The necessary result was to establish the rule of violence--force, +instead of the rule of law and reason; to perpetuate and spread slavery, +and, in time, to make it general. We see it at both ends of the line. In +Washington, on the very spot where the outrage was started, the fearless +Sumner is beaten to insensibility, and is now slowly dying; while +senators who claim to be gentlemen and Christians stood by, +countenancing the act, and even applauding it afterward in their places +in the Senate. Even Douglas, our man, saw it all and was within helping +distance, yet let the murderous blows fall unopposed. Then, at the other +end of the line, at the very time Sumner was being murdered, Lawrence +was being destroyed for the crime of Freedom. It was the most prominent +stronghold of liberty in Kansas, and must give way to the all-dominating +power of slavery. Only two days ago, Judge Trumbull found it necessary +to propose a bill in the Senate to prevent a general civil war and to +restore peace in Kansas. + +We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect +some new disaster with each newspaper we read. Are we in a healthful +political state? Are not the tendencies plain? Do not the signs of the +times point plainly the way in which we are going? [Sensation.] + +In the early days of the Constitution slavery was recognized, by South +and North alike, as an evil, and the division of sentiment about it was +not controlled by geographical lines or considerations of climate, but +by moral and philanthropic views. Petitions for the abolition of slavery +were presented to the very first Congress by Virginia and Massachusetts +alike. To show the harmony which prevailed, I will state that a fugitive +slave law was passed in 1793, with no dissenting voice in the Senate, +and but seven dissenting votes in the House. It was, however, a wise +law, moderate, and, under the Constitution, a just one. Twenty-five +years later, a more stringent law was proposed and defeated; and +thirty-five years after that, the present law, drafted by Mason of +Virginia, was passed by Northern votes. I am not, just now, complaining +of this law, but I am trying to show how the current sets; for the +proposed law of 1817 was far less offensive than the present one. In +1774 the Continental Congress pledged itself, without a dissenting vote, +to wholly discontinue the slave trade, and to neither purchase nor +import any slave: and less than three months before the passage of the +Declaration of Independence, the same Congress which adopted that +declaration unanimously resolved "that _no slave be imported into any of +the thirteen United Colonies_." [Great applause.] + +On the second day of July, 1776, the draft of a Declaration of +Independence was reported to Congress by the committee, and in it the +slave trade was characterized as "an execrable commerce," as "a +piratical warfare," as the "opprobrium of infidel powers," and as "a +cruel war against human nature." [Applause.] All agreed on this except +South Carolina and Georgia, and in order to preserve harmony, and from +the necessity of the case, these expressions were omitted. Indeed, +abolition societies existed as far south as Virginia; and it is a +well-known fact that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lee, Henry, Mason, +and Pendleton were qualified abolitionists, and much more radical on +that subject than we of the Whig and Democratic parties claim to be +to-day. On March 1, 1784, Virginia ceded to the confederation all its +lands lying northwest of the Ohio River. Jefferson, Chase of Maryland, +and Howell of Rhode Island, as a committee on that and territory +thereafter _to be ceded_, reported that no slavery should exist after +the year 1800. Had this report been adopted, not only the Northwest, but +Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi also would have been free; +but it required the assent of nine States to ratify it. North Carolina +was divided, and thus its vote was lost; and Delaware, Georgia, and New +Jersey refused to vote. In point of fact, as it was, it was assented to +by six States. Three years later, on a square vote to exclude slavery +from the Northwest, only one vote, and that from New York, was against +it. And yet, thirty-seven years later, five thousand citizens of +Illinois out of a voting mass of less than twelve thousand, +deliberately, after a long and heated contest, voted to introduce +slavery in Illinois; and, to-day, a large party in the free State of +Illinois are willing to vote to fasten the shackles of slavery on the +fair domain of Kansas, notwithstanding it received the dowry of freedom +long before its birth as a political community. I repeat, therefore, the +question, Is it not plain in what direction we are tending? [Sensation.] +In the colonial time, Mason, Pendleton, and Jefferson were as hostile to +slavery in Virginia as Otis, Ames, and the Adamses were in +Massachusetts; and Virginia made as earnest an effort to get rid of it +as old Massachusetts did. But circumstances were against them and they +failed; but not that the good-will of its leading men was lacking. Yet +within less than fifty years Virginia changed its tune, and made +negro-breeding for the cotton and sugar States one of its leading +industries. [Laughter and applause.] + +In the Constitutional Convention, George Mason of Virginia made a more +violent abolition speech than my friends Lovejoy or Codding would desire +to make here to-day--a speech which could not be safely repeated +anywhere on Southern soil in this enlightened year. But while there were +some differences of opinion on this subject even then, discussion was +allowed; but as you see by the Kansas slave code, which, as you know, is +the Missouri slave code, merely ferried across the river, it is a felony +to even express an opinion hostile to that foul blot in the land of +Washington and the Declaration of Independence. [Sensation.] + +In Kentucky--my State--in 1849, on a test vote, the mighty influence of +Henry Clay and many other good men there could not get a symptom of +expression in favour of gradual emancipation on a plain issue of +marching toward the light of civilization with Ohio and Illinois; but +the State of Boone and Hardin and Henry Clay, with a _nigger_ under each +arm, took the black trail toward the deadly swamps of barbarism. Is +there--can there be--any doubt about this thing? And is there any doubt +that we must all lay aside our prejudices and march, shoulder to +shoulder, in the great army of Freedom? [Applause.] + +Every Fourth of July our young orators all proclaim this to be "the land +of the _free_ and the home of the brave!" Well, now, when you orators +get that off next year, and, may be, this very year, how would you like +some old grizzled farmer to get up in the grove and deny it? [Laughter.] +How would you like that? But suppose Kansas comes in as a slave State, +and all the "border ruffians" have barbecues about it, and free-State +men come trailing back to the dishonoured North, like whipped dogs with +their tails between their legs, it is--ain't it?--evident that this is +no more the "land of the free;" and if we let it go so, we won't dare to +say "home of the brave" out loud. [Sensation and confusion.] + +Can any man doubt that, even in spite of the people's will, slavery will +triumph through violence, unless that will be made manifest and +enforced? Even Governor Reeder claimed at the outset that the contest in +Kansas was to be fair, but he got his eyes open at last; and I believe +that, as a result of this moral and physical violence, Kansas will soon +apply for admission as a slave State. And yet we can't mistake that the +people don't want it so, and that it is a land which is free both by +natural and political law. _No law is free law!_ Such is the +understanding of all Christendom. In the Somerset case, decided nearly a +century ago, the great Lord Mansfield held that slavery was of such a +nature that it must take its rise in _positive_ (as distinguished from +_natural_) law; and that in no country or age could it be traced back to +any other source. Will some one please tell me where is the _positive_ +law that establishes slavery in Kansas? [A voice: "The _bogus_ laws."] +Aye, the _bogus_ laws! And, on the same principle, a gang of Missouri +horse-thieves could come into Illinois and declare horse-stealing to be +legal [Laughter], and it would be just as legal as slavery is in Kansas. +But by express statute, in the land of Washington and Jefferson, we may +soon be brought face to face with the discreditable fact of showing to +the world by our acts that we prefer slavery to freedom--darkness to +light! [Sensation.] + +It is, I believe, a principle in law that when one party to a contract +violates it so grossly as to chiefly destroy the object for which it is +made, the other party may rescind it. I will ask Browning if that ain't +good law. [Voices: "Yes!"] Well, now if that be right, I go for +rescinding the whole, entire Missouri Compromise and thus turning +Missouri into a free State; and I should like to know the +difference--should like for any one to point out the difference--between +_our_ making a free State of Missouri and _their_ making a slave State +of Kansas. [Great applause.] There ain't one bit of difference, except +that our way would be a great mercy to humanity. But I have never +said--and the Whig party has never said--and those who oppose the +Nebraska bill do not as a body say, that they have any intention of +interfering with slavery in the slave States. Our platform says just the +contrary. We allow slavery to exist in the slave States--not because +slavery is right or good, but from the necessities of our Union. We +grant a fugitive slave law because it is so "nominated in the bond;" +because our fathers so stipulated--had to--and we are bound to carry out +this agreement. But they did not agree to introduce slavery in regions +where it did not previously exist. On the contrary, they said by their +example and teachings that they did not deem it expedient--did not +consider it right--to do so; and it is wise and right to do just as they +did about it [Voices: "Good!"], and that is what we propose--not to +interfere with slavery where it exists (we have never tried to do it), +and to give them a reasonable and efficient fugitive slave law. [A +voice: "No!"] I say YES! [Applause.] It was part of the bargain, and I'm +for living up to it; but I go no further; I'm not bound to do more, and +I won't agree any further. [Great applause.] + +We, here in Illinois, should feel especially proud of the provision of +the Missouri Compromise excluding slavery from what is now Kansas; for +an Illinois man, Jesse B. Thomas, was its father. Henry Clay, who is +credited with the authorship of the Compromise in general terms, did not +even vote for that provision, but only advocated the ultimate admission +by a second compromise; and, Thomas was, beyond all controversy, the +real author of the "slavery restriction" branch of the Compromise. To +show the generosity of the Northern members toward the Southern side; on +a test vote to exclude slavery from Missouri, ninety voted not to +exclude, and eighty-seven to exclude, every vote from the slave States +being ranged with the former and fourteen votes from the free States, +of whom seven were from New England alone; while on a vote to exclude +slavery from what is now Kansas, the vote was one hundred and +thirty-four _for_ to forty-two _against_. The scheme, as a whole, was, +of course, a Southern triumph. It is idle to contend otherwise, as is +now being done by the Nebraskaites; it was so shown by the votes and +quite as emphatically by the expressions of representative men. Mr. +Lowndes of South Carolina was never known to commit a political mistake; +his was the great judgment of that section; and he declared that this +measure "would restore tranquillity to the country--a result demanded by +every consideration of discretion, of moderation, of wisdom, and of +virtue." When the measure came before President Monroe for his approval, +he put to each member of his cabinet this question: "Has Congress the +constitutional power to prohibit slavery in a territory?" And John C. +Calhoun and William H. Crawford from the South, equally with John Quincy +Adams, Benjamin Rush, and Smith Thompson from the North, alike answered, +"_Yes!_" without qualification or equivocation; and this measure, of so +great consequence to the South, was passed; and Missouri was, by means +of it, finally enabled to knock at the door of the Republic for an open +passage to its brood of slaves. And, in spite of this, Freedom's share +is about to be taken by violence--by the force of misrepresentative +votes, not called for by the popular will. What name can I, in common +decency, give to this wicked transaction? [Sensation.] + +But even then the contest was not over; for when the Missouri +constitution came before Congress for its approval, it forbade any free +negro or mulatto from entering the State. In short, our Illinois "black +laws" were hidden away in their constitution [Laughter], and the +controversy was thus revived. Then it was that Mr. Clay's talents shone +out conspicuously, and the controversy that shook the Union to its +foundation was finally settled to the satisfaction of the conservative +parties on both sides of the line, though not to the extremists on +either, and Missouri was admitted by the small majority of six in the +lower House. How great a majority, do you think, would have been given +had Kansas also been secured for slavery? [A voice: "A majority the +other way."] "A majority the other way," is answered. Do you think it +would have been safe for a Northern man to have confronted his +constituents after having voted to consign both Missouri and Kansas to +hopeless slavery? And yet this man Douglas, who misrepresents his +constituents, and who has exerted his highest talents in that direction, +will be carried in triumph through the State, and hailed with honour +while applauding that act. [Three groans for "_Dug_!"] And this shows +whither we are tending. This thing of slavery is more powerful than its +supporters--even than the high priests that minister at its altar. It +debauches even our greatest men. It gathers strength, like a rolling +snow-ball, by its own infamy. Monstrous crimes are committed in its name +by persons collectively which they would not dare to commit as +individuals. Its aggressions and encroachments almost surpass belief. In +a despotism, one might not wonder to see slavery advance steadily and +remorselessly into new dominions; but is it not wonderful, is it not +even alarming, to see its steady advance in a land dedicated to the +proposition that "all men are created equal"? [Sensation.] + +It yields nothing itself; it keeps all it has, and gets all it can +besides. It really came dangerously near securing Illinois in 1824; it +did get Missouri in 1821. The first proposition was to admit what is now +Arkansas _and_ Missouri as one slave State. But the territory was +divided, and Arkansas came in, without serious question, as a slave +State; and afterward Missouri, not as a sort of equality, _free_, but +also as a slave State. Then we had Florida and Texas; and now Kansas is +about to be forced into the dismal procession. [Sensation.] And so it is +wherever you look. We have not forgotten--it is but six years since--how +dangerously near California came to being a slave State. Texas is a +slave State, and four other slave States may be carved from its vast +domain. And yet, in the year 1829, slavery was abolished throughout +that vast region by a royal decree of the then sovereign of Mexico. Will +you please tell me by what _right_ slavery exists in Texas to-day? By +the same right as, and no higher or greater than, slavery is seeking +dominion in Kansas: by political force--peaceful, if that will suffice; +by the torch (as in Kansas) and the bludgeon (as in the Senate chamber), +if required. And so history repeats itself; and even as slavery has kept +its course by craft, intimidation, and violence in the past, so it will +persist, in my judgment, until met and dominated by the will of a people +bent on its restriction. + +We have, this very afternoon, heard bitter denunciations of Brooks in +Washington, and Titus, Stringfellow, Atchison, Jones, and Shannon in +Kansas--the battle-ground of slavery. I certainly am not going to +advocate or shield them; but they and their acts are but the necessary +outcome of the Nebraska law. We should reserve our highest censure for +the authors of the mischief, and not for the catspaws which they use. I +believe it was Shakespeare who said, "Where the offence lies, there let +the axe fall;" and, in my opinion, this man Douglas and the Northern men +in Congress who advocate "Nebraska" are more guilty than a thousand +Joneses and Stringfellows, with all their murderous practices, can be. +[Applause.] + +We have made a good beginning here to-day. As our Methodist friends +would say, "I feel it is good to be here." While extremists may find +some fault with the moderation of our platform, they should recollect +that "the battle is not always to the strong, nor the race to the +swift." In grave emergencies, moderation is generally safer than +radicalism: and as this struggle is likely to be long and earnest, we +must not, by our action, repel any who are in sympathy with us in the +main, but rather win all that we can to our standard. We must not +belittle nor overlook the facts of our condition--that we are new and +comparatively weak, while our enemies are entrenched and relatively +strong. They have the administration and the political power; and, right +or wrong, at present they have the numbers. Our friends who urge an +appeal to arms with so much force and eloquence, should recollect that +the government is arrayed against us, and that the numbers are now +arrayed against us as well; or, to state it nearer to the truth, they +are not yet expressly and affirmatively for us; and we should repel +friends rather than gain them by anything savouring of revolutionary +methods. As it now stands, we must appeal to the sober sense and +patriotism of the people. We will make converts day by day; we will grow +strong by calmness and moderation; we will grow strong by the violence +and injustice of our adversaries. And, unless truth be a mockery and +justice a hollow lie, we will be in the majority after a while, and then +the revolution which we will accomplish will be none the less radical +from being the result of pacific measures. The battle of freedom is to +be fought out on principle. Slavery is a violation of the eternal right. +We have temporized with it from the necessities of our condition; but +_as sure as God reigns and school children read_, THAT BLACK FOUL LIE +CAN NEVER BE CONSECRATED INTO GOD'S HALLOWED TRUTH! [Immense applause +lasting some time.] One of our greatest difficulties is, that men who +_know_ that slavery is a detestable crime and ruinous to the nation, are +compelled, by our peculiar condition and other circumstances, to +advocate it concretely, though damning it in the raw. Henry Clay was a +brilliant example of this tendency; others of our purest statesmen are +compelled to do so; and thus slavery secures actual support from those +who detest it at heart. Yet Henry Clay perfected and forced through the +Compromise which secured to slavery a great State as well as a political +advantage. Not that he hated slavery less, but that he loved the whole +Union more. As long as slavery profited by his great Compromise, the +hosts of pro-slavery could not sufficiently cover him with praise; but +now that this Compromise stands in their way-- + + "...they never mention him, + His name is never heard: + Their lips are now forbid to speak + That once familiar word." + +They have slaughtered one of his most cherished measures, and his ghost +would arise to rebuke them. [Great applause.] + +Now, let us harmonize, my friends, and appeal to the moderation and +patriotism of the people: to the sober second thought; to the awakened +public conscience. The repeal of the sacred Missouri Compromise has +installed the weapons of violence: the bludgeon, the incendiary torch, +the death-dealing rifle, the bristling cannon--the weapons of kingcraft, +of the inquisition, of ignorance, of barbarism, of oppression. We see +its fruits in the dying bed of the heroic Sumner; in the ruins of the +"Free State" hotel; in the smoking embers of the _Herald of Freedom_; in +the free-State Governor of Kansas chained to a stake on freedom's soil +like a horse-thief, for the crime of freedom. [Applause.] We see it in +Christian statesmen, and Christian newspapers, and Christian pulpits, +applauding _the cowardly act of a low bully_, WHO CRAWLED UPON HIS +VICTIM BEHIND HIS BACK AND DEALT THE DEADLY BLOW. [Sensation and +applause.] We note our political demoralization in the catch-words that +are coming into such common use; on the one hand, "freedom-shriekers," +and sometimes "freedom-screechers" [Laughter]; and, on the other hand, +"border ruffians," and that fully deserved. And the significance of +catch-words cannot pass unheeded, for they constitute a sign of the +times. Everything in this world "jibes" in with everything else, and all +the fruits of this Nebraska bill are like the poisoned source from which +they come. I will not say that we may not sooner or later be compelled +to meet force by force; but the time has not yet come, and if we are +true to ourselves, may never come. Do not mistake that the ballot is +stronger than the bullet. Therefore let the legions of slavery use +bullets; but let us wait patiently till November, and fire ballots at +them in return; and by that peaceful policy, I believe we shall +ultimately win. [Applause.] + +It was by that policy that here in Illinois the early fathers fought the +good fight and gained the victory. In 1824 the free men of our State, +led by Governor Coles (who was a native of Maryland and President +Madison's private secretary), determined that those beautiful groves +should never re-echo the dirge of one who has no title to himself. By +their resolute determination, the winds that sweep across our broad +prairies shall never cool the parched brow, nor shall the unfettered +streams that bring joy and gladness to our free soil water the tired +feet, of a _slave_; but so long as those heavenly breezes and sparkling +streams bless the land, or the groves and their fragrance or their +memory remain, the humanity to which they minister SHALL BE FOR EVER +FREE! [Great applause.] Palmer, Yates, Williams, Browning, and some more +in this convention came from Kentucky to Illinois (instead of going to +Missouri), not only to better their conditions, but also to get away +from slavery. They have said so to me, and it is understood among us +Kentuckians that we don't like it one bit. Now, can we, mindful of the +blessings of liberty which the early men of Illinois left to us, refuse +a like privilege to the free men who seek to plant Freedom's banner on +our Western outposts? ["No! No!"] Should we not stand by our neighbours +who seek to better their conditions in Kansas and Nebraska? ["Yes! +Yes!"] Can we as Christian men, and strong and free ourselves, wield the +sledge or hold the iron which is to manacle anew an already oppressed +race? ["No! No!"] "Woe unto them," it is written, "that decree +unrighteous decrees and that write grievousness which they have +prescribed." Can we afford to sin any more deeply against human liberty? +["No! No!"] + +One great trouble in the matter is, that slavery is an insidious and +crafty power, and gains equally by open violence of the brutal as well +as by sly management of the peaceful. Even after the ordinance of 1787, +the settlers in Indiana and Illinois (it was all one government then) +tried to get Congress to allow slavery temporarily, and petitions to +that end were sent from Kaskaskia, and General Harrison, the Governor, +urged it from Vincennes the capital. If that had succeeded, good-bye to +liberty here. But John Randolph of Virginia made a vigorous report +against it; and although they persevered so well as to get three +favourable reports for it, yet the United States Senate, with the aid of +some slave States, finally _squelched_ it for good. [Applause.] And that +is why this hall is to-day a temple for free men instead of a negro +livery stable. [Great applause and laughter.] Once let slavery get +planted in a locality, by ever so weak or doubtful a title, and in ever +so small numbers, and it is like the Canada thistle or Bermuda +grass--you can't root it out. You yourself may detest slavery; but your +neighbour has five or six slaves, and he is an excellent neighbour, or +your son has married his daughter, and they beg you to help save their +property, and you vote against your interest and principles to +accommodate a neighbour, hoping that your vote will be on the losing +side. And others do the same; and in those ways slavery gets a sure +foothold. And when that is done the whole mighty Union--the force of the +nation--is committed to its support. And that very process is working in +Kansas to-day. And you must recollect that the slave property is worth a +billion of dollars ($1,000,000,000); while free-State men must work for +sentiment alone. Then there are "blue lodges"--as they call +them--everywhere doing their secret and deadly work. + +It is a very strange thing, and not solvable by any moral law that I +know of, that if a man loses his horse, the whole country will turn out +to help hang the thief; but if a man but a shade or two darker than I am +is himself stolen, the same crowd will hang one who aids in restoring +him to liberty. Such are the inconsistencies of slavery, where a horse +is more sacred than a man; and the essence of _squatter_ or popular +sovereignty--I don't care how you call it--is that if one man chooses to +make a slave of another, no third man shall be allowed to object. And if +you can do this in free Kansas, and it is allowed to stand, the next +thing you will see is ship-loads of negroes from Africa at the wharf at +Charleston; for one thing is as truly lawful as the other; and these +are the bastard notions we have got to stamp out, else they will stamp +us out. [Sensation and applause.] + +Two years ago, at Springfield, Judge Douglas avowed that Illinois came +into the Union as a slave State, and that slavery was weeded out by the +operation of his great, patent, everlasting principle of "popular +sovereignty." [Laughter.] Well, now, that argument must be answered, for +it has a little grain of truth at the bottom. I do not mean that it is +true in essence, as he would have us believe. It could not be +essentially true if the ordinance of '87 was valid. But, in point of +fact, there were some degraded beings called slaves in Kaskaskia and the +other French settlements when our first State constitution was adopted; +that is a fact, and I don't deny it. Slaves were brought here as early +as 1720, and were kept here in spite of the ordinance of 1787 against +it. But slavery did not thrive here. On the contrary, under the +influence of the ordinance, the number _decreased_ fifty-one from 1810 +to 1820; while under the influence of _squatter_ sovereignty, right +across the river in Missouri, they _increased_ seven thousand two +hundred and eleven in the same time; and slavery finally faded out in +Illinois, under the influence of the law of freedom, while it grew +stronger and stronger in Missouri, under the law or practice of "popular +sovereignty." In point of fact there were but one hundred and seventeen +slaves in Illinois one year after its admission, or one to every four +hundred and seventy of its population; or, to state it in another way, +if Illinois was a slave State in 1820, so were New York and New Jersey +much greater slave States from having had greater numbers, slavery +having been established there in very early times. But there is this +vital difference between all these States and the judge's Kansas +experiment: that they sought to disestablish slavery which had been +already established, while the judge seeks, so far as he can, to +disestablish freedom, which had been established there by the Missouri +Compromise. [Voices: "Good!"] + +The Union is undergoing a fearful strain; but it is a stout old ship, +and has weathered many a hard blow, and "the stars in their courses," +aye, an invisible power, greater than the puny efforts of men, will +fight for us. But we ourselves must not decline the burden of +responsibility, nor take counsel of unworthy passions. Whatever duty +urges us to do or to omit, must be done or omitted; and the recklessness +with which our adversaries break the laws, or counsel their violation, +should afford no example for us. Therefore, let us revere the +Declaration of Independence; let us continue to obey the Constitution +and the laws; let us keep step to the music of the Union. Let us draw a +cordon, so to speak, around the slave States, and the hateful +institution, like a reptile poisoning itself, will perish by its own +infamy. [Applause.] + +But we cannot be free men if this is, by our national choice, to be a +land of slavery. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for +themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it. +[Loud applause.] + +Did you ever, my friends, seriously reflect upon the speed with which we +are tending downward? Within the memory of men now present the leading +statesmen of Virginia could make genuine, red-hot abolitionist speeches +in old Virginia; and, as I have said, now even in "free Kansas" it is a +crime to declare that it is "free Kansas." The very sentiments that I +and others have just uttered would entitle us, and each of us, to the +ignominy and seclusion of a dungeon; and yet I suppose that, like Paul, +we were "free born." But if this thing is allowed to continue, it will +be but one step further to impress the same rule in Illinois. +[Sensation.] + +The conclusion of all is, that we must restore the Missouri Compromise. +We must highly resolve that _Kansas must be free_! [Great applause.] We +must reinstate the birthday promise of the Republic; we must reaffirm +the Declaration of Independence; we must make good in essence as well as +in form Madison's vowal that "the word _slave_ ought not to appear in +the Constitution;" and we must even go further, and decree that only +local law, and not that time-honoured instrument, shall shelter a +slave-holder. We must make this a land of liberty in fact, as it is in +name. But in seeking to attain these results--so indispensable if the +liberty which is our pride and boast shall endure--we will be loyal to +the Constitution and to the "flag of our Union," and no matter what our +grievance--even though Kansas shall come in as a slave State; and no +matter what theirs--even if we shall restore the Compromise--WE WILL SAY +TO THE SOUTHERN DISUNIONISTS, WE WON'T GO OUT OF THE UNION, AND YOU +SHAN'T!!! [This was the climax; the audience rose to its feet _en +masse_, applauded, stamped, waved handkerchiefs, threw hats in the air, +and ran riot for several minutes. The arch-enchanter who wrought this +transformation looked, meanwhile, like the personification of political +justice.] + +But let us, meanwhile, appeal to the sense and patriotism of the people, +and not to their prejudices; let us spread the floods of enthusiasm here +aroused all over these vast prairies, so suggestive of freedom. Let us +commence by electing the gallant soldier Governor (Colonel) Bissell who +stood for the honour of our State alike on the plains and amidst the +chaparral of Mexico and on the floor of Congress, while he defied the +Southern Hotspur; and that will have a greater moral effect than all the +border ruffians can accomplish in all their raids on Kansas. There is +both a power and a magic in popular opinion. To that let us now appeal; +and while, in all probability, no resort to force will be needed, our +moderation and forbearance will stand us in good stead when, if ever, WE +MUST MAKE AN APPEAL TO BATTLE AND TO THE GOD OF HOSTS!! [Immense +applause and a rush for the orator.] + +This speech has been called Lincoln's "Lost Speech," because all the +reporters present were so carried away by his eloquence that they one +and all forgot to take any notes. If it had not been for a young lawyer, +a Mr. H.C. Whitney, who kept his head sufficiently to take notes, we +would have no record of it. Mr. Whitney wrote out the speech for +McClure's Magazine in 1896. It was submitted to several people who were +present at the Bloomington Convention, and they said it was remarkably +accurate considering that it was not taken down stenographically. + + + + +_From his Speech on the Dred Scott Decision. Springfield, Illinois. June +26, 1857_ + + +... And now as to the Dred Scott decision. That decision declares two +propositions,--first, that a negro cannot sue in the United States +courts; and secondly, that Congress cannot prohibit slavery in the +Territories. It was made by a divided court,--dividing differently on +the different points. Judge Douglas does not discuss the merits of the +decision, and in that respect I shall follow his example, believing I +could no more improve on McLean and Curtis than he could on Taney. + +He denounces all who question the correctness of that decision, as +offering violent resistance to it. But who resists it? Who has, in spite +of the decision, declared Dred Scott free, and resisted the authority of +his master over him? + +Judicial decisions have two uses: first, to absolutely determine the +case decided; and secondly, to indicate to the public how other similar +cases will be decided when they arise. For the latter use, they are +called "precedents" and "authorities." + +We believe as much as Judge Douglas (perhaps more) in obedience to and +respect for the judicial department of government. We think its +decisions on constitutional questions, when fully settled, should +control not only the particular cases decided, but the general policy of +the country, subject to be disturbed only by amendments of the +Constitution, as provided in that instrument itself. More than this +would be revolution. But we think the Dred Scott decision is erroneous. +We know the court that made it has often overruled its own decisions, +and we shall do what we can to have it overrule this. We offer no +resistance to it. + +Judicial decisions are of greater or less authority as precedents +according to circumstances. That this should be so, accords both with +common-sense and the customary understanding of the legal profession. + +If this important decision had been made by the unanimous concurrence of +the judges, and without any apparent partisan bias, and in accordance +with legal public expectation, and with the steady practice of the +departments throughout our history, and had been in no part based on +assumed historical facts, which are not really true; or if wanting in +some of these, it had been before the court more than once, and had +there been affirmed and reaffirmed through a course of years,--it then +might be, perhaps would be factious, nay, even revolutionary, not to +acquiesce in it as a precedent. + +But when, as is true, we find it wanting in all these claims to the +public confidence, it is not resistance, it is not factious, it is not +even disrespectful to treat it as not having yet quite established a +settled doctrine for the country. + +I have said in substance, that the Dred Scott decision was in part based +on assumed historical facts which were not really true, and I ought not +to leave the subject without giving some reasons for saying this, I +therefore give an instance or two, which I think fully sustain me. Chief +Justice Taney, in delivering the opinion of the majority of the court, +insists at great length that negroes were no part of the people who +made, or for whom was made, the Declaration of Independence, or the +Constitution of the United States. + +On the contrary, Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, shows that in +five of the then thirteen States--to wit, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, +New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina--free negroes were voters, and +in proportion to their numbers had the same part in making the +Constitution that the white people had. He shows this with so much +particularity as to leave no doubt of its truth; and as a sort of +conclusion on that point, holds the following language: + + "The Constitution was ordained and established by the people of the + United States, through the action, in each State, of those persons + who were qualified by its laws to act thereon in behalf of + themselves and all other citizens of the State. In some of the + States, as we have seen, coloured persons were among those + qualified by law to act on the subject. These coloured persons were + not only included in the body of 'the people of the United States' + by whom the Constitution was ordained and established; but in at + least five of the States they had the power to act, and doubtless + did act, by their suffrages, upon the question of its adoption." + +Again, Chief Justice Taney says: + + "It is difficult at this day to realize the state of public + opinion, in relation to that unfortunate race, which prevailed in + the civilized and enlightened portions of the world at the time of + the Declaration of Independence, and when the Constitution of the + United States was framed and adopted." + +And again, after quoting from the Declaration, he says: + + "The general words above quoted would seem to include the whole + human family, and if they were used in a similar instrument at this + day, would be so understood." + +In these the Chief Justice does not directly assert, but plainly assumes +as a fact, that the public estimate of the black man is more favourable +now than it was in the days of the Revolution. This assumption is a +mistake. In some trifling particulars the condition of that race has +been ameliorated; but as a whole, in this country, the change between +then and now is decidedly the other way; and their ultimate destiny has +never appeared so hopeless as in the last three or four years. In two +of the five States--New Jersey and North Carolina--that then gave the +free negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken away; and +in a third--New York--it has been greatly abridged: while it has not +been extended, so far as I know, to a single additional State, though +the number of the States has more than doubled. In those days, as I +understand, masters could, at their own pleasure, emancipate their +slaves; but since then such legal restraints have been made upon +emancipation as to amount almost to prohibition. In those days +legislatures held the unquestioned power to abolish slavery in their +respective States; but now it is becoming quite fashionable for State +constitutions to withhold that power from the legislatures. In those +days, by common consent, the spread of the black man's bondage to the +new countries was prohibited; but now Congress decides that it will not +continue the prohibition, and the Supreme Court decides that it could +not if it would. In those days our Declaration of Independence was held +sacred by all, and thought to include all; but now, to aid in making the +bondage of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed and sneered +at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could +rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the +powers of earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon is after him; +ambition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology of the day is +fast joining in the cry. They have him in his prison-house; they have +searched his person, and left no prying instrument with him. One after +another they have closed the heavy iron doors upon him; and now they +have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can +never be unlocked without the concurrence of every key; the keys in the +hands of a hundred different men, and they scattered to a hundred +different and distant places; and they stand musing as to what +invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced to +make the impossibility of escape more complete than it is. It is +grossly incorrect to say or assume that the public estimate of the negro +is more favourable now than it was at the origin of the government. + +... There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people +at the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black +races; and Judge Douglas evidently is basing his chief hope upon the +chances of his being able to appropriate the benefit of this disgust to +himself. If he can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the odium of +that idea upon his adversaries, he thinks he can struggle through the +storm. He therefore clings to this hope as a drowning man to the last +plank. He makes an occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the +Dred Scott decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the +Declaration of Independence includes _all_ men, black as well as white; +and forthwith he boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and +proceeds to argue gravely that all who contend it does, do so only +because they want to vote, and eat, and sleep, and marry with negroes! +He will have it that they cannot be consistent else. Now I protest +against the counterfeit logic which concludes that because I do not want +a black woman for a slave, I must necessarily want her for a wife. I +need not have her for either. I can just leave her alone. In some +respects she certainly is not my equal; but in her natural right to eat +the bread she earns with her own hands without asking leave of any one +else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others. + +Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, admits that +the language of the Declaration is broad enough to include the whole +human family; but he and Judge Douglas argue that the authors of that +instrument did not intend to include negroes, by the fact that they did +not at once actually place them on an equality with the whites. Now this +grave argument comes to just nothing at all, by the other fact that they +did not at once, nor ever afterward, actually place all white people on +an equality with one another. And this is the staple argument of both +the Chief Justice and the senator, for doing this obvious violence to +the plain, unmistakable language of the Declaration. + +I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include _all_ +men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal _in all respects_. +They did not mean to say that all were equal in colour, size, intellect, +moral developments, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable +distinctness in what respects they did consider all men created +equal,--equal with "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, +liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they +meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were +then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to +confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer +such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the +enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit. + +They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be +familiar to all and revered by all,--constantly looked to, constantly +laboured for, and, even though never perfectly attained, constantly +approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its +influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people +of all colours everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created +equal," was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great +Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for +future use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God, it is now proving +itself, a stumbling-block to all those who in after times might seek to +turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew +the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant, when such +should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, that they +should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack. + +I have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and object of that +part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that all men are +created equal. Now let us hear Judge Douglas's view of the same +subject, as I find it in the printed report of his late speech. Here it +is: + + "No man can vindicate the character, motives and conduct of the + signers of the Declaration of Independence except upon the + hypothesis that they referred to the white race alone, and not to + the African, when they declared all men to have been created equal; + that they were speaking of British subjects on this continent being + equal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain; that + they were entitled to the same inalienable rights, and among them + were enumerated life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The + Declaration was adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists + in the eyes of the civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance + from the British crown, and dissolving their connection with the + mother-country." + +My good friends, read that carefully over some leisure hour, and ponder +well upon it; see what a mere wreck and mangled ruin Judge Douglas makes +of our once glorious Declaration. He says "they were speaking of British +subjects on this continent being equal to British subjects born and +residing in Great Britain!" Why, according to this, not only negroes but +white people outside of Great Britain and America were not spoken of in +that instrument. The English, Irish, and Scotch, along with white +Americans, were included, to be sure; but the French, Germans, and other +white people of the world are all gone to pot along with the Judge's +inferior races! + +I had thought that the Declaration promised something better than the +condition of British subjects; but no, it only meant that we should be +equal to them in their own oppressed and unequal condition. According to +that, it gave no promise that, having kicked off the king and lords of +Great Britain, we should not at once be saddled with a king and lords of +our own. + +I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improvement +in the condition of all men, everywhere; but no, it merely "was adopted +for the purpose of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the +civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the British crown, +and dissolving their connection with the mother-country." Why, that +object having been effected some eighty years ago, the Declaration is of +no practical use now--mere rubbish--old wadding, left to rot on the +battle-field after the victory is won. + +I understand you are preparing to celebrate the "Fourth," to-morrow +week. What for? The doings of that day had no reference to the present; +and quite half of you are not even descendants of those who were +referred to at that day. But I suppose you will celebrate, and will even +go so far as to read the Declaration. Suppose, after you read it once in +the old-fashioned way, you read it once more with Judge Douglas's +version. It will then run thus: "We told these truths to be +self-evident, that all British subjects who were on this continent +eighty-one years ago, were created equal to all British subjects born +and then residing in Great Britain!" + +... The very Dred Scott case affords a strong test as to which party +most favours amalgamation, the Republicans or the dear Union-saving +Democracy. Dred Scott, his wife and two daughters, were all involved in +the suit. We desired the court to have held that they were citizens, so +far at least as to entitle them to a hearing as to whether they were +free or not; and then also, that they were in fact and in law really +free. Could we have had our way, the chances of these black girls ever +mixing their blood with that of white people would have been diminished +at least to the extent that it could not have been without their +consent. But Judge Douglas is delighted to have them decided to be +slaves, and not human enough to have a hearing, even if they were free, +and thus left subject to the forced concubinage of their masters, and +liable to become the mothers of mulattoes in spite of themselves,--the +very state of the case that produces nine-tenths of all the mulattoes, +all the mixing of the blood of the nation. + + + + +_"A house divided against itself cannot stand." On Lincoln's Nomination +to the United States Senate. Springfield, Illinois. June 17, 1858_ + + +If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we +could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the +fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and +confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the +operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but +has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis +shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself +cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently, half +slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved,--I do +not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be +divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the +opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it +shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North +as well as South. + +Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who doubts, +carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination--piece +of machinery, so to speak--compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the +Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery +is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also let him study the +history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he +can, to trace the evidences of design and concert of action among its +chief architects from the beginning. + +The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the +States by State constitutions, and from most of the national territory +by congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle +which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition. This opened all +the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. + +But so far, Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the people, +real or apparent, was indispensable to save the point already gained and +give chance for more. + +This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as +well as might be, in the notable argument of _Squatter Sovereignty_, +otherwise called _sacred right of self-government_, which latter phrase, +though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so +perverted in this attempted use of it, as to amount to just this: That +if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed +to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, +in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of +this act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to +exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to +form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject +only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of +loose declamation in favour of _Squatter Sovereignty_ and _sacred right +of self-government_. "But," said opposition members, "let us amend the +bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may +exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure, and down +they voted the amendment. + +While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a _law case_, +involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner +having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a +Territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a +slave for a long time in each, was passing through the United States +Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and +law-suit were brought to a decision, in the same month of May, 1854. The +negro's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision +finally rendered in the case. Before the then next presidential +election, the law case came to, and was argued, in the Supreme Court of +the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the +election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of +the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state +_his opinion_ whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally +exclude slavery from their limits, and the latter answers: "That is a +question for the Supreme Court." + +The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such +as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, +however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred +thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and +satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as +impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and +authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not +announce their decision, but ordered a reargument. The presidential +inauguration came, and still no decision of the Court; but the incoming +President in his inaugural address fervently exhorted the people to +abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a few +days, came the decision. + +The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make +a speech at this capitol, indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and +vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, +seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly +construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any +different view had ever been entertained! + +At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of +the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of _fact_ whether the Lecompton +constitution was, or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of +Kansas; and in that quarrel, the latter declares that all he wants is a +fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted +_down_ or _voted up_. I do not understand his declaration that he cares +not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him +other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the +public mind,--the principle for which he declares he has suffered so +much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that +principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That +principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. +Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of +existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at +the foundry, it served through one blast, and fell back into loose +sand,--helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. +His late joint struggle with the Republicans against the Lecompton +constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That +struggle was made on a point--the right of the people to make their own +constitution--upon which he and the Republicans have never differed. + +The several points of the Dred Scott decision in connection with Senator +Douglas's "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery in its +present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. The +working points of that machinery are: + +_First._ That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no +descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the +sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. +This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible +event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States +Constitution which declares that "citizens of each State shall be +entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several +States." + +_Secondly._ That "subject to the Constitution of the United States," +neither Congress nor a territorial legislature can exclude slavery from +any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual +men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing +them as property, and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the +institution through all the future. + +_Thirdly._ That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free +State makes him free as against the holder, the United States Courts +will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave +State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, +not to be pressed immediately; but if acquiesced in for a while, and +apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the +logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with +Dred Scott in the free State of Illinois, every other master may +lawfully do, with any other one, or one thousand slaves in Illinois, or +in any other free State. + +Auxiliary to all this, and working hand-in-hand with it, the Nebraska +doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould public opinion +not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. This shows +exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither we are tending. + +It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the +mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things +will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were +transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only +to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders +could not then see. Plainly enough now: it was an exactly fitted niche +for the Dred Scott decision to afterwards come in, and declare the +perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the +amendment expressly declaring the right of the people voted down? +Plainly enough now: the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for +the Dred Scott decision. Why was the Court decision held up? Why even a +Senator's individual opinion withheld till after the presidential +election? Plainly enough now: the speaking out then would have damaged +the perfectly free argument upon which the election was to be carried. +Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the +delay of a reargument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation +in favour of the decision? These things look like the cautious patting +and petting of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is +dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty +after-indorsement of the decision by the President and others? + +We cannot absolutely know that all these adaptations are the result of +preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions +of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and +by different workmen--Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance +(Douglas, Pierce, Taney, Buchanan),--and when we see those timbers +joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a +mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths +and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their +respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting +even scaffolding--or if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in +the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in,--in +such a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and +Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the +beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft, drawn up before +the first blow was struck. + +It should not be overlooked that by the Nebraska bill the people of a +State as well as Territory were to be left "perfectly free," "subject +only to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating +for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a +State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United +States; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial +law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein +lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated +as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the Court by Chief +Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all +the concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the +United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial legislature to +exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to +declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State or the +people of a State to exclude it. _Possibly_ this is a mere omission; but +who can be quite sure if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the +opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to +exclude slavery from their limits,--just as Chase and Mace sought to get +such declaration in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the +Nebraska Bill,--I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been +voted down in the one case as it had been in the other? The nearest +approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery is +made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise +idea, and almost the language too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion +his exact language is "except in cases where the power is restrained by +the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme +over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases the +power of the State is so restrained by the United States Constitution is +left an open question, precisely as the same question, as to the +restraint on the power of the Territories, was left open in the Nebraska +act. Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, +which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, +declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit _a +State_ to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be +expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or +voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise +that such a decision can be maintained when made. + +Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in +all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, +and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political +dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down, pleasantly +dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their +State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme +Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power +of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that +consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it? + +There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet +whisper to us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there +is with which to effect that object. They wish us to _infer_ all from +the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of that +dynasty, and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon +which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great +man and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. +But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a +dead lion, for this work is at least a caged and toothless one. How can +he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care anything about it. His +avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to _care nothing about +it_. A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior +talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade. +Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He +has not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he +resist it? For years he has laboured to prove it a sacred right of white +men to take negro slaves into the new territories. Can he possibly show +that it is a less sacred right to buy them where they can be bought +cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than +in Virginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question +of slavery to one of a mere right of property: and, as such, how can he +oppose the foreign slave-trade?--how can he refuse that trade in that +property shall be "perfectly free," unless he does it as a protection to +home production? And as the home producers will probably not ask the +protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition. + +Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser +to-day than he was yesterday--that he may rightfully change when he +finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer +that he will make any particular change, of which he himself has given +no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague +inference? + +Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, +question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to +him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle, so +that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to +have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But, clearly, he is not now +with us--he does not pretend to be--he does not promise ever to be. + +Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own +undoubted friends--those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the +work, who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the +nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under +the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external +circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile +elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the +battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and +pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now?--now, when that +same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The result is not +doubtful. We shall not fail. If we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise +counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it; but sooner or later the +victory is sure to come. + + + + +_Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Chicago on Popular Sovereignty, the +Nebraska Bill, etc. July 10, 1858_ + + +... Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! Let us for a +moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty. What is +popular sovereignty? We recollect that at an early period in the history +of this struggle, there was another name for the same thing,--_squatter +sovereignty_. It was not exactly popular sovereignty, but squatter +sovereignty. What do these terms mean? What do those terms mean when +used now? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in regard +to his support of it, when he declares the last years of his life have +been, and all the future years of his life shall be, devoted to this +matter of popular sovereignty. What is it? Why, it is the sovereignty of +the people! What was squatter sovereignty? I suppose, if it had any +signification at all, it was the right of the people to govern +themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs, while they were +squatted down in a country not their own,--while they had squatted on a +territory that did not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs +to the people who inhabit it,--when it belonged to the nation; such +right to govern themselves was called "squatter sovereignty." + +Now, I wish you to mark, What has become of that squatter sovereignty? +What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the +people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard +to this mooted question of slavery, before they form a State +constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running +fire, and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that +side, assuming that policy had given to the people of a Territory the +right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. +To-day it has been decided--no more than a year ago it was decided by +the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon +to-day--that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude slavery +from a Territory; that if any one man chooses to take slaves into a +Territory, all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. +This being so, and this decision being made, one of the points that the +Judge approved, and one in the approval of which he says he means to +keep me down,--_put_ me down I should not say, for I have never been up! +He says he is in favour of it, and sticks to it, and expects to win his +battle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as +squatter sovereignty, but that any one man may take slaves into a +Territory, and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed to it, +and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that +is so, how much is left of this vast matter of squatter sovereignty, I +should like to know? + +When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make +a constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a +Territory yet, without having formed a constitution, in a very regular +way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by +any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which +the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but +when they come to make a constitution they may say they will not have +slavery. But it is there; they are obliged to tolerate it in some way, +and all experience shows it will be so,--for they will not take the +negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of them. All experience +shows this to be so. All that space of time that runs from the beginning +of the settlement of the Territory until there is a sufficiency of +people to make a State constitution,--all that portion of time popular +sovereignty is given up. The seal is absolutely put down upon it by the +court decision, and Judge Douglas puts his own upon the top of that; yet +he is appealing to the people to give him vast credit for his devotion +to popular sovereignty. + +Again, when we get to the question of the right of the people to form a +State constitution as they please, to form it with slavery or without +slavery,--if that is anything new I confess I don't know it. Has there +ever been a time when anybody said that any other than the people of a +Territory itself should form a constitution? What is now in it that +Judge Douglas should have fought several years of his life, and pledge +himself to fight all the remaining years of his life for? Can Judge +Douglas find anybody on earth that said that anybody else should form a +constitution for a people?... It is enough for my purpose to ask, +whenever a Republican said anything against it? They never said anything +against it, but they have constantly spoken for it; and whosoever will +undertake to examine the platform and the speeches of responsible men of +the party, and of irresponsible men, too, if you please, will be unable +to find one word from anybody in the Republican ranks opposed to that +popular sovereignty which Judge Douglas thinks he has invented. I +suppose that Judge Douglas will claim in a little while that he is the +inventor of the idea that the people should govern themselves; that +nobody ever thought of such a thing until he brought it forward. We do +not remember that in that old Declaration of Independence it is said +that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created +equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable +rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among +men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." There +is the origin of popular sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in at this +day and claim that he invented it? The Lecompton constitution connects +itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the Lecompton +constitution that our friend Judge Douglas claims such vast credit. I +agree that in opposing the Lecompton constitution, so far as I can +perceive, he was right. I do not deny that at all; and, gentlemen, you +will readily see why I could not deny it, even if I wanted to. But I do +not wish to, for all the Republicans in the nation opposed it, and they +would have opposed it just as much without Judge Douglas's aid as with +it. They had all taken ground against it long before he did. Why, the +reason that he urges against that constitution I urged against him a +year before. I have the printed speech in my hand. The argument that he +makes why that constitution should not be adopted, that the people were +not fairly represented nor allowed to vote, I pointed out in a speech a +year ago, which I hold in my hand now, that no fair chance was to be +given to the people. + +... A little more now as to this matter of popular sovereignty and the +Lecompton constitution. The Lecompton constitution, as the Judge tells +us, was defeated. The defeat of it was a good thing, or it was not. He +thinks the defeat of it was a good thing, and so do I; and we agree in +that. Who defeated it? [A voice: "Judge Douglas."] Yes, he furnished +himself; and if you suppose he controlled the other Democrats that went +with him, he furnished three votes, while the Republicans furnished +twenty. + +That is what he did to defeat it. In the House of Representatives he and +his friends furnished some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished +ninety odd. Now, who was it that did the work? [A voice: "Douglas."] +Why, yes, Douglas did it? To be sure he did! + +Let us, however, put that proposition another way. The Republicans could +not have done it without Judge Douglas. Could he have done it without +them? Which could have come the nearest to doing it without the other? +Ground was taken against it by the Republicans long before Douglas did +it. The proposition of opposition to that measure is about five to one. +[A voice: "Why don't they come out on it?"] You don't know what you are +talking about, my friend; I am quite willing to answer any gentleman in +the crowd who asks an intelligent question. + +Now, who in all this country has ever found any of our friends of Judge +Douglas's way of thinking, and who have acted upon this main question, +that have ever thought of uttering a word in behalf of Judge Trumbull? I +defy you to show a printed resolution passed in a Democratic meeting. I +take it upon myself to defy any man to show a printed resolution, large +or small, of a Democratic meeting in favour of Judge Trumbull, or any of +the five to one Republicans who beat that bill. Everything must be for +the Democrats! They did everything, and the five to the one that really +did the thing, they snub over, and they do not seem to remember that +they have an existence upon the face of the earth. + +Gentlemen, I fear that I shall become tedious. I leave this branch of +the subject to take hold of another. I take up that part of Judge +Douglas's speech in which he respectfully attended to me. + +Judge Douglas made two points upon my recent speech at Springfield. He +says they are to be the issues of this campaign. The first one of these +points he bases upon the language in a speech which I delivered at +Springfield, which I believe I can quote correctly from memory. I said +that "we are now far into the fifth year since a policy was instituted +for the avowed object and with the confident promise of putting an end +to slavery agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation +has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. I believe it will +not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house +divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot +endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union +to be dissolved,"--I am quoting from my speech,--"I do not expect the +house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will +become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery +will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction, or its advocates will push it forward until it shall become +alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new; North as well as +South." + +That is the paragraph! In this paragraph which I have quoted in your +hearing, and to which I ask the attention of all, Judge Douglas thinks +he discovers great political heresy. I want your attention particularly +to what he has inferred from it. He says I am in favour of making all +the States of this Union uniform in all their internal regulations; that +in all their domestic concerns I am in favour of making them entirely +uniform. He draws this inference from the language I have quoted to you. +He says that I am in favour of making war by the North upon the South +for the extinction of slavery; that I am also in favour of inviting (as +he expresses it) the South to a war upon the North for the purpose of +nationalizing slavery. Now, it is singular enough, if you will carefully +read that passage over, that I did not say that I was in favour of +anything in it. I only said what I expected would take place. I made a +prediction only,--it may have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did not +even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ultimate +extinction. I do say so now, however; so there need be no longer any +difficulty about that. It may be written down in the great speech. + +Gentlemen, Judge Douglas informed you that this speech of mine was +probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was. I am not master of +language; I have not a fine education; I am not capable of entering into +a disquisition upon dialectics, as I believe you call it; but I do not +believe the language I employed bears any such construction as Judge +Douglas puts upon it. But I don't care about a quibble in regard to +words. I know what I meant, and I will not leave this crowd in doubt, if +I can explain it to them, what I really meant in the use of that +paragraph. + +I am not, in the first place, unaware that this government has endured +eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I know that. I am tolerably +well acquainted with the history of the country, and I know that it has +endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe--and that +is what I meant to allude to there--I believe it has endured, because, +during all that time, until the introduction of the Nebraska bill, the +public mind did rest all the time in the belief that slavery was in +course of ultimate extinction. That was what gave us the rest that we +had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I believe. I +have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist,--I +have been an old-line Whig,--I have always hated it, but I have always +been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the +Nebraska bill began. I always believed that everybody was against it, +and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.... They had reason so +to believe. + +The adoption of the Constitution and its attendant history led the +people to believe so, and that such was the belief of the framers of the +Constitution itself. Why did those old men, about the time of the +adoption of the Constitution, decree that slavery should not go into the +new Territory where it had not already gone? Why declare that within +twenty years the African slave-trade, by which slaves are supplied, +might be cut off by Congress? Why were all these acts? I might enumerate +more of these acts; but enough. What were they but a clear indication +that the framers of the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate +extinction of that institution? And now when I say,--as I said in my +speech that Judge Douglas has quoted from,--when I say that I think the +opponents of slavery will resist the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction, I only mean to say that they will place it where +the founders of this government originally placed it. + +I have said a hundred times, and I have now no inclination to take it +back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no inclination +in the people of the free States, to enter into the slave States and +interfere with the question of slavery at all. I have said that always; +Judge Douglas has heard me say it. And when it is said that I am in +favour of interfering with slavery where it exists, I know it is +unwarranted by anything I have ever intended, and, as I believe, by +anything I have ever said. If by any means I have ever used language +which could fairly be so construed (as, however, I believe I never +have), I now correct it. + +So much, then, for the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in +favour of setting the sections at war with one another. I know that I +never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind can infer +any such thing from anything I have said. + +Now, in relation to his inference that I am in favour of a general +consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States.... I +have said very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing that no man +believed more than I in the principle of self-government; that it lies +at the bottom of all my ideas of just government from beginning to end. +I have denied that his use of that term applies properly. But for the +thing itself I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in his +devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency in +advocating it. I think that I have said it in your hearing, that I +believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with +himself and the fruit of his labour, so far as it in no wise interferes +with any other man's rights; that each community, as a State, has a +right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that +State that interfere with the right of no other State; and that the +general government upon principle has no right to interfere with +anything other than that general class of things that does concern the +whole. I have said that at all times; I have said as illustrations that +I do not believe in the right of Illinois to interfere with the +cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster laws of Virginia, or the liquor +laws of Maine. + +How is it, then, that Judge Douglas infers, because I hope to see +slavery put where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in +the course of ultimate extinction, that I am in favour of Illinois going +over and interfering with the cranberry laws of Indiana? What can +authorize him to draw any such inference? I suppose there might be one +thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference, that would +not be true with me or many others; that is, because he looks upon all +this matter of slavery as an exceedingly little thing,--this matter of +keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole nation in a state of +oppression and tyranny unequalled in the world. He looks upon it as +being an exceedingly little thing, only equal to the question of the +cranberry laws of Indiana; as something having no moral question in it; +as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture +his land with cattle or plant it with tobacco; so little and so small a +thing that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done +to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be +in favour of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little +things in the Union. Now, it so happens--and there, I presume, is the +foundation of this mistake--that the Judge thinks thus; and it so +happens that there is a vast portion of the American people that do not +look upon that matter as being this very little thing. They look upon it +as a vast moral evil; they can prove it as such by the writings of those +who gave us the blessings of liberty which we enjoy, and that they so +looked upon it, and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States +where it is situated; and while we agree that by the Constitution we +assented to, in the States where it exists we have no right to interfere +with it, because it is in the Constitution, we are both by duty and +inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit +from beginning to end. + +So much, then, as to my disposition, my wish, to have all the State +legislatures blotted out and to have one consolidated government and a +uniformity of domestic regulations in all the States; by which I suppose +it is meant, if we raise corn here we must make sugar-cane grow here +too, and we must make those things which grow North grow in the South. +All this I suppose he understands I am in favour of doing. Now, so much +for all this nonsense--for I must call it so. The Judge can have no +issue with me on a question of establishing uniformity in the domestic +regulations of the States. + +A little now on the other point,--the Dred Scott decision. Another of +the issues, he says, that is to be made with me is upon his devotion to +the Dred Scott decision and my opposition to it. + +I have expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred +Scott decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that +opposition, and I ask your indulgence while I do so. What is fairly +implied by the term Judge Douglas has used, "resistance to the +decision"? I do not resist it. If I wanted to take Dred Scott from his +master I would be interfering with property, and that terrible +difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of interfering with property, +would arise. But I am doing no such thing as that; all that I am doing +is refusing to obey it as a political rule. If I were in Congress, and a +vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited +in a new Territory, in spite of the Dred Scott decision, I would vote +that it should. + +That is what I would do. Judge Douglas said last night that before the +decision he might advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the +decision when it was made; but after it was made he would abide by it +until it was reversed. Just so! We let this property abide by the +decision, but we will try to reverse that decision. We will try to put +it where Judge Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it +until it is reversed. Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is +made; and we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably. + +What are the uses of decisions of courts? They have two uses. First, +they decide upon the question before the court. They decide in this case +that Dred Scott is a slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they +say to everybody else that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands +are as he is. That is, they say that when a question comes up upon +another person it will be so decided again, unless the court decides +another way, unless the court overrules its decision. Well, we mean to +do what we can to have the court decide the other way. That is one thing +we mean to try to do. + +The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a +degree of sacredness that has never been before thrown around any other +decision. I have never heard of such a thing. Why, decisions apparently +contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were contrary +to that decision, have been made by that very court before. It is the +first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history; it is a new +wonder of the world; it is based upon falsehood in the main as to +the facts,--allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts +at all in many instances,--and no decision made on any question--the +first instance of a decision made under so many unfavourable +circumstances--thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, +and it has always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as +settled law; but Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take +this extraordinary decision made under these extraordinary circumstances +and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it, and +obey it in every possible sense. Circumstances alter cases. Do not +gentlemen here remember the case of that same Supreme Court some +twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that a national bank was +constitutional? I ask if somebody does not remember that a national bank +was declared to be constitutional? Such is the truth, whether it be +remembered or not. The bank charter ran out, and a re-charter was +granted by Congress. That re-charter was laid before General Jackson. It +was urged upon him, when he denied the constitutionality of the bank, +that the Supreme Court had decided that it was constitutional; and +General Jackson then said that the Supreme Court had no right to lay +down a rule to govern a coordinate branch of the government, the members +of which had sworn to support the Constitution,--that each member had +sworn to support the Constitution as he understood it. I will venture +here to say that I have heard Judge Douglas say that he approved of +General Jackson for that act. What has now become of all his tirade +against "resistance to the Supreme Court"? + +My fellow-citizens, getting back a little,--for I pass from these +points,--when Judge Douglas makes his threat of annihilation upon the +"alliance," he is cautious to say that that warfare of his is to fall +upon the leaders of the Republican party. Almost every word he utters +and every distinction he makes has its significance. He means for the +Republicans who do not count themselves as leaders to be his friends; he +makes no fuss over them, it is the leaders that he is making war upon. +He wants it understood that the mass of the Republican party are really +his friends. It is only the leaders that are doing something, that are +intolerant, and require extermination at his hands. As this is clearly +and unquestionably the light in which he presents that matter, I want to +ask your attention, addressing myself to Republicans here, that I may +ask you some questions as to where you, as the Republican party, would +be placed if you sustained Judge Douglas in his present position by a +re-election? I do not claim, gentlemen, to be unselfish; I do not +pretend that I would not like to go to the United States Senate,--I make +no such hypocritical pretence; but I do say to you, that in this mighty +issue it is nothing to you, nothing to the mass of the people of the +nation, whether or not Judge Douglas or myself shall ever be heard of +after this night. It may be a trifle to either of us; but in connection +with this mighty question, upon which hang the destinies of the nation, +perhaps, it is absolutely nothing. But where will you be placed if you +reindorse Judge Douglas? Don't you know how apt he is, how exceedingly +anxious he is, at all times to seize upon anything and everything to +persuade you that something he has done you did yourselves? Why, he +tried to persuade you last night that our Illinois Legislature +instructed him to introduce the Nebraska bill. There was nobody in that +Legislature ever thought of it; but still he fights furiously for the +proposition; and that he did it because there was a standing instruction +to our senators to be always introducing Nebraska bills. He tells you he +is for the Cincinnati platform; he tells you he is for the Dred Scott +decision; he tells you--not in his speech last night, but substantially +in a former speech--that he cares not if slavery is voted up or down; he +tells you the struggle on Lecompton is past,--it may come up again or +not, and if it does, he stands where he stood when, in spite of him and +his opposition, you built up the Republican party. If you indorse him, +you tell him you do not care whether slavery be voted up or down, and he +will close, or try to close, your mouths with his declaration, repeated +by the day, the week, the month, and the year. I think, in the position +in which Judge Douglas stood in opposing the Lecompton constitution, he +was right; he does not know that it will return, but if it does we may +know where to find him; and if it does not, we may know where to look +for him, and that is on the Cincinnati platform. Now, I could ask the +Republican party, after all the hard names Judge Douglas has called them +by, ... all his declarations of Black Republicanism--(by the way, we are +improving, the black has got rubbed off), but with all that, if he be +indorsed by Republican votes, where do you stand? Plainly, you stand +ready saddled, bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to +the slavery-extension camp of the nation,--just ready to be driven over, +tied together in a lot,--to be driven over, every man with a rope around +his neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas. That is the question. +If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think +they had better not do it; but I think the Republican party is made up +of those who, as far as they can peaceably, will oppose the extension of +slavery, and who will hope for its ultimate extinction. If they believe +it is wrong in grasping up the new lands of the continent, and keeping +them from the settlement of free white labourers, who want the land to +bring up their families upon; if they are in earnest,--although they may +make a mistake, they will grow restless, and the time will come when +they will come back again and reorganize, if not by the same name, at +least upon the same principles as their party now has. It is better, +then, to save the work while it is begun. You have done the labour; +maintain it, keep it. If men choose to serve you, go with them; but as +you have made up your organization upon principle, stand by it; for, as +surely as God reigns over you, and has inspired your minds and given you +a sense of propriety and continues to give you hope, so surely will you +still cling to these ideas, and you will at last come back again after +your wanderings, merely to do your work over again. + +We were often,--more than once, at least,--in the course of Judge +Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this government was made for +white men,--that he believed it was made for white men. Well, that is +putting it into a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge +then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not +warranted. I protest, now and for ever, against that counterfeit logic +which presumes that, because I do not want a negro woman for a slave, I +do necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is, that I need not +have her for either; but, as God made us separate, we can leave one +another alone, and do one another much good thereby. There are white men +enough to marry all the white women, and enough black men to marry all +the black women; and in God's name let them be so married. The Judge +regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the mixture +of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, Judge, if +we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't mix +there. I should say at least that that was a self-evident truth. + +Now, it happens that we meet together once every year, somewhere about +the 4th of July, for some reason or other. These 4th of July gatherings, +I suppose, have their uses. If you will indulge me, I will state what I +suppose to be some of them. + +We are now a mighty nation: we are thirty, or about thirty, millions of +people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth part of the dry land +of the whole earth. We run our memory back over the pages of history for +about eighty-two years, and we discover that we were then a very small +people in point of numbers, vastly inferior to what we are now, with a +vastly less extent of country, with vastly less of everything we deem +desirable among men. We look upon the change as exceedingly advantageous +to us and to our posterity, and we fix upon something that happened away +back, as in some way or other being connected with this rise of +prosperity. We find a race of men living in that day whom we claim as +our fathers and grandfathers; they were iron men; they fought for the +principle that they were contending for, and we understand that by what +they then did, it has followed that the degree of prosperity which we +now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebration to remind +ourselves of all the good done in this process of time,--of how it was +done, and who did it, and how we are historically connected with it; and +we go from these meetings in better humour with ourselves,--we feel more +attached the one to the other, and more firmly bound to the country we +inhabit. In every way we are better men, in the age and race and country +in which we live, for these celebrations. But after we have done all +this, we have not yet reached the whole. There is something else +connected with it. We have, besides these men--descended by blood from +our ancestors--among us, perhaps half our people who are not descendants +at all of these men; they are men who have come from Europe,--German, +Irish, French, and Scandinavian,--men that have come from Europe +themselves, or whose ancestors have come hither and settled here, +finding themselves our equal in all things. If they look back through +this history, to trace their connection with those days by blood, they +find they have none: they cannot carry themselves back into that +glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us; but +when they look through that old Declaration of Independence, they find +that those old men say that "we hold these truths to be self-evident, +that all men are created equal," and then they feel that that moral +sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that +it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a +right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of +the flesh, of the men who wrote that Declaration; and so they are. That +is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of +patriotic and liberty-loving men together; that will link those +patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of +men throughout the world. + +Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea of "don't +care if slavery is voted up or voted down"; for sustaining the Dred +Scott decision; for holding that the Declaration of Independence did not +mean anything at all,--we have Judge Douglas giving his exposition of +what the Declaration of Independence means, and we have him saying that +the people of America are equal to the people of England. According to +his construction, you Germans are not connected with it. Now, I ask you +in all soberness, if all these things, if indulged in, if ratified, if +confirmed and indorsed, if taught to our children and repeated to them, +do not tend to rub out the sentiment of liberty in the country, and to +transform this government into a government of some other form? Those +arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be treated with +as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as much is to be +done for them as their condition will allow,--what are these arguments? +They are the arguments that kings have made for enslaving the people in +all ages of the world. You will find that all the arguments in favour of +kingcraft were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the +people,--not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were +better off for being ridden. That is their argument; and this argument +of the Judge is the same old serpent, that says, "You work, and I eat; +you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it." Turn in whatever way you +will,--whether it come from the mouth of a king, an excuse for enslaving +the people of his country, or from the mouth of men of one race as a +reason for enslaving the men of another race,--it is all the same old +serpent; and I hold, if that course of argumentation that is made for +the purpose of convincing the public mind that we should not care about +this, should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I should like +to know--taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares +that all men are equal, upon principle, and making exceptions to +it--where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why +not another say it does not mean some other man? If that Declaration is +not the truth, let us get the statute-book in which we find it, and tear +it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not true, let us tear it +out. [Cries of "No! No!"] Let us stick to it, then; let us stand firmly +by it, then. + +It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make necessities +and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a necessity is imposed +upon a man, he must submit to it. I think that was the condition in +which we found ourselves when we established this government. We had +slaves among us; we could not get our Constitution unless we permitted +them to remain in slavery; we could not secure the good we did secure, +if we grasped for more; but, having by necessity submitted to that much, +it does not destroy the principle that is the charter of our liberties. +Let that charter stand as our standard. + +My friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote Scripture. I +will try it again, however. It is said in one of the admonitions of our +Lord, "Be ye [therefore] perfect even as your Father which is in heaven +is perfect." The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human +creature could be perfect as the Father in heaven; but He said: "As your +Father in heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect." He set that up as a +standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard attained the +highest degree of moral perfection. So I say in relation to the +principle that all men are created equal, let it be as nearly reached as +we can. If we cannot give freedom to every creature, let us do nothing +that will impose slavery upon any other creature. Let us, then, turn +this government back into the channel in which the framers of the +Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each other. +If we do not do so, we are tending in the contrary direction, that our +friend Judge Douglas proposes,--not intentionally,--working in the +traces that tend to make this one universal slave nation. He is one that +runs in that direction, and as such I resist him. + +My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desired to do, and I +have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling about this man and +the other man, this race and that race and the other race being +inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position. Let +us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout this +land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men are +created equal. + +My friends, I could not, without launching off upon some new topic, +which would detain you too long, continue to-night. I thank you for this +most extensive audience that you have furnished me to-night. I leave +you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until +there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are created free and +equal. + + + + +_From a Speech at Springfield, Illinois. July 17, 1858_ + + +... There is still another disadvantage under which we labour, and to +which I will ask your attention. It arises out of the relative positions +of the two persons who stand before the State as candidates for the +Senate. Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious +politicians of his party, or who have been of his party for years past, +have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the +President of the United States. They have seen, in his round, jolly, +fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshalships, and cabinet +appointments, chargeships and foreign missions, bursting and sprouting +out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy +hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so +long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the +party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope. But with greedier +anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, +triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what, even in the days of his +highest prosperity, they could have brought about in his favour. On the +contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my poor, lean, +lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out. +These are disadvantages, all taken together, that the Republicans labour +under. We have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon principle +alone. I am in a certain sense made the standard-bearer in behalf of the +Republicans. I was made so merely because there had to be some one so +placed,--I being in no wise preferable to any other one of the +twenty-five, perhaps a hundred, we have in the Republican ranks. Then I +say, I wish it to be distinctly understood and borne in mind, that we +have to fight this battle without many--perhaps without any--of the +external aids which are brought to bear against us. So I hope those with +whom I am surrounded have principle enough to nerve themselves for the +task, and leave nothing undone that can fairly be done to bring about +the right result. As appears by two speeches I have heard him deliver +since his arrival in Illinois, he gave special attention to the speech +of mine delivered on the sixteenth of June. He says that he carefully +read that speech. He told us that at Chicago a week ago last night, and +he repeated it at Bloomington last night.... He says it was evidently +prepared with great care. I freely admit it was prepared with care.... +But I was very careful not to put anything in that speech as a matter of +fact, or make any inferences which did not appear to me to be true and +fully warrantable. If I had made any mistake I was willing to be +corrected; if I had drawn any inference in regard to Judge Douglas or +any one else, which was not warranted, I was fully prepared to modify it +as soon as discovered. I planted myself upon the truth and the truth +only, so far as I knew it, or could be brought to know it. + +Having made that speech with the most kindly feelings toward Judge +Douglas, as manifested therein, I was gratified when I found that he had +carefully examined it, and had detected no error of fact, nor any +inference against him, nor any misrepresentations, of which he thought +fit to complain.... He seizes upon the doctrines he supposes to be +included in that speech, and declares that upon them will turn the +issues of the campaign. He then quotes, or attempts to quote, from my +speech. I will not say that he wilfully misquotes, but he does fail to +quote accurately. His attempt at quoting is from a passage which I +believe I can quote accurately from memory. I shall make the quotation +now, with some comments upon it, as I have already said, in order that +the Judge shall be left entirely without excuse for misrepresenting me. +I do so now, as I hope, for the last time. I do this in great caution, +in order that if he repeats his misrepresentation, it shall be plain to +all that he does so wilfully. If, after all, he still persists, I shall +be compelled to reconstruct the course I have marked out for myself, and +draw upon such humble resources as I have for a new course, better +suited to the real exigencies of the case. I set out in this campaign +with the intention of conducting it strictly as a gentleman, in +substance at least, if not in the outside polish. The latter I shall +never be, but that which constitutes the inside of a gentleman I hope I +understand, and am not less inclined to practise than others. It was my +purpose and expectation that this canvass would be conducted upon +principle, and with fairness on both sides, and it shall not be my fault +if this purpose and expectation shall be given up. + +He charges, in substance, that I invite a war of sections; that I +propose all local institutions of the different States shall become +consolidated and uniform. What is there in the language of that speech +which expresses such purpose or bears such construction? I have again +and again said that I would not enter into any one of the States to +disturb the institution of slavery. Judge Douglas said at Bloomington +that I used language most able and ingenious for concealing what I +really meant; and that while I had protested against entering into the +slave States, I nevertheless did mean to go on the banks of the Ohio and +throw missiles into Kentucky, to disturb them in their domestic +institutions. + +... I have said that I do not understand the Declaration to mean that +all men were created equal in all respects. The negroes are not our +equals in colour; but I suppose it does mean to declare that all men are +equal in some respects; they are equal in their right to "life, liberty, +and the pursuit of happiness." Certainly the negro is not our equal in +colour, perhaps not in many other respects. Still, in the right to put +into his mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal +of every other man, white or black. In pointing out that more has been +given you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has +been given him. All I ask for the negro is, that if you do not like him, +let him alone. If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy. + +... One more point on this Springfield speech, which Judge Douglas says +he has read so carefully. I expressed my belief in the existence of a +conspiracy to perpetuate and nationalize slavery. I did not profess to +know it, nor do I now. I showed the part Judge Douglas had played in the +string of facts, constituting to my mind the proof of that conspiracy. I +showed the parts played by others. + +I charged that the people had been deceived into carrying the last +presidential election, by the impression that the people of the +Territories might exclude slavery if they chose, when it was known in +advance by the conspirators that the court was to decide that neither +Congress nor the people could so exclude slavery. These charges are more +distinctly made than anything else in the speech. + +Judge Douglas has carefully read and re-read that speech. He has not, so +far as I know, contradicted those charges. In the two speeches which I +heard he certainly did not. On his own tacit admission I renew that +charge. I charge him with having been a party to that conspiracy and to +that deception, for the sole purpose of nationalizing slavery. + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply to Douglas in the First Joint Debate at Ottawa, +Illinois. August 21, 1858_ + + +When a man bears himself somewhat misrepresented, it provokes him--at +least, I find it so with myself; but when misrepresentation becomes very +gross and palpable, it is more apt to amuse him.... [After stating the +charge of an arrangement between himself and Judge Trumbull.] + +Now, all I have to say upon that subject is, that I think no man--not +even Judge Douglas--can prove it, because it is not true. I have no +doubt he is "conscientious" in saying it. As to those resolutions that +he took such a length of time to read, as being the platform of the +Republican party in 1854, I say I never had anything to do with them, +and I think Trumbull never had. Judge Douglas cannot show that either of +us ever had anything to do with them.... + +Now, about this story that Judge Douglas tells of Trumbull bargaining to +sell out the old Democratic party, and Lincoln agreeing to sell out the +old Whig party, I have the means of knowing about that; Judge Douglas +cannot have; and I know there is no substance to it whatever.... + +A man cannot prove a negative, but he has a right to claim that when a +man makes an affirmative charge, he must offer some proof to show the +truth of what he says. I certainly cannot introduce testimony to show +the negative about things, but I have a right to claim that if a man +says he knows a thing, then he must show how he knows it. I always have +a right to claim this; and it is not satisfactory to me that he may be +"conscientious" on the subject. + +... Anything that argues me into his idea of perfect social and +political equality with the negro is but a specious and fantastic +arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a +chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no +purpose, either directly or indirectly, to interfere with the +institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have +no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no +purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and +the black races. There is a physical difference between the two, which, +in my judgment, will probably for ever forbid their living together upon +the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity +that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in +favour of the race to which I belong having the superior position. I +have never said anything to the contrary; but I hold, that, +notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro +is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration +of Independence,--the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of +happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. +I agree with Judge Douglas, he is not my equal in many respects, +certainly not in colour, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. +But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody, which +his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and +the equal of any living man. + +... As I have not used up so much of my time as I had supposed, I will +dwell a little longer upon one or two of these minor topics upon which +the Judge has spoken. He has read from my speech at Springfield, in +which I say that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." Does the +Judge say it can stand? I don't know whether he does or not. The Judge +does not seem to be attending to me just now, but I would like to know +if it is his opinion that a house divided against itself can stand? If +he does, then there is a question of veracity, not between him and me, +but between the Judge and an authority of a somewhat higher character. + +Now, my friends, I ask your attention to this matter for the purpose of +saying something seriously, I know that the Judge may readily enough +agree with me that the maxim which was put forth by the Saviour is true, +but he may allege that I misapply it; and the Judge has a right to urge +that in my application I do misapply it, and then I have a right to show +that I do not misapply it. When he undertakes to say that because I +think this nation, so far as the question of slavery is concerned, will +all become one thing or all the other, I am in favour of bringing about +a dead uniformity in the various States, in all their institutions, he +argues erroneously. The great variety of local institutions in the +States, springing from differences in the soil, differences in the face +of the country, and in the climate, are bonds of union. They do not make +"a house divided against itself," but they make a house united. If they +produce in one section of the country what is called for by the wants of +another section, and this other section can supply the wants of the +first, they are not matters of discord, but bonds of union, true bonds +of union. But can this question of slavery be considered as among these +varieties in the institutions of the country? I leave it for you to say, +whether in the history of our government, this institution of slavery +has not always failed to be a bond of union, and, on the contrary, been +an apple of discord and an element of division in the house. I ask you +to consider whether so long as the moral constitution of men's minds +shall continue to be the same, after this generation and assemblage +shall sink into the grave, and another race shall arise with the same +moral and intellectual development we have--whether, if that institution +is standing in the same irritating position in which it now is, it will +not continue an element of division? + +If so, then I have a right to say that, in regard to this question, the +Union is a house divided against itself; and when the Judge reminds me +that I have often said to him that the institution of slavery has +existed for eighty years in some States, and yet it does not exist in +some others, I agree to the fact, and I account for it by looking at +the position in which our fathers originally placed it,--restricting it +from the new Territories where it had not gone, and legislating to cut +off its source by the abrogation of the slave-trade, thus putting the +seal of legislation against its spread. The public mind did rest in the +belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. But lately, I +think,--and in this I charge nothing on the Judge's motives,--lately, I +think that he and those acting with him have placed that institution on +a new basis, which looks to the perpetuity and nationalization of +slavery. And while it is placed on this new basis, I say, and I have +said, that I believe we shall not have peace upon the question, until +the opponents of slavery arrest the further spread of it, and place it +where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course +of ultimate extinction; or, on the other hand, that its advocates will +push it forward until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, +old as well as new, North as well as South. Now, I believe if we could +arrest the spread, and place it where Washington and Jefferson and +Madison placed it, it would be in the course of ultimate extinction, and +the public mind would, as for eighty years past, believe that it was in +the course of ultimate extinction. The crisis would be past, and the +institution might be let alone for a hundred years--if it should live so +long--in the States where it exists, yet it would be going out of +existence in the way best for both the black and the white races. [A +voice: "Then do you repudiate popular sovereignty?"] Well, then, let us +talk about popular sovereignty. What is popular sovereignty? Is it the +right of the people to have slavery or not to have it, as they see fit, +in the Territories? I will state--and I have an able man to watch me--my +understanding is that popular sovereignty, as now applied to the +question of slavery, does allow the people of a Territory to have +slavery if they want to, but does not allow them not to have it if they +do not want it. I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people were +in a Territory of the United States, any one of them would be obliged +to have a slave if he did not want one; but I do say that, as I +understand the Dred Scott decision, if any one man wants slaves, all the +rest have no way of keeping that one man from holding them. + +When I made my speech at Springfield, of which the Judge complains, and +from which he quotes, I really was not thinking of the things which he +ascribes to me at all. I had no thought in the world that I was doing +anything to bring about a war between the free and slave States. I had +no thought in the world that I was doing anything to bring about a +political and social equality of the black and white races. It never +occurred to me that I was doing anything or favouring anything to reduce +to a dead uniformity all the local institutions of the various States. +But I must say, in all fairness to him, if he thinks I am doing +something which leads to these bad results, it is none the better that I +did not mean it. It is just as fatal to the country, if I have any +influence in producing it, whether I intend it or not. But can it be +true that placing this institution upon the original basis--the basis +upon which our fathers placed it--can have any tendency to set the +Northern and the Southern States at war with one another, or that it can +have any tendency to make the people of Vermont raise sugar-cane, +because they raise it in Louisiana, or that it can compel the people of +Illinois to cut pine logs on the Grand Prairie, where they will not +grow, because they cut pine logs in Maine, where they do grow? The Judge +says this is a new principle started in regard to this question. Does +the Judge claim that he is working on the plan of the founders of the +government? I think he says in some of his speeches--indeed, I have one +here now--that he saw evidence of a policy to allow slavery to be south +of a certain line, while north of it it should be excluded, and he saw +an indisposition on the part of the country to stand upon that policy, +and, therefore, he set about studying the subject upon original +principles, and upon original principles he got up the Nebraska bill! I +am fighting it upon these "original principles"--fighting it in the +Jeffersonian, Washingtonian, Madisonian fashion.... + +If I have brought forward anything not a fact, if he (Judge Douglas) +will point it out, it will not even ruffle me to take it back. But if he +will not point out anything erroneous in the evidence, is it not rather +for him to show by a comparison of the evidence that I have reasoned +falsely, than to call the "kind, amiable, intelligent gentleman" a liar? + +I want to ask your attention to a portion of the Nebraska bill which +Judge Douglas has quoted: "It being the true intent and meaning of this +act, not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to +exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to +form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject +only to the Constitution of the United States." Thereupon Judge Douglas +and others began to argue in favour of "popular sovereignty,"--the right +of the people to have slaves if they wanted them, and to exclude slavery +if they did not want them. "But," said, in substance, a senator from +Ohio (Mr. Chase, I believe), "we more than suspect that you do not mean +to allow the people to exclude slavery if they wish to; and if you do +mean it, accept an amendment which I propose, expressly authorizing the +people to exclude slavery." I believe I have the amendment here before +me, which was offered, and under which the people of the Territory, +through their proper representatives, might, if they saw fit, prohibit +the existence of slavery therein. + +And now I state it as a fact, to be taken back if there is any mistake +about it, that Judge Douglas and those acting with him voted that +amendment down. I now think that those who voted it down had a real +reason for doing so. They know what that reason was. It looks to us, +since we have seen the Dred Scott decision pronounced, holding that +"under the Constitution" the people cannot exclude slavery--I say it +looks to outsiders, poor, simple, "amiable, intelligent gentlemen," as +though the niche was left as a place to put that Dred Scott decision +in, a niche that would have been spoiled by adopting the amendment. And +now I say again, if this was not the reason, it will avail the Judge +much more to calmly and good-humouredly point out to these people what +that other reason was for voting the amendment down, than swelling +himself up to vociferate that he may be provoked to call somebody a +liar. + +Again, there is in that same quotation from the Nebraska bill this +clause: "it being the true intent and meaning of this bill not to +legislate slavery into any Territory or State." I have always been +puzzled to know what business the word "State" had in that connection. +Judge Douglas knows--he put it there. He knows what he put it there for. +We outsiders cannot say what he put it there for. The law they were +passing was not about States, and was not making provision for States. +What was it placed there for? After seeing the Dred Scott decision, +which holds that the people cannot exclude slavery from a Territory, if +another Dred Scott decision shall come, holding that they cannot exclude +it from a State, we shall discover that when the word was originally put +there, it was in view of something that was to come in due time; we +shall see that it was the other half of something. I now say again, if +there was any different reason for putting it there, Judge Douglas, in a +good-humoured way, without calling anybody a liar, can tell what the +reason was.... + +Now, my friends, ... I ask the attention of the people here assembled, +and elsewhere, to the course that Judge Douglas is pursuing every day as +bearing upon this question of making slavery national. Not going back to +the records, but taking the speeches he makes, the speeches he made +yesterday and the day before, and makes constantly, all over the +country, I ask your attention to them. In the first place, what is +necessary to make the institution national? Not war: there is no danger +that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets and ... march +into Illinois to force the blacks upon us. There is no danger of our +going over there, and making war upon them. Then what is necessary for +the nationalization of slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott +decision. It is merely for the Supreme Court to decide that no State +under the Constitution can exclude it, just as they have already decided +that under the Constitution neither Congress nor the territorial +legislature can do it. When that is decided and acquiesced in, the whole +thing is done. This being true and this being the way, as I think, that +slavery is to be made national, let us consider what Judge Douglas is +doing every day to that end. In the first place, let us see what +influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like +communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment +nothing can fail; without it nothing can succeed. Consequently he who +moulds public sentiment goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or +pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or +impossible to be executed. This must be borne in mind, as also the +additional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast influence, so great +that it is enough for many men to profess to believe anything when they +once find out that Judge Douglas professes to believe it. Consider also +the attitude he occupies at the head of a large party,--a party which he +claims has a majority of all the voters in the country. + +This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a Territory to +exclude slavery, and he does so not because he says it is right in +itself,--he does not give any opinion on that,--but because it has been +decided by the Court, and, being decided by the Court, he is, and you +are, bound to take it in your political action as law,--not that he +judges at all of its merits, but because a decision of the Court is to +him a "Thus saith the Lord." He places it on that ground alone, and you +will bear in mind that thus committing himself unreservedly to this +decision, commits himself just as firmly to the next one as to this. He +did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the +decision, but it is a "Thus saith the Lord." The next decision as much +as this will be a "Thus saith the Lord." There is nothing that can +divert or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point +out to him that his great prototype, General Jackson, did not believe in +the binding force of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jefferson did +not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of +Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the Supreme Court +pronouncing a national bank constitutional. He says I did not hear him +say so. He denies the accuracy of my recollection. I say he ought to +know better than I, but I will make no question about this thing, though +it still seems to me that I heard him say it twenty times. I will tell +him, though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform, +which affirms that Congress cannot charter a national bank in the teeth +of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank. And I +remind him of another piece of Illinois history on the question of +respect for judicial decisions, and it is a piece of Illinois history +belonging to a time when a large party to which Judge Douglas belonged, +were displeased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, +because they had decided that a Governor could not remove a secretary of +State, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in +favour of over-slaughing that decision, by the mode of adding five new +Judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended +in the Judge's sitting down on the very bench as one of the five new +judges to break down the four old ones. It was in this way precisely +that he got his title of Judge. Now, when the Judge tells me that men +appointed conditionally to sit as members of a Court will have to be +catechized beforehand upon some subject, I say, "You know, Judge; you +have tried it!" When he says a Court of this kind will lose the +confidence of all men, will be prostituted and disgraced by such a +proceeding, I say, "You know best, Judge; you have been through the +mill." + +But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott +decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect) that will +hang on when he has once got his teeth fixed--you may cut off a leg, or +you may tear away an arm, still he will not relax his hold. And so I may +point out to the Judge, and say that he is bespattered all over, from +the beginning of his political life to the present time, with attacks +upon judicial decisions,--I may cut off limb after limb of his public +record, and strive to wrench from him a single dictum of the Court, yet +I cannot divert him from it. He hangs to the last to the Dred Scott +decision.... Henry Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, ... once said of +a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate +emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, go back to the era +of our independence, and muzzle the cannon that thunders its annual +joyous return; that they must blow out the moral lights around us; they +must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty; +and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this +country! To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast +influence, doing that very thing in this community when he says that the +negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly +understood the contrary. Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our +Revolution, and, to the extent of his ability, muzzling the cannon which +thunders its annual joyous return. When he invites any people, willing +to have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights +around us. When he says he "cares not whether slavery is voted down or +voted up,"--that it is a sacred right of self-government,--he is, in my +judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason +and the love of liberty in this American people. And now I will only +say, that when, by all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall +succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact accordance with his own +views; when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments; +when they shall come to repeat his views and avow his principles, and to +say all that he says on these mighty questions,--then it needs only the +formality of a second Dred Scott decision, which he indorses in advance, +to make slavery alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, +North as well as South. + + + + +_Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas in the Second Joint Debate. Freeport, +Illinois. August 27, 1858_ + +... The plain truth is this. At the introduction of the Nebraska policy, +we believed there was a new era being introduced in the history of the +Republic, which tended to the spread and perpetuation of slavery. But in +our opposition to that measure we did not agree with one another in +everything. The people in the north end of the State were for stronger +measures of opposition than we of the southern and central portions of +the State, but we were all opposed to the Nebraska doctrine. We had that +one feeling and one sentiment in common. You at the north end met in +your conventions, and passed your resolutions. We in the middle of the +State and further south did not hold such conventions and pass the same +resolutions, although we had in general a common view and a common +sentiment. So that these meetings which the Judge has alluded to, and +the resolutions he has read from, were local, and did not spread over +the whole State. We at last met together in 1856, from all parts of the +State, and we agreed upon a common platform. You who held more extreme +notions, either yielded those notions, or if not wholly yielding them, +agreed to yield them practically, for the sake of embodying the +opposition to the measures which the opposite party were pushing forward +at that time. We met you then, and if there was anything yielded, it was +for practical purposes. We agreed then upon a platform for the party +throughout the entire State of Illinois, and now we are all bound as a +party to that platform. And I say here to you, if any one expects of me +in the case of my election, that I will do anything not signified by +our Republican platform and my answers here to-day, I tell you very +frankly, that person will be deceived. I do not ask for the vote of any +one who supposes that I have secret purposes or pledges that I dare not +speak out.... If I should never be elected to any office, I trust I may +go down with no stain of falsehood upon my reputation, notwithstanding +the hard opinions Judge Douglas chooses to entertain of me. + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply at Jonesboro'. September 15, 1858_ + + +Ladies and Gentlemen, There is very much in the principles that Judge +Douglas has here enunciated that I most cordially approve, and over +which I shall have no controversy with him. In so far as he insisted +that all the States have the right to do exactly as they please about +all their domestic relations, including that of slavery, I agree +entirely with him. He places me wrong in spite of all I tell him, though +I repeat it again and again, insisting that I have made no difference +with him upon this subject. I have made a great many speeches, some of +which have been printed, and it will be utterly impossible for him to +find anything that I have ever put in print contrary to what I now say +on the subject. I hold myself under constitutional obligations to allow +the people in all the States, without interference, direct or indirect, +to do exactly as they please, and I deny that I have any inclination to +interfere with them, even if there were no such constitutional +obligation. I can only say again that I am placed improperly--altogether +improperly, in spite of all that I can say--when it is insisted that I +entertain any other view or purpose in regard to that matter. + +While I am upon this subject, I will make some answers briefly to +certain propositions that Judge Douglas has put. He says, "Why can't +this Union endure permanently half slave and half free?" I have said +that I supposed it could not, and I will try, before this new audience, +to give briefly some of the reasons for entertaining that opinion. +Another form of his question is, "Why can't we let it stand as our +fathers placed it?" That is the exact difficulty between us. I say that +Judge Douglas and his friends have changed it from the position in which +our fathers originally placed it. + +I say in the way our fathers originally left the slavery question, the +institution was in the course of ultimate extinction. I say when this +government was first established, it was the policy of its founders to +prohibit the spread of slavery into the new Territories of the United +States where it had not existed. But Judge Douglas and his friends have +broken up that policy, and placed it upon a new basis, by which it is to +become national and perpetual. All I have asked or desired anywhere is +that it should be placed back again upon the basis that the fathers of +our government originally placed it upon. I have no doubt that it would +become extinct for all time to come, if we had but readopted the policy +of the fathers by restricting it to the limits it has already +covered--restricting it from the new Territories. + +I do not wish to dwell on this branch of the subject at great length at +this time, but allow me to repeat one thing that I have stated before. +Brooks, the man who assaulted Senator Sumner on the floor of the Senate, +and who was complimented with dinners and silver pitchers and +gold-headed canes, and a good many other things for that feat, in one of +his speeches declared that when this government was originally +established, nobody expected that the institution of slavery would last +until this day. That was but the opinion of one man, but it is such an +opinion as we can never get from Judge Douglas or anybody in favour of +slavery in the North at all. You can sometimes get it from a Southern +man. He said at the same time that the framers of our government did not +have the knowledge that experience has taught us--that experience and +the invention of the cotton gin have taught us that the perpetuation of +slavery is a necessity. He insisted therefore upon its being changed +from the basis upon which the fathers of the government left it to the +basis of perpetuation and nationalization. + +I insist that this is the difference between Judge Douglas and +myself--that Judge Douglas is helping the change along. I insist upon +this government being placed where our fathers originally placed it. + +... When he asks me why we cannot get along with it [slavery] in the +attitude where our fathers placed it, he had better clear up the +evidences that he has himself changed it from that basis; that he has +himself been chiefly instrumental in changing the policy of the fathers. +Any one who will read his speech of the twenty-second of March last, +will see that he there makes an open confession, showing that he set +about fixing the institution upon an altogether different set of +principles.... + +Now, fellow-citizens, in regard to this matter about a contract between +myself and Judge Trumbull, and myself and all that long portion of Judge +Douglas's speech on this subject. I wish simply to say, what I have said +to him before, that he cannot know whether it is true or not, and I do +know that there is not a word of truth in it. And I have told him so +before. I don't want any harsh language indulged in, but I do not know +how to deal with this persistent insisting on a story that I know to be +utterly without truth. It used to be the fashion amongst men that when a +charge was made, some sort of proof was brought forward to establish it, +and if no proof was found to exist, it was dropped. I don't know how to +meet this kind of an argument. I don't want to have a fight with Judge +Douglas, and I have no way of making an argument up into the consistency +of a corn-cob and stopping his mouth with it. All I can do is +good-humouredly to say, that from the beginning to the end of all that +story about a bargain between Judge Trumbull and myself, there is not a +word of truth in it.... + +When that compromise [of 1850] was made, it did not repeal the old +Missouri Compromise. It left a region of United States territory half as +large as the present territory of the United States, north of the line +of 36 deg. 30', in which slavery was prohibited by act of Congress. This +compromise did not repeal that one. It did not affect nor propose to +repeal it. But at last it became Judge Douglas's duty, as he thought +(and I find no fault with him), as chairman of the Committee on +Territories, to bring in a bill for the organization of a territorial +government--first of one, then of two Territories north of that line. +When he did so, it ended in his inserting a provision substantially +repealing the Missouri Compromise. That was because the Compromise of +1850 had not repealed it. And now I ask why he could not have left that +compromise alone? We were quiet from the agitation of the slavery +question. We were making no fuss about it. All had acquiesced in the +compromise measures of 1850. We never had been seriously disturbed by +any Abolition agitation before that period.... I close this part of the +discussion on my part by asking him the question again, Why, when we had +peace under the Missouri Compromise, could you not have let it alone? + + * * * * * + +He tries to persuade us that there must be a variety in the different +institutions of the States of the Union; that that variety necessarily +proceeds from the variety of soil, climate, of the face of the country, +and the difference of the natural features of the States. I agree to all +that. Have these very matters ever produced any difficulty amongst us? +Not at all. Have we ever had any quarrel over the fact that they have +laws in Louisiana designed to regulate the commerce that springs from +the production of sugar, or because we have a different class relative +to the production of flour in this State? Have they produced any +differences? Not at all. They are the very cements of this Union. They +don't make the house a house divided against itself. They are the props +that hold up the house and sustain the Union. + +But has it been so with this element of slavery? Have we not always had +quarrels and difficulties over it? And when will we cease to have +quarrels over it? Like causes produce like effects. It is worth while to +observe that we have generally had comparative peace upon the slavery +question, and that there has been no cause for alarm until it was +excited by the effort to spread it into new territory. Whenever it has +been limited to its present bounds, and there has been no effort to +spread it, there has been peace. All the trouble and convulsion has +proceeded from efforts to spread it over more territory. It was thus at +the date of the Missouri Compromise. It was so again with the annexation +of Texas; so with the territory acquired by the Mexican War; and it is +so now. Whenever there has been an effort to spread it, there has been +agitation and resistance. Now, I appeal to this audience (very few of +whom are my political friends), as rational men, whether we have reason +to expect that the agitation in regard to this subject will cease while +the causes that tend to reproduce agitation are actively at work? Will +not the same cause that produced agitation in 1820, when the Missouri +Compromise was formed,--that which produced the agitation upon the +annexation of Texas, and at other times,--work out the same results +always? Do you think that the nature of man will be changed; that the +same causes that produced agitation at one time will not have the same +effect at another? + +This has been the result so far as my observation of the slavery +question and my reading in history extend. What right have we then to +hope that the trouble will cease, that the agitation will come to an +end, until it shall either be placed back where it originally stood, and +where the fathers originally placed it, or, on the other hand, until it +shall entirely master all opposition? This is the view I entertain, and +this is the reason why I entertained it, as Judge Douglas has read from +my Springfield speech. + +... At Freeport I answered several interrogatories that had been +propounded to me by Judge Douglas at the Ottawa meeting.... At the same +time I propounded four interrogatories to him, claiming it as a right +that he should answer as many for me as I did for him, and I would +reserve myself for a future instalment when I got them ready. The Judge, +in answering me upon that occasion, put in what I suppose he intends as +answers to all four of my interrogatories. The first one of these I +have before me, and it is in these words: + + _Question 1._ If the people of Kansas shall by means entirely + unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State constitution + and ask admission into the Union under it, before they have the + requisite number of inhabitants according to the English bill--some + 93,000--will you vote to admit them? + +As I read the Judge's answer in the newspaper, and as I remember it as +pronounced at the time, he does not give any answer which is equivalent +to yes or no,--I will or I won't. He answers at very considerable +length, rather quarrelling with me for asking the question, and +insisting that Judge Trumbull had done something that I ought to say +something about; and finally, getting out such statements as induce me +to infer that he means to be understood, he will, in that supposed case, +vote for the admission of Kansas. I only bring this forward now, for the +purpose of saying that, if he chooses to put a different construction +upon his answer, he may do it. But if he does not, I shall from this +time forward assume that he will vote for the admission of Kansas in +disregard of the English bill. He has the right to remove any +misunderstanding I may have. I only mention it now, that I may hereafter +assume this to have been the true construction of his answer, if he does +not now choose to correct me. + +The second interrogatory I propounded to him was this: + + _Question 2._ Can the people of a United States Territory in any + lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, + exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State + constitution? + +To this Judge Douglas answered that they can lawfully exclude slavery +from the Territory prior to the formation of a constitution. He goes +on to tell us how it can be done. As I understand him, he holds that +it can be done by the territorial legislature refusing to make any +enactments for the protection of slavery in the Territory, and +especially by adopting unfriendly legislation to it. For the sake of +clearness, I state it again: that they can exclude slavery from the +Territory,--first, by withholding what he assumes to be an indispensable +assistance to it in the way of legislation; and second, by unfriendly +legislation. If I rightly understand him, I wish to ask your attention +for a while to his position. + +In the first place, the Supreme Court of the United States has decided +that any congressional prohibition of slavery in the Territories is +unconstitutional: they have reached this proposition as a conclusion +from their former proposition that the Constitution of the United States +expressly recognizes property in slaves; and from that other +constitutional provision that no person shall be deprived of property +without due process of law. Hence they reach the conclusion that as the +Constitution of the United States expressly recognizes property in +slaves, and prohibits any person from being deprived of property without +due process of law, to pass an act of Congress by which a man who owned +a slave on one side of a line would be deprived of him if he took him on +the other side, is depriving him of that property without due process of +law. That I understand to be the decision of the Supreme Court. I +understand also that Judge Douglas adheres most firmly to that decision; +and the difficulty is, how is it possible for any power to exclude +slavery from the Territory unless in violation of that decision? That is +the difficulty. + +In the Senate of the United States, in 1856, Judge Trumbull in a speech, +substantially if not directly, put the same interrogatory to Judge +Douglas, as to whether the people of a Territory had the lawful power to +exclude slavery prior to the formation of a constitution? Judge Douglas +then answered at considerable length, and his answer will be found in +the "Congressional Globe," under date of June 9, 1856. The Judge said +that whether the people could exclude slavery prior to the formation of +a constitution or not, was a question to be decided by the Supreme +Court. He put that proposition, as will be seen by the "Congressional +Globe," in a variety of forms, all running to the same thing in +substance,--that it was a question for the Supreme Court. I maintain +that when he says, after the Supreme Court has decided the question, +that the people may yet exclude slavery by any means whatever, he does +virtually say that it is not a question for the Supreme Court. He shifts +his ground. I appeal to you whether he did not say it was a question for +the Supreme Court? Has not the Supreme Court decided that question? When +he now says that the people may exclude slavery, does he not make it a +question for the people? Does he not virtually shift his ground and say +that it is not a question for the court, but for the people? This is a +very simple proposition,--a very plain and naked one. It seems to me +that there is no difficulty in deciding it. In a variety of ways he said +that it was a question for the Supreme Court. He did not stop then to +tell us that, whatever the Supreme Court decides, the people can by +withholding necessary "police regulations" keep slavery out. He did not +make any such answer. I submit to you now, whether the new state of the +case has not induced the Judge to sheer away from his original ground? +Would not this be the impression of every fair-minded man? + +I hold that the proposition that slavery cannot enter a new country +without police regulations is historically false. It is not true at all. +I hold that the history of this country shows that the institution of +slavery was originally planted upon this continent without these "police +regulations" which the Judge now thinks necessary for the actual +establishment of it. Not only so, but is there not another fact,--how +came this Dred Scott decision to be made? It was made upon the case of a +negro being taken and actually held in slavery in Minnesota Territory, +claiming his freedom because the act of Congress prohibited his being so +held there. Will the Judge pretend that Dred Scott was not held there +without police regulations? There is at least one matter of record as to +his having been held in slavery in the Territory, not only without +police regulations, but in the teeth of congressional legislation +supposed to be valid at the time. This shows that there is vigour enough +in slavery to plant itself in a new country, even against unfriendly +legislation. It takes not only law, but the enforcement of law to keep +it out. That is the history of this country upon the subject. + +I wish to ask one other question. It being understood that the +Constitution of the United States guarantees property in slaves in the +Territories, if there is any infringement of the right of that property, +would not the United States courts, organized for the government of the +Territory, apply such remedy as might be necessary in that case? It is a +maxim held by the courts that there is no wrong without its remedy; and +the courts have a remedy for whatever is acknowledged and treated as a +wrong. + +Again: I will ask you, my friends, if you were elected members of the +legislature, what would be the first thing you would have to do before +entering upon your duties? Swear to support the Constitution of the +United States. Suppose you believe as Judge Douglas does, that the +Constitution of the United States guarantees to your neighbour the right +to hold slaves in that Territory,--that they are his property,--how can +you clear your oaths unless you give him such legislation as is +necessary to enable him to enjoy that property? What do you understand +by supporting the Constitution of a State or of the United States? Is it +not to give such constitutional helps to the rights established by that +Constitution as may be practically needed? Can you, if you swear to +support the Constitution and believe that the Constitution establishes a +right, clear your oath without giving it support? Do you support the +Constitution if, knowing or believing there is a right established under +it which needs specific legislation, you withhold that legislation? Do +you not violate and disregard your oath? I can conceive of nothing +plainer in the world. There can be nothing in the words "support the +Constitution," if you may run counter to it by refusing support to any +right established under the Constitution. And what I say here will hold +with still more force against the Judge's doctrine of "unfriendly +legislation." How could you, having sworn to support the Constitution, +and believing that it guaranteed the right to hold slaves in the +Territories, assist in legislation intended to defeat that right? That +would be violating your own view of the Constitution. Not only so, but +if you were to do so, how long would it take the courts to hold your +votes unconstitutional and void? Not a moment. + +Lastly, I would ask, is not Congress itself under obligation to give +legislative support to any right that is established under the United +States Constitution? I repeat the question, is not Congress itself bound +to give legislative support to any right that is established in the +United States Constitution? A member of Congress swears to support the +Constitution of the United States, and if he sees a right established by +that Constitution which needs specific legislative protection, can he +clear his oath without giving that protection? Let me ask you why many +of us, who are opposed to slavery upon principle, give our acquiescence +to a fugitive-slave law? Why do we hold ourselves under obligations to +pass such a law, and abide by it when passed? Because the Constitution +makes provision that the owners of slaves shall have the right to +reclaim them. It gives the right to reclaim slaves; and that right is, +as Judge Douglas says, a barren right, unless there is legislation that +will enforce it. + +The mere declaration, "No person held to service or labour in one State, +under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of +any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or +labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such +service or labour may be due," is powerless without specific legislation +to enforce it. Now, on what ground would a member of Congress who is +opposed to slavery in the abstract, vote for a fugitive law, as I would +deem it my duty to do? Because there is a constitutional right which +needs legislation to enforce it. And, although it is distasteful to me, +I have sworn to support the Constitution; and, having so sworn, I +cannot conceive that I do support it if I withhold from that right any +necessary legislation to make it practical. And if that is true in +regard to a fugitive-slave law, is the right to have fugitive slaves +reclaimed any better fixed in the Constitution than the right to hold +slaves in the Territories? For this decision is a just exposition of the +Constitution, as Judge Douglas thinks. Is the one right any better than +the other? If I wished to refuse to give legislative support to slave +property in the Territories, if a member of Congress, I could not do it, +holding the view that the Constitution establishes that right. If I did +it at all, it would be because I deny that this decision properly +construes the Constitution. But if I acknowledge with Judge Douglas that +this decision properly construes the Constitution, I cannot conceive +that I would be less than a perjured man if I should refuse in Congress +to give such protection to that property as in its nature it needed.... + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Charleston, Illinois. +September 18, 1858_ + + +Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me +an answer to the question whether I am in favour of negro citizenship. +So far as I know, the Judge never asked me the question before. He shall +have no occasion ever to ask it again, for I tell him very frankly that +I am not in favour of negro citizenship.... Now my opinion is, that the +different States have the power to make a negro a citizen under the +Constitution of the United States, if they choose. The Dred Scott +decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of Illinois +had that power, I should be opposed to the exercise of it. That is all I +have to say about it. + +Judge Douglas has told me that he heard my speeches north and my +speeches south, ... and there was a very different cast of sentiment in +the speeches made at the different points. I will not charge upon Judge +Douglas that he wilfully misrepresents me, but I call upon every +fair-minded man to take these speeches and read them, and I dare him to +point out any difference between my speeches north and south. While I am +here, perhaps I ought to say a word, if I have the time, in regard to +the latter portion of the Judge's speech, which was a sort of +declamation in reference to my having said that I entertained the belief +that this government would not endure, half slave and half free. I have +said so, and I did not say it without what seemed to me good reasons. It +perhaps would require more time than I have now to set forth those +reasons in detail; but let me ask you a few questions. Have we ever had +any peace on this slavery question? When are we to have peace upon it if +it is kept in the position it now occupies? How are we ever to have +peace upon it? That is an important question. To be sure, if we will all +stop and allow Judge Douglas and his friends to march on in their +present career until they plant the institution all over the nation, +here and wherever else our flag waves, and we acquiesce in it, there +will be peace. But let me ask Judge Douglas how he is going to get the +people to do that? They have been wrangling over this question for forty +years. This was the cause of the agitation resulting in the Missouri +Compromise; this produced the troubles at the annexation of Texas, in +the acquisition of the territory acquired in the Mexican War. Again, +this was the trouble quieted by the Compromise of 1850, when it was +settled "for ever," as both the great political parties declared in +their national conventions. That "for ever" turned out to be just four +years, when Judge Douglas himself reopened it. + +When is it likely to come to an end? He introduced the Nebraska bill in +1854, to put another end to the slavery agitation. He promised that it +would finish it all up immediately, and he has never made a speech +since, until he got into a quarrel with the President about the +Lecompton constitution, in which he has not declared that we are just at +the end of the slavery agitation. But in one speech, I think last +winter, he did say that he didn't quite see when the end of the slavery +agitation would come. Now he tells us again that it is all over, and the +people of Kansas have voted down the Lecompton constitution. How is it +over? That was only one of the attempts to put an end to the slavery +agitation,--one of these "final settlements." Is Kansas in the Union? +Has she formed a constitution that she is likely to come in under? Is +not the slavery agitation still an open question in that Territory?... +If Kansas should sink to-day, and leave a great vacant space in the +earth's surface, this vexed question would still be among us. I say, +then, there is no way of putting an end to the slavery agitation amongst +us, but to put it back upon the basis where our fathers placed it; no +way but to keep it out of our new Territories,--to restrict it for ever +to the old States where it now exists. Then the public mind will rest in +the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction. That is one +way of putting an end to the slavery agitation. + +The other way is for us to surrender, and let Judge Douglas and his +friends have their way, and plant slavery over all the States,--cease +speaking of it as in any way a wrong--regard slavery as one of the +common matters of property, and speak of our negroes as we do of our +horse and cattle. + + + + +_From Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas at Galesburg, Illinois. October +7, 1858_ + + +... The Judge has alluded to the Declaration of Independence, and +insisted that negroes are not included in that Declaration; and that it +is a slander on the framers of that instrument to suppose that negroes +were meant therein; and he asks you, Is it possible to believe that Mr. +Jefferson, who penned that immortal paper, could have supposed himself +applying the language of that instrument to the negro race, and yet held +a portion of that race in slavery? Would he not at once have freed +them? I only have to remark upon this part of his speech (and that too, +very briefly, for I shall not detain myself or you upon that point for +any great length of time), that I believe the entire records of the +world, from the date of the Declaration of Independence up to within +three years ago, may be searched in vain for one single affirmation from +one single man, that the negro was not included in the Declaration of +Independence; I think I may defy Judge Douglas to show that he ever said +so, that Washington ever said so, that any President ever said so, that +any member of Congress ever said so, or that any living man upon the +whole earth ever said so, until the necessities of the present policy of +the Democratic party in regard to slavery had to invent that +affirmation. And I will remind Judge Douglas and this audience, that +while Mr. Jefferson was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in +speaking on this very subject, he used the strong language that "he +trembled for his country when he remembered that God was just;" and I +will offer the highest premium in my power to Judge Douglas if he will +show that he, in all his life, ever uttered a sentiment at all akin to +that of Jefferson. + +... I want to call to the Judge's attention an attack he made upon me in +the first one of these debates.... In order to fix extreme Abolitionism +upon me, Judge Douglas read a set of resolutions which he declared had +been passed by a Republican State Convention, in October 1854, held at +Springfield, Illinois, and he declared that I had taken a part in that +convention. It turned out that although a few men calling themselves an +anti-Nebraska State Convention had sat at Springfield about that time, +yet neither did I take any part in it, nor did it pass the resolutions +or any such resolutions as Judge Douglas read. So apparent had it become +that the resolutions that he read had not been passed at Springfield at +all, nor by any State Convention in which I had taken part, that seven +days later at Freeport ... Judge Douglas declared that he had been +misled ... and promised ... that when he went to Springfield he would +investigate the matter.... I have waited as I think a sufficient time +for the report of that investigation. + +... A fraud, an absolute forgery, was committed, and the perpetration of +it was traced to the three,--Lanphier, Harris, and Douglas.... Whether +it can be narrowed in any way, so as to exonerate any one of them, is +what Judge Douglas's report would probably show. The main object of that +forgery at that time was to beat Yates and elect Harris to Congress, and +that object was known to be exceedingly dear to Judge Douglas at that +time. + +... The fraud having been apparently successful upon that occasion, both +Harris and Douglas have more than once since then been attempting to put +it to new uses. As the fisherman's wife, whose drowned husband was +brought home with his body full of eels, said, when she was asked what +was to be done with him, 'Take out the eels and set him again,' so +Harris and Douglas have shown a disposition to take the eels out of that +stale fraud by which they gained Harris's election, and set the fraud +again, more than once.... And now that it has been discovered publicly +to be a fraud, we find that Judge Douglas manifests no surprise at +all.... But meanwhile the three are agreed that each is a most +honourable man. + + + + +_Notes for Speeches. October 1858_ + + +Suppose it is true that the negro is inferior to the white in the gifts +of nature; is it not the exact reverse of justice that the white should +for that reason take from the negro any part of the little which he has +had given him? "Give to him that is needy" is the Christian rule of +charity; but "Take from him that is needy" is the rule of slavery. + +The sum of pro-slavery theology seems to be this: "Slavery is not +universally right, nor yet universally wrong; it is better for some +people to be slaves; and, in such cases, it is the will of God that they +be such." + +Certainly there is no contending against the will of God; but still +there is some difficulty in ascertaining and applying it to particular +cases. For instance, we will suppose the Rev. Dr. Ross has a slave named +Sambo, and the question is, "Is it the will of God that Sambo shall +remain a slave, or be set free?" The Almighty gives no audible answer to +the question, and his revelation, the Bible, gives none--or at most none +but such as admits of a squabble as to its meaning; no one thinks of +asking Sambo's opinion on it. So at last it comes to this, that Dr. Ross +is to decide the question; and while he considers it, he sits in the +shade, with gloves on his hands, and subsists on the bread that Sambo is +earning in the burning sun. If he decides that God wills Sambo to +continue a slave, he thereby retains his own comfortable position; but +if he decides that God wills Sambo to be free, he thereby has to walk +out of the shade, throw off his gloves, and delve for his own bread. +Will Dr. Ross be actuated by the perfect impartiality which has ever +been considered most favourable to correct decisions? + +We have in this nation the element of domestic slavery. It is a matter +of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element. It is the opinion +of all the great men who have expressed an opinion upon it, that it is a +dangerous element. We keep up a controversy in regard to it. That +controversy necessarily springs from difference of opinion, and if we +can learn exactly--can reduce to the lowest elements--what that +difference of opinion is, we perhaps shall be better prepared for +discussing the different systems of policy that we would propose in +regard to that disturbing element. + +I suggest that the difference of opinion, reduced to its lowest terms, +is no other than the difference between the men who think slavery a +wrong and those who do not think it wrong. The Republican party think it +wrong--we think it is a moral, a social, and a political wrong. We think +it is a wrong not confining itself merely to the persons or the States +where it exists, but that it is a wrong which in its tendency, to say +the least, affects the existence of the whole nation. Because we think +it wrong, we propose a course of policy that shall deal with it as a +wrong. + +We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its +growing any larger, and so deal with it that in the run of time there +may be some promise of an end to it We have a due regard to the actual +presence of it amongst us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in +any satisfactory way, and all the constitutional obligations thrown +about it. I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in +the nation, and to our constitutional obligations, we have no right at +all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we profess that we +have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the right to do it. +We go further than that: we don't propose to disturb it where, in one +instance, we think the Constitution would permit us. We think the +Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the District of Columbia. +Still we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in terms which I +don't suppose the nation is very likely soon to agree to--the terms of +making the emancipation gradual and compensating the unwilling owners. +Where we suppose we have the constitutional right, we restrain ourselves +in reference to the actual existence of the institution and the +difficulties thrown about it. We also oppose it as an evil so far as it +seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that shall restrict it +to its present limits. We don't suppose that in doing this we violate +anything due to the actual presence of the institution, or anything due +to the constitutional guaranties thrown around it. + +We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain way, upon which I ought +perhaps to address you in a few words. We do not propose that when Dred +Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will +decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any other one, or +one thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves, we will in +any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled; but we +nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political rule, which shall be +binding on the voter to vote for nobody who thinks it wrong, which shall +be binding on the members of Congress or the President to favour no +measure that does not actually concur with the principles of that +decision. We do not propose to be bound by it as a political rule in +that way, because we think it lays the foundation not merely of +enlarging and spreading out what we consider an evil, but it lays the +foundation for spreading that evil into the States themselves. We +propose so resisting it as to have it reversed if we can, and a new +judicial rule established upon this subject. + +I will add this, that if there be any man who does not believe that +slavery is wrong in the three aspects which I have mentioned, or in any +one of them, that man is misplaced and ought to leave us. While, on the +other hand, if there be any man in the Republican party who is impatient +over the necessity springing from its actual presence, and is impatient +of the constitutional guaranties thrown around it, and would act in +disregard of these, he too is misplaced, standing with us. He will find +his place somewhere else; for we have a due regard, so far as we are +capable of understanding them, for all these things. This, gentlemen, as +well as I can give it, is a plain statement of our principles in all +their enormity. + +I will say now that there is a sentiment in the country contrary to +me--a sentiment which holds that slavery is not wrong, and therefore +goes for the policy that does not propose dealing with it as a wrong. +That policy is the Democratic policy, and that sentiment is the +Democratic sentiment. If there be a doubt in the mind of any one of this +vast audience that this is really the central idea of the Democratic +party, in relation to this subject, I ask him to bear with me while I +state a few things tending, as I think, to prove that proposition. + +In the first place, the leading man,--I think I may do my friend Judge +Douglas the honour of calling him such,--advocating the present +Democratic policy, never himself says it is wrong. He has the high +distinction, so far as I know, of never having said slavery is either +right or wrong. Almost everybody else says one or the other, but the +Judge never does. If there be a man in the Democratic party who thinks +it is wrong, and yet clings to that party, I suggest to him in the first +place that his leader don't talk as he does, for he never says that it +is wrong. + +In the second place, I suggest to him that if he will examine the policy +proposed to be carried forward, he will find that he carefully excludes +the idea that there is anything wrong in it. If you will examine the +arguments that are made on it, you will find that every one carefully +excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. + +Perhaps that Democrat who says he is as much opposed to slavery as I am +will tell me that I am wrong about this. I wish him to examine his own +course in regard to this matter a moment, and then see if his opinion +will not be changed a little. You say it is wrong; but don't you +constantly object to anybody else saying so? Do you not constantly argue +that this is not the right place to oppose it? You say it must not be +opposed in the free States, because slavery is not there; it must not be +opposed in the slave States, because it is there; it must not be opposed +in politics, because that will make a fuss; it must not be opposed in +the pulpit, because it is not religion. Then where is the place to +oppose it? There is no suitable place to oppose it. There is no plan in +the country to oppose this evil overspreading the continent, which you +say yourself is coming. Frank Blair and Gratz Brown tried to get up a +system of gradual emancipation in Missouri, had an election in August, +and got beat; and you, Mr. Democrat, threw up your hat and hallooed, +"Hurrah for Democracy!" + +So I say again, that in regard to the arguments that are made, when +Judge Douglas says he "don't care whether slavery is voted up or voted +down," whether he means that as an individual expression of sentiment, +or only as a sort of statement of his views on national policy, it is +alike true to say that he can thus argue logically if he don't see +anything wrong in it; but he cannot say so logically if he admits that +slavery is wrong. He cannot say that he would as soon see a wrong voted +up as voted down. When Judge Douglas says that whoever or whatever +community wants slaves, they have a right to have them, he is perfectly +logical if there is nothing wrong in the institution; but if you admit +that it is wrong, he cannot logically say that anybody has a right to do +wrong. When he says that slave property and horse and hog property are +alike to be allowed to go into the Territories, upon the principles of +equality, he is reasoning truly if there is no difference between them +as property; but if the one is property, held rightfully, and the other +is wrong, then there is no equality between the right and wrong; so +that, turn it in any way you can, in all the arguments sustaining the +Democratic policy, and in that policy itself, there is a careful, +studied exclusion of the idea that there is anything wrong in slavery. + +Let us understand this. I am not, just here, trying to prove that we are +right and they are wrong. I have been stating where we and they stand, +and trying to show what is the real difference between us; and I now say +that whenever we can get the question distinctly stated,--can get all +these men who believe that slavery is in some of these respects wrong, +to stand and act with us in treating it as a wrong,--then, and not till +then, I think, will we in some way come to an end of this slavery +agitation. + + + + +_Mr. Lincoln's Reply to Judge Douglas in the Seventh and Last Debate. +Alton, Illinois. October 15, 1858_ + + +... But is it true that all the difficulty and agitation we have in +regard to this institution of slavery springs from office-seeking,--from +the mere ambition of politicians? Is that the truth? How many times have +we had danger from this question? Go back to the day of the Missouri +Compromise. Go back to the nullification question, at the bottom of +which lay this same slavery question. Go back to the time of the +annexation of Texas. Go back to the troubles that led to the Compromise +of 1850. You will find that every time, with the single exception of the +nullification question, they sprung from an endeavour to spread this +institution. There never was a party in the history of this country, and +there probably never will be, of sufficient strength to disturb the +general peace of the country. Parties themselves may be divided and +quarrel on minor questions, yet it extends not beyond the parties +themselves. But does not this question make a disturbance outside of +political circles? Does it not enter into the churches and rend them +asunder? What divided the great Methodist Church into two parts, North +and South? What has raised this constant disturbance in every +Presbyterian General Assembly that meets? What disturbed the Unitarian +Church in this very city two years ago? What has jarred and shaken the +great American Tract Society recently,--not yet splitting it, but sure +to divide it in the end? Is it not this same mighty, deep-seated power, +that somehow operates on the minds of men, exciting and stirring them up +in every avenue of society, in politics, in religion, in literature, in +morals, in all the manifold relations of life? Is this the work of +politicians? Is that irresistible power which for fifty years has shaken +the government and agitated the people, to be stilled and subdued by +pretending that it is an exceedingly simple thing, and we ought not to +talk about it? If you will get everybody else to stop talking about it, +I assure you that I will quit before they have half done so. But where +is the philosophy or statesmanship which assumes that you can quiet that +disturbing element in our society, which has disturbed us for more than +half a century, which has been the only serious danger that has +threatened our institutions? I say where is the philosophy or the +statesmanship, based on the assumption that we are to quit talking about +it, and that the public mind is all at once to cease being agitated by +it? Yet this is the policy here in the North that Douglas is +advocating,--that we are to care nothing about it! I ask you if it is +not a false philosophy? Is it not a false statesmanship that undertakes +to build up a system of policy upon the basis of caring nothing about +the very thing that everybody does care the most about,--a thing which +all experience has shown we care a very great deal about? + +... The Judge alludes very often in the course of his remarks to the +exclusive right which the States have to decide the whole thing for +themselves. I agree with him very readily.... Our controversy with him +is in regard to the new Territories. We agree that when States come in +as States they have the right and power to do as they please.... We +profess constantly that we have no more inclination than belief in the +power of the government to disturb it; yet we are driven constantly to +defend ourselves from the assumption that we are warring upon the rights +of the States. What I insist upon is, that the new Territories shall be +kept free from it while in the territorial condition ... + +... These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force +the controversy.... + +The real issue in this controversy--the one dressing upon every mind--is +the sentiment on the part of one class that looks upon the institution +of slavery as a wrong, and of another class that does not look upon it +as a wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery +in this country as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It +is the sentiment around which all their actions, all their arguments, +circle; from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as +being a moral, social, and political wrong; and while they contemplate +it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence +among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory +way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet, +having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that +looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it, as far +as may be, be treated as a wrong; and one of the methods of treating it +as a wrong is to make provision that it shall grow no larger. They also +desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery some time, as +being a wrong. These are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I +understand them; and all their sentiments, all their arguments and +propositions are brought within this range, I have said, and I here +repeat it, that if there be a man amongst us who does not think that the +institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I +have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there +be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard +its actual presence among us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it +suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional +obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our +platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. He is not +placed properly with us. + +On this subject of treating it as a wrong and limiting its spread, let +me say a word. Has anything ever threatened the existence of this Union +save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we +hold most dear amongst us? Our own liberty and prosperity. What has ever +threatened our liberty and prosperity save and except this institution +of slavery? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition +of things by enlarging slavery,--by spreading it out and making it +bigger? You may have a wen or a cancer upon your person, and not be able +to cut it out lest you bleed to death; but surely it is no way to cure +it, to engraft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper +way of treating what you regard as a wrong. You see this peaceful way of +dealing with it as a wrong,--restricting the spread of it, and not +allowing it to go into new countries where it has not already existed. +That is the peaceful way--the old-fashioned way--the way in which the +fathers themselves set us the example. + +On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment which treats it as +not being wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do not +mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively +asserts that it is right. That class will include all who positively +assert that it is right, and all who, like Judge Douglas, treat it as +indifferent, and do not say it is either right or wrong. These two +classes of men fall within the general class of those who do not look +upon it as a wrong. And if there be among you anybody who supposes that +he, as a Democrat, can consider himself "as much opposed to slavery as +anybody," I would like to reason with him. You never treat it _as_ a +wrong. What other thing that you consider a wrong do you deal with as +you deal with that? Perhaps you say it is wrong, but your leader never +does, and you quarrel with anybody who says it is wrong. Although you +pretend to say so yourself, you can find no fit place to deal with it as +a wrong. You must not say anything about it in the free States, because +it is not here. You must not say anything about it in the slave States, +because it is there. You must not say anything about it in the pulpit, +because that is religion, and has nothing to do with it. You must not +say anything about it in politics, because that will disturb the +security of "my place." There is no place to talk about it as being a +wrong, although you say yourself it is a wrong. But, finally, you will +screw yourself up to the belief that if the people of the slave States +should adopt a system of gradual emancipation on the slavery question, +you would be in favour of it. You would be in favour of it! You say that +is getting it in the right place, and you would be glad to see it +succeed. But you are deceiving yourself. You all know that Frank Blair +and Gratz Brown, down there in St. Louis, undertook to introduce that +system in Missouri. They fought as valiantly as they could for the +system of gradual emancipation, which you pretend you would be glad to +see succeed. Now I will bring you to the test. After a hard fight they +were beaten; and when the news came over here, you threw up your hats +and hurrahed for Democracy! More than that; take all the argument made +in favour of the system you have proposed, and it carefully excludes the +idea that there is anything wrong in the institution of slavery. The +arguments to sustain that policy carefully exclude it. Even here to-day, +you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me, because I uttered a wish that +it might sometime come to an end. Although Henry Clay could say he +wished every slave in the United States was in the country of his +ancestors, I am denounced by those who pretend to respect Henry Clay, +for uttering a wish that it might sometime, in some peaceful way, come +to an end. + +The Democratic policy in regard to that institution will not tolerate +the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the least degree of wrong +about it. Try it by some of Judge Douglas's arguments. He says he "don't +care whether it is voted up or voted down in the Territories." I do not +care myself in dealing with that expression whether it is intended to be +expressive of his individual sentiments on the subject or only of the +national policy he desires to have established. + +But no man can logically say it who does see a wrong in it; because no +man can logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted +down.... Any man can say that who does not see anything wrong in +slavery.... But if it is a wrong, he cannot say that people have a right +to do wrong. He says that, upon the score of equality, slaves should be +allowed to go into a new Territory like other property. This is strictly +logical if there is no difference between it and other property.... But +if you insist that one is wrong and the other right, there is no use to +institute a comparison between right and wrong.... The Democratic policy +everywhere carefully excludes the idea that there is anything wrong in +it. + +That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this +country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be +silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles--right +and wrong--throughout the world. They are the two principles that have +stood face to face from the beginning of time, and will ever continue to +struggle. + +The one is the common right of humanity, and the other the divine right +of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. +It is the same spirit that says, "You toil and work and earn bread, and +I'll eat it." No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth +of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of his own nation and live +by the fruit of their labour, or from one race of men as an apology for +enslaving another race,--it is the same tyrannical principle.... +Whenever the issue can be distinctly made, and all extraneous matter +thrown out, so that men can fairly see the real difference between the +parties, this controversy will soon be settled, and it will be done +peaceably, too. There will be no war, no violence. It will be placed +again where the wisest and best men of the world placed it. + + + + +_From a Speech at Columbus, Ohio, on the Slave Trade, Popular +Sovereignty, etc. September 16, 1859_ + + +... The Republican party, as I understand its principles and policy, +believes that there is great danger of the institution of slavery being +spread out and extended, until it is ultimately made alike lawful in all +the States of this Union; so believing, to prevent that incidental and +ultimate consummation is the original and chief purpose of the +Republican organization. + +I say "chief purpose" of the Republican organization; for it is +certainly true that if the national House shall fall into the hands of +the Republicans, they will have to attend to all the matters of national +house-keeping as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the +Republican party is eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and +except to restore this Government to its original tone in regard to this +element of slavery, and there to maintain it, looking for no further +change in reference to it than that which the original framers of the +Government themselves expected and looked forward to. + +The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just now +the revival of the African slave-trade, or the passage of a +Congressional slave-code ... but the most imminent danger that now +threatens that purpose is that insidious Douglas popular sovereignty. +This is the miner and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the +African slave-trade, nor to pass a slave-code, nor to make a second Dred +Scott decision, it is preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these +ultimate enemies when they shall be ready to come on, and the word of +command for them to advance shall be given. I say this _Douglas_ popular +sovereignty--for there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, +between that article and a genuine popular sovereignty. + +I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition +of genuine popular sovereignty in the abstract would be about this: that +each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with all +those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to governments, this +principle would be, that a general government shall do all those things +which pertain to it; and all the local governments shall do precisely as +they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern them. +I understand that this government of the United States under which we +live, is based upon this principle; and I am misunderstood if it is +supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle. + +Now, what is Judge Douglas's popular sovereignty? It is, as a principle, +no other than that if one man chooses to make a slave of another man, +neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object. Applied +in government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this: If, in a new +Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose +of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their +limits or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect the +persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons who +are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the +families of communities of which they are but an incipient member, or +the general head of the family of States as parent of all,--however +their action may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or +right to interfere. That is Douglas popular sovereignty applied. + +... I cannot but express my gratitude that this true view of this +element of discord among us, as I believe it is, is attracting more and +more attention. I do not believe that Governor Seward uttered that +sentiment because I had done so before, but because he reflected upon +this subject, and saw the truth of it. Nor do I believe, because +Governor Seward or I uttered it, that Mr. Hickman of Pennsylvania, in +different language, since that time, has declared his belief in the +utter antagonism which exists between the principles of liberty and +slavery. You see we are multiplying. Now, while I am speaking of +Hickman, let me say, I know but little about him. I have never seen him, +and know scarcely anything about the man; but I will say this much about +him: of all the anti-Lecompton Democracy that have been brought to my +notice, he alone has the true, genuine ring of the metal. + +... Judge Douglas ... proceeds to assume, without proving it, that +slavery is one of those little, unimportant, trivial matters which are +of just about as much consequence as the question would be to me, +whether my neighbour should raise horned cattle or plant tobacco; that +there is no moral question about it, but that it is altogether a matter +of dollars and cents; that when a new Territory is opened for +settlement, the first man who goes into it may plant there a thing +which, like the Canada thistle or some other of those pests of the soil, +cannot be dug out by the millions of men who will come thereafter; that +it is one of those little things that is so trivial in its nature that +it has no effect upon anybody save the few men who first plant upon the +soil; that it is not a thing which in any way affects the family of +communities composing these States, nor any way endangers the general +government. Judge Douglas ignores altogether the very well-known fact +that we have never had a serious menace to our political existence +except it sprang from this thing, which he chooses to regard as only +upon a par with onions and potatoes. + +... Did you ever, five years ago, hear of anybody in the world saying +that the negro had no share in the Declaration of National Independence; +that it did not mean negroes at all; and when "all men" were spoken of, +negroes were not included? + +... Then I suppose that all now express the belief that the Declaration +of Independence never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say +that he said it five years ago. If you think that now, and did not think +it then, the next thing that strikes me is to remark that there has been +a _change_ wrought in you, and a very significant change it is, being no +less than changing the negro, in your estimation, from the rank of a man +to that of a brute.... + +Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change? Public +opinion in this country is everything. In a nation like ours this +popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrought a +change in the public mind to the extent I have stated.... + +... Now, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, I ask you to note that +fact (the popular-sovereignty of Judge Douglas), and the like of which +is to follow, to be plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you +are prepared to deal with the negro everywhere as with the brute. If +public sentiment has not been debauched already to this point, a new +turn of the screw in that direction is all that is wanting; and this is +constantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular +sovereignty. You need but one or two turns further, until your minds, +now ripening under these teachings, will be ready for all these things, +and you will receive and support or submit to the slave-trade, revived +with all its horrors,--a slave-code enforced in our Territories,--and a +new Dred Scott decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of the +free North. + +... I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these +popular sovereigns are at this work: blowing out the moral lights around +us; teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute; that the +Declaration has nothing to do with him; that he ranks with the crocodile +and the reptile; that man with body and soul is a matter of dollars and +cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats, +if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact, that +there is now going on among you a steady process of debauching public +opinion on this subject. With this, my friends, I bid you adieu. + + + + +_From a Speech at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the Intentions of "Black +Republicans," the Relation of Labour and Capital, etc. September 17, +1859_ + + +... I say, then, in the first place to the Kentuckians that I am what +they call, as I understand it, a "Black Republican." I think slavery is +wrong, morally and politically. I desire that it should be no further +spread in these United States, and I should not object if it should +gradually terminate in the whole Union. While I say this for myself, I +say to you, Kentuckians, that I understand you differ radically with me +upon this proposition; that you believe slavery is a good thing; that +slavery is right; that it ought to be extended and perpetuated in this +Union. Now, there being this broad difference between us, I do not +pretend, in addressing myself to you, Kentuckians, to attempt +proselyting you. That would be a vain effort. I do not enter upon it. I +only propose to try to show you that you ought to nominate for the next +presidency, at Charleston, my distinguished friend, Judge Douglas. In +all that, there is no real difference between you and him; I understand +he is as sincerely for you, and more wisely for you than you are for +yourselves. I will try to demonstrate that proposition. + +In Kentucky perhaps--in many of the slave States certainly--you are +trying to establish the rightfulness of slavery by reference to the +Bible. You are trying to show that slavery existed in the Bible times by +Divine ordinance. Now, Douglas is wiser than you, for your own benefit, +upon that subject. Douglas knows that whenever you establish that +slavery was right by the Bible, it will occur that that slavery was the +slavery of the white man,--of men without reference to colour,--and he +knows very well that you may entertain that idea in Kentucky as much as +you please, but you will never win any Northern support upon it. He +makes a wiser argument for you. He makes the argument that the slavery +of the black man--the slavery of the man who has a skin of a different +colour from your own--is right. He thereby brings to your support +Northern voters, who could not for a moment be brought by your own +argument of the Bible right of slavery. + +... At Memphis he [Judge Douglas] declared that in all contests between +the negro and the white man, he was for the white man, but that in all +questions between the negro and the crocodile, he was for the negro. He +did not make that declaration accidentally ... he made it a great many +times. + +The first inference seems to be that if you do not enslave the negro, +you are wronging the white man in some way or other; and that whoever is +opposed to the negro being enslaved is in some way or other against the +white man. Is not that a falsehood? If there was a necessary conflict +between the white man and the negro, I should be for the white man as +much as Judge Douglas; but I say there is no such necessary conflict. I +say there is room enough for us all to be free, and that it not only +does not wrong the white man that the negro should be free, but it +positively wrongs the mass of the white men that the negro should be +enslaved,--that the mass of white men are really injured by the effects +of slave labour in the vicinity of the fields of their own labour.... + +There is one other thing that I will say to you in this relation. It is +but my opinion; I give it to you without a fee. It is my opinion that it +is for you to take him or be defeated; and that if you do take him you +may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if you do not take him. We, the +Republicans and others forming the opposition of the country, intend "to +stand by our guns," to be patient and firm, and in the long run to beat +you, whether you take him or not. We know that before we fairly beat +you, we have to beat you both together. We know that "you are all of a +feather," and that we have to beat you all together, and we expect to do +it. We don't intend to be very impatient about it. We mean to be as +deliberate and calm about it as it is possible to be, but as firm and +resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we say, beat +you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you. + +I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition, +what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we +possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean +to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution; to +abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word, +coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as +degenerate men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the example of +those noble fathers--Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to +remember that you are as good as we; that there is no difference between +us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and +bear in mind always, that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as +other people, or as we claim to have, and to treat you accordingly. We +mean to marry your girls when we have a chance--the white ones, I mean, +and I have the honour to inform you that I once did have a chance in +that way. + +I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that thing +takes place, what do you mean to do? I often hear it intimated that you +mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or anything like it, is +elected President of the United States. [A voice: "That is so."] "That +is so," one of them says; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian? [A voice: "He +is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what you are going to do +with your half of it. Are you going to split the Ohio down through, and +push your half off a piece? Or are you going to keep it right alongside +of us outrageous fellows? Or are you going to build up a wall some way +between your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours +can't come over here any more, to the danger of your losing it? Do you +think you can better yourselves on that subject by leaving us here +under no obligation whatever to return those specimens of your movable +property that come hither? + +You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, as +you think, upon that subject; when we cease to be under obligation to do +anything for you, how much better off do you think you will be? Will you +make war upon us and kill us all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as +gallant and as brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a +good cause, man for man, as any other people living; that you have shown +yourselves capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you +are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there +are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were +fewer in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were +equal it would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, +you will make nothing by attempting to master us.... + +Labour is the great source from which nearly all, if not all, human +comforts and necessities are drawn. There is a difference in opinion +about the elements of labour in society. Some men assume that there is a +necessary connection between capital and labour, and that connection +draws within it the whole of the labour of the community. They assume +that nobody works unless capital excites them to work. They begin next +to consider what is the best way. They say there are but two ways,--one +is to hire men and to allure them to labour by their consent; the other +is to buy the men, and drive them to it, and that is slavery. Having +assumed that, they proceed to discuss the question of whether the +labourers themselves are better off in the condition of slaves or of +hired labourers, and they usually decide that they are better off in the +condition of slaves. + +In the first place, I say the whole thing is a mistake. That there is a +certain relation between capital and labour, I admit. That it does +exist, and rightfully exist, I think is true. That men who are +industrious and sober and honest in the pursuit of their own interests +should after a while accumulate capital, and after that should be +allowed to enjoy it in peace, and also if they should choose, when they +have accumulated it, to use it to save themselves from actual labour, +and hire other people to labour for them,--is right. In doing so, they +do not wrong the man they employ, for they find men who have not their +own land to work upon, or shops to work in, and who are benefited by +working for others,--hired labourers, receiving their capital for it. +Thus a few men that own capital hire a few others, and these establish +the relation of capital and labour rightfully--a relation of which I +make no complaint. But I insist that that relation, after all, does not +embrace more than one-eighth of the labour of the country. + +There are a plenty of men in the slave States that are altogether good +enough for me, to be either President or Vice-President, provided they +will profess their sympathy with our purpose, and will place themselves +on such ground that our men upon principle can vote for them. There are +scores of them--good men in their character for intelligence, for talent +and integrity. If such an one will place himself upon the right ground, +I am for his occupying one place upon the next Republican or opposition +ticket. I will go heartily for him. But unless he does so place himself, +I think it is perfect nonsense to attempt to bring about a union upon +any other basis; that if a union be made, the elements will so scatter +that there can be no success for such a ticket. The good old maxims of +the Bible are applicable, and truly applicable, to human affairs; and in +this, as in other things, we may say that he who is not for us is +against us; he who gathereth not with us, scattereth. I should be glad +to have some of the many good and able and noble men of the South place +themselves where we can confer upon them the high honour of an election +upon one or the other end of our ticket. It would do my soul good to do +that thing. It would enable us to teach them that inasmuch as we select +one of their own number to carry out our principles, we are free from +the charge that we mean more than we say.... + + + + +_From a Letter to J.W. Fell. December 20, 1859_ + + +I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents +were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families--second +families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, +was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, +and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abraham +Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about +1781 or 1782, where a year or two later he was killed by the Indians, +not in battle, but by stealth, when he was labouring to open a farm in +the forest. His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Berks +County, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England +family of the same name ended in nothing more definite than a similarity +of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, +Solomon, Abraham, and the like. + +My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he +grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is +now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home +about the time the State came into the Union. It was a wild region, with +many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. There I grew up. +There were some schools, so called, but no qualification was ever +required of a teacher beyond "readin', writin', and cipherin'" to the +rule of three. If a straggler supposed to understand Latin happened to +sojourn in the neighbourhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was +absolutely nothing to excite ambition for education. Of course, when I +came of age I did not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, write, +and cipher to the rule of three, but that was all. I have not been to +school since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education +I have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. + +I was raised to farm work, which I continued till I was twenty-two. At +twenty-one I came to Illinois, Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at +that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as +a sort of clerk in a store. + +Then came the Black Hawk War; and I was elected a captain of volunteers, +a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went +the campaign, was elated, ran for the legislature the same year (1832), +and was beaten--the only time I ever have been beaten by the people. The +next and three succeeding biennial elections I was elected to the +legislature. I was not a candidate afterward. During this legislative +period I had studied law, and removed to Springfield to practise it. In +1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress. Was not a +candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practised +law more assiduously than ever before. Always a Whig in politics; and +generally on the Whig electoral tickets, making active canvasses. I was +losing interest in politics when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise +aroused me again. What I have done since then is pretty well known. + +If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I +am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on +an average one hundred and eighty pounds; dark complexion, with coarse +black hair and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. + + + + +_From an Address delivered at Cooper Institute, New York. February 27, +1860_ + + +... Now, and hear, let me guard a little against being misunderstood. I +do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever our +fathers did. To do so, would be to discard all the lights of current +experience--to reject all progress, all improvement. What I do say is, +that if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any +case, we should do so on evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, +that even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot +stand; and most surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they +understood the question better than we. + +If any man at this day sincerely believes that the proper division of +local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids +the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal +Territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his position by all +truthful evidence and fair argument he can. But he has no right to +mislead others who have less access to history, and less leisure to +study it, into the false belief that "our fathers who framed the +government under which we live" were of the same opinion--thus +substituting falsehood and deception for truthful evidence and fair +argument. If any man at this day sincerely believes "our fathers who +framed the government under which we live" used and applied principles, +in other cases, which ought to have led them to understand that a proper +division of local from Federal authority, or some part of the +Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in +the Federal Territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the +same time, have the responsibility of declaring that, in his opinion, he +understands their principles better than they did themselves; and +especially should he not shirk the responsibility by asserting that they +understood the question just as well and even better than we do now. + +But enough! Let all who believe that "our fathers who framed the +government under which we live understood this question just as well, +and even better than we do now," speak as they spoke, and act as they +acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask, all Republicans desire, in +relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it again be +marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected +only because of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that +toleration and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those +fathers gave it be not grudgingly, but fully and fairly maintained. For +this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as I know or believe, +they will be content. + +And now, if they would listen,--as I suppose they will not,--I would +address a few words to the Southern people. + +I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just +people; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and +justice you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak +of us Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the +best, as no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or +murderers, but nothing like it to "Black Republicans." In all your +contentions with one another, each of you deems an unconditional +condemnation of "Black Republicanism" as the first thing to be attended +to. Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable +prerequisite--license, so to speak--among you to be admitted or +permitted to speak at all. Now, can you or not be prevailed upon to +pause and to consider whether this is quite just to us, or even to +yourselves? Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be +patient long enough to hear us deny or justify. + +You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and the +burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it? +Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets no votes in +your section. The fact is substantially true; but does it prove the +issue? If it does, then, in case we should, without change of principle, +begin to get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be +sectional. You cannot escape this conclusion; and yet, are you willing +to abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that we have +ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your section this very +year. You will then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that +your proof does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in +your section is a fact of your making, and not of ours. + +And if there be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and +remains so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or +practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the +fault is ours; but this brings you to where you ought to have +started--to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our +principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of +ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are +sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us, then, +on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would wrong +your section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something may +be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge? No! Then you really +believe that the principle which "our fathers who framed the government +under which we live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and +indorse it again and again, upon their official oaths, is in fact so +clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's +consideration. + +Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional +parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eight +years before Washington gave that warning he had, as President of the +United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the +prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied +the policy of the government upon that subject up to and at the very +moment he penned that warning; and about one year after he penned it, he +wrote Lafayette that he considered that prohibition a wise measure, +expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time +have a confederacy of free States. + +Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upon +this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your hands against us, or +in our hands against you? Could Washington himself speak, would he cast +the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon +you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we +commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right +application of it. + +But you say you are conservative,--eminently conservative,--while we +are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. + +What is conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against +the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy +on the point in controversy which was adopted by "our fathers who framed +the government under which we live"; while you with one accord reject, +and scout, and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting +something new. + +True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be. +You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are unanimous in +rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers. Some of you are +for reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a Congressional +slave-code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding the +Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits; some for +maintaining slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for +the "gur-reat pur-rinciple" that "if one man would enslave another, no +third man should object," fantastically called "popular sovereignty"; +but never a man among you is in favour of Federal prohibition of slavery +in Federal Territories, according to the practice of "our fathers who +framed the government under which we live." Not one of all your various +plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within which +our government originated. + +Consider, then, whether your claim for conservatism for yourselves, and +your charge of destructiveness against us, are based on the most clear +and stable foundations. + +Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent than it +formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but we +deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the old +policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist, your innovation; +and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you have +that question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that old +policy. What has been will be again, under the same conditions. If you +would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts and policy +of the old times. + +You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We deny it; +and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry! John Brown! John Brown was no +Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single Republican in his +Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is guilty in that +matter, you know it, or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are +inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact. If you do +not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially for +persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the +proof. You need not be told that persisting in a charge which one does +not know to be true is simply malicious slander. + +Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged the +Harper's Ferry affair, but still insist that our doctrines and +declarations necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. We +know we hold no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held +to and made by "our fathers who framed the government under which we +live." You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it +occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were +in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you +could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and +your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew +that, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he was not +much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favour. Republican +doctrines and declarations are accompanied with a continual protest +against any interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about +your slaves. Surely this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, +in common with "our fathers who framed the government under which we +live," declare our belief that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not +hear us declare even this. For anything we say or do, the slaves would +scarcely know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in +fact, generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their +hearing. In your political contests among yourselves, each faction +charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then, to +give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply be +insurrection, blood, and thunder among the slaves. + +Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before the +Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton +insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which at least three times as +many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your +very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was "got up by +Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United +States, I do not think a general, or even a very extensive, slave +insurrection is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be +attained. The slaves have no means of rapid communication; nor can +incendiary freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials +are everywhere in parcels; but there neither are, nor can be supplied, +the indispensable connecting trains. + +Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their +masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for +an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty +individuals before some one of them, to save the life of a favourite +master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule; and the slave +revolution in Haiti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring +under peculiar circumstances. The Gunpowder Plot of British history, +though not connected with slaves, was more in point. In that case, only +about twenty were admitted to the secret; and yet one of them, in his +anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by +consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional poisonings from the +kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations in the field, and local +revolts extending to a score or so, will continue to occur as the +natural results of slavery; but no general insurrection of slaves, as I +think, can happen in this country for a long time. Whoever much fears, +or much hopes, for such an event, will be alike disappointed. + +In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, "It is still +in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation +peaceably, and in such slow degrees as that the evil will wear off +insensibly, and their places be, _pari passu_, filled up by free white +labourers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human +nature must shudder at the prospect held up." + +Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of +emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as +to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. +The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of +restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure that a +slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil which is now +free from slavery. + +John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It +was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which +the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the +slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not +succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many +attempts, related in history, at the assassination of kings and +emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression of a people till he +fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the +attempt, which ends in little else than his own execution. Orsini's +attempt on Louis Napoleon, and John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry, +were, in their philosophy, precisely the same. The eagerness to cast +blame on Old England in the one case, and on New England in the other, +does not disprove the sameness of the two things. + +And how much would it avail you if you could, by the use of John Brown, +Helper's book, and the like, break up the Republican organization? Human +action can be modified to some extent, but human nature cannot be +changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this +nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot +destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the +political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter +and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of +your heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing +the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the +ballot-box into some other channel? What would that other channel +probably be? Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by +the operation? + +But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your +constitutional rights. + +That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated, if not +fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to +deprive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But +we are proposing no such thing. + +When you make these declarations you have a specific and well-understood +allusion to an assumed constitutional right of yours to take slaves into +the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But no such +right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument is +literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that +such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication. + +Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is that you will destroy the +government, unless you be allowed to construe and force the Constitution +as you please, on all points in dispute between you and us. You will +rule or ruin in all events. + +This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the Supreme +Court has decided the disputed constitutional question in your favour. +Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer's distinction between dictum and +decision, the court has decided the question for you in a sort of way. +The court has substantially said, it is your constitutional right to +take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as +property. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it +was made in a divided court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they +not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that +it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another +about its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken +statement of fact--the statement in the opinion that "the right of +property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the +Constitution." + +An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property +in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it. Bear in +mind, the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is +impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but they pledge their veracity +that it is "distinctly and expressly" affirmed there--"distinctly," that +is, not mingled with anything else; "expressly," that is, in words +meaning just that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of +no other meaning. + +If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right is +affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to +show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the +Constitution, nor the word "property," even, in any connection with +language alluding to the things slave or slavery; and that wherever in +that instrument the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person"; and +wherever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it +is spoken of as "service or labour which may be due"--as a debt payable +in service or labour. Also it would be open to show, by contemporaneous +history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of +speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the +Constitution the idea that there could be property in man. + +To show all this is easy and certain. + +When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their +notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the +mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it? + +And then it is to be remembered that "our fathers who framed +the government under which we live"--the men who made the +Constitution--decided this same constitutional question in our favour +long ago; decided it without division among themselves when making the +decision; without division among themselves about the meaning of it +after it was made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing +it upon any mistaken statement of facts. + +Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified +to break up this government unless such a court decision as yours is +shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of +political action? But you will not abide the election of a Republican +President! In that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; +and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon +us! That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters +through his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you +will be a murderer!" + +To be sure, what the robber demanded of me--my money--was my own; and I +had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than my vote is +my own; and the threat of death to me, to extort my money, and the +threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can scarcely be +distinguished in principle. + + * * * * * + +Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it +is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual +presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, +allow it to spread into the national Territories, and to overrun us here +in these free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us +stand by our duty fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none +of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously +plied and belaboured,--contrivances such as groping for some middle +ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who +should be neither a living man nor a dead man; such as a policy of +"don't care," on a question about which all true men do care; such as +Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield to disunionists, +reversing the Divine rule, and calling not the sinners, but the +righteous to repentance; such as invocations to Washington, imploring +men to unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. + +Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against +us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government, +nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that right makes might, +and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand +it. + + + + +_Lincoln's Farewell Address at Springfield, Illinois. February 11, 1861_ + + +My Friends, No one not in my situation can appreciate my feeling of +sadness at this parting. To this place, and the kindness of these +people, I owe everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a century, and +have passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have been born, +and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever I may +return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon +Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever +attended him I cannot succeed. With that assistance I cannot fail. +Trusting in Him, who can go with me and remain with you, and be +everywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well. +To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend +me, I bid you an affectionate farewell. + + + + +_A Letter to the Hon. Geo. Ashmun accepting his Nomination for the +Presidency. May 23, 1860_ + + +I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you +presided, and of which I am formally apprized in the letter of yourself +and others, acting as a committee of the Convention for that purpose. + +The declaration of principles and sentiments which accompanies your +letter, meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate or +disregard it in any part. + +Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to +the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention; to +the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation; +to the inviolability of the Constitution; and the perpetual union, +harmony, and prosperity of all,--I am most happy to co-operate for the +practical success of the principles declared by the Convention. + + Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to Miss Grace Bedell. Springfield, Illinois. October 19, 1860_ + + +My dear little Miss, Your very agreeable letter of the 15th is received. +I regret the necessity of saying I have no daughter. I have three +sons--one seventeen, one nine, and one seven years of age. They, with +their mother, constitute my whole family. As to the whiskers, having +never worn any, do you not think people would call it a piece of silly +affectation if I were to begin it now? + + + + +_From an Address to the Legislature at Indianapolis, Indiana. February +12, 1861_ + + +Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana, I am here to thank you much for +this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given +by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just +cause of the whole country and the whole world. + +Solomon says "there is a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by +the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using +the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. + +The words "coercion" and "invasion" are much used in these days, and +often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that +we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get +exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the +men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent +by the use of words. What then is _coercion_? what is _invasion_? Would +the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her +people and with hostile intent towards them, be invasion? I certainly +think it would; and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians +were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely retake and +hold its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign +importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were +habitually violated, would any or all these things be invasion or +coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully +resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that +such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be +coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve +the object of their affection would seem exceedingly thin and airy. If +sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for +them to swallow. In their view, the Union as a family relation would +seem to be no regular marriage, but a sort of free-love arrangement to +be maintained only on _passional attraction_. + +By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak +not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the +Constitution; for that, by the bond, we all recognize. That position, +however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that +assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is _less_ than +itself, and ruin all which is larger than itself. If a State and a +county in a given case should be equal in extent of territory, and equal +in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the +State better than the county? Would an exchange of _names_ be an +exchange of _rights_ upon principle? On what rightful principle may a +State, being not more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and +population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionally larger +subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious right +to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, +by merely calling it a State? + +Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting anything: I am merely asking +questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell. + + + + +_From his Address to the Legislature at Columbus, Ohio. February 13, +1861_ + + +It is true, as has been said by the president of the Senate, that a very +great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the votes of +the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that weighty +responsibility. I cannot but know, what you all know, that without a +name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name, there has +fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father of his +Country; and so feeling, I cannot but turn and look for that support +without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I +turn then, and look to the great American people, and to that God who +has never forsaken them. Allusion has been made to the interest felt in +relation to the policy of the new Administration. In this I have +received from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, and from +others, some deprecation. I still think I was right. + +In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, and +without a precedent which could enable me to judge by the past, it has +seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difficulties of the +country, I should have gained a view of the whole field, being at +liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events may +make a change necessary. + +I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a +good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing +going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out, there +is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon +political questions, but nobody is suffering anything. This is a most +consoling circumstance, and from it we may conclude that all we want is +time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this +people. + + + + +_From his Remarks at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. February 15, 1861_ + +... The condition of the country is an extraordinary one, and fills the +mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to give this +subject all the consideration I possibly can, before specially deciding +in regard to it, so that when I do speak, it may be as nearly right as +possible. When I do speak, I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the +spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or +which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace +of the whole country. And furthermore, when the time arrives for me to +speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing to disappoint the +people generally throughout the country, especially if the expectation +has been based upon anything which I have heretofore said. + +... If the great American people only keep their temper on both sides of +the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which now +distracts the country will be settled, just as surely as all other +difficulties of a like character which have originated in this +government have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, +so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. + +... It is often said that the tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania. +Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adopted, the tariff question +must be as durable as the government itself. It is a question of +national house-keeping. It is to the government what replenishing the +meal-tub is to the family. Ever-varying circumstances will require +frequent modifications as to the amount needed and the sources of +supply. So far there is little difference of opinion among the people. +It is only whether, and how far, duties on imports shall be adjusted to +favour home productions. In the home market that controversy begins. One +party insists that too much protection oppresses one class for the +advantage of another; while the other party argues that, with all its +incidents, in the long run all classes are benefited. In the Chicago +platform there is a plank upon this subject, which should be a general +law to the incoming Administration. We should do neither more nor less +than we gave the people reason to believe we would when they gave us +their votes. That plank is as I now read: + + "That while providing revenue for the support of the general + government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an + adjustment of these imposts as will encourage the development of + the industrial interest of the whole country; and we commend that + policy of national exchanges which secures to working-men liberal + wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and + manufacturers adequate reward for their skill, labour, and + enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and + independence." + +... My political education strongly inclines me against a very free use +of any of the means by the Executive to control the legislation of the +country. As a rule, I think it better that Congress should originate as +well as perfect its measures without external bias. I therefore would +rather recommend to every gentleman who knows he is to be a member of +the next Congress, to take an enlarged view, and post himself +thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such an adjustment of the +tariff as shall provide a sufficient revenue, and in its other bearings, +so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the country and +classes of the people. + + + + +_From his Speech at Trenton to the Senate of New Jersey. February 21, +1861_ + + +... I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our early +history. In the early Revolutionary struggle few of the States among the +old thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within their +limits than old New Jersey. May I be pardoned if, upon this occasion, I +mention that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being +able to read, I got hold of a small book, such a one as few of the +younger members have ever seen,--"Weems's Life of Washington." I +remember all the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles +for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my +imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The +crossing of the river, the contest with the Hessians, the great +hardships endured at that time,--all fixed themselves upon my memory +more than any single Revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have +all been boys, how those early impressions last longer than any others. +I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there must have +been something more than common that these men struggled for. I am +exceedingly anxious that that thing--that something even more than +national independence; that something that held out a great promise to +all the people of the world for all time to come,--I am exceedingly +anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the +people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for +which the struggle was made, and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall +be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, His +most chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. + + + + +_Address in Independence Hall, Philadelphia. February 22, 1861_ + + +I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing in this place, +where were collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the devotion +to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. + +You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of +restoring peace to our distracted country. I can say in return, sir, +that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as +I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in +and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling, +politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the +Declaration of Independence. + +I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men +who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declaration. I have +pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers +of the army who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of +myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so +long together. It was not the mere matter of separation of the colonies +from the motherland, but that sentiment in the Declaration of +Independence which gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, +but hope to all the world, for all future time. It was that which gave +promise that in due time the weights would be lifted from the shoulders +of all men, and that all should have an equal chance. This is the +sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. + +Now, my friends, can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, I +will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help +to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly +awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that +principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this +spot than surrender it. + +Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of +bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favour of +such a course; and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed +unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use +force unless force is used against it. + +My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. I did not expect to be +called on to say a word when I came here. I supposed I was merely to do +something toward raising a flag. I may, therefore, have said something +indiscreet. But I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, +and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by. + + + + +_Reply to the Mayor of Washington, D.C. February 27, 1861_ + + +Mr. Mayor, I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of +this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is the first +time in my life, since the present phase of politics has presented +itself in this country, that I have said anything publicly within a +region of country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take +this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill-feeling that has +existed and still exists between the people in the section from which I +came and the people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one +another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. +Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never +have had, any other than as kindly feelings towards you as to the people +of my own section. I have not now and never have had any disposition to +treat you in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbours. I have not +now any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the +Constitution under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself +constrained to withhold from my own neighbours; and I hope, in a word, +that when we become better acquainted,--and I say it with great +confidence,--we shall like each other the more. I thank you for the +kindness of this reception. + + + + +_First Inaugural Address. March 4, 1861_ + + +Fellow-citizens of the United States, In compliance with a custom as old +as the government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, +and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of +the United States to be taken by the President "before he enters on the +execution of his office." + +I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those +matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or +excitement. + +Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that +by the accession of a Republican administration their property and their +peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been +any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to +their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of +him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches +when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to +interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. +I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to +do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge +that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never +recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my +acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic +resolution which I now read:-- + + "_Resolved_, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the + States, and especially the right of each State to order and control + its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment + exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the + perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we + denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any + State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the + gravest of crimes." + +I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, +too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution +and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States +when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section +as to another. + +There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from +service or labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the +Constitution as any other of its provisions:-- + + "No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws + thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or + regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but + shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or + labour may be due." + +It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who +made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the +intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear +their support to the whole Constitution--to this provision as much as to +any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within +the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up," their oaths are +unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they +not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which +to keep good that unanimous oath? + +There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be +enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference +is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be +of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is +done. And should any one in any case be content that his oath shall go +unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be +kept? + +Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of +liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so +that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might +it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of +that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizen of +each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of +citizens in the several States"? + +I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no +purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. +And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as +proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, +both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all +those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting +to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. + +It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President +under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different +and greatly distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the +executive branch of the government They have conducted it through many +perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of +precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional +term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of +the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. + +I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, +the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not +expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is +safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its +organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express +provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure for +ever--it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not +provided for in the instrument itself. + +Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an +association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a +contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all to lawfully rescind it? + +Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that +in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history +of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It +was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was +matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was +further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly +plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of +Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787 one of the declared objects +for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more +perfect Union." + +But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the +States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the +Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. + +It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can +lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that +effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or +States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the +Union is unbroken; and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as +the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the +Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be +only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it so far as +practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall +withhold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the +contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the +declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and +maintain itself. + +In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there +shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The +power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, +there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people +anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior +locality, shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent +resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no +attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object. +While the strict legal right may exist in the government to enforce the +exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, +and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for +the time the uses of such offices. + +The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts +of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that +sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and +reflection. The course here indicated will be followed unless current +events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, +and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised +according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope +of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of +fraternal sympathies and affections. + +That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the +Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will +neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to +them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak? + +Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our +national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, +would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you +hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any +portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, +while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you +fly from--will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? + +All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can +be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the +Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so +constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. +Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written +provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If by the mere force +of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written +constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify +revolution--certainly would if such a right were a vital one. But such +is not our case. All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals +are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties +and prohibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise +concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision +specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical +administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of +reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible +questions. Shall fugitives from labour be surrendered by national or by +State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. _May_ Congress +prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly +say. _Must_ Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The +Constitution does not expressly say. + +From questions of this class spring all our constitutional +controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. +If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government +must cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the government +is acquiescence on one side or the other. + +If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make +a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minority of +their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be +controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a +new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely +as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who +cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper +of doing this. + +Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose +a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession? + +Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects +it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is +impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is +wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy +or despotism in some form is all that is left. + +I do not forget the position, assumed by some, that constitutional +questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that +such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, +as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high +respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments +of the government. And while it is obviously possible that such decision +may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, +being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be +overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be +borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, +the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government, +upon vital questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably +fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in +ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will +have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically +resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor +is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a +duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought +before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their +decisions to political purposes. + +One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave +clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the +foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can +ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly +supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry +legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I +think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases +after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign +slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, +without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only +partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. + +Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective +sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A +husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond +the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot +do this. They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, either +amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, +to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after +separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can +make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than +laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; +and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you +cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse +are again upon you. + +This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can +exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their +revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant +of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of +having the National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation +of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people +over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes +prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing +circumstances, favour rather than oppose a fair opportunity being +afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to me the +convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to +originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to +take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen +for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would +wish to either accept or refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to +the Constitution--which amendment, however, I have not seen--has passed +Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never +interfere with the domestic institutions of the States, including that +of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have +said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so +far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied +constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and +irrevocable. + +The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they +have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The people themselves can do this also if they choose; but the +Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer +the present government, as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, +unimpaired by him, to his successor. + +Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of +the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our +present differences, is either party without faith of being in the +right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and +justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that +truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great +tribunal of the American people. + +By the frame of the government under which we live, this same people +have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief; +and have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to +their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their +virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme of wickedness or +folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space of +four years. + +My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never +take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no +good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied +still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, +the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will +have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were +admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the +dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. +Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who +has never yet forsaken this favoured land, are still competent to adjust +in the best way all our present difficulty. + +In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you. +You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You +have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I +shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it." + +I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all +over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again +touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. + + + + +_Address at Utica, New York. February 18, 1861_ + + +Ladies and Gentlemen, I have no speech to make to you, and no time to +speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may see +me; and I am willing to admit, that, so far as the ladies are concerned, +I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I +do not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. + + + + +_From his First Message to Congress, at the Special Session. July 4, +1861_ + + +... It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter +was in no sense a matter of self-defence on the part of the assailants. +They well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility +commit aggression upon them. They knew--they were expressly +notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of +the garrison was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless +themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that +this government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail +them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve +the Union from actual and immediate dissolution,--trusting, as +hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box, for final +adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the fort for precisely the +reverse object,--to drive out the visible authority of the Federal +Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.... + +That this was their object the Executive well understood; and having +said to them in the inaugural address, "You can have no conflict without +being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not only to keep this +declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power of +ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to misunderstand +it.... + +By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that +point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the government +began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy to +return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbour +years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that +protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, +they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, "immediate +dissolution or blood." + +And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of man the question whether a +constitutional republic or democracy--a government of the people by the +same people--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against +its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented +individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to +organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this +case or any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break +up their government, and thus practically put an end to free government +upon the earth. It forces us to ask: "Is there, in all republics, this +inherent and fatal weakness?" "Must a government, of necessity, be too +strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its +own existence?" + +So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power +of the government, and so to resist force employed for its destruction +by force for its preservation. + +The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratifying, +surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation. + +... The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to +make its nest within her borders,--and this government has no choice +left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, +as the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protection. Those +loyal citizens this government is bound to recognize and protect, as +being Virginia. + +In the border States, so called,--in fact, the Middle States,--there are +those who favour a policy which they call "armed neutrality;" that is, +an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, +or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion +completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an +impassable wall along the line of separation,--and yet not quite an +impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the +hands of Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the +insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, +it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only +what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do for the +disunionists that which of all things they most desire,--feed them well +and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no +fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and +while very many who have favoured it are doubtless loyal citizens, it +is, nevertheless, very injurious in effect. + +... The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary and so +long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action as +if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was +probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he +is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United States +are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers, and a +general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the world. + +... It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this +contest a short and decisive one; that you place at the control of the +government for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and +$400,000,000. That number of men is about one-tenth of those of proper +ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage; +and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money value owned by +the men who seem ready to devote the whole. + +... A right result at this time, will be worth more to the world than +ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidences reaching us +from the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is +abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it +legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape +and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to +avoid receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, +the people will save their government, if the government itself will do +its part only indifferently well. + +It might seem at first thought to be of little difference whether the +present movement at the South be called _secession_ or _rebellion_. The +movers, however, well understand the difference. At the beginning they +knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude +by any name which implies violation of law. They knew their people +possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and order, +and as much pride in and reverence for the history and government of +their common country as any other civilized and patriotic people. They +knew they could make no advancement directly in the teeth of these +strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they commenced by an insidious +debauching of the public mind. They invented an ingenious sophism which, +if conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps, through all the +incidents, to the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism itself +is that any State of the Union may consistently with the national +Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the +Union without the consent of the Union or of any other State. The little +disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just +cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin to +merit any notice. + +With rebellion thus _sugar-coated_ they have been drugging the public +mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length +they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against +the government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the +farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have +been brought to no such thing the day before. + +This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its currency from the +assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining +to a State--to each State of our Federal Union. Our States have neither +more nor less power than that reserved to them in the Union by the +Constitution, no one of them ever having been a State out of the Union. +The original ones passed into the Union even before they cast off their +British colonial dependence, and the new ones each came into the Union +directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. And even Texas +in its temporary independence was never designated a State. The new ones +only took the designation of States on coming into the Union, while that +name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of +Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were declared to be "free +and independent States;" but even then the object plainly was, not to +declare their independence of one another or of the Union, but directly +the contrary, as their mutual pledges and their mutual action before, at +the time, and afterward abundantly show. The express plighting of faith +by each and all of the original thirteen in the Articles of +Confederation two years later, that the Union shall be perpetual, is +most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance or name, +outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of "State-Rights," +asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is +said about the "sovereignty" of the States; but the word is not in the +National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of the State +constitutions. What is _sovereignty_ in the political sense of the term? +Would it be far wrong to define it "a political community without a +political superior?" Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, +ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the character on coming +into the Union, by which act she acknowledged the Constitution of the +United States, and the laws and treaties of the United States made in +pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law of the +land. The States have their status in the Union, and they have no other +legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so against law +and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves separately, procured +their independence and their liberty. By conquest or purchase, the Union +gave each of them whatever of independence or liberty it has. The Union +is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as +States. Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and in turn +the Union threw off their old dependence for them, and made them States, +such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution +independent of the Union. Of course it is not forgotten that all the new +States framed their constitutions before they entered the +Union,--nevertheless, dependent upon and preparatory to coming into the +Union. + +Unquestionably the States have the powers and the rights reserved to +them in and by the National Constitution; but among these, surely, are +not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive; +but, at most, such only as were known in the world at the time, as +governmental powers; and, certainly, a power to destroy the government +itself had never been known as a governmental--as a merely +administrative power. This relative matter of National power and States +rights, as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and +locality. Whatever concerns the whole world should be confided to the +whole--to the General Government; while whatever concerns only the +State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of +original principle about it.... What is now combated, is the position +that secession is consistent with the Constitution--is lawful and +peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it; and +nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd +consequences. + +The nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of +these States were formed; is it just that they shall go off without +leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums (in the +aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of +the aboriginal tribes; is it just that she shall now be off without +consent, or without making any return? The nation is now in debt for +money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States in +common with the rest; is it just that the creditors shall go unpaid, or +the remaining States pay the whole?... Again, if one State may secede, +so may another; and when all shall have seceded, none is left to pay the +debts. Is this quite just to the creditors? Did we notify them of this +sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this +doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see +what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which +they will promise to remain. + +The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have +assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which, of +necessity, they have either discarded or retained the right of +secession, as they insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, +they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If +they have retained it, by their own construction of ours, they show that +to be consistent they must secede from one another whenever they shall +find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting any other +or selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of +disintegration, and upon which no government can stand. + +If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out +of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians +would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest +outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, +instead of being called "driving the one out," should be called "the +seceding of the others from that one," it would be exactly what the +seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, +because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because +they are a majority, may not rightfully do.... + +It may be affirmed without extravagance that the free institutions we +enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole +people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking +and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the government has +now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has +taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this, there +are many single regiments, whose members, one and another, possess full +practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, and professions, and +whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world; and +there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a +President, a cabinet, a congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly +competent to administer the government itself. Nor do I say that this is +not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this +contest; but if it is, so much the better reason why the government +which has conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be +broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a government, +would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he +does it; what better he is likely to get in its stead; whether the +substitute will give, or be intended to give, so much of good to the +people? There are some foreshadowings on this subject. Our adversaries +have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good +old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, "all men are created +equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary national constitution, in +the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, +they omit "We, the people," and substitute "We, the deputies of the +sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out +of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? + +This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a +struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of +government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men,--to +lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of +laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair +chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures +from necessity, this is the leading object of the government for the +existence of which we contend. + +I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and +appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the +government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy +who have been favoured with the offices have resigned and proved false +to the hand which had pampered them, not one common soldier or common +sailor is known to have deserted his flag. + +Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two points +in it our people have already settled,--the successful establishing and +the successful administering of it. One still remains,--its successful +maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is +now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry +an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful +and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly +and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to +bullets; that there can be no successful appeal, except to ballots +themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of +peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither +can they take by a war; teaching all the folly of being the beginners of +a war. + + + + +_From his Message to Congress at its Regular Session. December 3, 1861_ + + +Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives, In the midst +of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to +God for unusual good health and abundant harvests. + +You will not be surprised to learn that in the peculiar exigencies of +the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with +profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs. + +A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole year, +been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. A nation +which endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect +abroad; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke +foreign intervention. Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always +able to resist the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous +ambition, although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to +be injurious and unfortunate to those adopting them. + +The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of +our country in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked +abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they +probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have +seemed to assume, that foreign nations in this case, discarding all +moral, social, and treaty obligations, would act solely and selfishly +for the most speedy restoration of commerce, including especially the +acquisition of cotton, those nations appear as yet not to have seen +their way to their object more directly or clearly through the +destruction than through the preservation of the Union. If we could dare +to believe that foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than +this, I am quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that +they can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush +this rebellion than by giving encouragement to it. + +The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign +nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the +embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw +from the first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as +our domestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that +the effort for disunion produces the existing difficulty; and that one +strong nation promises a more durable peace and a more extensive, +valuable, and reliable commerce than can the same nation broken into +hostile fragments. + + * * * * * + +It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular government,--the +rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the +general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the +abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the +people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, +except the legislative, boldly advocated, with laboured arguments to +prove that large control of the people in government is the source of +all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at, as a +possible refuge from the power of the people. + +In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. + +It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made +in favour of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief +attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, +if not above, labour, in the structure of government. It is assumed that +labour is available only in connection with capital; that nobody +labours, unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow, by the use of +it, induces him to labour. This assumed, it is next considered whether +it is best that capital shall hire labourers, and thus induce them to +work by their own consent, or buy them and drive them to it without +their consent. Having proceeded thus far, it is naturally concluded that +all labourers are either hired labourers, or what we call slaves. And +further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired labourer is fixed in +that condition for life. + +Now, there is no such relation between capital and labour as assumed, +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the +condition of a hired labourer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless. + +Labour is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit +of labour, and could never have existed if labour had not first existed. +Labour is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection +as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always +will be, a relation between labour and capital, producing mutual +benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labour of the +community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that +few avoid labour themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another +few to labour for them. A large majority belong to neither +class,--neither work for others, nor have others working for them. In +most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people, of all +colours, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a +majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families--wives, +sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on their farms, in their +houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and +asking no favours of capital on the one hand, nor of hired labourers or +slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of +persons mingle their own labour with capital--that is, they labour with +their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labour for them; but +this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is +disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. + +Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such +thing as the free, hired labourer being fixed to that condition for +life. Many independent men, everywhere in these States, a few years back +in their lives were hired labourers. The prudent, penniless beginner in +the world labours for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy +tools or land for himself, then labours on his own account another +while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the +just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, +gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of +condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those +who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to take or touch aught +which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a +political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, +will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as +they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of +liberty shall be lost. + + + + +_Letter to General G.B. McClellan. Washington. February 3, 1862_ + + +My dear Sir, You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement +of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the +Rappahannock to Urbana and across land to the terminus of the railroad +on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railroad +southwest of Manassas. + +If you will give me satisfactory answers to the following questions, I +shall gladly yield my plan to yours. + +_First._ Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of time +and money than mine? + +_Second._ Wherein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine? + +_Third._ Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine? + +_Fourth._ In fact, would it not be less valuable in this, that it would +break no great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would? + +_Fifth._ In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by +your plan than mine? + +I have just assisted the Secretary of War in framing part of a despatch +to you, relating to army corps, which despatch of course will have +reached you long before this will. + +I wish to say a few words to you privately on this subject. I ordered +the army corps organization, not only on the unanimous opinion of the +twelve generals whom you had selected and assigned as generals of +division, but also on the unanimous opinion of every _military man_ I +could get an opinion from (and every modern military book), yourself +only excepted. Of course I did not on my own judgment pretend to +understand the subject. I now think it indispensable for you to know how +your struggle against it is received in quarters which we cannot +entirely disregard. It is looked upon as merely an effort to pamper one +or two pets and to persecute and degrade their supposed rivals. I have +had no word from Sumner, Heintzelman, or Keyes. The commanders of these +corps are of course the three highest officers with you, but I am +constantly told that you have no consultation or communication with +them,--that you consult and communicate with nobody but General Fitz +John Porter, and perhaps General Franklin. I do not say these complaints +are true or just, but at all events it is proper you should know of +their existence. Do the commanders of corps disobey your orders in +anything? + +... Are you strong enough--are you strong enough, even with my help--to +set your foot upon the necks of Sumner, Heintzelman, and Keyes, all at +once? This is a practical and a very serious question for you. + + + + +_Lincoln's Proclamation revoking General Hunter's Order setting the +Slaves free. May 19, 1862_ + + +... General Hunter nor any other commander or person has been authorized +by the Government of the United States to make proclamation declaring +the slaves of any State free, and that the supposed proclamation now in +question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void so far as +respects such declaration.... On the sixth day of March last, by a +special Message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint +resolution, to be substantially as follows:--_Resolved, That the United +States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual +abolishment of slavery, giving to such State earnest expression to +compensate for its inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of system_. + +The resolution in the language above quoted was adopted by large +majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, +definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people +most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of +those States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue--I beseech you to +make arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the +signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of +them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics. +The proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no +reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it +contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or +wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been +done by one effort in all past time as in the providence of God it is +now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament +that you have neglected it. + + + + +_Appeal to the Border States in behalf of Compensated Emancipation. +July 12, 1862_ + + +After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have no opportunity +of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of the border +States hold more power for good than any other equal number of members, +I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make this appeal +to you. + +I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to +emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be +obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large +enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people +will not be so reluctant to go. + +I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned,--one which threatens +division among those who, united, are none too strong. General Hunter is +an honest man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none +the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men +everywhere could be free. He proclaimed all men free within certain +States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and +less harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet in +repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction if not offence to many whose +support the country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of +it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing. +By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much more, can +relieve the country, in this important point. + +Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the +message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss +it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such, I pray +you, consider this proposition, and at the least commend it to the +consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate popular +government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do +in no wise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding +the loftiest views and boldest action to bring it speedy relief. Once +relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved +history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future +fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand. + +I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, +if you all had voted for the resolution in the gradual-emancipation +message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. And the +plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and swift means of +ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see, definitely and +certainly, that in no event will the States you represent ever join +their proposed confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the +contest. But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you +with them, so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the +institution within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have +overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their +own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever +before their faces, and they can shake you no more for ever. + +Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I trust +you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your own, +when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask, Can you, for your +States, do better than to take the course I urge? Discarding punctilio +and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the +unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any +possible event? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the +States to the nation shall be practically restored without disturbance +of the institution; and if this were done, my whole duty in this +respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be +performed. But it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by +war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the war continues +long, as it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institution +in your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion,--by +the mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have +nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How +much better for you and for your people to take the step which at once +shortens the war and secures substantial compensation for that which is +sure to be wholly lost in any other event? How much better to thus save +the money which else we sink for ever in the war! How much better to do +it while we can, lest the war ere long render us pecuniarily unable to +do it! How much better for you as seller, and the nation as buyer, to +sell out and buy out that without which the war could never have been, +than to sink both the thing to be sold and the price of it in cutting +one another's throats! + + + + +_From a Letter to Cuthbert Bullitt. July 28, 1862_ + + +Now, I think the true remedy is very different from that suggested by +Mr. Durant. It does not lie in rounding the rough angles of the war, but +in removing the necessity for the war. The people of Louisiana who wish +protection to person and property, have but to reach forth their hands +and take it. Let them in good faith reinaugurate the national authority, +and set up a State government conforming thereto under the Constitution. +They know how to do it, and can have the protection of the army while +doing it. The army will be withdrawn as soon as such government can +dispense with its presence, and the people of the State can then, upon +the old constitutional terms, govern themselves to their own liking. +This is very simple and easy. + +If they will not do this, if they prefer to hazard all for the sake of +destroying the government, it is for them to consider whether it is +probable that I will surrender the government to save them from losing +all. If they decline what I suggest, you will scarcely need to ask what +I will do. + +What would you do in my position? Would you drop the war where it is, or +would you prosecute it in future with elder-stalk squirts charged with +rose-water? Would you deal lighter blows rather than heavier ones? Would +you give up the contest, leaving any available means untried? + +I am in no boastful mood. I shall not do more than I can; but I shall do +all I can to save the government, which is my sworn duty as well as my +personal inclination. I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is +too vast for malicious dealing. + + + + +_Letter to August Belmont. July 31, 1862_ + + +Dear Sir, You send to Mr. W---- an extract from a letter written at New +Orleans the 9th instant, which is shown to me. You do not give the +writer's name; but plainly he is a man of ability, and probably of some +note. He says: "The time has arrived when Mr. Lincoln must take a +decisive course. Trying to please everybody, he will satisfy nobody. A +vacillating policy in matters of importance is the very worst. Now is +the time, if ever, for honest men who love their country to rally to its +support. Why will not the North say officially that it wishes for the +restoration of the Union as it was?" + +And so, it seems, this is the point on which the writer thinks I have no +policy. Why will he not read and understand what I have said? + +The substance of the very declaration he desires is in the inaugural, in +each of the two regular messages to Congress, and in many, if not all, +the minor documents issued by the Executive since the Inauguration. + +Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana has nothing to do now but to +take her place in the Union as it was, barring the already broken eggs. +The sooner she does so, the smaller will be the amount of that which +will be past mending. This government cannot much longer play a game in +which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing. Those enemies must +understand that they cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy +the government, and if they fail still come back into the Union unhurt. +If they expect in any contingency to ever have the Union as it was, I +join with the writer in saying, "Now is the time." + +How much better it would have been for the writer to have gone at this, +under the protection of the army at New Orleans, than to have sat down +in a closet writing complaining letters northward. + + + + +_His Letter to Horace Greeley. August 22, 1862_ + + +I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to myself through +the "New York Tribune." + +If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know +to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. + +If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely +drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. + +If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive +it, in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to +be right. + +As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant +to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in +the shortest way under the Constitution. + +The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union +will be,--the Union as it was. + +If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. + +If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. + +_My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and not +either to save or to destroy slavery._ + +If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; if I +could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could +save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. + +What I do about slavery and the coloured race, I do because I believe it +helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not +believe it would help to save the Union. + +I shall do less whenever I shall believe that what I am doing hurts the +cause; and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help +the cause. + +I shall try to correct errors where shown to be errors, and I shall +adopt new views as fast as they shall appear to be true views. + +I have here stated my purpose according to my views of official duty, +and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all +men everywhere could be free. + + + + +_From his Reply to the Chicago Committee of United Religious +Denominations. September 13, 1862_ + + +The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought +much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with +the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who +are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that +either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and +perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me +to say, that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to others, +on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed that He would +reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than +I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in +this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it. These are not, +however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I +am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain, physical +facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears +to be wise and right. + +The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, four +gentlemen of standing and intelligence, from New York, called as a +delegation on business connected with the war; but before leaving, two +of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general emancipation, upon +which the other two at once attacked them. You also know that the last +session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they +could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious +people. + +Why the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I +fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favour their side: for +one of our soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a +few days since that he met nothing so discouraging as the evident +sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over +the merits of the case. + +What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as +we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole +world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull +against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even +enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court or +magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it there? + +And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon +the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which +offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come +within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single +slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a +proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should +we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude? General +Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issuing more rations to the +slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white troops under his +command. They eat, and that is all; though it is true General Butler is +feeding the whites also by the thousand, for it nearly amounts to a +famine there. If now, the pressure of the war should call off our forces +from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the +masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again? For I am told that +whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave, they +immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took from a +boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago. And then I +am very ungenerously attacked for it. For instance, when, after the late +battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from Washington +under a flag of truce to bury the dead and bring in the wounded, and the +rebels seized the blacks who went along to help, and sent them into +slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper "that the government would +probably do nothing about it." What could I do? + +Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would +follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I +raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, +as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I +have a right to take any measures which may best subdue the enemy; nor +do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences +of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a +practical war-measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or +disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. + +[The committee had said that emancipation would secure us the sympathy +of the world, slavery being the cause of the war. To which the President +replied:] + +I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, or at least its +_sine qua non_. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to +act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their +instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in +Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than +ambition. I grant further, that it would help somewhat at the North, +though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent, imagine. +Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the +war,--and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing +off their labourers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure +that we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear +that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and +indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops. +I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and +contempt. There are fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from the +border slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of +a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I +do not think they all would,--not so many indeed, as a year ago, nor as +six months ago; not so many to-day as yesterday. Every day increases +their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and +want to beat the rebels. Let me say one thing more: I think you should +admit that we already have an important principle to rally and unite the +people, in the fact that constitutional government is at stake. This is +a fundamental idea, going down about as deep as anything. + +Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They +indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some +such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of +liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can +assure you that the subject is on my mind by day and night, more than +any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust +that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not +in any respect injured your feelings. + + + + + +_From the Annual Message to Congress. December 1, 1862_ + + +Since your last annual assembling, another year of health and bountiful +harvests has passed; and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless +us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light +He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way, all will +yet be well. + +The correspondence, touching foreign affairs, which has taken place +during the last year, is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with +a request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the +close of the last session of Congress. + +If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying +than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more +satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are, might +reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last, there were some +grounds to expect that the maritime powers, which, at the beginning of +our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, +recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would soon recede from that +position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our +own country. But the temporary reverses which afterward befell the +national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens +abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. + +The Civil War, which has so radically changed for the moment the +occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed +the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the +nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily +increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same +time, excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced +a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual +agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between +foreign States, and between parties or factions in such States. We have +attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But we have +left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own +affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign +nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and +often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations +themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of this government, even +if it were just, would certainly be unwise.... + +There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary, +upon which to divide. Trace through from east to west upon the line +between the free and the slave country, and we shall find a little more +than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and +populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while +nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which +people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their +presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, +by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The +fact of separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding +section, the fugitive-slave clause, along with all other constitutional +obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no +treaty stipulation would be ever made to take its place. + +But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east +by the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky +Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and +cotton meets, ... already has above ten millions of people, and will +have fifty millions within fifty years, if not prevented by any +political folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the +country owned by the United States,--certainly more than one million of +square miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, and it +would have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the +map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the +republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it, the +magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific +being the deepest, and also the richest, in undeveloped resources. In +the production of provisions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed +from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most +important in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small +proportion of the region which has, as yet, been brought into +cultivation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its +products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect +presented. And yet this region has no sea-coast, touches no ocean +anywhere. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may for ever +find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by +New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common +country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and +every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from one or +more of these outlets,--not perhaps by a physical barrier, but by +embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. + +And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. +Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of +Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south +of it can trade to any port or place north of it, except upon terms +dictated by a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and +south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting, and +to inhabit, this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the +best, is no proper question. All are better than either; and all of +right belong to that people and their successors for ever. True to +themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but +will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal +regions less interested in these communications to and through them to +the great outside world. They too, and each of them, must have access to +this Egypt of the west, without paying toll at the crossing of any +national boundary. + +Our national strife springs not from our permanent part, not from the +land we inhabit, not from our national homestead. There is no possible +severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In +all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands union and abhors +separation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of +blood and treasure the separation might have cost.... + +Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this +Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal +significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery +trial through which we pass will light us down, in honour or dishonour, +to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will +not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world +knows we do know how to save it. + +We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving +freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free,--honourable alike +in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose +the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not +fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just,--a way which, if +followed, the world will for ever applaud, and God must for ever bless. + + + + +_Emancipation Proclamation. January 1, 1863_ + + +Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord +one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by +the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the +following, to wit: + +"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any +State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be +in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, +and for ever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual freedom. + +"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United +States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony be deemed conclusive evidence +that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against +the United States." + +Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by +virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and +navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion against the +authority and government of the United States, and as a fit and +necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first +day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and +sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly +proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first +above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States +wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion +against the United States, the following, to wit: + +Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, +Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, +Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, +including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, +Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the +forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties +of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, +and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which +excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this +proclamation were not issued. + +And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and +declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States +and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that the +Executive Government of the United States, including the military and +naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of +said persons. + +And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain +from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to +them that, in all cases when allowed, they labour faithfully for +reasonable wages. + +And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable +condition will be received into the armed service of the United States +to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man +vessels of all sorts in said service. + +And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted +by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate +judgment of mankind and the gracious favour of Almighty God. + +In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +[Sidenote: L.S.] + +Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the +independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. + + ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + By the President: + WILLIAM H. SEWARD, + Secretary of State. + + + + +_Letter to General Grant. July 13, 1863_ + + +My dear General, I do not remember that you and I ever met personally. I +write this now as a grateful acknowledgment for the almost inestimable +service you have done the country. I wish to say a word further. When +you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do +what you finally did--march the troops across the neck, run the +batteries with the transports, and thus go below; and I never had any +faith, except a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo +Pass expedition and the like could succeed. When you got below and took +Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should go down the +river and join General Banks, and when you turned northward, east of the +Big Black, I feared it was a mistake. I now wish to make the personal +acknowledgment that you were right and I was wrong. + + Yours very truly, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to ---- Moulton. Washington. July 31, 1863_ + +My dear Sir, There has been a good deal of complaint against you by your +superior officers of the Provost-Marshal-General's Department, and your +removal has been strongly urged on the ground of "persistent +disobedience of orders and neglect of duty." Firmly convinced, as I am, +of the patriotism of your motives, I am unwilling to do anything in your +case which may seem unnecessarily harsh or at variance with the feelings +of personal respect and esteem with which I have always regarded you. I +consider your services in your district valuable, and should be sorry to +lose them. It is unnecessary for me to state, however, that when +differences of opinion arise between officers of the government, the +ranking officer must be obeyed. You of course recognize as clearly as I +do the importance of this rule. I hope you will conclude to go on in +your present position under the regulations of the department. I wish +you would write to me. + + + + +_Letter to Mrs. Lincoln. Washington. August 8, 1863_ + + +My dear Wife, All as well as usual, and no particular trouble anyway. I +put the money into the Treasury at five per cent., with the privilege of +withdrawing it any time upon thirty days' notice. I suppose you are glad +to learn this. Tell dear Tad poor "Nanny Goat" is lost, and Mrs. +Cuthbert and I are in distress about it. The day you left Nanny was +found resting herself and chewing her little cud on the middle of Tad's +bed; but now she's gone! The gardener kept complaining that she +destroyed the flowers, till it was concluded to bring her down to the +White House. This was done, and the second day she had disappeared and +has not been heard of since. This is the last we know of poor "Nanny." + + + + +_Letter to James H. Hackett. Washington. August 17, 1863_ + + +My dear Sir, Months ago I should have acknowledged the receipt of your +book and accompanying kind note; and I now have to beg your pardon for +not having done so. + +For one of my age I have seen very little of the drama. The first +presentation of Falstaff I ever saw was yours here, last winter or +spring. Perhaps the best compliment I can pay is to say, as I truly can, +I am very anxious to see it again. Some of Shakespeare's plays I have +never read; while others I have gone over perhaps as frequently as any +unprofessional reader. Among the latter are _Lear_, _Richard III._, +_Henry VIII._, _Hamlet_, and especially _Macbeth_. I think nothing +equals _Macbeth_. It is wonderful. + +Unlike you gentlemen of the profession, I think the soliloquy in +_Hamlet_ commencing "Oh, my offence is rank," surpasses that commencing +"To be or not to be." But pardon this small attempt at criticism. I +should like to hear you pronounce the opening speech of Richard III. +Will you not soon visit Washington again? If you do, please call and let +me make your personal acquaintance. + + + + +_Note to Secretary Stanton. Washington. November 11, 1863_ + + +Dear Sir, I personally wish Jacob Freese, of New Jersey, to be appointed +Colonel of a coloured regiment, and this regardless of whether he can +tell the exact shade of Julius Caesar's hair. + + + + +_The Letter to James C. Conkling. August 26, 1863_ + + +Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union +men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the third day of +September, has been received. It would be very agreeable to me to thus +meet my old friends at my own home, but I cannot just now be absent from +here so long as a visit there would require. + +The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to +the Union; and I am sure my old political friends will thank me for +tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those and other noble men +whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's +life. + +There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You +desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we +attain it? There are but three conceivable ways. First, to suppress the +rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If +you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to +give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, you +should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for +dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not +believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now +possible. All I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength +of the rebellion is its military, its army. That army dominates all the +country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by +any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply +nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever +to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them. + +To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the +North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise +embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be +used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's +out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of +existence. But no paper compromise, to which the controllers of Lee's +army are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an effort at such +compromise we should waste time which the enemy would improve to our +disadvantage; and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must +be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people +first liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our +own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from +that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to +any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All +charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. +And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it +shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge +myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service,--the +United States Constitution,--and that, as such, I am responsible to +them. + +But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite +likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that +subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while I suppose +you do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is +not consistent with even your views, provided you are for the Union. I +suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied, you wished +not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to +buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to +save the Union exclusively by other means. + +You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it +retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think +the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in +time of war. The most that can be said--if so much--is that slaves are +property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that, by the law +of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? +And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy? +Armies the world over destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it, +and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized +belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, +except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions +are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. + +But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is +not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be +retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you +profess to think its retraction would operate favourably for the Union. +Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more +than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the +proclamation issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an +explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt +returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as +favourably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know, +as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the +commanders of our armies in the field who have given us our most +important successes, believe the emancipation policy and the use of +coloured troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion, +and that at least one of these important successes could not have been +achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the +commanders holding these views are some who have never had any affinity +with what is called Abolitionism or with Republican party politics, but +who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit these opinions as +being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged, that +emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and +were not adopted as such in good faith. + +You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to +fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the +Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the +Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if +I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for +you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. + +I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the +negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the +enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought that +whatever negroes could be got to do as soldiers leaves just so much less +for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise +to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should +they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake +their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even +the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept. + +The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the +sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three +hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey +hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colours +than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history was +jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and +let none be banned who bore an honourable part in it. And while those +who cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It +is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at +Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of lesser note. +Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins +they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the +rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the +ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks +to all,--for the great Republic, for the principle it lives by and keeps +alive, for man's vast future,--thanks to all. + +Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, +and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future +time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no +successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take +such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there +will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and +clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have +helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear there will be +some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful +speech they strove to hinder it. + +Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be +quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a +just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result. + + + + +_His Proclamation for a Day of Thanksgiving. October 3, 1863_ + + +The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the +blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, +which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source +from which they come, others have been added, which are of so +extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften the +heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of +Almighty God. + +In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which +has sometimes seemed to foreign States to invite and provoke their +aggressions, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been +maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has +prevailed everywhere, except in the theatre of military conflict; while +that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and +navies of the Union. + +Needful diversions of wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful +industry to the national defence have not arrested the plough, the +shuttle, or the ship; the axe has enlarged the borders of our +settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious +metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population +has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in +the camp, the siege, and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in +the consciousness of augmented strength and vigour, is permitted to +expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom. + +No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these +great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, +while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless +remembered mercy. + +It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, +reverently, and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice +by the whole American people. I do, therefore, invite, my +fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who +are at sea, and those sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and +observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and +praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And I +recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to +Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with +humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend +to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, +or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably +engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to +heal the wounds of the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may be +consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, +harmony, tranquillity, and union. + + + + +_Address at the Dedication of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg. +November 19, 1863_ + + +Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this +continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the +proposition that all men are created equal. + +Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or +any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on +a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of +that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives +that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we +should do this. + +But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we +cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled +here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The +world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can +never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be +dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have +thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to +the great task remaining before us; that from these honoured dead we +take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full +measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall +not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new +birth of freedom; and that government of the people, by the people, and +for the people, shall not perish from the earth. + + + + +_From the Annual Message to Congress. December 8, 1863_ + + +... When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted +nearly twenty months, and there had been many conflicts on both land and +sea, with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed back into +reduced limits; yet the tone of public feeling and opinion at home and +abroad was not satisfactory. With other signs, the popular elections +then just past indicated uneasiness among ourselves; while, amid much +that was cold and menacing, the kindest words coming from Europe were +uttered in accents of pity that we were too blind to surrender a +hopeless cause. Our commerce was suffering greatly from a few vessels +built upon and furnished from foreign shores, and we were threatened +with such additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from +the seas and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European +governments anything hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary +Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was running its assigned +period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the final +proclamation came, including the announcement that coloured men of +suitable condition would be received into the war service. The policy of +emancipation and of employing black soldiers gave to the future a new +aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain +conflict. According to our political system, as a matter of civil +administration, the general government had no lawful power to effect +emancipation in any State, and for a long time it had been hoped that +the rebellion could be suppressed without resorting to it as a military +measure. It was all the while deemed possible that the necessity for it +might come and that, if it should, the crisis of the contest would then +be presented. It came, and, as was anticipated, was followed by dark and +doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take +another review. The rebel borders are pressed still farther back, and by +the complete opening of the Mississippi, the country dominated by the +rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no practical +communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have been +substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential citizens in +each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the +rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation in their respective +States. Of those States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, +Maryland and Missouri, neither of which three years ago would tolerate +any restraint upon the extension of slavery into new Territories, only +dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits. + +Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one +hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about +one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus giving +the double advantage of taking so much labour from the insurgent cause +and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so many +white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not as good +soldiers as any. No servile insurrection or tendency to violence or +cruelty has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks. +These measures have been much discussed in foreign countries, and +contemporary with such discussion the tone of public sentiment there is +much improved. At home the same measures have been fully discussed, +supported, criticized, and denounced, and the annual elections following +are highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the +country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The +crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is passed. + + + + +_Letter to Secretary Stanton. Washington. March 1, 1864_ + + +My dear Sir, A poor widow, by the name of Baird, has a son in the army, +that for some offence has been sentenced to serve a long time without +pay, or at most with very little pay. I do not like this punishment of +withholding pay--it falls so very hard upon poor families. After he had +been serving in this way for several months, at the tearful appeal of +the poor mother, I made a direction that he be allowed to enlist for a +new term, on the same condition as others. She now comes, and says she +cannot get it acted upon. Please do it. + + + + +_Letter to Governor Michael Hahn. Washington. March 13, 1864_ + + +My dear Sir, I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as +the first free-State governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a +convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective +franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some +of the coloured people may not be let in--as, for instance, the very +intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our +ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep +the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a +suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone. + + + + +_An Address at a Fair for the Sanitary Commission. March 18, 1864_ + + +I appear to say but a word. This extraordinary war in which we are +engaged falls heavily upon all classes of people, but the most heavily +upon the soldier. For it has been said, "all that a man hath will he +give for his life;" and while all contribute of their substance, the +soldier puts his life at stake, and often yields it up in his country's +cause. _The highest merit, then, is due to the soldier._ + +In this extraordinary war extraordinary developments have manifested +themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars; and amongst these +manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for the +relief of suffering soldiers and their families. And the chief agents in +these fairs are the women of America. + +I am not accustomed to the language of eulogy. I have never studied the +art of paying compliments to women. But I must say, that if all that has +been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise +of women were applied to the women of America, it would not do them +justice for their conduct during this war. I will close by saying, God +bless the women of America! + + + + +_Letter to A.G. Hodges, of Kentucky. April 4, 1864_ + + +I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. +I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never +understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right +to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath +that I took, that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, +and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take +office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an +oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, +too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to +practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question +of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways. +And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere +deference to my abstract feeling and judgment on slavery. I did +understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the +best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every +indispensable means, that government--that nation--of which that +Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and +yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be +protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life +is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise +unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the +preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. +Right or wrong, I assumed this ground; and now avow it. I could not feel +that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the +Constitution, if, to save slavery or any minor matter, I should permit +the wreck of government, country, and Constitution, all together. When, +early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I +forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. +When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested +the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not think it an +indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted +military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think +the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, +1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the border States to +favour compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity +for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless +averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my +best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the +Union, and with it the Constitution, or laying strong hand upon the +coloured element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for +greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident. More +than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, +none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military +force,--no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a +gain of quite one hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and +labourers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be +no cavilling. We have the men, and we could not have had them without +the measure. + +And now let any Union man who complains of the measure, test himself by +writing down in one line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force +of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these hundred and thirty +thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be +but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, +it is only because he cannot face the truth. + +I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this +tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have +controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. +Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not +what either party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim +it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a +great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the +South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial +history will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and +goodness of God. + + + + +_From an Address at a Sanitary Fair in Baltimore. April 18, 1864_ + + +... The world has never had a good definition of the word "liberty," and +the American people, just now, are much in want of one. We all declare +for liberty; but in using the same word, we do not all mean the same +thing. With some, the word "liberty" may mean for each man to do as he +pleases with himself and the product of his labour; while with others, +the same word may mean for some men to do as they please with other men +and the product of other men's labour. Here are two, not only different, +but incompatible things, called by the same name,--liberty. And it +follows that each of the things is, by the respective parties, called by +two different and incompatible names,--liberty and tyranny. + +The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's throat, for which the +sheep thanks the shepherd as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him +for the same act as the destroyer of liberty, especially as the sheep +was a black one. Plainly, the sheep and the wolf are not agreed upon a +definition of the word "liberty;" and precisely the same difference +prevails to-day, among us human creatures, even in the North, and all +professing to love liberty. Hence we behold the process by which +thousands are daily passing from under the yoke of bondage hailed by +some as the advance of liberty, and bewailed by others as the +destruction of all liberty. Recently, as it seems, the people of +Maryland have been doing something to define liberty, and thanks to them +that, in what they have done, the wolf's dictionary has been repudiated. + + + + +_Letter to General Grant. April 30, 1864_ + + +Not expecting to see you again before the spring campaign opens, I wish +to express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up +to this time, so far as I understand it. The particulars of your plans I +neither know nor seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant; and, +pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any constraints nor restraints +upon you. While I am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of +our men in great numbers shall be avoided, I know these points are less +likely to escape your attention than they would be mine. If there is +anything wanting which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me +know it. And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain +you. + + + + +_From an Address to the 166th Ohio Regiment. August 22, 1864_ + + +I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to +soldiers, to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the importance +of success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for all +time to come, that we should perpetuate for our children's children that +great and free government which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you +to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen, +temporarily, to occupy this White House. I am a living witness that any +one of your children may look to come here as my father's child has. It +is in order that each one of you may have, through this free government +which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance for your +industry, enterprise, and intelligence; that you may all have equal +privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable human +aspirations. It is for this the struggle should be maintained, that we +may not lose our birthright--not only for one, but for two or three +years. The nation is worth fighting for, to secure such an inestimable +jewel. + + + + +_Reply to a Serenade. November 10, 1864_ + + +It has long been a grave question whether any government not too strong +for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its +existence in great emergencies. On this point the present rebellion +brought our Republic to a severe test; and a presidential election, +occurring in regular course during the rebellion, added not a little to +the strain. + +If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their strength by +the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and partially paralyzed +by a political war among themselves? But the election was a necessity. +We cannot have free government without elections; and if the rebellion +could force us to forego or postpone a national election, it might +fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the +election is but human nature practically applied to the facts of the +case. What has occurred in this case must ever occur in similar cases. +Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial, +compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as +silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study the +incidents of this as philosophy to learn wisdom from, and none of them +as wrongs to be revenged. But the election, along with its incidental +and undesirable strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a +people's government can sustain a national election in the midst of a +great civil war. Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, patriotic +men are better than gold. + +But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over, may not +all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to save our +common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive to +avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here, I +have not willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply +sensible to the high compliment of a re-election, and duly grateful as I +trust to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right +conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my +satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the +result. + +May I ask those who have not differed with me, to join with me in this +same spirit towards those who have? And now let me close by asking three +hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen, and their gallant and +skilful commanders. + + + + +_A Letter to Mrs. Bixley, of Boston. November 21, 1864_ + + +Dear Madam, I have been shown in the files of the War Department a +statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts that you are the +mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field of battle. I +feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should +attempt to beguile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I +cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found +in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our +heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave +you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn +pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the +altar of freedom. + + Yours very sincerely and respectfully, + ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + + + + +_Letter to General Grant. Washington. January 19, 1865_ + + +Please read and answer this letter as though I was not President, but +only a friend. My son, now in his twenty-second year, having graduated +at Harvard, wishes to see something of the war before it ends. I do not +wish to put him in the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to which +those who have already served long are better entitled, and better +qualified to hold. Could he, without embarrassment to you or detriment +to the service, go into your military family with some nominal rank, I, +and not the public, furnishing his necessary means? If no, say so +without the least hesitation, because I am as anxious and as deeply +interested that you shall not be encumbered as you can be yourself. + + + + +_The Second Inaugural Address. March 4, 1865_ + + +Fellow-countrymen, At this second appearance to take the oath of the +Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than +there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a +course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration +of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly +called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still +absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little +that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all +else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and +it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With +high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. + +On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were +anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it,--all +sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from +this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, +insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without +war,--seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. +Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than +let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let +it perish. And the war came. + +One-eighth of the whole population were coloured slaves, not distributed +generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. +These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that +this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, +perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the +insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the government +claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement +of it.... + +With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the +right, as God gives us to see the right,--let us strive on to finish the +work we are in: to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who +shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan; to do all +which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, +and with all nations. + + + + +_A Letter to Thurlow Weed. Executive Mansion, Washington. March 15, +1865_ + + +Dear Mr. Weed, Every one likes a compliment. Thank you for yours on my +little notification speech and on the recent inaugural address. I expect +the latter to wear as well as--perhaps better than--anything I have +produced; but I believe it is not immediately popular. Men are not +flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose +between the Almighty and them. To deny it, however, in this case, is to +deny that there is a God governing the world. It is a truth which I +thought needed to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation there is in +it falls most directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me +to tell it. + + Truly yours, + A. LINCOLN. + + + + +_From an Address to an Indiana Regiment. March 17, 1865_ + + +There are but few aspects of this great war on which I have not already +expressed my views by speaking or writing. There is one--the recent +effort of "Our erring brethren," sometimes so called, to employ the +slaves in their armies. The great question with them has been, "Will the +negro fight for them?" They ought to know better than we, and doubtless +do know better than we. I may incidentally remark, that having in my +life heard many arguments--or strings of words meant to pass for +arguments--intended to show that the negro ought to be a slave,--if he +shall now really fight to keep himself a slave, it will be a far better +argument why he should remain a slave than I have ever before heard. He, +perhaps, ought to be a slave if he desires it ardently enough to fight +for it. Or, if one out of four will, for his own freedom fight to keep +the other three in slavery, he ought to be a slave for his selfish +meanness. I have always thought that all men should be free; but if any +should be slaves, it should be first those who desire it for themselves, +and secondly those who desire it for others. Whenever I hear any one +arguing for slavery, I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him +personally. + + + + +_From his Reply to a Serenade. Lincoln's Last Public Address. April 11, +1865_ + + +Fellow-citizens, We meet this evening, not in sorrow but in gladness of +heart. The evacuation of Richmond and Petersburg, and the surrender of +the principal insurgent army, give the hope of a just and speedy peace, +the joyous expression of which cannot be restrained. In all this joy, +however, He from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call +for a national thanksgiving is in the course of preparation, and will be +duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part give us the cause for +rejoicing be overlooked. Their honours must not be parcelled out with +others. I, myself, was near the front, and had the high pleasure of +transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honour for +plan or execution is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and +brave men, all belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in +reach to take an active part. + +By these recent successes the reinauguration of the national +authority,--reconstruction,--which has had a large share of thought from +the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is +fraught with great difficulty. Unlike a case of war between independent +nations, there is no organized organ for us to treat with,--no one man +has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must +begin with and mould from disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is +it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ +among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction. +As a general rule I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon +myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly +offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my +knowledge that I am much censured for some supposed agency in setting up +and seeking to sustain the new State government of Louisiana. + +In this I have done just so much as, and no more than, the public knows. +In the annual message of December 1863, and in the accompanying +proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, +which I promised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to and +sustained by the executive government of the nation. I distinctly stated +that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable, and +I also distinctly protested that the executive claimed no right to say +when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from +such States. This plan was in advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and +approved by every member of it.... + +When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New +Orleans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident that the people, +with his military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that +plan. I wrote him and some of them to try it. They tried it, and the +result is known. Such has been my only agency in getting up the +Louisiana government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before +stated. But as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat +this as a bad promise and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that +keeping it is adverse to the public interest; but I have not yet been so +convinced. I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an +able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not +seemed to be definitely fixed upon the question whether the seceded +States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would perhaps add +astonishment to his regret were he to learn that since I have found +professed Union men endeavouring to answer that question, I have +purposely forborne any public expression upon it.... + +We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper +practical relation with the Union, and that the sole object of the +government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again +get them into that proper practical relation. I believe that it is not +only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without deciding or even +considering whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than +with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly +immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing +the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between +these States and the Union, and each for ever after innocently indulge +his own opinion whether in doing the acts he brought the States from +without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never +having been out of it. The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which +the new Louisiana government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if +it contained forty thousand, or thirty thousand, or even twenty +thousand, instead of only about twelve thousand as it does. It is also +unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is not given to the +coloured man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the +very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers. + +Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana government, as it +stands, is quite all that is desirable. The question is, will it be +wiser to take it as it is and help to improve it, or to reject and +disperse it? Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation +with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State +government? Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of +Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful +political power of the State, held elections, organized a State +government, adopted a free-State constitution, giving the benefit of +public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the +legislature to confer the elective franchise upon the coloured man. +Their legislature has already voted to ratify the constitutional +amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout +the nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully committed to +the Union and to perpetual freedom in the State,--committed to the very +things, and nearly all the things, the nation wants,--and they ask the +nation's recognition and its assistance to make good their committal. + +If we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and +disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white man: You are worthless or +worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you. To the blacks, we +say: This cup of liberty, which these, your old masters, hold to your +lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering +the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, +where, and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white +and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper, practical +relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, +on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of +Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the +hearts and nerve the arms of twelve thousand to adhere to their work, +and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, +and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The coloured man, too, +in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, +and daring to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective +franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced +steps towards it, than by running backward over them? + +... I repeat the question, Can Louisiana be brought into proper +practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding +her new State government? + +... What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other +States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such +important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new +and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible +plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such +exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. +Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present +situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new +announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not +fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. + + + + +Appendix + + + + +ANECDOTES + + +LINCOLN'S ENTRY INTO RICHMOND THE DAY AFTER IT WAS TAKEN + +_As Described at that time by a Writer in the "Atlantic Monthly"_ + +They gathered around the President, ran ahead, hovered about the flanks +of the little company, and hung like a dark cloud upon the rear. Men, +women and children joined the constantly-increasing throng. They came +from all the by-streets, running in breathless haste, shouting and +hallooing, and dancing with delight. The men threw up their hats, the +women waved their bonnets and handkerchiefs, clapped their hands, and +sang, "Glory to God! glory, glory!" rendering all the praise to God, who +had heard their wailings in the past, their moanings for wives, +husbands, children, and friends sold out of their sight; had given them +freedom, and after long years of waiting had permitted them thus +unexpectedly to behold the face of their great benefactor. + +"I thank you, dear Jesus, that I behold President Linkum!" was the +exclamation of a woman who stood upon the threshold of her humble home, +and with streaming eyes and clasped hands gave thanks aloud to the +Saviour of men. + +Another, more demonstrative in her joy, was jumping and striking her +hands with all her might, crying, "Bless de Lord! Bless de Lord! Bless +de Lord!" as if there could be no end to her thanksgiving. + +The air rang with a tumultuous chorus of voices. The street became +almost impassable on account of the increasing multitude, till soldiers +were summoned to clear the way.... + +The walk was long, and the President halted a moment to rest. "May de +good Lord bless you, President Linkum!" said an old negro, removing his +hat and bowing, with tears of joy rolling down his cheeks. The President +removed his own hat, and bowed in silence; but it was a bow which upset +the forms, laws, customs, and ceremonies of centuries. It was a +death-shock to chivalry and a mortal wound to caste. "Recognize a +nigger! Fough!" A woman in an adjoining house beheld it, and turned from +the scene in unspeakable disgust. + + + (The following nine anecdotes were related by Frank B. Carpenter, + the painter, who, while executing his picture of the first reading + in cabinet council of the Emancipation Proclamation, had the + freedom of Mr. Lincoln's private office and saw much of the + President while he posed, and whose relations with him became of an + intimate character.) + + +"YOU DON'T WEAR HOOPS--AND I WILL ... PARDON YOUR BROTHER" + +A distinguished citizen of Ohio had an appointment with the President +one evening at six o'clock. As he entered the vestibule of the White +House, his attention was attracted by a poorly-clad young woman who was +violently sobbing. He asked her the cause of her distress. She said she +had been ordered away by the servants after vainly waiting many hours to +see the President about her only brother, who had been condemned to +death. Her story was this:--She and her brother were foreigners, and +orphans. They had been in this country several years. Her brother +enlisted in the army, but, through bad influences, was induced to +desert. He was captured, tried and sentenced to be shot--the old story. +The poor girl had obtained the signatures of some persons who had +formerly known him, to a petition for a pardon, and alone had come to +Washington to lay the case before the President. Thronged as the +waiting-rooms always were, she had passed the long hours of two days +trying in vain to get an audience, and had at length been ordered away. + +The gentleman's feelings were touched. He said to her that he had come +to see the President, but did not know as _he_ should succeed. He told +her, however, to follow him upstairs, and he would see what could be +done for her. Just before reaching the door, Mr. Lincoln came out, and +meeting his friend said good-humouredly, "Are you not ahead of time?" +The gentleman showed him his watch, with the hand upon the hour of six. +"Well," returned Mr. Lincoln, "I have been so busy to-day that I have +not had time to get a lunch. Go in, and sit down; I will be back +directly." + +The gentleman made the young woman accompany him into the office, and, +when they were seated, said to her, "Now, my good girl, I want you to +muster all the courage you have in the world. When the President comes +back, he will sit down in that arm-chair. I shall get up to speak to +him, and as I do so you must force yourself between us, and insist upon +the examination of your papers, telling him it is a case of life and +death, and admits of no delay." These instructions were carried out to +the letter. Mr. Lincoln was at first somewhat surprised at the apparent +forwardness of the young woman, but observing her distressed appearance, +he ceased conversation with his friend, and commenced an examination of +the document she had placed in his hands. Glancing from it to the face +of the petitioner, whose tears had broken forth afresh, he studied its +expression for a moment, and then his eye fell upon her scanty but neat +dress. Instantly his face lighted up. "My poor girl," said he, "you have +come here with no governor, or senator, or member of Congress, to plead +your cause. You seem honest and truthful; _and you don't wear +hoops_--and I will be whipped but I will pardon your brother." + + +HIS JOY IN GIVING A PARDON + +One night Schuyler Colfax left all other business to ask him to respite +the son of a constituent, who was sentenced to be shot, at Davenport, +for desertion. He heard the story with his usual patience, though he was +wearied out with incessant calls, and anxious for rest, and then +replied:--"Some of our generals complain that I impair discipline and +subordination in the army by my pardons and respites, but it makes me +rested, after a hard day's work, if I can find some good excuse for +saving a man's life, and I go to bed happy as I think how joyous the +signing of my name will make him and his family and his friends." And +with a happy smile beaming over that care-furrowed face, he signed that +name that saved that life. + + +HIS SIMPLICITY AND UNOSTENTATIOUSNESS + +The simplicity and absence of all ostentation on the part of Mr. +Lincoln, is well illustrated by an incident which occurred on the +occasion of a visit he made to Commodore Porter, at Fortress Monroe. +Noticing that the banks of the river were dotted with flowers, he said: +"Commodore, Tad (the pet name for his youngest son, who had accompanied +him on the excursion) is very fond of flowers; won't you let a couple of +men take a boat and go with him for an hour or two, along the banks of +the river, and gather the flowers?" Look at this picture, and then +endeavour to imagine the head of a European nation making a similar +request, in this humble way, of one of his subordinates! + + +A PENITENT MAN CAN BE PARDONED + +One day I took a couple of friends from New York upstairs, who wished to +be introduced to the President. It was after the hour for business +calls, and we found him alone, and, for _once_, at leisure. Soon after +the introduction, one of my friends took occasion to indorse, very +decidedly, the President's Amnesty Proclamation, which had been severely +censured by many friends of the Administration. Mr. S----'s approval +touched Mr. Lincoln. He said, with a great deal of emphasis, and with an +expression of countenance I shall never forget: "When a man is sincerely +_penitent_ for his misdeeds, and gives satisfactory evidence of the +same, he can safely be pardoned, and there is no exception to the rule!" + + +"KEEP SILENCE, AND WE'LL GET YOU SAFE ACROSS" + +At the White House one day some gentlemen were present from the West, +excited and troubled about the commissions and omissions of the +Administration. The President heard them patiently, and then replied: +"Gentlemen, suppose all the property you were worth was in gold, and you +had put it in the hands of Blondin to carry across the Niagara River on +a rope, would you shake the cable, or keep shouting out to him, +'Blondin, stand up a little straighter--Blondin, stoop a little more--go +a little faster--lean a little more to the north--lean a little more to +the south?' No, you would hold your breath as well as your tongue, and +keep your hands off until he was safe over. The Government are carrying +an immense weight. Untold treasures are in their hands. They are doing +the very best they can. Don't badger them. Keep silence, and we'll get +you safe across." + + +REBUFF TO A MAN WITH A SMALL CLAIM + +During a public "reception," a farmer, from one of the border counties +of Virginia, told the President that the Union soldiers, in passing his +farm, had helped themselves not only to hay, but his horse, and he hoped +the President would urge the proper officer to consider his claim +immediately. + +Mr. Lincoln said that this reminded him of an old acquaintance of his, +"Jack Chase," who used to be a lumberman on the Illinois, a steady, +sober man, and the best raftsman on the river. It was quite a trick, +twenty-five years ago, to take the logs over the rapids; but he was +skilful with a raft, and always kept her straight in the channel. +Finally a steamer was put on, and Jack was made captain of her. He +always used to take the wheel going through the rapids. One day when the +boat was plunging and wallowing along the boiling current, and Jack's +utmost vigilance was being exercised to keep her in the narrow channel, +a boy pulled his coat-tail, and hailed him with: "Say, Mister Captain! I +wish you would just stop your boat a minute--I've lost my apple +overboard!" + + +THE PRESIDENT'S SILENCE OVER CRITICISMS + +The President was once speaking about an attack made on him by the +Committee on the Conduct of the War for a certain alleged blunder, or +something worse, in the Southwest--the matter involved being one which +had fallen directly under the observation of the officer to whom he was +talking, who possessed official evidence completely upsetting all the +conclusions of the Committee. + +"Might it not be well for me," queried the officer, "to set this matter +right in a letter to some paper, stating the facts as they actually +transpired?" + +"Oh, no," replied the President, "at least, not now. If I were to try to +read, much less answer, all the attacks made on me, this shop might as +well be closed for any other business. I do the very best I know +how--the very best I can; and I mean to keep doing so until the end. If +the end brings me out all right, what is said against me won't amount to +anything. If the end brings me out wrong, ten angels swearing I was +right would make no difference." + + +"GLAD OF IT" + +On the occasion when the telegram from Cumberland Gap reached Mr. +Lincoln that "firing was heard in the direction of Knoxville," he +remarked that he was "glad of it." Some person present, who had the +perils of Burnside's position uppermost in his mind, could, not see +_why_ Mr. Lincoln should be _glad_ of it, and so expressed himself. +"Why, you see," responded the President, "it reminds me of Mistress +Sallie Ward, a neighbour of mine, who had a very large family. +Occasionally one of her numerous progeny would be heard crying in some +out-of-the-way place, upon which Mrs. Ward would exclaim, 'There's one +of my children that isn't dead yet!'" + + +HIS DEMOCRATIC BEARING + +The evening before I left Washington an incident occurred, illustrating +very perfectly the character of the man. For two days my large painting +had been on exhibition, upon its completion, in the East Room, which had +been thronged with visitors. Late in the afternoon of the second day, +the "black-horse cavalry" escort drew up as usual in front of the +portico, preparatory to the President's leaving for the "Soldiers' +Home," where he spent the midsummer nights. While the carriage was +waiting, I looked around for him, wishing to say a farewell word, +knowing that I should have no other opportunity. Presently I saw him +standing halfway between the portico and the gateway leading to the War +Department, leaning against the iron fence--one arm thrown over the +railing, and one foot on the stone coping which supports it, evidently +having been intercepted, on his way in from the War Department, by a +plain-looking man, who was giving him, very diffidently, an account of a +difficulty which he had been unable to have rectified. While waiting, I +walked out leisurely to the President's side. He said very little to the +man, but was intently studying the expression of his face while he was +narrating his trouble. When he had finished, Mr. Lincoln said to him, +"Have you a blank card?" The man searched his pockets, but finding none, +a gentleman standing near, who had overheard the question, came forward, +and said, "Here is one, Mr. President." Several persons had, in the +meantime, gathered around. Taking the card and a pencil, Mr. Lincoln +sat down upon the stone coping, which is not more than five or six +inches above the pavement, presenting almost the appearance of sitting +upon the pavement itself, and wrote an order upon the card to the proper +official to "examine this man's case." While writing this, I observed +several persons passing down the promenade, smiling at each other, at +what I presume they thought the undignified appearance of the Head of +the Nation, who, however, seemed utterly unconscious, either of any +impropriety in the action, or of attracting any attention. To me it was +not only a touching picture of the native goodness of the man, but of +innate nobility of character, exemplified not so much by a disregard of +conventionalities, as in unconsciousness that there _could_ be any +breach of etiquette, or dignity, in the manner of an honest attempt to +serve, or secure justice to a citizen of the Republic, however humble he +may be. + + + +[Illustration: + EVERYMAN, + I WILL GO WITH THEE + & BE THY GUIDE + IN THY MOST NEED + TO GO BY THY SIDE.] + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES AND LETTERS OF ABRAHAM +LINCOLN, 1832-1865*** + + +******* This file should be named 14721.txt or 14721.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/4/7/2/14721 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: +https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + diff --git a/old/14721.zip b/old/14721.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..90c96cb --- /dev/null +++ b/old/14721.zip |
