summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
diff options
context:
space:
mode:
-rw-r--r--.gitattributes3
-rw-r--r--12820-0.txt1845
-rw-r--r--12820-h/12820-h.htm1920
-rw-r--r--LICENSE.txt11
-rw-r--r--README.md2
-rw-r--r--old/12820-0.txt2221
-rw-r--r--old/12820-0.zipbin0 -> 49672 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/12820-h.zipbin0 -> 51798 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/12820-h/12820-h.htm2380
-rw-r--r--old/old/12820-8.txt2235
-rw-r--r--old/old/12820-8.zipbin0 -> 49672 bytes
-rw-r--r--old/old/12820.txt2235
-rw-r--r--old/old/12820.zipbin0 -> 49655 bytes
13 files changed, 12852 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/12820-0.txt b/12820-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9bfad5a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/12820-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,1845 @@
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12820 ***
+
+THE CASE FOR INDIA
+
+The Presidential Address Delivered by Annie Besant at the
+Thirty-Second Indian National Congress Held at Calcutta
+26th December 1917
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FELLOW-DELEGATES AND FRIENDS,
+
+Everyone who has preceded me in this Chair has rendered his thanks in
+fitting terms for the gift which is truly said to be the highest that
+India has it in her power to bestow. It is the sign of her fullest love,
+trust, and approval, and the one whom she seats in that chair is, for
+his year of service, her chosen leader. But if my predecessors found
+fitting words for their gratitude, in what words can I voice mine, whose
+debt to you is so overwhelmingly greater than theirs? For the first time
+in Congress history, you have chosen as your President one who, when
+your choice was made, was under the heavy ban of Government displeasure,
+and who lay interned as a person dangerous to public safety. While I was
+humiliated, you crowned me with honour; while I was slandered, you
+believed in my integrity and good faith; while I was crushed under the
+heel of bureaucratic power, you acclaimed me as your leader; while I was
+silenced and unable to defend myself, you defended me, and won for me
+release. I was proud to serve in lowliest fashion, but you lifted me up
+and placed me before the world as your chosen representative. I have no
+words with which to thank you, no eloquence with which to repay my debt.
+My deeds must speak for me, for words are too poor. I turn your gift
+into service to the Motherland; I consecrate my life anew to her in
+worship by action. All that I have and am, I lay on the Altar of the
+Mother, and together we shall cry, more by service than by words: VANDE
+MATARAM.
+
+There is, perhaps, one value in your election of me in this crisis of
+India’s destiny, seeing that I have not the privilege to be Indian-born,
+but come from that little island in the northern seas which has been, in
+the West, the builder-up of free institutions. The Aryan emigrants, who
+spread over the lands of Europe, carried with them the seeds of liberty
+sown in their blood in their Asian cradle-land. Western historians trace
+the self-rule of the Saxon villages to their earlier prototypes in the
+East, and see the growth of English liberty as up-springing from the
+Aryan root of the free and self-contained village communities.
+
+Its growth was crippled by Norman feudalism there, as its
+millennia-nourished security here was smothered by the East India
+Company. But in England it burst its shackles and nurtured a
+liberty-loving people and a free Commons’ House. Here, it similarly
+bourgeoned out into the Congress activities, and more recently into
+those of the Muslim League, now together blossoming into Home Rule for
+India. The England of Milton, Cromwell, Sydney, Burke, Paine, Shelley,
+Wilberforce, Gladstone; the England that sheltered Mazzini, Kossuth,
+Kropotkin, Stepniak, and that welcomed Garibaldi; the England that is
+the enemy of tyranny, the foe of autocracy, the lover of freedom, that
+is the England I would fain here represent to you to-day. To-day, when
+India stands erect, no suppliant people, but a Nation, self-conscious,
+self-respecting, determined to be free; when she stretches out her hand
+to Britain and offers friendship not subservience; co-operation not
+obedience; to-day let me: western-born but in spirit eastern, cradled in
+England but Indian by choice and adoption: let me stand as the symbol of
+union between Great Britain and India: a union of hearts and free
+choice, not of compulsion: and therefore of a tie which cannot be
+broken, a tie of love and of mutual helpfulness, beneficial to both
+Nations and blessed by God.
+
+GONE TO THE PEACE.
+
+India’s great leader, Dadabhai Naoroji, has left his mortal body and is
+now one of the company of the Immortals, who watch over and aid India’s
+progress. He is with V.C. Bonnerjee, and Ranade, and A.O. Hume, and
+Henry Cotton, and Pherozeshah Mehta, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale: the
+great men who, in Swinburne’s noble verse, are the stars which lead us
+to Liberty’s altar:
+
+ These, O men, shall ye honour,
+ Liberty only and these.
+ For thy sake and for all men’s and mine,
+ Brother, the crowns of them shine,
+ Lighting the way to her shrine,
+ That our eyes may be fastened upon her,
+ That our hands may encompass her knees.
+
+Not for me to praise him in feeble words of reverence or of homage. His
+deeds praise him, and his service to his country is his abiding glory.
+Our gratitude will be best paid by following in his footsteps, alike in
+his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion, so that we may win
+the Home Rule which he longed to see while with us, and shall see, ere
+long, from the other world of Life, in which he dwells to-day.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+PRE-WAR MILITARY EXPENDITURE.
+
+
+The Great War, into the whirlpool of which Nation after Nation has been
+drawn, has entered on its fourth year. The rigid censorship which has
+been established makes it impossible for any outside the circle of
+Governments to forecast its duration, but to me, speaking for a moment
+not as a politician but as a student of spiritual laws, to me its end is
+sure. For the true object of this War is to prove the evil of, and to
+destroy, autocracy and the enslavement of one Nation by another, and to
+place on sure foundations the God-given Right to Self-Rule and
+Self-Development of every Nation, and the similar right of the
+Individual, of the smaller Self, so far as is consistent with the
+welfare of the larger Self of the Nation. The forces which make for the
+prolongation of autocracy--the rule of one--and the even deadlier
+bureaucracy--the rule of a close body welded into an iron system--these
+have been gathered together in the Central Powers of Europe--as of old
+in Ravana--in order that they may be destroyed; for the New Age cannot
+be opened until the Old passes away. The new civilisation of
+Righteousness and Justice, and therefore of Brotherhood, of ordered
+Liberty, of Peace, of Happiness, cannot be built up until the elements
+are removed which have brought the old civilisation crashing about our
+ears. Therefore is it necessary that the War shall be fought out to its
+appointed end, and that no premature peace shall leave its object
+unattained. Autocracy and bureaucracy must perish utterly, in East and
+West, and, in order that their germs may not re-sprout in the future,
+they must be discredited in the minds of men. They must be proved to be
+less efficient than the Governments of Free Peoples, even in their
+favourite work of War, and their iron machinery--which at first brings
+outer prosperity and success--must be shown to be less lasting and
+effective than the living and flexible organisations of democratic
+Peoples. They must be proved failures before the world, so that the
+glamour of superficial successes may be destroyed for ever. They have
+had their day and their place in evolution, and have done their
+educative work. Now they are out-of-date, unfit for survival, and must
+vanish away.
+
+When Great Britain sprang to arms, it was in defence of the freedom of a
+small nation, guaranteed by treaties, and the great principles she
+proclaimed electrified India and the Dominions. They all sprang to her
+side without question, without delay; they heard the voice of old
+England, the soldier of Liberty, and it thrilled their hearts. All were
+unprepared, save the small territorial army of Great Britain, due to the
+genius and foresight of Lord Haldane, and the readily mobilised army of
+India, hurled into the fray by the swift decision of Lord Hardinge. The
+little army of Britain fought for time; fought to stop the road to
+Paris, the heart of France; fought, falling back step by step, and
+gained the time it fought for, till India’s sons stood on the soil of
+France, were flung to the front, rushed past the exhausted regiments who
+cheered them with failing breath, charged the advancing hosts, stopped
+the retreat, and joined the British army in forming that unbreakable
+line which wrestled to the death through two fearful winters--often,
+these soldiers of the tropics, waist-deep in freezing mud--and knew no
+surrender.
+
+India, with her clear vision, saw in Great Britain the champion of
+Freedom, in Germany the champion of Despotism. And she saw rightly.
+Rightly she stood by Great Britain, despite her own lack of freedom and
+the coercive legislation which outrivalled German despotism, knowing
+these to be temporary, because un-English, and therefore doomed to
+destruction; she spurned the lure of German gold and rejected German
+appeals to revolt. She offered men and money; her educated classes, her
+Vakils, offered themselves as Volunteers, pleaded to be accepted. Then
+the never-sleeping distrust of Anglo-India rejected the offer, pressed
+for money, rejected men. And, slowly, educated India sank back,
+depressed and disheartened, and a splendid opportunity for knitting
+together the two Nations was lost.
+
+Early in the War I ventured to say that the War could not end until
+England recognised that autocracy and bureaucracy must perish in India
+as well as in Europe. The good Bishop of Calcutta, with a courage worthy
+of his free race, lately declared that it would be hypocritical to pray
+for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India. Now it
+has been clearly and definitely declared that Self-Government is to be
+the objective of Great Britain in India, and that a substantial measure
+of it is to be given at once; when this promise is made good by the
+granting of the Reforms outlined last year in Lucknow, then the end of
+the War will be in sight. For the War cannot end till the death-knell of
+autocracy is sounded.
+
+Causes, with which I will deal presently and for which India was not
+responsible, have somewhat obscured the first eager expressions of
+India’s sympathy, and have forced her thoughts largely towards her own
+position in the Empire. But that does not detract from the immense aid
+she has given, and is still giving. It must not be forgotten that long
+before the present War she had submitted--at first, while she had no
+power of remonstrance, and later, after 1885, despite the constant
+protests of Congress--to an ever-rising military expenditure, due partly
+to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and partly to the cost of various
+wars beyond her frontiers, and to continual recurring frontier and
+trans-frontier expeditions, in which she had no real interest. They were
+sent out for supposed Imperial advantages, not for her own.
+
+Between 1859 and 1904--45 years--Indian troops were engaged in
+thirty-seven wars and expeditions. There were ten wars: the two Chinese
+Wars of 1860 and 1900, the Bhutan War of 1864-65, the Abyssinian War of
+1868, the Afghan War of 1878-79, and, after the massacre of the Kabul
+Mission, the second War of 1879-80, ending in an advance of the
+frontier, in the search for an ever receding “scientific frontier”; on
+this occasion the frontier was shifted, says Keene, “from the line of
+the Indus to the western slope of the Suleiman range and from Peshawar
+to Quetta”; the Egyptian War of 1882, in which the Indian troops
+markedly distinguished themselves; the third Burmese War of 1885 ending
+in the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886; the invasions of Tibet in 1890
+and 1904. Of Expeditions, or minor Wars, there were 27; to Sitana in
+1858 on a small scale and in 1863 on a larger (the “Sitana Campaign”);
+to Nepal and Sikkim in 1859; to Sikkim in 1864; a serious struggle on
+the North-west Frontier in 1868; expeditions against the Lushais in
+1871-72, the Daflas in 1874-75, the Nagas in 1875, the Afridis in 1877,
+the Rampa Hill tribes in 1879, the Waziris and Nagas in 1881, the Akhas
+in 1884, and in the same year an expedition to the Zhob Valley, and a
+second thither in 1890. In 1888 and 1889 there was another expedition
+against Sikkim, against the Akozais (the Black Mountain Expedition) and
+against the Hill Tribes of the North-east, and in 1890 another Black
+Mountain Expedition, with a third in 1892. In 1890 came the expedition
+to Manipur, and in 1891 there was another expedition against the
+Lushais, and one into the Miranzal Valley. The Chitral Expedition
+occupied 1894-95, and the serious Tirah Campaign, in which 40,000 men
+were engaged, came in 1897 and 1898. The long list--which I have closed
+with 1904--ends with the expeditions against the Mahsuds in 1901,
+against the Kabalis in 1902, and the invasion of Tibet, before noted.
+All these events explain the rise in military expenditure, and we must
+add to them the sending of Indian troops to Malta and Cyprus in 1878--a
+somewhat theatrical demonstration--and the expenditure of some
+£2,000,000 to face what was described as “the Russian Menace” in 1884.
+Most of these were due to Imperial, not to Indian, policy, and many of
+the burdens imposed were protested against by the Government of India,
+while others were encouraged by ambitious Viceroys. I do not think that
+even this long list is complete.
+
+Ever since the Government of India was taken over by the Crown, India
+has been regarded as an Imperial military asset and training ground, a
+position from which the jealousy of the East India Company had largely
+protected her, by insisting that the army it supported should be used
+for the defence and in the interests of India alone. Her value to the
+Empire for military purposes would not so seriously have injured at once
+her pride and her finances if the natural tendencies of her martial
+races had been permitted their previous scope; but the disarming of the
+people, 20 years after the assumption of the Government by the Crown,
+emasculated the Nation, and the elimination of races supposed to be
+unwarlike, or in some cases too warlike to be trusted, threw recruitment
+more and more to the north, and lowered the physique of the Bengalis and
+Madrasis, on whom the Company had largely depended.
+
+The superiority of the Punjab, on which Sir Michael O’Dwyer so
+vehemently insisted the other day, is an artificial superiority, created
+by the British system and policy; and the poor recruitment elsewhere, on
+which he laid offensive insistence, is due to the same system and
+policy, which largely eliminated Bengalis, Madrasis and Mahrattas from
+the army. In Bengal, however, the martial type has been revived, chiefly
+in consequence of what the Bengalis felt to be the intolerable insult of
+the high-handed Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.
+
+On this Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ Bengal’s heroic stand against the oppression of a harsh and
+ uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished and gratified all
+ India.... All India owes a deep debt of gratitude to Bengal.
+
+The spirit evoked showed itself in the youth of Bengal by a practical
+revolt, led by the elders, while it was confined to Swadeshi and
+Boycott, and rushing on, when it broke away from their authority, into
+conspiracy, assassination and dacoity: as had happened in similar
+revolts with Young Italy, in the days of Mazzini, and with Young Russia
+in the days of Stepniak and Kropotkin. The results of their despair,
+necessarily met by the halter and penal servitude, had to be faced by
+Lord Hardinge and Lord Carmichael during the present War. Other results,
+happy instead of disastrous in their nature, was the development of grit
+and endurance of a high character, shown in the courage of the Bengal
+lads in the serious floods that have laid parts of the Province deep
+under water, and in their compassion and self-sacrifice in the relief of
+famine. Their services in the present War--the Ambulance Corps and the
+replacement of its _materiel_ when the ship carrying it sank, with the
+splendid services rendered by it in Mesopotamia; the recruiting of a
+Bengali regiment for active service, 900 strong, with another 900
+reserves to replace wastage, and recruiting still going on--these are
+instances of the divine alchemy which brings the soul of good out of
+evil action, and consecrates to service the qualities evoked by
+rebellion.
+
+In England, also, a similar result has been seen in a convict, released
+to go to the front, winning the Victoria Cross. It would be an act of
+statesmanship, as well as of divinest compassion, to offer to every
+prisoner and interned captive, held for political crime or on political
+suspicion, the opportunity of serving the Empire at the front. They
+might, if thought necessary, form a separate battalion or a separate
+regiment, under stricter supervision, and yet be given a chance of
+redeeming their reputation, for they are mostly very young.
+
+The financial burden incurred in consequence of the above conflicts, and
+of other causes, now to be mentioned, would not have been so much
+resented, if it had been imposed by India on herself, and if her own
+sons had profited by her being used as a training ground for the
+Empire. But in this case, as in so many others, she has shared Imperial
+burdens, while not sharing Imperial freedom and power. Apart from this,
+the change which made the Army so ruinous a burden on the resources of
+the country was the system of “British reliefs,” the using of India as a
+training ground for British regiments, and the transfer of the men thus
+trained, to be replaced by new ones under the short service system, the
+cost of the frequent transfers and their connected expenses being
+charged on the Indian revenues, while the whole advantage was reaped by
+Great Britain. On the short service system the Simla Army Commission
+declared:
+
+ The short service system recently introduced into the British
+ Army has increased the cost and has materially reduced the
+ efficiency of the British troops in India. We cannot resist the
+ feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interest
+ of the Indian tax-payer was entirely left out of consideration.
+
+The remark was certainly justified, for the short service system gave
+India only five years of the recruits she paid heavily for and trained,
+all the rest of the benefit going to England. The latter was enabled, as
+the years went on, to enormously increase her Reserves, so that she has
+had 400,000 men trained in, and at the cost of, India.
+
+In 1863 the Indian army consisted of 140,000 men, with 65,000 white
+officers. Great changes were made in 1885-1905, including the
+reorganisation under Lord Kitchener, who became Commander-in-Chief at
+the end of 1902. Even in this hasty review, I must not omit reference to
+the fact that Army Stores were drawn from Britain at enormous cost,
+while they should have been chiefly manufactured here, so that India
+might have profited by the expenditure. Lately under the necessities of
+War, factories have been turned to the production of munitions; but this
+should have been done long ago, so that India might have been enriched
+instead of exploited. The War has forced an investigation into her
+mineral resources that might have been made for her own sake, but
+Germany was allowed to monopolise the supply of minerals that India
+could have produced and worked up, and would have produced and worked up
+had she enjoyed Home Rule. India would have been richer, and the Empire
+safer, had she been a partner instead of a possession. But this side of
+the question will come under the matters directly affecting merchants,
+and we may venture to express a hope that the Government help extended
+to munition factories in time of War may be continued to industrial
+factories in time of Peace. The net result of the various causes
+above-mentioned was that the expense of the Indian army rose by leaps
+and bounds, until, before the War, India was expending, £21,000,000 as
+against the £28,000,000 expended by the United Kingdom, while the
+wealthy Dominions of Canada and Australia were spending only 1-1/2 and
+1-1/4 millions respectively. (I am not forgetting that the United
+Kingdom was expending over £51,000,000 on her Navy, while India was free
+of that burden, save for a contribution of half a million.)
+
+Since 1885, the Congress has constantly protested against the
+ever-increasing military expenditure, but the voice of the Congress was
+supposed to be the voice of sedition and of class ambition, instead of
+being, as it was the voice of educated Indians, the most truly patriotic
+and loyal class of the population. In 1885, in the First Congress, Mr.
+P. Rangiah Naidu pointed out that military expenditure had been
+£1,463,000 in 1857 and had risen to £16,975,750 in 1884. Mr. D.E. Wacha
+ascribed the growth to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and remarked
+that the Company in 1856 had an army of 254,000 men at a cost of 11-1/2
+millions, while in 1884 the Crown had an army of only 181,000 men at a
+cost of 17 millions. The rise was largely due to the increased cost of
+the European regiments, overland transport service, stores, pensions,
+furlough allowances, and the like, most of them imposed despite the
+resistance of the Government of India, which complained that the changes
+were “made entirely, it may be said, from Imperial considerations, in
+which Indian interests have not been consulted or advanced.” India paid
+nearly, £700,000 a year, for instance, for “Home Depôts”--Home being
+England of course--in which lived some 20,000 to 22,000 British
+soldiers, on the plea that their regiments, not they, were serving in
+India. I cannot follow out the many increases cited by Mr. Wacha, but
+members can refer to his excellent speech.
+
+Mr. Fawcett once remarked that when the East India Company was abolished
+
+ the English people became directly responsible for the
+ Government of India. It cannot, I think, be denied that this
+ responsibility has been so imperfectly discharged that in many
+ respects the new system of Government compares unfavourably
+ with the old.... There was at that time an independent control
+ of expenditure which now seems to be almost entirely wanting.
+
+Shortly after the Crown assumed the rule of India, Mr. Disraeli asked
+the House of Commons to regard India as “a great and solemn trust
+committed to it by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence.” Mr. George
+Yule, in the Fourth Congress, remarked on this: “The 650 odd members had
+thrown the trust back upon the hands of Providence, to be looked after
+as Providence itself thinks best.” Perhaps it is time that India should
+remember that Providence helps those who help themselves.
+
+Year after year the Congress continued to remonstrate against the cost
+of the army, until in 1902, after all the futile protests of the
+intervening years, it condemned an increase of pay to British soldiers
+in India which placed an additional burden on the Indian revenues of
+£786,000 a year, and pointed out that the British garrison was
+unnecessarily numerous, as was shown by the withdrawal of large bodies
+of British soldiers for service in South Africa and China. The very next
+year Congress protested that the increasing military expenditure was not
+to secure India against internal disorder or external attack, but in
+order to carry out an Imperial policy; the Colonies contributed little
+or nothing to the Imperial Military Expenditure, while India bore the
+cost of about one-third of the whole British Army in addition to her own
+Indian troops. Surely these facts should be remembered when India’s
+military services to the Empire are now being weighed.
+
+In 1904 and 1905, the Congress declared that the then military
+expenditure was beyond India’s power to bear, and in the latter year
+prayed that the additional ten millions sterling sanctioned for Lord
+Kitchener’s reorganisation scheme might be devoted to education and the
+reduction of the burden on the raiyats. In 1908, the burdens imposed by
+the British War Office since 1859 were condemned, and in the next year
+it was pointed out that the military expenditure was nearly a third of
+the whole Indian revenue, and was starving Education and Sanitation.
+
+Lord Kitchener’s reorganisation scheme kept the Indian Army on a War
+footing, ready for immediate mobilisation, and on January 1, 1915, the
+regular army consisted of 247,000 men, of whom 75,000 were English; it
+was the money spent by India in maintaining this army for years in
+readiness for War which made it possible for her to go to the help of
+Great Britain at the critical early period to which I alluded. She spent
+over £20 millions on the military services in 1914-15. In 1915-16 she
+spent £21.8 millions. In 1916-17 her military budget had risen to £12
+millions, and it will probably be exceeded, as was the budget of the
+preceding year by £1-2/3 million.
+
+Lord Hardinge, the last Viceroy of India, who is ever held in loving
+memory here for his sympathetic attitude towards Indian aspirations,
+made a masterly exposition of India’s War services in the House of Lords
+on the third of last July. He emphasised her pre-War services, showing
+that though 19-1/4 millions sterling was fixed as a maximum by the
+Nicholson Committee, that amount had been exceeded in 11 out of the last
+13 budgets, while his own last budget had risen to 22 millions. During
+these 13 years the revenue had been only between 48 and 58 millions,
+once rising to 60 millions. Could any fact speak more eloquently of
+India’s War services than this proportion of military expenditure
+compared with her revenue?
+
+The Great War began on August 4th, and in that very month and in the
+early part of September, India sent an expeditionary force of three
+divisions--two infantry and one cavalry--and another cavalry division
+joined them in France in November. The first arrived, said Lord
+Hardinge, “in time to fill a gap that could not otherwise have been
+filled.” He added pathetically: “There are very few survivors of those
+two splendid divisions of infantry.” Truly, their homes are empty, but
+their sons shall enjoy in India the liberty for which their fathers died
+in France. Three more divisions were at once sent to guard the Indian
+frontier, while in September a mixed division was sent to East Africa,
+and in October and November two more divisions and a brigade of cavalry
+went to Egypt. A battalion of Indian infantry went to Mauritius, another
+to the Cameroons, and two to the Persian Gulf, while other Indian troops
+helped the Japanese in the capture of Tsingtau. 210,000 Indians were
+thus sent overseas. The whole of these troops were fully armed and
+equipped, and in addition, during the first few weeks of the War, India
+sent to England from her magazines “70 million rounds of small-arm
+ammunition, 60,000 rifles, and more than 550 guns of the latest pattern
+and type.”
+
+In addition to these, Lord Hardinge speaks of sending to England
+
+ enormous quantities of material,... tents, boots, saddlery,
+ clothing, etc., but every effort was made to meet the
+ ever-increasing demands made by the War Office, and it may be
+ stated without exaggeration that India was bled absolutely
+ white during the first few weeks of the war.
+
+It must not be forgotten, though Lord Hardinge has not reckoned it, that
+all wastage has been more than filled up, and 450,000 men represent this
+head; the increase in units has been 300,000, and including other
+military items India had placed in the field up to the end of 1916 over
+a million of men.
+
+In addition to this a British force of 80,000 was sent from India, fully
+trained and equipped at Indian cost, India receiving in exchange, many
+months later, 34 Territorial battalions and 29 batteries, “unfit for
+immediate employment on the frontier or in Mesopotamia, until they had
+been entirely re-armed and equipped, and their training completed.”
+
+Between the autumn of 1914 and the close of 1915, the defence of our own
+frontiers was a serious matter, and Lord Hardinge says:
+
+ The attitude of Afghanistan was for a long time doubtful,
+ although I always had confidence in the personal loyalty of our
+ ally the Amir; but I feared lest he might be overwhelmed by a
+ wave of fanaticism, or by a successful Jehad of the tribes....
+ It suffices to mention that, although during the previous three
+ years there had been no operations of any importance on the
+ North-West frontier, there were, between November 29, 1914, and
+ September 5, 1915, no less than seven serious attacks on the
+ North-West frontier, all of which were effectively dealt with.
+
+The military authorities had also to meet a German conspiracy early in
+1915, 7,000 men arriving from Canada and the United States, having
+planned to seize points of military vantage in the Panjab, and in
+December of the same year another German conspiracy in Bengal,
+necessitating military preparations on land, and also naval patrols in
+the Bay of Bengal.
+
+Lord Hardinge has been much attacked by the Tory and Unionist Press in
+England and India, in England because of the Mesopotamia Report, in
+India because his love for India brought him hatred from Anglo-India.
+India has affirmed her confidence in him, and with India’s verdict he
+may well rest satisfied.
+
+I do not care to dwell on the Mesopotamia Commission and its
+condemnation of the bureaucratic system prevailing here. Lord Hardinge
+vindicated himself and India. The bureaucratic system remains
+undefended. I recall that bureaucratic inefficiency came out in even
+more startling fashion in connection with the Afghan War of 1878-79 and
+1879-80. In February 1880, the war charges were reported as under £4
+millions, and the accounts showed a surplus of £2 millions. On April 8th
+the Government of India reported: “Outgoing for War very alarming, far
+exceeding estimate,” and on the 13th April “it was announced that the
+cash balances had fallen in three months from thirteen crores to less
+than nine, owing to ‘excessive Military drain’ ... On the following day
+(April 22) a despatch was sent out to the Viceroy, showing that there
+appeared a deficiency of not less than 5-1/4 crores. This vast error was
+evidently due to an underestimate of war liabilities, which had led to
+such mis-information being laid before Parliament, and to the sudden
+discovery of inability to ‘meet the usual drawings.’”
+
+It seemed that the Government knew only the amount audited, not the
+amount spent. Payments were entered as “advances,” though they were not
+recoverable, and “the great negligence was evidently that of the heads
+of departmental accounts.” If such a mishap should occur under Home
+Rule, a few years hence--which heaven forbid--I shudder to think of the
+comments of the _Englishman_ and the _Madras Mail_ on the shocking
+inefficiency of Indian officials.
+
+In September last, our present Viceroy, H.E. Lord Chelmsford, defended
+India against later attacks by critics who try to minimise her
+sacrifices in order to lessen the gratitude felt by Great Britain
+towards her, lest that gratitude should give birth to justice, and
+justice should award freedom to India. Lord Chelmsford placed before his
+Council “in studiously considered outline, a summary of what India has
+done during the past two years.” Omitting his references to what was
+done under Lord Hardinge, as stated above, I may quote from him:
+
+ On the outbreak of war, of the 4,598 British officers on the
+ Indian establishment, 530 who were at home on leave were
+ detained by the War Office for service in Europe. 2,600
+ Combatant Officers have been withdrawn from India since the
+ beginning of the War, excluding those who proceeded on service
+ with their batteries or regiments. In order to make good these
+ deficiencies and provide for war wastage the Indian Army
+ Reserve of Officers was expanded from a total of 40, at which
+ it stood on the 4th August, 1914, to one of 2,000.
+
+ The establishment of Indian units has not only been kept up to
+ strength, but has been considerably increased. There has been
+ an augmentation of 20 per cent. in the cavalry and of 40 per
+ cent. in the infantry, while the number of recruits enlisted
+ since the beginning of the War is greater than the entire
+ strength of the Indian Army as it existed on August 4, 1914.
+
+Lord Chelmsford rightly pointed out:
+
+ The Army in India has thus proved a great Imperial asset, and
+ in weighing the value of India’s contribution to the War it
+ should be remembered that India’s forces were no hasty
+ improvisation, but were an army in being, fully equipped and
+ supplied, which had previously cost India annually a large sum
+ to maintain.
+
+Lord Chelmsford has established what he calls a “Man-Power Board,” the
+duty of which is “to collect and co-ordinate all the facts with regard
+to the supply of man-power in India.” It has branches in all the
+Provinces. A steady flow of reinforcements supplies the wastage at the
+various fronts, and the labour required for engineering, transport,
+etc., is now organised in 20 corps in Mesopotamia and 25 corps in
+France. In addition 60,000 artisans, labourers, and specialists are
+serving in Mesopotamia and East Africa, and some 20,000 menials and
+followers have also gone overseas. Indian medical practitioners have
+accepted temporary commissions in the Indian Medical Service to the
+number of 500. In view of this fact, due to Great Britain’s bitter need
+of help, may we not hope that this Service will welcome Indians in time
+of peace as well as in time of war, and will no longer bar the way by
+demanding the taking of a degree in the United Kingdom? It is also
+worthy of notice that the I.M.S. officers in charge of district duties
+have been largely replaced by Indian medical men; this, again, should
+continue after the War. Another fact, that the Army Reserve of Officers
+his risen from 40 to 2,000, suggests that the throwing open of King’s
+Commissions to qualified Indians should not be represented by a meagre
+nine. If English lads of 19 and 20 are worthy of King’s Commissions--and
+the long roll of slain Second Lieutenants proves it--then certainly
+Indian lads, since Indians have fought as bravely as Englishmen, should
+find the door thrown open to them equally widely in their own country,
+and the Indian Army should be led by Indian officers.
+
+With such a record of deeds as the one I have baldly sketched, it is not
+necessary to say much in words as to India’s support of Great Britain
+and her Allies. She has proved up to the hilt her desire to remain
+within the Empire, to maintain her tie with Great Britain. But if
+Britain is to call successfully on India’s man-power, as Lord Chelmsford
+suggests in his Man-Power Board, then must the man who fights or labours
+have a man’s Rights in his own land. The lesson which springs out of
+this War is that it is absolutely necessary for the future safety of the
+Empire that India shall have Home Rule. Had her Man-Power been utilised
+earlier there would have been no War, for none would have dared to
+provoke Great Britain and India to a contest. But her Man-Power cannot
+be utilised while she is a subject Nation. She cannot afford to maintain
+a large army, if she is to support an English garrison, to pay for their
+goings and comings, to buy stores in England at exorbitant prices and
+send them back again when England needs them. She cannot afford to train
+men for England, and only have their services for five years. She cannot
+afford to keep huge Gold Reserves in England, and be straitened for
+cash, while she lends to England out of her Reserves, taken from her
+over-taxation, £27,000,000 for War expenses, and this, be it remembered,
+before the great War Loan. I once said in England: “The condition of
+India’s loyalty is India’s freedom.” I may now add: “The condition of
+India’s usefulness to the Empire is India’s freedom.” She will tax
+herself willingly when her taxes remain in the country and fertilise it,
+when they educate her people and thus increase their productive power,
+when they foster her trade and create for her new industries.
+
+Great Britain needs India as much as India needs England, for prosperity
+in Peace as well as for safety in War. Mr. Montagu has wisely said that
+“for equipment in War a Nation needs freedom in Peace.” Therefore I say
+that, for both countries alike, the lesson of the War is Home Rule for
+India.
+
+Let me close this part of my subject by laying at the feet of His
+Imperial Majesty the loving homage of the thousands here assembled, with
+the hope and belief that, ere long, we shall lay there the willing and
+grateful homage of a free Nation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+CAUSES OF THE NEW SPIRIT IN INDIA.
+
+
+Apart from the natural exchange of thought between East and West, the
+influence of English education, literature and ideals, the effect of
+travel in Europe, Japan and the United States of America, and other
+recognised causes for the changed outlook in India, there have been
+special forces at work during the last few years to arouse a New Spirit
+in India, and to alter her attitude of mind. These may be summed up as:
+
+ (a) The Awakening of Asia.
+
+ (b) Discussions abroad on Alien Rule and Imperial Reconstruction.
+
+ (c) Loss of Belief in the Superiority of the White Races.
+
+ (d) The Awakening of Indian Merchants.
+
+ (e) The Awakening of Indian Womanhood to claim its Ancient
+ Position.
+
+ (f) The Awakening of the Masses.
+
+Each of these causes has had its share in the splendid change of
+attitude in the Indian Nation, in the uprising of a spirit of pride of
+country, of independence, of self-reliance, of dignity, of self-respect.
+The War has quickened the rate of evolution of the world, and no country
+has experienced the quickening more than our Motherland.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF ASIA.
+
+In a conversation I had with Lord Minto, soon after his arrival as
+Viceroy, he discussed the so-called “unrest in India,” and recognised it
+as the inevitable result of English Education, of English Ideals of
+Democracy, of the Japanese victory over Russia, and of the changing
+conditions in the outer world. I was therefore not surprised to read his
+remark that he recognised, “frankly and publicly, that new aspirations
+were stirring in the hearts of the people, that they were part of a
+larger movement common to the whole East, and that it was necessary to
+satisfy them to a reasonable extent by giving them a larger share in the
+administration.”
+
+But the present movement in India will be very poorly understood if it
+be regarded only in connexion with the movement in the East. The
+awakening of Asia is part of a world-movement, which has been quickened
+into marvellous rapidity by the world-war. The world-movement is towards
+Democracy, and for the West dates from the breaking away of the American
+Colonies from Great Britain, consummated in 1776, and its sequel in the
+French Revolution of 1789. Needless to say that its root was in the
+growth of modern science, undermining the fabric of intellectual
+servitude, in the work of the Encyclopædists, and in that of
+Jean-Jacques Rousseau and of Thomas Paine. In the East, the swift
+changes in Japan, the success of the Japanese Empire against Russia, the
+downfall of the Manchu dynasty in China and the establishment of a
+Chinese Republic, the efforts at improvement in Persia, hindered by the
+interference of Russia and Great Britain with their growing ambitions,
+and the creation of British and Russian “spheres of influence,”
+depriving her of her just liberty, and now the Russian Revolution and
+the probable rise of a Russian Republic in Europe and Asia, have all
+entirely changed the conditions before existing in India. Across Asia,
+beyond the Himalayas, stretch free and self-ruling Nations. India no
+longer sees as her Asian neighbours the huge domains of a Tsar and a
+Chinese despot, and compares her condition under British rule with those
+of their subject populations. British rule profited by the comparison,
+at least until 1905, when the great period of repression set in. But in
+future, unless India wins Self-Government, she will look enviously at
+her Self-Governing neighbours, and the contrast will intensify her
+unrest.
+
+But even if she gains Home Rule, as I believe she will, her position in
+the Empire will imperatively demand that she shall be strong as well as
+free. She becomes not only a vulnerable point in the Empire, as the
+Asian Nations evolve their own ambitions and rivalries, but also a
+possession to be battled for. Mr. Laing once said: “India is the
+milch-cow of England,” a Kamadhenu, in fact, a cow of plenty; and if
+that view should arise in Asia, the ownership of the milch-cow would
+become a matter of dispute, as of old between Vashishtha and
+Vishvamitra. Hence India must be capable of self-defence both by land
+and sea. There may be a struggle for the primacy of Asia, for supremacy
+in the Pacific, for the mastery of Australasia, to say nothing of the
+inevitable trade-struggles, in which Japan is already endangering Indian
+industry and Indian trade, while India is unable to protect herself.
+
+In order to face these larger issues with equanimity, the Empire
+requires a contented, strong, self-dependent and armed India, able to
+hold her own and to aid the Dominions, especially Australia, with her
+small population and immense unoccupied and undefended area. India alone
+has the man-power which can effectively maintain the Empire in Asia, and
+it is a short-sighted, a criminally short-sighted, policy not to build
+up her strength as a Self-Governing State within the Commonwealth of
+Free Nations under the British Crown. The Englishmen in India talk
+loudly of their interests; what can this mere handful do to protect
+their interests against attack in the coming years? Only in a free and
+powerful India will they be safe. Those who read Japanese papers know
+how strongly, even during the War, they parade unchecked their
+pro-German sympathies, and how likely after the War is an alliance
+between these two ambitious and warlike Nations. Japan will come out of
+the War with her army and navy unweakened, and her trade immensely
+strengthened. Every consideration of sane statesmanship should lead
+Great Britain to trust India more than Japan, so that the British Empire
+in Asia may rest on the sure foundation of Indian loyalty, the loyalty
+of a free and contented people, rather than be dependent on the
+continued friendship of a possible future rival. For international
+friendships are governed by National interests, and are built on
+quicksands, not on rock.
+
+Englishmen in India must give up the idea that English dominance is
+necessary for the protection of their interests, amounting, in 1915, to
+£365,399,000 sterling. They do not claim to dominate the United States
+of America, because they have invested there £688,078,000. They do not
+claim to dominate the Argentine Republic, because they have invested
+there £269,808,000. Why then should they claim to dominate India on the
+ground of their investment? Britons must give up the idea that India is
+a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as
+a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a
+Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, and not a
+dependent. The democratic movement in Japan, China and Russia in Asia
+has sympathetically affected India, and it is idle to pretend that it
+will cease to affect her.
+
+DISCUSSIONS ABROAD ON ALIEN RULE AND IMPERIAL RECONSTRUCTION.
+
+But there are other causes which have been working in India, consequent
+on the British attitude against autocracy and in defence of freedom in
+Europe, while her attitude to India has, until lately, been left in
+doubt. Therefore I spoke of a splendid opportunity lost. India at first
+believed whole-heartedly that Great Britain was fighting for the freedom
+of all Nationalities. Even now, Mr. Asquith declared--in his speech in
+the House of Commons reported here last October, on the peace resolution
+of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald--that “the Allies are fighting for nothing but
+freedom, and, an important addition--for nothing short of freedom.” In
+his speech declaring that Britain would stand by France in her claim for
+the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he spoke of “the intolerable
+degradation of a foreign yoke.” Is such a yoke less intolerable, less
+wounding to self-respect here, than in Alsace-Lorraine, where the rulers
+and the ruled are both of European blood, similar in religion and
+habits? As the War went on, India slowly and unwillingly came to realise
+that the hatred of autocracy was confined to autocracy in the West, and
+that the degradation was only regarded as intolerable for men of white
+races; that freedom was lavishly promised to all except to India; that
+new powers were to be given to the Dominions, but not to India. India
+was markedly left out of the speeches of statesmen dealing with the
+future of the Empire, and at last there was plain talk of the White
+Empire, the Empire of the Five Nations, and the “coloured races” were
+lumped together as the wards of the White Empire, doomed to an
+indefinite minority.
+
+The peril was pressing; the menace unmistakable. The Reconstruction of
+the Empire was on the anvil; what was to be India’s place therein? The
+Dominions were proclaimed as partners; was India to remain a Dependency?
+Mr. Bonar Law bade the Dominions strike while the iron was hot; was
+India to wait till it was cold? India saw her soldiers fighting for
+freedom in Flanders, in France, in Gallipoli, in Asia Minor, in China,
+in Africa; was she to have no share of the freedom for which she fought?
+At last she sprang to her feet and cried, in the words of one of her
+noblest sons: “Freedom is my birthright; and I want it.” The words “Home
+Rule” became her Mantram. She claimed her place in the Empire.
+
+Thus, while she continued to support, and even to increase, her army
+abroad, fighting for the Empire, and poured out her treasures as water
+for Hospital Ships, War Funds, Red Cross organisations, and the gigantic
+War Loan, a dawning fear oppressed her, lest, if she did not take order
+with her own household, success in the War for the Empire might mean
+decreased liberty for herself.
+
+The recognition of the right of the Indian Government to make its voice
+heard in Imperial matters, when they were under discussion in an
+Imperial Conference, was a step in the right direction. But
+disappointment was felt that while other countries were represented by
+responsible Ministers, the representation in India’s case was of the
+Government, of a Government irresponsible to her, and not the
+representative of herself. No fault was found with the choice itself,
+but only with the non-representative character of the chosen, for they
+were selected by the Government, and not by the elected members of the
+Supreme Council. This defect in the resolution moved by the Hon. Khan
+Bahadur M.M. Shafi on October 2, 1915, was pointed out by the Hon. Mr.
+Surendranath Bannerji. He said:
+
+ My Lord, in view of a situation so full of hope and promise, it
+ seems to me that my friend’s Resolution does not go far enough.
+ He pleads for _official_ representation at the Imperial
+ Conference: he does not plead for _popular_ representation. He
+ urges that an address be presented to His Majesty’s Government,
+ through the Secretary of State for India, for official
+ representation at the Imperial Council. My Lord, official
+ representation may mean little or nothing. It may indeed be
+ attended with some risk; for I am sorry to have to say--but say
+ it I must--that our officials do not always see eye to eye with
+ us as regards many great public questions which affect this
+ country; and indeed their views, judged from our standpoint,
+ may sometimes seem adverse to our interests. At the same time,
+ my Lord, I recognise the fact that the Imperial Conference is
+ an assemblage of officials pure and simple, consisting of
+ Ministers of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing
+ Colonies. But, my Lord, there is an essential difference
+ between them and ourselves. In their case, the Ministers are
+ the elect of the people, their organ and their voice,
+ answerable to them for their conduct and their proceedings. In
+ our case, our officials are public servants in name, but in
+ reality they are the masters of the public. The situation may
+ improve, and I trust it will, under the liberalising influence
+ of your Excellency’s beneficent administration; but we must
+ take things as they are, and not indulge in building castles in
+ the air, which may vanish “like the baseless fabric of a
+ vision.”
+
+It was said to be an epoch-making event that “Indian Representatives”
+took part in the Conference. Representatives they were, but, as said, of
+the British Government in India, not of India, whereas their colleagues
+represented their Nations. They did good work, none the less, for they
+were able and experienced men, though they failed us in the Imperial
+Preference Conference and, partially, on the Indentured Labour question.
+Yet we hope that the presence in the Conference of men of Indian birth
+may prove to be the proverbial “thin end of the wedge,” and may have
+convinced their colleagues that, while India was still a Dependency,
+India’s sons were fully their equals.
+
+The Report of the Public Services Commission, though now too obviously
+obsolete to be discussed, caused both disappointment and resentment; for
+it showed that, in the eyes of the majority of the Commissioners,
+English domination in Indian administration was to be perpetual, and
+that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. of
+the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
+mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India’s thanks
+to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
+solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
+laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
+Indian Civil Services.
+
+India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
+ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
+work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
+treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
+Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
+recommendations. The whole Report was written “before the flood,” and it
+is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.
+
+India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
+perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
+Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
+area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
+world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. “Britain for the
+British” was right and natural; “India for the Indians” was wrong, even
+seditious. It must be “India for the Empire,” or not even for the
+Empire, but “for the rest of the Empire,” careless of herself. “British
+support for British Trade” was patriotic and proper in Britain.
+“Swadeshi goods for Indians” showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
+India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
+thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in “an
+atmosphere of inferiority,” and to be proud to be a citizen (without
+rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be
+citizens (with rights) in their own countries first, and citizens of the
+Empire secondarily. Just as his trust in Great Britain was strained
+nearly to breaking point came the glad news of Mr. Montagu’s appointment
+as Secretary of State for India, of the Viceroy’s invitation to him, and
+of his coming to hear for himself what India wanted. It was a ray of
+sunshine breaking through the gloom, confidence in Great Britain
+revived, and glad preparation was made to welcome the coming of a
+friend.
+
+The attitude of India has changed to meet the changed attitude of the
+Governments of India and Great Britain. But let none imagine that that
+consequential change of attitude connotes any change in her
+determination to win Home Rule. She is ready to consider terms of peace,
+but it must be “peace with honour,” and honour in this connection means
+Freedom. If this be not granted, an even more vigorous agitation will
+begin.
+
+LOSS OF BELIEF IN THE SUPERIORITY OF WHITE RACES
+
+The undermining of this belief dates from the spreading of the Arya
+Samaj and the Theosophical Society. Both bodies sought to lead the
+Indian people to a sense of the value of their own civilisation, to
+pride in their past, creating self-respect in the present, and
+self-confidence in the future. They destroyed the unhealthy inclination
+to imitate the West in all things, and taught discrimination, the using
+only of what was valuable in western thought and culture, instead of a
+mere slavish copying of everything. Another great force was that of
+Swami Vivekananda, alike in his passionate love and admiration for
+India, and his exposure of the evils resulting from Materialism in the
+West. Take the following:
+
+ Children of India, I am here to speak to you to-day about some
+ practical things, and my object in reminding you about the
+ glories of the past is simply this. Many times have I been told
+ that looking into the past only degenerates and leads to
+ nothing, and that we should look to the future. That is true.
+ But out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore,
+ as far as you can, drink deep of the eternal fountains that are
+ behind, and after that, look forward, march forward, and make
+ India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our
+ ancestors were great. We must recall that. We must learn the
+ elements of our being, the blood that courses in our veins; we
+ must have faith in that blood, and what it did in the past: and
+ out of that faith, and consciousness of past greatness, we must
+ build an India yet greater than what she has been.
+
+And again:
+
+ I know for certain that millions, I say deliberately, millions,
+ in every civilised land are waiting for the message that will
+ save them from the hideous abyss of materialism into which
+ modern money-worship is driving them headlong, and many of the
+ leaders of the new Social Movements have already discovered
+ that Vedanta in its highest form can alone spiritualise their
+ social aspirations.
+
+The process was continued by the admiration of Sanskrit literature
+expressed by European scholars and philosophers. But the effect of these
+was confined to the few and did not reach the many. The first great
+shock to the belief in white superiority came from the triumph of Japan
+over Russia, the facing of a huge European Power by a comparatively
+small Eastern Nation, the exposure of the weakness and rottenness of the
+Russian leaders, and the contrast with their hardy virile opponents,
+ready to sacrifice everything for their country.
+
+The second great shock has come from the frank brutality of German
+theories of the State, and their practical carrying out in the treatment
+of conquered districts and the laying waste of evacuated areas in
+retreat. The teachings of Bismarck and their practical application in
+France, Flanders, Belgium, Poland, and Serbia have destroyed all the
+glamour of the superiority of Christendom over Asia. Its vaunted
+civilisation is seen to be but a thin veneer, and its religion a matter
+of form rather than of life. Gazing from afar at the ghastly heaps of
+dead and the hosts of the mutilated, at science turned into devilry and
+ever inventing new tortures for rending and slaying, Asia may be
+forgiven for thinking that, on the whole, she prefers her own religions
+and her own civilisations.
+
+But even deeper than the outer tumult of war has pierced the doubt as to
+the reality of the Ideals of Liberty and Nationality so loudly
+proclaimed by the foremost western Nations, the doubt of the honesty of
+their champions. Sir James Meston said truly, a short time ago, that he
+had never, in his long experience, known Indians in so distrustful and
+suspicious a mood as that which he met in them to-day. And that is so.
+For long years Indians have been chafing over the many breaches of
+promises and pledges to them that remain unredeemed. The maintenance
+here of a system of political repression, of coercive measures increased
+in number and more harshly applied since 1905, the carrying of the
+system to a wider extent since the War for the sanctity of treaties and
+for the protection of Nationalities has been going on, have deepened the
+mistrust. A frank and courageous statesmanship applied to the honest
+carrying out of large reforms too long delayed can alone remove it. The
+time for political tinkering is past; the time for wise and definite
+changes is here.
+
+To these deep causes must be added the comparison between the
+progressive policy of some of the Indian States in matters which most
+affect the happiness of the people, and the slow advance made under
+British administration. The Indian notes that this advance is made under
+the guidance of rulers and ministers of his own race. When he sees that
+the suggestions made in the People’s Assembly in Mysore are fully
+considered and, when possible, given effect to, he realises that without
+the forms of power the members exercise more real power than those in
+our Legislative Councils. He sees education spreading, new industries
+fostered, villagers encouraged to manage their own affairs and take the
+burden of their own responsibility, and he wonders why Indian incapacity
+is so much more efficient than British capacity.
+
+Perhaps, after all, for Indians, Indian rule may be the best.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MERCHANTS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+THE AWAKENING OF INDIAN WOMANHOOD.
+
+The position of women in the ancient Aryan civilisation was a very noble
+one. The great majority married, becoming, as Manu said, the Light of
+the Home; some took up the ascetic life, remained unmarried, and sought
+the knowledge of Brahma. The story of the Rani Damayanti, to whom her
+husband’s ministers came, when they were troubled by the Raja’s
+gambling, that of Gandhari, in the Council of Kings and Warrior Chiefs,
+remonstrating with her headstrong son; in later days, of Padmavati of
+Chitoor, of Mirabai of Marwar, the sweet poetess, of Tarabai of Thoda,
+the warrior, of Chand Bibi, the defender of Ahmednagar, of Ahalya Bai of
+Indore, the great Ruler--all these and countless others are well known.
+
+Only in the last two or three generations have Indian women slipped away
+from their place at their husbands’ side, and left them unhelped in
+their public life. But even now they wield great influence over husband
+and son. Culture has never forsaken them, but the English education of
+their husbands and sons, with the neglect of Sanskrit and the
+Vernacular, have made a barrier between the culture of the husband and
+that of the wife, and has shut the woman out from her old sympathy with
+the larger life of men. While the interests of the husband have
+widened, those of the wife have narrowed. The materialising of the
+husband tended also, by reaction, to render the wife’s religion less
+broad and wise.
+
+The wish to save their sons from the materialising results of English
+education awoke keen sympathy among Indian mothers with the movement to
+make religion an integral part of education. It was, perhaps, the first
+movement in modern days which aroused among them in all parts a keen and
+living interest.
+
+The Partition of Bengal was bitterly resented by Bengali women, and was
+another factor in the outward-turning change. When the editor of an
+Extremist newspaper was prosecuted for sedition, convicted and
+sentenced, five hundred Bengali women went to his mother to show their
+sympathy, not by condolences, but by congratulations. Such was the
+feeling of the well-born women of Bengal.
+
+Then the troubles of Indians outside India roused the ever quick
+sympathy of Indian women, and the attack in South Africa on the
+sacredness of Indian marriage drew large numbers of them out of their
+homes to protest against the wrong.
+
+The Indentured Labour question, involving the dishonour of women, again,
+moved them deeply, and even sent a deputation to the Viceroy composed of
+women.
+
+These were, perhaps, the chief outer causes; but deep in the heart of
+India’s daughters arose the Mother’s voice, calling on them to help Her
+to arise, and to be once more mistress in Her own household. Indian
+women, nursed on Her old literature, with its wonderful ideals of
+womanly perfection, could not remain indifferent to the great movement
+for India’s liberty. And during the last few years the hidden fire, long
+burning in their hearts, fire of love to Bharatamata, fire of resentment
+against the lessened influence of the religion which they passionately
+love, instinctive dislike of the foreigner as ruling in their land, have
+caused a marvellous awakening. The strength of the Home Rule movement is
+rendered tenfold greater by the adhesion to it of large numbers of
+women, who bring to its helping the uncalculating heroism, the
+endurance, the self-sacrifice, of the feminine nature. Our League’s best
+recruits are among the women of India, and the women of Madras boast
+that they marched in procession when the men were stopped, and that
+their prayers in the temples set the interned captives free. Home Rule
+has become so intertwined with religion by the prayers offered up in the
+great Southern Temples, sacred places of pilgrimage, and spreading from
+them to village temples, and also by its being preached up and down the
+country by Sadhus and Sannyasins, that it has become in the minds of the
+women and of the ever religious masses, inextricably intertwined with
+religion. That is, in this country, the surest way of winning alike the
+women of the higher classes and the men and women villagers. And that is
+why I have said that the two words, “Home Rule,” have become a Mantram.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MASSES.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+WHY INDIA DEMANDS HOME RULE.
+
+
+India demands Home Rule for two reasons, one essential and vital, the
+other less important but necessary: Firstly, because Freedom is the
+birthright of every Nation; secondly, because her most important
+interests are now made subservient to the interests of the British
+Empire without her consent, and her resources are not utilised for her
+greatest needs. It is enough only to mention the money spent on her
+Army, not for local defence but for Imperial purposes, as compared with
+that spent on primary education.
+
+
+I. THE VITAL REASON.
+
+What is a Nation?
+
+Self-Government is necessary to the self-respect and dignity of a
+People; Other-Government emasculates a Nation, lowers its character, and
+lessens its capacity. The wrong done by the Arms Act, which Raja Rampal
+Singh voiced in the Second Congress as a wrong which outweighed all the
+benefits of British Rule, was its weakening and debasing effect on
+Indian manhood. “We cannot,” he declared, “be grateful to it for
+degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out all martial
+spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock
+of quill-driving sheep.” This was done not by the fact that a man did
+not carry arms--few carry them in England--but that men were deprived of
+the _right_ to carry them. A Nation, an individual, cannot develop his
+capacities to the utmost without liberty. And this is recognised
+everywhere except in India. As Mazzini truly said:
+
+ God has written a line of His thought over the cradle of every
+ people. That is its special mission. It cannot be cancelled; it
+ must be freely developed.
+
+For what is a Nation? It is a spark of the Divine Fire, a fragment of
+the Divine Life, outbreathed into the world, and gathering round itself
+a mass of individuals, men, women and children, whom it binds together
+into one. Its qualities, its powers, in a word, its type, depend on the
+fragment of the Divine Life embodied in it, the Life which shapes it,
+evolves it, colours it, and makes it One. The magic of Nationality is
+the feeling of oneness, and the use of Nationality is to serve the world
+in the particular way for which its type fits it. This is what Mazzini
+called “its special mission,” the duty given to it by God in its
+birth-hour. Thus India had the duty of spreading the idea of Dharma,
+Persia that of Purity, Egypt that of Science, Greece that of Beauty,
+Rome that of Law. But to render its full service to Humanity it must
+develop along its own lines, and be Self-determined in its evolution. It
+must be Itself, and not Another. The whole world suffers where a
+Nationality is distorted or suppressed, before its mission to the world
+is accomplished.
+
+The Cry for Self-Rule.
+
+Hence the cry of a Nation for Freedom, for Self-Rule, is not a cry of
+mere selfishness demanding more Rights that it may enjoy more happiness.
+Even in that there is nothing wrong, for happiness means fulness of
+life, and to enjoy such fulness is a righteous claim. But the demand for
+Self-Rule is a demand for the evolution of its own nature for the
+Service of Humanity. It is a demand of the deepest Spirituality, an
+expression of the longing to give its very best to the world. Hence
+dangers cannot check it, nor threats appal, nor offerings of greater
+pleasures lure it to give up its demand for Freedom. In the adapted
+words of a Christian Scripture, it passionately cries: “What shall it
+profit a Nation if it gain the whole world and lose its own Soul? What
+shall a Nation give in exchange for its Soul?” Better hardship and
+freedom, than luxury and thraldom. This is the spirit of the Home Rule
+movement, and therefore it cannot be crushed, it cannot be destroyed, it
+is eternal and ever young. Nor can it be persuaded to exchange its
+birthright for any mess of efficiency-pottage at the hands of the
+bureaucracy.
+
+Stunting the Race.
+
+Coming closer to the daily life of the people as individuals, we see
+that the character of each man, woman and child is degraded and weakened
+by a foreign administration, and this is most keenly felt by the best
+Indians. Speaking on the employment of Indians in the Public Services,
+Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ A kind of dwarfing or stunting of the Indian race is going on
+ under the present system. We must live all the days of our life
+ in an atmosphere of inferiority, and the tallest of us must
+ bend, in order that the exigencies of the system may be
+ satisfied. The upward impulse, if I may use such an expression,
+ which every schoolboy at Eton or Harrow may feel that he may
+ one day be a Gladstone, a Nelson, or a Wellington, and which
+ may draw forth the best efforts of which he is capable, that is
+ denied to us. The full height to which our manhood is capable
+ of rising can never be reached by us under the present system.
+ The moral elevation which every Self-governing people feel
+ cannot be felt by us. Our administrative and military talents
+ must gradually disappear owing to sheer disuse, till at last
+ our lot, as hewers of wood and drawers of water in our own
+ country, is stereotyped.
+
+The Hon. Mr. Bhupendranath Basu has spoken on similar lines:
+
+ A bureaucratic administration, conducted by an imported agency,
+ and centring all power in its hands, and undertaking all
+ responsibility, has acted as a dead weight on the Soul of
+ India, stifling in us all sense of initiative, for the lack of
+ which we are condemned, atrophying the nerves of action and,
+ what is more serious, necessarily dwarfing in us all feeling of
+ self-respect.
+
+In this connexion the warning of Lord Salisbury to Cooper’s Hill
+students is significant:
+
+ No system of Government can be permanently safe where there is
+ a feeling of inferiority or of mortification affecting the
+ relations between the governing and the governed. There is
+ nothing I would more earnestly wish to impress upon all who
+ leave this country for the purpose of governing India than
+ that, if they choose to be so, they are the only enemies
+ England has to fear. They are the persons who can, if they
+ will, deal a blow of the deadliest character at the future rule
+ of England.
+
+I have ventured to urge this danger, which has increased of late years,
+in consequence of the growing self-respect of the Indians, but the
+ostrich policy is thought to be preferable in my part of the country.
+
+This stunting of the race begins with the education of the child. The
+Schools differentiate between British and Indian teachers; the Colleges
+do the same. The students see first-class Indians superseded by young
+and third-rate foreigners; the Principal of a College should be a
+foreigner; foreign history is more important than Indian; to have
+written on English villages is a qualification for teaching economics in
+India; the whole atmosphere of the School and College emphasises the
+superiority of the foreigner, even when the professors abstain from open
+assertion thereof. The Education Department controls the education
+given, and it is planned on foreign models, and its object is to serve
+foreign rather than native ends, to make docile Government servants
+rather than patriotic citizens; high spirits, courage, self-respect, are
+not encouraged, and docility is regarded as the most precious quality in
+the student; pride in country, patriotism, ambition, are looked on as
+dangerous, and English, instead of Indian, Ideals are exalted; the
+blessings of a foreign rule and the incapacity of Indians to manage
+their own affairs are constantly inculcated. What wonder that boys thus
+trained often turn out, as men, time-servers and sycophants, and,
+finding their legitimate ambitions frustrated, become selfish and care
+little for the public weal? Their own inferiority has been so driven
+into them during their most impressionable years, that they do not even
+feel what Mr. Asquith called the “intolerable degradation of a foreign
+yoke.”
+
+India’s Rights.
+
+It is not a question whether the rule is good or bad. German efficiency
+in Germany is far greater than English efficiency in England; the
+Germans were better fed, had more amusements and leisure, less crushing
+poverty than the English. But would any Englishman therefore desire to
+see Germans occupying all the highest positions in England? Why not?
+Because the righteous self-respect and dignity of the free man revolt
+against foreign domination, however superior. As Mr. Asquith said at the
+beginning of the War, such a condition was “inconceivable and would be
+intolerable.” Why then is it the one conceivable system here in India?
+Why is it not felt by all Indians to be intolerable? It is because it
+has become a habit, bred in us from childhood, to regard the sahib-log
+as our natural superiors, and the greatest injury British rule has done
+to Indians is to deprive them of the natural instinct born in all free
+peoples, the feeling of an inherent right to Self-determination, to be
+themselves. Indian dress, Indian food, Indian ways, Indian customs, are
+all looked on as second-rate; Indian mother-tongue and Indian literature
+cannot make an educated man. Indians as well as Englishmen take it for
+granted that the natural rights of every Nation do not belong to them;
+they claim “a larger share in the government of the country,” instead of
+claiming the government of their own country, and they are expected to
+feel grateful for “boons,” for concessions. Britain is to say what she
+will give. The whole thing is wrong, topsy-turvy, irrational. Thank God
+that India’s eyes are opening; that myriads of her people realise that
+they are men, with a man’s right to freedom in his own country, a man’s
+right to manage his own affairs. India is no longer on her knees for
+boons; she is on her feet for Rights. It is because I have taught this
+that the English in India misunderstand me and call me seditious; it is
+because I have taught this that I am President of this Congress to-day.
+
+This may seem strong language, because the plain truth is not usually
+put in India. But this is what every Briton feels in Britain for his own
+country, and what every Indian should feel in India for his. This is the
+Freedom for which the Allies are fighting; this is Democracy, the Spirit
+of the Age. And this is what every true Briton will feel is India’s
+Right the moment India claims it for herself, as she is claiming it
+now. When this right is gained, then will the tie between India and
+Great Britain become a golden link of mutual love and service, and the
+iron chain of a foreign yoke will fall away. We shall live and work side
+by side, with no sense of distrust and dislike, working as brothers for
+common ends. And from that union shall arise the mightiest Empire, or
+rather Commonwealth, that the world has ever known, a Commonwealth that,
+in God’s good time, shall put an end to War.
+
+
+II. THE SECONDARY REASONS.
+
+Tests of Efficiency.
+
+The Secondary Reasons for the present demand for Home Rule may be summed
+up in the blunt statement: “The present rule, while efficient in less
+important matters and in those which concern British interests, is
+inefficient in the greater matters on which the healthy life and
+happiness of the people depend.” Looking at outer things, such as
+external order, posts and telegraphs--except where political agitators
+are concerned--main roads, railways, etc., foreign visitors, who
+expected to find a semi-savage country, hold up their hands in
+admiration. But if they saw the life of the people, the masses of
+struggling clerks trying to educate their children on Rs. 25 (28s.
+0-1/4d.) a month, the masses of labourers with one meal a day, and the
+huts in which they live, they would find cause for thought. And if the
+educated men talked freely with them, they would be surprised at their
+bitterness. Gopal Krishna Gokhale put the whole matter very plainly in
+1911:
+
+ One of the fundamental conditions of the peculiar position of
+ the British Government in this country is that it should be a
+ continuously progressive Government. I think all thinking men,
+ to whatever community they belong, will accept that. Now, I
+ suggest four tests to judge whether the Government is
+ progressive, and, further, whether it is continuously
+ progressive. The first test that I would apply is what measures
+ it adopts for the moral and material improvement of the mass of
+ the people, and under these measures I do not include those
+ appliances of modern Governments which the British Government
+ has applied in this country, because they were appliances
+ necessary for its very existence, though they have benefited
+ the people, such as the construction of Railways, the
+ introduction of Post and Telegraphs, and things of that kind.
+ By measures for the moral and material improvement of the
+ people, I mean what the Government does for education, what the
+ Government does for sanitation, what the Government does for
+ agricultural development, and so forth. That is my first test.
+ The second test that I would apply is what steps the Government
+ takes to give us a larger share in the administration of our
+ local affairs--in municipalities and local boards. My third
+ test is what voice the Government gives us in its Councils--in
+ those deliberate assemblies, where policies are considered.
+ And, lastly, we must consider how far Indians are admitted into
+ the ranks of the public service.
+
+A Change of System Needed.
+
+Those were Gokhale’s tests, and Indians can supply the results of their
+knowledge and experience to answer them. But before dealing with the
+failure to meet these tests, it is necessary to state here that it is
+not a question of blaming men, or of substituting Indians for
+Englishmen, but of changing the system itself. It is a commonplace that
+the best men become corrupted by the possession of irresponsible power.
+As Bernard Houghton says: “The possession of unchecked power corrupts
+some of the finer qualities.” Officials quite honestly come to believe
+that those who try to change the system are undermining the security of
+the State. They identify the State with themselves, so that criticism of
+them is seen as treason to the State. The phenomenon is well known in
+history, and it is only repeating itself in India. The same writer--I
+prefer to use his words rather than my own, for he expresses exactly my
+own views, and will not be considered to be prejudiced as I am thought
+to be--cogently remarks:
+
+ He (the official) has become an expert in reports and returns
+ and matters of routine through many years of practice. They are
+ the very woof and warp of his brain. He has no ideas, only
+ reflexes. He views with acrid disfavour untried conceptions.
+ From being constantly preoccupied with the manipulation of the
+ machine he regards its smooth working, the ordered and
+ harmonious regulation of glittering pieces of machinery, as the
+ highest service he can render to the country of his adoption.
+ He determines that his particular cog-wheel at least shall be
+ bright, smooth, silent, and with absolutely no back-lash. Not
+ unnaturally in course of time he comes to envisage the world
+ through the strait embrasure of an office window. When perforce
+ he must report on new proposals he will place in the forefront,
+ not their influence on the life and progress of the people, but
+ their convenience to the official hierarchy and the manner in
+ which they affect its authority. Like the monks of old, or the
+ squire in the typical English village, he cherishes a
+ benevolent interest in the commonalty, and is quite willing,
+ even eager, to take a general interest in their welfare, if
+ only they do not display initiative or assert themselves in
+ opposition to himself or his order. There is much in this
+ proviso. Having come to regard his own judgment as almost
+ divine, and the hierarchy of which he has the honour to form a
+ part as a sacrosanct institution, he tolerates the laity so
+ long as they labour quietly and peaceably at their vocations
+ and do not presume to inter-meddle in high matters of State.
+ That is the heinous offence. And frank criticism of official
+ acts touches a lower depth still, even _lèse majesté_. For no
+ official will endure criticism from his subordinates, and the
+ public, who lie in outer darkness beyond the pale, do not in
+ his estimation rank even with his subordinates. How, then,
+ should he listen with patience when in their cavilling way they
+ insinuate that, in spite of the labours of a high-souled
+ bureaucracy, all is perhaps not for the best in the best of all
+ possible worlds--still less when they suggest reforms that had
+ never occurred even to him or to his order, and may clash with
+ his most cherished ideals? It is for the officials to govern
+ the country; they alone have been initiated into the sacred
+ mysteries; they alone understand the secret working of the
+ machine. At the utmost the laity may tender respectful and
+ humble suggestions for their consideration, but no more. As for
+ those who dare to think and act for themselves, their ignorant
+ folly is only equalled by their arrogance. It is as though a
+ handful of schoolboys were to dictate to their masters
+ alterations in the traditional time-table, or to insist on a
+ modified curriculum.... These worthy people [officials] confuse
+ manly independence with disloyalty; they cannot conceive of
+ natives except either as rebels or as timid sheep.
+
+Non-Official Anglo-Indians.
+
+The problem becomes more complicated by the existence in India of a
+small but powerful body of the same race as the higher officials; there
+are only 122,919 English-born persons in this country, while there are
+245,000,000 in the British Raj and another 70,000,000 in the Indian
+States, more or less affected by British influence. As a rule, the
+non-officials do not take any part in politics, being otherwise
+occupied; but they enter the field when any hope arises in Indian hearts
+of changes really beneficial to the Nation. John Stuart Mill observed on
+this point:
+
+ The individuals of the ruling people who resort to the foreign
+ country to make their fortunes are of all others those who most
+ need to be held under powerful restraint. They are always one
+ of the chief difficulties of the Government. Armed with the
+ prestige and filled with the scornful overbearingness of the
+ conquering Nation, they have the feelings inspired by absolute
+ power without its sense of responsibility.
+
+Similarly, Sir John Lawrence wrote:
+
+ The difficulty in the way of the Government of India acting
+ fairly in these matters is immense. If anything is done, or
+ attempted to be done, to help the natives, a general howl is
+ raised, which reverberates in England, and finds sympathy and
+ support there. I feel quite bewildered sometimes what to do.
+ Everyone is, in the abstract, for justice, moderation, and
+ suchlike excellent qualities; but when one comes to apply such
+ principles so as to affect anybody’s interests, then a change
+ comes over them.
+
+Keene, speaking of the principle of treating equally all classes of the
+community, says:
+
+ The application of that maxim, however, could not be made
+ without sometimes provoking opposition among the handful of
+ white settlers in India who, even when not connected with the
+ administration, claimed a kind of class ascendancy which was
+ not only in the conditions of the country but also in the
+ nature of the case. It was perhaps natural that in a land of
+ caste the compatriots of the rulers should become--as Lord
+ Lytton said--a kind of “white Brahmanas”; and it was certain
+ that, as a matter of fact, the pride of race and the possession
+ of western civilisation created a sense of superiority, the
+ display of which was ungraceful and even dangerous, when not
+ tempered by official responsibility. This feeling had been
+ sensitive enough in the days of Lord William Bentinck, when the
+ class referred to was small in numbers and devoid of influence.
+ It was now both more numerous, and--by reason of its connection
+ with the newspapers of Calcutta and of London--it was far
+ better able to make its passion heard.
+
+During Lord Ripon’s sympathetic administration the great outburst
+occurred against the Ilbert Bill in 1883. We are face to face with a
+similar phenomenon to-day, when we see the European Associations--under
+the leadership of the _Madras Mail_, the _Englishman_ of Calcutta, the
+_Pioneer of_ Allahabad, the _Civil and Military Gazette_ of Lahore, with
+their Tory and Unionist allies in the London Press and with the aid of
+retired Indian officials and non-officials in England--desperately
+resisting the Reforms now proposed. Their opposition, we know, is a
+danger to the movement towards Freedom, and even when they have failed
+to impress England--as they are evidently failing--they will try to
+minimise or smother here the reforms which a statute has embodied. The
+Minto-Morley reforms were thus robbed of their usefulness, and a similar
+attempt, if not guarded against, will be made when the Congress-League
+Scheme is used as the basis for an Act.
+
+The Re-action on England.
+
+We cannot leave out of account here the deadly harm done to England
+herself by this un-English system of rule in India. Mr. Hobson has
+pointed out:
+
+ As our free Self-Governing Colonies have furnished hope,
+ encouragement, and leading to the popular aspirations in Great
+ Britain, not merely by practical success in the art of
+ Self-Government, but by the wafting of a spirit of freedom and
+ equality, so our despotically ruled Dependencies have ever
+ served to damage the character of our people by feeding the
+ habits of snobbish subservience, the admiration of wealth and
+ rank, the corrupt survivals of the inequalities of
+ feudalism.... Cobden writing in 1860 of our Indian Empire, put
+ this pithy question: “Is it not just possible that we may
+ become corrupted at home by the reaction of arbitrary political
+ maxims in the East upon our domestic politics, just as Greece
+ and Rome were demoralised by their contact with Asia?” Not
+ merely is the reaction possible, it is inevitable. As the
+ despotic portion of our Empire, has grown in area, a large
+ number of men, trained in the temper and methods of autocracy,
+ as soldiers and civil officials in our Crown Colonies,
+ Protectorates and Indian Empire, reinforced by numbers of
+ merchants, planters, engineers, and overseers, whose lives have
+ been those of a superior caste living an artificial life
+ removed from all the healthy restraints of ordinary European
+ Society, have returned to this country, bringing back the
+ characters, sentiments and ideas imposed by this foreign
+ environment.
+
+It is a little hard on the I.C.S. that they should be foreigners here,
+and then, when they return to their native land, find that they have
+become foreigners there by the corrupting influences with which they
+are surrounded here. We import them as raw material to our own
+disadvantage, and when we export them as manufactured here, Great
+Britain and India alike suffer from their reactionary tendencies. The
+results are unsatisfactory to both sides.
+
+The First Test Applied.
+
+Let us now apply Gokhale’s first test. What has the Bureaucracy done for
+“education, sanitation, agricultural improvement, and so forth”? I must
+put the facts very briefly, but they are indisputable.
+
+_Education_. The percentage to the whole population of children
+receiving education is 2.8, the percentage having risen by 0.9 since Mr.
+Gokhale moved his Education Bill six years ago. The percentage of
+children of school-going age attending school is 18.7. In 1913 the
+Government of India put the number of pupils at 4-1/2 millions; this has
+been accomplished in 63 years, reckoning from Sir Charles Wood’s
+Educational Despatch in 1854, which led to the formation of the
+Education Department. In 1870 an Education Act was passed in Great
+Britain, the condition of Education in England then much resembling our
+present position; grants-in-aid in England had been given since 1833,
+chiefly to Church Schools. Between 1870 and 1881 free and compulsory
+education was established, and in 12 years the attendance rose from 43.3
+to nearly 100 per cent. There are now 6,000,000 children in the schools
+of England and Wales out of a population of 40 millions. Japan, before
+1872, had a proportion of 28 per cent. of children of school-going age in
+school, nearly 10 over our present proportion; in 24 years the
+percentage was raised to 92, and in 28 years education was free and
+compulsory. In Baroda education is free and largely compulsory and the
+percentage of boys is 100 per cent. Travancore has 81.1 per cent. of
+boys and 33.2 of girls. Mysore has 45.8 of boys and 9.7 of girls. Baroda
+spends an. 6-6 per head on school-going children, British India one
+anna. Expenditure on education advanced between 1882 and 1907 by 57
+lakhs. Land-revenue had increased by 8 crores, military expenditure by
+13 crores, civil by 8 crores, and capital outlay on railways was 15
+crores. (I am quoting G.K. Gokhale’s figures.) He ironically calculated
+that, if the population did not increase, every boy would be in school
+115 years hence, and every girl in 665 years. Brother Delegates, we hope
+to do it more quickly under Home Rule. I submit that in Education the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Sanitation and Medical Relief_. The prevalence of plague, cholera, and
+above all malaria, shows the lack of sanitation alike in town and
+country. This lack is one of the causes contributing to the low average
+life-period in India--23.5 years. In England the life-period is 40
+years, in New Zealand 60. The chief difficulty in the way of the
+treatment of disease is the encouragement of the foreign system of
+medicine, especially in rural parts, and the withholding of grants from
+the indigenous. Government Hospitals, Government Dispensaries,
+Government doctors, must all be on the foreign system. Ayurvaidic and
+Unani medicines, Hospitals, Dispensaries, Physicians, are unrecognised,
+and to “cover” the latter is “infamous” conduct. Travancore gives
+grants-in-aid to 72 Vaidyashalas, at which 143,505 patients--22,000 more
+than in allopathic institutions--were treated in 1914-15 (the Report
+issued in 1917). Our Government cannot grapple with the medical needs of
+the people, yet will not allow the people’s money to be spent on the
+systems they prefer. Under Home Rule the indigenous and the foreign
+systems will be treated with impartiality. I grant that the allopathic
+doctors do their utmost to supply the need, and show great
+self-sacrifice, but the need is too vast and the numbers too few.
+Efficiency on their own lines in this matter is therefore impossible for
+our bureaucratic Government; their fault lies in excluding the
+indigenous systems, which they have not condescended to examine before
+rejecting them. The result is that in sanitation and medical relief the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Agricultural Development_. The census of 1911 gives the agricultural
+population at 218.3 millions. Its frightful poverty is a matter of
+common knowledge; its ever-increasing load of indebtedness has been
+dwelt on for at least the last thirty odd years by Sir Dinshaw E. Wacha.
+Yet the increasing debt is accompanied with increasing taxation, land
+revenue having risen, as just stated, in 25 years, by 8
+crores--80,000,000--of rupees. In addition to this there are local
+cesses, salt tax, etc. The salt tax, which presses most hardly on the
+very poor, was raised in the last budget by Rs. 9 millions. The
+inevitable result of this poverty is malnutrition, resulting in low
+vitality, lack of resistance to disease, short life-period, huge
+infantile mortality. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, no mischievous agitator,
+repeated in 1905 the figures; often quoted:
+
+ Forty millions of people, according to one great Anglo-Indian
+ authority--Sir William Hunter--pass through life with only one
+ meal a day. According to another authority--Sir Charles
+ Elliot--70 millions of people in India do not know what it is
+ to have their hunger fully satisfied even once in the whole
+ course of the year. The poverty of the people of India, thus
+ considered by itself, is truly appalling. And if this is the
+ state of things after a hundred years of your rule, you cannot
+ claim that your principal aim in India has been the promotion
+ of the interests of the Indian people.
+
+It is sometimes said: “Why harp on these figures? We know them.” Our
+answer is that the fact is ever harping in the stomach of the people,
+and while it continues we cannot cease to draw attention to it. And
+Gokhale urged that “even this deplorable condition has been further
+deteriorating steadily.” We have no figures on malnutrition among the
+peasantry, but in Madras City, among an equally poor urban population,
+we found that 78 per cent. of our pupils were reported, after a medical
+inspection, to be suffering from malnutrition. And the spareness of
+frame, the thinness of arms and legs, the pitiably weak grip on life,
+speak without words to the seeing eye. It needs an extraordinary lack of
+imagination not to suffer while these things are going on.
+
+The peasants’ grievances are many and have been voiced year after year
+by this Congress. The Forest Laws, made by legislators inappreciative of
+village difficulties, press hardly on them, and only in a small number
+of places have Forest Panchayats been established. In the few cases in
+which the experiment has been made the results have been good, in some
+cases marvellously good. The paucity of grazing grounds for their
+cattle, the lack of green manure to feed their impoverished lands, the
+absence of fencing round forests, so that the cattle stray in when
+feeding, are impounded, and have to be redeemed, the fines and other
+punishments imposed for offences ill-understood, the want of wood for
+fuel, for tools, for repairs, the uncertain distribution of the
+available water, all these troubles are discussed in villages and in
+local Conferences. The Arms Act oppresses them, by leaving them
+defenceless against wild beasts and wild men. The union of Judicial and
+Executive functions makes justice often inaccessible, and always costly
+both in money and in time. The village officials naturally care more to
+please the Tahsildar and the Collector than the villagers, to whom they
+are in no way responsible. And factions flourish, because there is
+always a third party to whom to resort, who may be flattered if his rank
+be high, bribed if it be low, whose favour can be gained in either case
+by cringing and by subservience and tale-bearing. As regards the
+condition of agriculture in India and the poverty of the agricultural
+population, the Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+The application of Mr. Gokhale’s first test to Indian handicrafts, to
+the strengthening of weak industries and the creation of new, to the
+care of waterways for traffic and of the coast transport shipping, the
+protection of indigo and other indigenous dyes against their German
+synthetic rivals, etc., would show similar answers. We are suffering now
+from the supineness of the Bureaucracy as regards the development of the
+resources of the country, by its careless indifference to the usurping
+by Germans of some of those resources, and even now they are pursuing a
+similar policy of _laissez faire_ towards Japanese enterprise, which,
+leaning on its own Government, is taking the place of Germany in
+shouldering Indians out of their own natural heritage.
+
+In all prosperous countries crafts are found side by-side with
+agriculture, and they lend each other mutual support. The extreme
+poverty of Ireland, and the loss of more than half its population by
+emigration, were the direct results of the destruction of its
+wool-industry by Great Britain, and the consequent throwing of the
+population entirely on the land for subsistence. A similar phenomenon
+has resulted here from a similar case, but on a far more widespread
+scale. And here, a novel and portentous change for India, “a
+considerable landless class is developing, which involves economic
+danger,” as the _Imperial Gazeteer_ remarks, comparing the census
+returns of 1891 and 1901. “The ordinary agricultural labourers are
+employed on the land only during the busy seasons of the year, and in
+slack times a few are attracted to large trade-centres for temporary
+work.” One recalls the influx into England of Irish labourers at harvest
+time. Professor Radkamal Mukerji has laid stress on the older conditions
+of village life. He says:
+
+ The village is still almost self-sufficing, and is in itself an
+ economic unit. The village agriculturist grows all the food
+ necessary for the inhabitants of the village. The smith makes
+ the plough-shares for the cultivator, and the few iron utensils
+ required for the household. He supplies these to the people,
+ but does not get money in return. He is recompensed by mutual
+ services from his fellow villagers. The potter supplies him
+ with pots, the weaver with cloth, and the oilman with oil. From
+ the cultivator each of these artisans receives his traditional
+ share of grain. Thus almost all the economic transactions are
+ carried on without the use of money. To the villagers money is
+ only a store of value, not a medium of exchange. When they
+ happen to be rich in money, they hoard it either in coins or
+ make ornaments made of gold and silver.
+
+These conditions are changing in consequence of the pressure of poverty
+driving the villagers to the city, where they learn to substitute the
+competition of the town for the mutual helpfulness of the village. The
+difference of feeling, the change from trustfulness to suspicion, may be
+seen by visiting villages which are in the vicinity of a town and
+comparing their villagers with those who inhabit villages in purely
+rural areas. This economic and moral deterioration can only be checked
+by the re-establishment of a healthy _and interesting_ village life, and
+this depends upon the re-establishment of the Panchayat as the unit of
+Government, a question which I deal with presently. Village industries
+would then revive and an intercommunicating network would be formed by
+Co-operative Societies. Mr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar says in his pamphlet,
+_Co-operative Societies and Panchayats_:
+
+ The one method by which this evil [emigration to towns] can be
+ arrested and the economic and social standards of life of the
+ rural people elevated is by the inauguration of healthy
+ Panchayats in conjunction with the foundation of Co-operative
+ institutions, which will have the effect of resuscitating
+ village industries, and of creating organised social forces.
+ The Indian village, when rightly reconstructed, would be an
+ excellent foundation for well-developed co-operative industrial
+ organisation.
+
+Again:
+
+ The resuscitation of the village system has other bearings, not
+ usually considered in connection with the general subject of
+ the inauguration of the Panchayat system. One of the most
+ important of these is the regeneration of the small industries
+ of the land. Both in Europe and in India the decline of small
+ industries has gone on _pari passu_ with the decline of farming
+ on a small scale. In countries like France agriculture has
+ largely supported village industries, and small cultivators in
+ that country have turned their attention to industry as a
+ supplementary source of livelihood. The decline of village life
+ in India is not only a political, but also an economic and
+ industrial, problem. Whereas in Europe the cultural impulse has
+ travelled from the city to the village, in India the reverse
+ has been the case. The centre of social life in this country is
+ the village, and not the town. Ours was essentially the cottage
+ industry, and our artisans still work in their own huts, more
+ or less out of touch with the commercial world. Throughout the
+ world the tendency has been of late to lay considerable
+ emphasis on distributive and industrial co-operation based on a
+ system of village industries and enterprise. Herein would be
+ found the origins of the arts and crafts guilds and the Garden
+ Cities, the idea underlying all these being to inaugurate a
+ reign of Socialism and Co-operation, eradicating the entirely
+ unequal distribution of wealth amongst producers and consumers.
+ India has always been a country of small tenantry, and has
+ thereby escaped many of the evils the western Nations have
+ experienced owing to the concentration of wealth in a few
+ hands. The communistic sense in our midst, and the fundamental
+ tenets of our family life, have checked such concentration of
+ capital. This has been the cause for the non-development of
+ factory industries on a large scale.
+
+The need for these changes--to which England is returning, after full
+experience of the miseries of life in manufacturing towns--is pressing.
+
+Addressing an English audience, G.K. Gokhale summed up the general state
+of India as follows:
+
+ Your average annual income has been estimated at about £42 per
+ head. Ours, according to official estimates, is about £2 per
+ head, and according to non-official estimates, only a little
+ more than £1 per head. Your imports per head are about £13:
+ ours about 5s. per head. The total deposits in your Postal
+ Savings Bank amount to 148 million sterling, and you have in
+ addition in the Trustees’ Savings Banks about 52 million
+ sterling. Our Postal Savings Bank deposits, with a population
+ seven times as large as yours, are only about 7 million
+ sterling, and even of this a little over one-tenth is held by
+ Europeans. Your total paid-up capital of joint-stock companies
+ is about 1,900 million sterling. Ours is not quite 26 million
+ sterling, and the greater part of this again is European.
+ Four-fifths of our people are dependent upon agriculture, and
+ agriculture has been for some time steadily deteriorating.
+ Indian agriculturists are too poor, and are, moreover, too
+ heavily indebted, to be able to apply any capital to land, and
+ the result is that over the greater part of India agriculture
+ is, as Sir James Caird pointed out more than twenty-five years
+ ago, only a process of exhaustion of the soil. The yield per
+ acre is steadily diminishing, being now only about 8 to 9
+ bushels an acre against about 30 bushels here in England.
+
+In all the matters which come under Gokhale’s first test, the
+Bureaucracy has been and is inefficient.
+
+Give Indians a Chance.
+
+All we say in the matter is: You have not succeeded in bringing
+education, health, prosperity, to the masses of the people. Is it not
+time to give Indians a chance of doing, for their own country, work
+similar to that which Japan and other nations have done for theirs?
+Surely the claim is not unreasonable. If the Anglo-Indians say that the
+masses are their peculiar care, and that the educated classes care not
+for them, but only for place and power, then we point to the Congress,
+to the speeches and the resolutions eloquent of their love and their
+knowledge. It is not their fault that they gaze on their country’s
+poverty in helpless despair. Or let Mr. Justice Rahim answer:
+
+ As for the representation of the interests of the many scores
+ of millions in India, if the claim be that they are better
+ represented by European Officials than by educated Indian
+ Officials or non-Officials, it is difficult to conceive how
+ such reckless claim has come to be urged. The inability of
+ English Officials to master the spoken language of India and
+ their habits of life and modes of thought so completely divide
+ them from the general population, that only an extremely
+ limited few, possessed with extraordinary powers of insight,
+ have ever been able to surmount the barriers. With the educated
+ Indians, on the other hand, this knowledge is instinctive, and
+ the view of religion and custom so strong in the East make
+ their knowledge and sympathy more real than is to be seen in
+ countries dominated by materialistic conceptions.
+
+And it must be remembered that it is not lack of ability which has
+brought about bureaucratic inefficiency, for British traders and
+producers have done uncommonly well for themselves in India. But a
+Bureaucracy does not trouble itself about matters of this kind; the
+Russian Bureaucracy did not concern itself with the happiness of the
+Russian masses, but with their obedience and their paying of taxes.
+Bureaucracies are the same everywhere, and therefore it is the system we
+wage war upon, not the men; we do not want to substitute Indian
+bureaucrats for British bureaucrats; we want to abolish Bureaucracy,
+Government by Civil Servants.
+
+The Other Tests Applied.
+
+I need not delay over the second, third, and fourth tests, for the
+answers _sautent aux yeux_.
+
+_The second test, Local Self-Government:_ Under Lord Mayo (1869-72) some
+attempts were made at decentralisation, called by Keene “Home Rule” (!),
+and his policy was followed on non-financial lines as well by Lord
+Ripon, who tried to infuse into what Keene calls “the germs of Home
+Rule” “the breath of life.” Now, in 1917, an experimental and limited
+measure of local Home Rule is to be tried in Bengal. Though the Report
+of the Decentralisation Committee was published in 1909, we have not yet
+arrived at the universal election of non-official Chairmen. Decidedly
+inefficient is the Bureaucracy under test 2.
+
+_The third test, Voice in the Councils:_ The part played by Indian
+elected members in the Legislative Council, Madras, was lately described
+by a member as “a farce.” The Supreme Legislative Council was called by
+one of its members “a glorified Debating Society.” A table of
+resolutions proposed by Indian elected members, and passed or lost, was
+lately drawn up, and justified the caustic epithets. With regard to the
+Minto-Morley reforms, the Bureaucracy showed great efficiency in
+destroying the benefits intended by the Parliamentary Statute. But the
+third test shows that in giving Indians a fair voice in the Councils the
+Bureaucracy was inefficient.
+
+_The fourth test, the Admission of Indians to the Public Services:_ This
+is shown, by the Report of the Commission, not to need any destructive
+activity on the part of the Bureaucracy to prove their unwillingness to
+pass it, for the Report protects them in their privileged position.
+
+We may add to Gokhale’s tests one more, which will be triumphantly
+passed, the success of the Bureaucracy in increasing the cost of
+administration. The estimates for the revenue of the coming year stand
+at £86,199,600 sterling. The expenditure is reckoned at £85,572,100
+sterling. The cost of administration stands at more than half the total
+revenue:
+
+ Civil Departments Salaries and Expenses £19,323,300
+ Civil Miscellaneous Charges 5,283,300
+ Military Services 23,165,900
+ ___________
+ £47,772,500
+ ___________
+
+The reduction of the abnormal cost of government in India is of the most
+pressing nature, but this will never be done until we win Home Rule.
+
+It will be seen that the Secondary Reasons for the demand for Home Rule
+are of the weightiest nature in themselves, and show the necessity for
+its grant if India is to escape from a poverty which threatens to lead
+to National bankruptcy, as it has already led to a short life-period and
+a high death rate, to widespread disease, and to a growing exhaustion of
+the soil. That some radical change must be brought about in the
+condition of our masses, if a Revolution of Hunger is to be averted, is
+patent to all students of history, who also know the poverty of the
+Indian masses to-day. This economic condition is due to many causes, of
+which the inevitable lack of understanding by an alien Government is
+only one. A system of government suitable to the West was forced on the
+East, destroying its own democratic and communal institutions and
+imposing bureaucratic methods which bewildered and deteriorated a people
+to whom they were strange and repellent. The result is not a matter for
+recrimination, but for change. An inappropriate system forced on an
+already highly civilised people was bound to fail. It has been rightly
+said that the poor only revolt when the misery they are enduring is
+greater than the dangers of revolt. We need Home Rule to stop the daily
+suffering of our millions from the diminishing yield of the soil and the
+decay of village industries.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12820 ***
diff --git a/12820-h/12820-h.htm b/12820-h/12820-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c257351
--- /dev/null
+++ b/12820-h/12820-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,1920 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN"
+"http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd">
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en">
+<head>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" />
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" />
+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Case For India, by Annie Besant</title>
+
+<style type="text/css">
+
+body { margin-left: 20%;
+ margin-right: 20%;
+ text-align: justify; }
+
+h1, h2, h3, h4, h5 {text-align: center; font-style: normal; font-weight:
+normal; line-height: 1.5; margin-top: .5em; margin-bottom: .5em;}
+
+h1 {font-size: 300%;
+ margin-top: 0.6em;
+ margin-bottom: 0.6em;
+ letter-spacing: 0.12em;
+ word-spacing: 0.2em;
+ text-indent: 0em;}
+h2 {font-size: 150%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;}
+h3 {font-size: 130%; margin-top: 1em;}
+h4 {font-size: 120%;}
+h5 {font-size: 110%;}
+
+p {text-indent: 1em;
+ margin-top: 0.25em;
+ margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+
+ hr { width: 33%; }
+
+ .blkquot {margin-left: 4em; margin-right: 4em;} /* block indent */
+
+ .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;}
+ .poem br {display: none;}
+ .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;}
+ .poem span {display: block; margin: 0; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+ .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em;}
+
+a:link {color:blue; text-decoration:none}
+a:visited {color:blue; text-decoration:none}
+a:hover {color:red}
+
+ </style>
+</head>
+<body>
+<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12820 ***</div>
+
+<h1>THE CASE<br />
+FOR<br />
+INDIA</h1>
+
+<h3>THE PRESIDENTIAL<br />
+ADDRESS DELIVERED BY<br />
+ANNIE BESANT AT THE<br />
+THIRTY-SECOND INDIAN<br />
+NATIONAL CONGRESS<br />
+HELD AT CALCUTTA<br />
+26TH DECEMBER 1917</h3>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<h2>Table of Contents</h2>
+
+<p>
+ <a href="#Presidential_Address"><b><i>Presidential Address</i></b></a><br />
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>CHAPTER I.</b></a><br />
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>CHAPTER II.</b></a><br />
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>CHAPTER III.</b></a>
+</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="Presidential_Address"></a><i>Presidential Address</i></h2>
+
+<p>Fellow-delegates and friends,</p>
+
+<p>Everyone who has preceded me in this Chair has rendered his thanks in
+fitting terms for the gift which is truly said to be the highest that
+India has it in her power to bestow. It is the sign of her fullest love,
+trust, and approval, and the one whom she seats in that chair is, for
+his year of service, her chosen leader. But if my predecessors found
+fitting words for their gratitude, in what words can I voice mine, whose
+debt to you is so overwhelmingly greater than theirs? For the first time
+in Congress history, you have chosen as your President one who, when
+your choice was made, was under the heavy ban of Government displeasure,
+and who lay interned as a person dangerous to public safety. While I was
+humiliated, you crowned me with honour; while I was slandered, you
+believed in my integrity and good faith; while I was crushed under the
+heel of bureaucratic power, you acclaimed me as your leader; while I was
+silenced and unable to defend myself, you defended me, and won for me
+release. I was proud to serve in lowliest fashion, but you lifted me up
+and placed me before the world as your chosen representative. I have no
+words with which to thank you, no eloquence with which to repay my debt.
+My deeds must speak for me, for words are too poor. I turn your gift
+into service to the Motherland; I consecrate my life anew to her in
+worship by action. All that I have and am, I lay on the Altar of the
+Mother, and together we shall cry, more by service than by words: VANDE
+MATARAM.</p>
+
+<p>There is, perhaps, one value in your election of me in this crisis of
+India&rsquo;s destiny, seeing that I have not the privilege to be Indian-born,
+but come from that little island in the northern seas which has been, in
+the West, the builder-up of free institutions. The Aryan emigrants, who
+spread over the lands of Europe, carried with them the seeds of liberty
+sown in their blood in their Asian cradle-land. Western historians trace
+the self-rule of the Saxon villages to their earlier prototypes in the
+East, and see the growth of English liberty as up-springing from the
+Aryan root of the free and self-contained village communities.</p>
+
+<p>Its growth was crippled by Norman feudalism there, as its
+millennia-nourished security here was smothered by the East India
+Company. But in England it burst its shackles and nurtured a
+liberty-loving people and a free Commons&rsquo; House. Here, it similarly
+bourgeoned out into the Congress activities, and more recently into
+those of the Muslim League, now together blossoming into Home Rule for
+India. The England of Milton, Cromwell, Sydney, Burke, Paine, Shelley,
+Wilberforce, Gladstone; the England that sheltered Mazzini, Kossuth,
+Kropotkin, Stepniak, and that welcomed Garibaldi; the England that is
+the enemy of tyranny, the foe of autocracy, the lover of freedom, that
+is the England I would fain here represent to you to-day. To-day, when
+India stands erect, no suppliant people, but a Nation, self-conscious,
+self-respecting, determined to be free; when she stretches out her hand
+to Britain and offers friendship not subservience; co-operation not
+obedience; to-day let me: western-born but in spirit eastern, cradled in
+England but Indian by choice and adoption: let me stand as the symbol of
+union between Great Britain and India: a union of hearts and free
+choice, not of compulsion: and therefore of a tie which cannot be
+broken, a tie of love and of mutual helpfulness, beneficial to both
+Nations and blessed by God.</p>
+
+<h3>GONE TO THE PEACE.</h3>
+
+<p>India&rsquo;s great leader, Dadabhai Naoroji, has left his mortal body and is
+now one of the company of the Immortals, who watch over and aid India&rsquo;s
+progress. He is with V.C. Bonnerjee, and Ranade, and A.O. Hume, and
+Henry Cotton, and Pherozeshah Mehta, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale: the
+great men who, in Swinburne&rsquo;s noble verse, are the stars which lead us
+to Liberty&rsquo;s altar:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span>These, O men, shall ye honour,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Liberty only and these.<br /></span>
+<span>For thy sake and for all men&rsquo;s and mine,<br /></span>
+<span>Brother, the crowns of them shine,<br /></span>
+<span>Lighting the way to her shrine,<br /></span>
+<span>That our eyes may be fastened upon her,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">That our hands may encompass her knees.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Not for me to praise him in feeble words of reverence or of homage. His
+deeds praise him, and his service to his country is his abiding glory.
+Our gratitude will be best paid by following in his footsteps, alike in
+his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion, so that we may win
+the Home Rule which he longed to see while with us, and shall see, ere
+long, from the other world of Life, in which he dwells today.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<h3>PRE-WAR MILITARY EXPENDITURE.</h3>
+
+<p>The Great War, into the whirlpool of which Nation after Nation has been
+drawn, has entered on its fourth year. The rigid censorship which has
+been established makes it impossible for any outside the circle of
+Governments to forecast its duration, but to me, speaking for a moment
+not as a politician but as a student of spiritual laws, to me its end is
+sure. For the true object of this War is to prove the evil of, and to
+destroy, autocracy and the enslavement of one Nation by another, and to
+place on sure foundations the God-given Right to Self-Rule and
+Self-Development of every Nation, and the similar right of the
+Individual, of the smaller Self, so far as is consistent with the
+welfare of the larger Self of the Nation. The forces which make for the
+prolongation of autocracy&mdash;the rule of one&mdash;and the even deadlier
+bureaucracy&mdash;the rule of a close body welded into an iron system&mdash;these
+have been gathered together in the Central Powers of Europe&mdash;as of old
+in Ravana&mdash;in order that they may be destroyed; for the New Age cannot
+be opened until the Old passes away. The new civilisation of
+Righteousness and Justice, and therefore of Brotherhood, of ordered
+Liberty, of Peace, of Happiness, cannot be built up until the elements
+are removed which have brought the old civilisation crashing about our
+ears. Therefore is it necessary that the War shall be fought out to its
+appointed end, and that no premature peace shall leave its object
+unattained. Autocracy and bureaucracy must perish utterly, in East and
+West, and, in order that their germs may not re-sprout in the future,
+they must be discredited in the minds of men. They must be proved to be
+less efficient than the Governments of Free Peoples, even in their
+favourite work of War, and their iron machinery&mdash;which at first brings
+outer prosperity and success&mdash;must be shown to be less lasting and
+effective than the living and flexible organisations of democratic
+Peoples. They must be proved failures before the world, so that the
+glamour of superficial successes may be destroyed for ever. They have
+had their day and their place in evolution, and have done their
+educative work. Now they are out-of-date, unfit for survival, and must
+vanish away.</p>
+
+<p>When Great Britain sprang to arms, it was in defence of the freedom of a
+small nation, guaranteed by treaties, and the great principles she
+proclaimed electrified India and the Dominions. They all sprang to her
+side without question, without delay; they heard the voice of old
+England, the soldier of Liberty, and it thrilled their hearts. All were
+unprepared, save the small territorial army of Great Britain, due to the
+genius and foresight of Lord Haldane, and the readily mobilised army of
+India, hurled into the fray by the swift decision of Lord Hardinge. The
+little army of Britain fought for time; fought to stop the road to
+Paris, the heart of France; fought, falling back step by step, and
+gained the time it fought for, till India&rsquo;s sons stood on the soil of
+France, were flung to the front, rushed past the exhausted regiments who
+cheered them with failing breath, charged the advancing hosts, stopped
+the retreat, and joined the British army in forming that unbreakable
+line which wrestled to the death through two fearful winters&mdash;often,
+these soldiers of the tropics, waist-deep in freezing mud&mdash;and knew no
+surrender.</p>
+
+<p>India, with her clear vision, saw in Great Britain the champion of
+Freedom, in Germany the champion of Despotism. And she saw rightly.
+Rightly she stood by Great Britain, despite her own lack of freedom and
+the coercive legislation which outrivalled German despotism, knowing
+these to be temporary, because un-English, and therefore doomed to
+destruction; she spurned the lure of German gold and rejected German
+appeals to revolt. She offered men and money; her educated classes, her
+Vakils, offered themselves as Volunteers, pleaded to be accepted. Then
+the never-sleeping distrust of Anglo-India rejected the offer, pressed
+for money, rejected men. And, slowly, educated India sank back,
+depressed and disheartened, and a splendid opportunity for knitting
+together the two Nations was lost.</p>
+
+<p>Early in the War I ventured to say that the War could not end until
+England recognised that autocracy and bureaucracy must perish in India
+as well as in Europe. The good Bishop of Calcutta, with a courage worthy
+of his free race, lately declared that it would be hypocritical to pray
+for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India. Now it
+has been clearly and definitely declared that Self-Government is to be
+the objective of Great Britain in India, and that a substantial measure
+of it is to be given at once; when this promise is made good by the
+granting of the Reforms outlined last year in Lucknow, then the end of
+the War will be in sight. For the War cannot end till the death-knell of
+autocracy is sounded.</p>
+
+<p>Causes, with which I will deal presently and for which India was not
+responsible, have somewhat obscured the first eager expressions of
+India&rsquo;s sympathy, and have forced her thoughts largely towards her own
+position in the Empire. But that does not detract from the immense aid
+she has given, and is still giving. It must not be forgotten that long
+before the present War she had submitted&mdash;at first, while she had no
+power of remonstrance, and later, after 1885, despite the constant
+protests of Congress&mdash;to an ever-rising military expenditure, due partly
+to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and partly to the cost of various
+wars beyond her frontiers, and to continual recurring frontier and
+trans-frontier expeditions, in which she had no real interest. They were
+sent out for supposed Imperial advantages, not for her own.</p>
+
+<p>Between 1859 and 1904&mdash;45 years&mdash;Indian troops were engaged in
+thirty-seven wars and expeditions. There were ten wars: the two Chinese
+Wars of 1860 and 1900, the Bhutan War of 1864-65, the Abyssinian War of
+1868, the Afghan War of 1878-79, and, after the massacre of the Kabul
+Mission, the second War of 1879-80, ending in an advance of the
+frontier, in the search for an ever receding &ldquo;scientific frontier&rdquo;; on
+this occasion the frontier was shifted, says Keene, &ldquo;from the line of
+the Indus to the western slope of the Suleiman range and from Peshawar
+to Quetta&rdquo;; the Egyptian War of 1882, in which the Indian troops
+markedly distinguished themselves; the third Burmese War of 1885 ending
+in the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886; the invasions of Tibet in 1890
+and 1904. Of Expeditions, or minor Wars, there were 27; to Sitana in
+1858 on a small scale and in 1863 on a larger (the &ldquo;Sitana Campaign&rdquo;);
+to Nepal and Sikkim in 1859; to Sikkim in 1864; a serious struggle on
+the North-west Frontier in 1868; expeditions against the Lushais in
+1871-72, the Daflas in 1874-75, the Nagas in 1875, the Afridis in 1877,
+the Rampa Hill tribes in 1879, the Waziris and Nagas in 1881, the Akhas
+in 1884, and in the same year an expedition to the Zhob Valley, and a
+second thither in 1890. In 1888 and 1889 there was another expedition
+against Sikkim, against the Akozais (the Black Mountain Expedition) and
+against the Hill Tribes of the North-east, and in 1890 another Black
+Mountain Expedition, with a third in 1892. In 1890 came the expedition
+to Manipur, and in 1891 there was another expedition against the
+Lushais, and one into the Miranzal Valley. The Chitral Expedition
+occupied 1894-95, and the serious Tirah Campaign, in which 40,000 men
+were engaged, came in 1897 and 1898. The long list&mdash;which I have closed
+with 1904&mdash;ends with the expeditions against the Mahsuds in 1901,
+against the Kabalis in 1902, and the invasion of Tibet, before noted.
+All these events explain the rise in military expenditure, and we must
+add to them the sending of Indian troops to Malta and Cyprus in 1878&mdash;a
+somewhat theatrical demonstration&mdash;and the expenditure of some
+&pound;2,000,000 to face what was described as &ldquo;the Russian Menace&rdquo; in 1884.
+Most of these were due to Imperial, not to Indian, policy, and many of
+the burdens imposed were protested against by the Government of India,
+while others were encouraged by ambitious Viceroys. I do not think that
+even this long list is complete.</p>
+
+<p>Ever since the Government of India was taken over by the Crown, India
+has been regarded as an Imperial military asset and training ground, a
+position from which the jealousy of the East India Company had largely
+protected her, by insisting that the army it supported should be used
+for the defence and in the interests of India alone. Her value to the
+Empire for military purposes would not so seriously have injured at once
+her pride and her finances if the natural tendencies of her martial
+races had been permitted their previous scope; but the disarming of the
+people, 20 years after the assumption of the Government by the Crown,
+emasculated the Nation, and the elimination of races supposed to be
+unwarlike, or in some cases too warlike to be trusted, threw recruitment
+more and more to the north, and lowered the physique of the Bengalis and
+Madrasis, on whom the Company had largely depended.</p>
+
+<p>The superiority of the Punjab, on which Sir Michael O&rsquo;Dwyer so
+vehemently insisted the other day, is an artificial superiority, created
+by the British system and policy; and the poor recruitment elsewhere, on
+which he laid offensive insistence, is due to the same system and
+policy, which largely eliminated Bengalis, Madrasis and Mahrattas from
+the army. In Bengal, however, the martial type has been revived, chiefly
+in consequence of what the Bengalis felt to be the intolerable insult of
+the high-handed Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.</p>
+
+<p>On this Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Bengal&rsquo;s heroic stand against the oppression of a harsh and
+ uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished and gratified all
+ India.... All India owes a deep debt of gratitude to Bengal.</p></div>
+
+<p>The spirit evoked showed itself in the youth of Bengal by a practical
+revolt, led by the elders, while it was confined to Swadeshi and
+Boycott, and rushing on, when it broke away from their authority, into
+conspiracy, assassination and dacoity: as had happened in similar
+revolts with Young Italy, in the days of Mazzini, and with Young Russia
+in the days of Stepniak and Kropotkin. The results of their despair,
+necessarily met by the halter and penal servitude, had to be faced by
+Lord Hardinge and Lord Carmichael during the present War. Other results,
+happy instead of disastrous in their nature, was the development of grit
+and endurance of a high character, shown in the courage of the Bengal
+lads in the serious floods that have laid parts of the Province deep
+under water, and in their compassion and self-sacrifice in the relief of
+famine. Their services in the present War&mdash;the Ambulance Corps and the
+replacement of its <i>materiel</i> when the ship carrying it sank, with the
+splendid services rendered by it in Mesopotamia; the recruiting of a
+Bengali regiment for active service, 900 strong, with another 900
+reserves to replace wastage, and recruiting still going on&mdash;these are
+instances of the divine alchemy which brings the soul of good out of
+evil action, and consecrates to service the qualities evoked by
+rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>In England, also, a similar result has been seen in a convict, released
+to go to the front, winning the Victoria Cross. It would be an act of
+statesmanship, as well as of divinest compassion, to offer to every
+prisoner and interned captive, held for political crime or on political
+suspicion, the opportunity of serving the Empire at the front. They
+might, if thought necessary, form a separate battalion or a separate
+regiment, under stricter supervision, and yet be given a chance of
+redeeming their reputation, for they are mostly very young.</p>
+
+<p>The financial burden incurred in consequence of the above conflicts, and
+of other causes, now to be mentioned, would not have been so much
+resented, if it had been imposed by India on herself, and if her own
+sons had profited by her being used as a training ground for the
+Empire. But in this case, as in so many others, she has shared Imperial
+burdens, while not sharing Imperial freedom and power. Apart from this,
+the change which made the Army so ruinous a burden on the resources of
+the country was the system of &ldquo;British reliefs,&rdquo; the using of India as a
+training ground for British regiments, and the transfer of the men thus
+trained, to be replaced by new ones under the short service system, the
+cost of the frequent transfers and their connected expenses being
+charged on the Indian revenues, while the whole advantage was reaped by
+Great Britain. On the short service system the Simla Army Commission
+declared:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The short service system recently introduced into the British
+ Army has increased the cost and has materially reduced the
+ efficiency of the British troops in India. We cannot resist the
+ feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interest
+ of the Indian tax-payer was entirely left out of consideration.</p></div>
+
+<p>The remark was certainly justified, for the short service system gave
+India only five years of the recruits she paid heavily for and trained,
+all the rest of the benefit going to England. The latter was enabled, as
+the years went on, to enormously increase her Reserves, so that she has
+had 400,000 men trained in, and at the cost of, India.</p>
+
+<p>In 1863 the Indian army consisted of 140,000 men, with 65,000 white
+officers. Great changes were made in 1885-1905, including the
+reorganisation under Lord Kitchener, who became Commander-in-Chief at
+the end of 1902. Even in this hasty review, I must not omit reference to
+the fact that Army Stores were drawn from Britain at enormous cost,
+while they should have been chiefly manufactured here, so that India
+might have profited by the expenditure. Lately under the necessities of
+War, factories have been turned to the production of munitions; but this
+should have been done long ago, so that India might have been enriched
+instead of exploited. The War has forced an investigation into her
+mineral resources that might have been made for her own sake, but
+Germany was allowed to monopolise the supply of minerals that India
+could have produced and worked up, and would have produced and worked up
+had she enjoyed Home Rule. India would have been richer, and the Empire
+safer, had she been a partner instead of a possession. But this side of
+the question will come under the matters directly affecting merchants,
+and we may venture to express a hope that the Government help extended
+to munition factories in time of War may be continued to industrial
+factories in time of Peace. The net result of the various causes
+above-mentioned was that the expense of the Indian army rose by leaps
+and bounds, until, before the War, India was expending,&pound;21,000,000 as
+against the &pound;28,000,000 expended by the United Kingdom, while the
+wealthy Dominions of Canada and Australia were spending only 1-1/2 and
+1-1/4 millions respectively. (I am not forgetting that the United
+Kingdom was expending over &pound;51,000,000 on her Navy, while India was free
+of that burden, save for a contribution of half a million.)</p>
+
+<p>Since 1885, the Congress has constantly protested against the
+ever-increasing military expenditure, but the voice of the Congress was
+supposed to be the voice of sedition and of class ambition, instead of
+being, as it was the voice of educated Indians, the most truly patriotic
+and loyal class of the population. In 1885, in the First Congress, Mr.
+P. Rangiah Naidu pointed out that military expenditure had been
+&pound;1,463,000 in 1857 and had risen to &pound;16,975,750 in 1884. Mr. D.E. Wacha
+ascribed the growth to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and remarked
+that the Company in 1856 had an army of 254,000 men at a cost of 11-1/2
+millions, while in 1884 the Crown had an army of only 181,000 men at a
+cost of 17 millions. The rise was largely due to the increased cost of
+the European regiments, overland transport service, stores, pensions,
+furlough allowances, and the like, most of them imposed despite the
+resistance of the Government of India, which complained that the changes
+were &ldquo;made entirely, it may be said, from Imperial considerations, in
+which Indian interests have not been consulted or advanced.&rdquo; India paid
+nearly,&pound;700,000 a year, for instance, for &ldquo;Home Depôts&rdquo;&mdash;Home being
+England of course&mdash;in which lived some 20,000 to 22,000 British
+soldiers, on the plea that their regiments, not they, were serving in
+India. I cannot follow out the many increases cited by Mr. Wacha, but
+members can refer to his excellent speech.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Fawcett once remarked that when the East India Company was abolished</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>the English people became directly responsible for the
+ Government of India. It cannot, I think, be denied that this
+ responsibility has been so imperfectly discharged that in many
+ respects the new system of Government compares unfavourably
+ with the old.... There was at that time an independent control
+ of expenditure which now seems to be almost entirely wanting.</p></div>
+
+<p>Shortly after the Crown assumed the rule of India, Mr. Disraeli asked
+the House of Commons to regard India as &ldquo;a great and solemn trust
+committed to it by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence.&rdquo; Mr. George
+Yule, in the Fourth Congress, remarked on this: &ldquo;The 650 odd members had
+thrown the trust back upon the hands of Providence, to be looked after
+as Providence itself thinks best.&rdquo; Perhaps it is time that India should
+remember that Providence helps those who help themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Year after year the Congress continued to remonstrate against the cost
+of the army, until in 1902, after all the futile protests of the
+intervening years, it condemned an increase of pay to British soldiers
+in India which placed an additional burden on the Indian revenues of
+&pound;786,000 a year, and pointed out that the British garrison was
+unnecessarily numerous, as was shown by the withdrawal of large bodies
+of British soldiers for service in South Africa and China. The very next
+year Congress protested that the increasing military expenditure was not
+to secure India against internal disorder or external attack, but in
+order to carry out an Imperial policy; the Colonies contributed little
+or nothing to the Imperial Military Expenditure, while India bore the
+cost of about one-third of the whole British Army in addition to her own
+Indian troops. Surely these facts should be remembered when India&rsquo;s
+military services to the Empire are now being weighed.</p>
+
+<p>In 1904 and 1905, the Congress declared that the then military
+expenditure was beyond India&rsquo;s power to bear, and in the latter year
+prayed that the additional ten millions sterling sanctioned for Lord
+Kitchener&rsquo;s reorganisation scheme might be devoted to education and the
+reduction of the burden on the raiyats. In 1908, the burdens imposed by
+the British War Office since 1859 were condemned, and in the next year
+it was pointed out that the military expenditure was nearly a third of
+the whole Indian revenue, and was starving Education and Sanitation.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Kitchener&rsquo;s reorganisation scheme kept the Indian Army on a War
+footing, ready for immediate mobilisation, and on January 1, 1915, the
+regular army consisted of 247,000 men, of whom 75,000 were English; it
+was the money spent by India in maintaining this army for years in
+readiness for War which made it possible for her to go to the help of
+Great Britain at the critical early period to which I alluded. She spent
+over &pound;20 millions on the military services in 1914-15. In 1915-16 she
+spent &pound;21.8 millions. In 1916-17 her military budget had risen to &pound;12
+millions, and it will probably be exceeded, as was the budget of the
+preceding year by &pound;1-2/3 million.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Hardinge, the last Viceroy of India, who is ever held in loving
+memory here for his sympathetic attitude towards Indian aspirations,
+made a masterly exposition of India&rsquo;s War services in the House of Lords
+on the third of last July. He emphasised her pre-War services, showing
+that though 19-1/4 millions sterling was fixed as a maximum by the
+Nicholson Committee, that amount had been exceeded in 11 out of the last
+13 budgets, while his own last budget had risen to 22 millions. During
+these 13 years the revenue had been only between 48 and 58 millions,
+once rising to 60 millions. Could any fact speak more eloquently of
+India&rsquo;s War services than this proportion of military expenditure
+compared with her revenue?</p>
+
+<p>The Great War began on August 4th, and in that very month and in the
+early part of September, India sent an expeditionary force of three
+divisions&mdash;two infantry and one cavalry&mdash;and another cavalry division
+joined them in France in November. The first arrived, said Lord
+Hardinge, &ldquo;in time to fill a gap that could not otherwise have been
+filled.&rdquo; He added pathetically: &ldquo;There are very few survivors of those
+two splendid divisions of infantry.&rdquo; Truly, their homes are empty, but
+their sons shall enjoy in India the liberty for which their fathers died
+in France. Three more divisions were at once sent to guard the Indian
+frontier, while in September a mixed division was sent to East Africa,
+and in October and November two more divisions and a brigade of cavalry
+went to Egypt. A battalion of Indian infantry went to Mauritius, another
+to the Cameroons, and two to the Persian Gulf, while other Indian troops
+helped the Japanese in the capture of Tsingtau. 210,000 Indians were
+thus sent overseas. The whole of these troops were fully armed and
+equipped, and in addition, during the first few weeks of the War, India
+sent to England from her magazines &ldquo;70 million rounds of small-arm
+ammunition, 60,000 rifles, and more than 550 guns of the latest pattern
+and type.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>In addition to these, Lord Hardinge speaks of sending to England</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>enormous quantities of material, ... tents, boots, saddlery,
+ clothing, etc., but every effort was made to meet the
+ ever-increasing demands made by the War Office, and it may be
+ stated without exaggeration that India was bled absolutely
+ white during the first few weeks of the war.</p></div>
+
+<p>It must not be forgotten, though Lord Hardinge has not reckoned it, that
+all wastage has been more than filled up, and 450,000 men represent this
+head; the increase in units has been 300,000, and including other
+military items India had placed in the field up to the end of 1916 over
+a million of men.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to this a British force of 80,000 was sent from India, fully
+trained and equipped at Indian cost, India receiving in exchange, many
+months later, 34 Territorial battalions and 29 batteries, &ldquo;unfit for
+immediate employment on the frontier or in Mesopotamia, until they had
+been entirely re-armed and equipped, and their training completed.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Between the autumn of 1914 and the close of 1915, the defence of our own
+frontiers was a serious matter, and Lord Hardinge says:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The attitude of Afghanistan was for a long time doubtful,
+ although I always had confidence in the personal loyalty of our
+ ally the Amir; but I feared lest he might be overwhelmed by a
+ wave of fanaticism, or by a successful Jehad of the tribes....
+ It suffices to mention that, although during the previous three
+ years there had been no operations of any importance on the
+ North-West frontier, there were, between November 29, 1914, and
+ September 5, 1915, no less than seven serious attacks on the
+ North-West frontier, all of which were effectively dealt with.</p></div>
+
+<p>The military authorities had also to meet a German conspiracy early in
+1915, 7,000 men arriving from Canada and the United States, having
+planned to seize points of military vantage in the Panjab, and in
+December of the same year another German conspiracy in Bengal,
+necessitating military preparations on land, and also naval patrols in
+the Bay of Bengal.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Hardinge has been much attacked by the Tory and Unionist Press in
+England and India, in England because of the Mesopotamia Report, in
+India because his love for India brought him hatred from Anglo-India.
+India has affirmed her confidence in him, and with India&rsquo;s verdict he
+may well rest satisfied.</p>
+
+<p>I do not care to dwell on the Mesopotamia Commission and its
+condemnation of the bureaucratic system prevailing here. Lord Hardinge
+vindicated himself and India. The bureaucratic system remains
+undefended. I recall that bureaucratic inefficiency came out in even
+more startling fashion in connection with the Afghan War of 1878-79 and
+1879-80. In February 1880, the war charges were reported as under &pound;4
+millions, and the accounts showed a surplus of &pound;2 millions. On April 8th
+the Government of India reported: &ldquo;Outgoing for War very alarming, far
+exceeding estimate,&rdquo; and on the 13th April &ldquo;it was announced that the
+cash balances had fallen in three months from thirteen crores to less
+than nine, owing to &lsquo;excessive Military drain&rsquo; ... On the following day
+(April 22) a despatch was sent out to the Viceroy, showing that there
+appeared a deficiency of not less than 5-1/4 crores. This vast error was
+evidently due to an underestimate of war liabilities, which had led to
+such mis-information being laid before Parliament, and to the sudden
+discovery of inability to &lsquo;meet the usual drawings.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>It seemed that the Government knew only the amount audited, not the
+amount spent. Payments were entered as &ldquo;advances,&rdquo; though they were not
+recoverable, and &ldquo;the great negligence was evidently that of the heads
+of departmental accounts.&rdquo; If such a mishap should occur under Home
+Rule, a few years hence&mdash;which heaven forbid&mdash;I shudder to think of the
+comments of the <i>Englishman</i> and the <i>Madras Mail</i> on the shocking
+inefficiency of Indian officials.</p>
+
+<p>In September last, our present Viceroy, H.E. Lord Chelmsford, defended
+India against later attacks by critics who try to minimise her
+sacrifices in order to lessen the gratitude felt by Great Britain
+towards her, lest that gratitude should give birth to justice, and
+justice should award freedom to India. Lord Chelmsford placed before his
+Council &ldquo;in studiously considered outline, a summary of what India has
+done during the past two years.&rdquo; Omitting his references to what was
+done under Lord Hardinge, as stated above, I may quote from him:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>On the outbreak of war, of the 4,598 British officers on the
+ Indian establishment, 530 who were at home on leave were
+ detained by the War Office for service in Europe. 2,600
+ Combatant Officers have been withdrawn from India since the
+ beginning of the War, excluding those who proceeded on service
+ with their batteries or regiments. In order to make good these
+ deficiencies and provide for war wastage the Indian Army
+ Reserve of Officers was expanded from a total of 40, at which
+ it stood on the 4th August, 1914, to one of 2,000.</p>
+
+<p> The establishment of Indian units has not only been kept up to
+ strength, but has been considerably increased. There has been
+ an augmentation of 20 per cent. in the cavalry and of 40 per
+ cent. in the infantry, while the number of recruits enlisted
+ since the beginning of the War is greater than the entire
+ strength of the Indian Army as it existed on August 4, 1914.</p></div>
+
+<p>Lord Chelmsford rightly pointed out:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The Army in India has thus proved a great Imperial asset, and
+ in weighing the value of India&rsquo;s contribution to the War it
+ should be remembered that India&rsquo;s forces were no hasty
+ improvisation, but were an army in being, fully equipped and
+ supplied, which had previously cost India annually a large sum
+ to maintain.</p></div>
+
+<p>Lord Chelmsford has established what he calls a &ldquo;Man-Power Board,&rdquo; the
+duty of which is &ldquo;to collect and co-ordinate all the facts with regard
+to the supply of man-power in India.&rdquo; It has branches in all the
+Provinces. A steady flow of reinforcements supplies the wastage at the
+various fronts, and the labour required for engineering, transport,
+etc., is now organised in 20 corps in Mesopotamia and 25 corps in
+France. In addition 60,000 artisans, labourers, and specialists are
+serving in Mesopotamia and East Africa, and some 20,000 menials and
+followers have also gone overseas. Indian medical practitioners have
+accepted temporary commissions in the Indian Medical Service to the
+number of 500. In view of this fact, due to Great Britain&rsquo;s bitter need
+of help, may we not hope that this Service will welcome Indians in time
+of peace as well as in time of war, and will no longer bar the way by
+demanding the taking of a degree in the United Kingdom? It is also
+worthy of notice that the I.M.S. officers in charge of district duties
+have been largely replaced by Indian medical men; this, again, should
+continue after the War. Another fact, that the Army Reserve of Officers
+his risen from 40 to 2,000, suggests that the throwing open of King&rsquo;s
+Commissions to qualified Indians should not be represented by a meagre
+nine. If English lads of 19 and 20 are worthy of King&rsquo;s Commissions&mdash;and
+the long roll of slain Second Lieutenants proves it&mdash;then certainly
+Indian lads, since Indians have fought as bravely as Englishmen, should
+find the door thrown open to them equally widely in their own country,
+and the Indian Army should be led by Indian officers.</p>
+
+<p>With such a record of deeds as the one I have baldly sketched, it is not
+necessary to say much in words as to India&rsquo;s support of Great Britain
+and her Allies. She has proved up to the hilt her desire to remain
+within the Empire, to maintain her tie with Great Britain. But if
+Britain is to call successfully on India&rsquo;s man-power, as Lord Chelmsford
+suggests in his Man-Power Board, then must the man who fights or labours
+have a man&rsquo;s Rights in his own land. The lesson which springs out of
+this War is that it is absolutely necessary for the future safety of the
+Empire that India shall have Home Rule. Had her Man-Power been utilised
+earlier there would have been no War, for none would have dared to
+provoke Great Britain and India to a contest. But her Man-Power cannot
+be utilised while she is a subject Nation. She cannot afford to maintain
+a large army, if she is to support an English garrison, to pay for their
+goings and comings, to buy stores in England at exorbitant prices and
+send them back again when England needs them. She cannot afford to train
+men for England, and only have their services for five years. She cannot
+afford to keep huge Gold Reserves in England, and be straitened for
+cash, while she lends to England out of her Reserves, taken from her
+over-taxation, &pound;27,000,000 for War expenses, and this, be it remembered,
+before the great War Loan. I once said in England: &ldquo;The condition of
+India&rsquo;s loyalty is India&rsquo;s freedom.&rdquo; I may now add: &ldquo;The condition of
+India&rsquo;s usefulness to the Empire is India&rsquo;s freedom.&rdquo; She will tax
+herself willingly when her taxes remain in the country and fertilise it,
+when they educate her people and thus increase their productive power,
+when they foster her trade and create for her new industries.</p>
+
+<p>Great Britain needs India as much as India needs England, for prosperity
+in Peace as well as for safety in War. Mr. Montagu has wisely said that
+&ldquo;for equipment in War a Nation needs freedom in Peace.&rdquo; Therefore I say
+that, for both countries alike, the lesson of the War is Home Rule for
+India.</p>
+
+<p>Let me close this part of my subject by laying at the feet of His
+Imperial Majesty the loving homage of the thousands here assembled, with
+the hope and belief that, ere long, we shall lay there the willing and
+grateful homage of a free Nation.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<h3>CAUSES OF THE NEW SPIRIT IN INDIA.</h3>
+
+<p>Apart from the natural exchange of thought between East and West, the
+influence of English education, literature and ideals, the effect of
+travel in Europe, Japan and the United States of America, and other
+recognised causes for the changed outlook in India, there have been
+special forces at work during the last few years to arouse a New Spirit
+in India, and to alter her attitude of mind. These may be summed up as:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot">
+<p>(<i>a</i>) The Awakening of Asia.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>b</i>) Discussions abroad on Alien Rule and Imperial
+ Reconstruction.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>c</i>) Loss of Belief in the Superiority of the White Races.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>d</i>) The Awakening of Indian Merchants.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>e</i>) The Awakening of Indian Womanhood to claim its Ancient
+ Position.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>f</i>) The Awakening of the Masses.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>Each of these causes has had its share in the splendid change of
+attitude in the Indian Nation, in the uprising of a spirit of pride of
+country, of independence, of self-reliance, of dignity, of self-respect.
+The War has quickened the rate of evolution of the world, and no country
+has experienced the quickening more than our Motherland.</p>
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF ASIA.</h3>
+
+<p>In a conversation I had with Lord Minto, soon after his arrival as
+Viceroy, he discussed the so-called &ldquo;unrest in India,&rdquo; and recognised it
+as the inevitable result of English Education, of English Ideals of
+Democracy, of the Japanese victory over Russia, and of the changing
+conditions in the outer world. I was therefore not surprised to read his
+remark that he recognised, &ldquo;frankly and publicly, that new aspirations
+were stirring in the hearts of the people, that they were part of a
+larger movement common to the whole East, and that it was necessary to
+satisfy them to a reasonable extent by giving them a larger share in the
+administration.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>But the present movement in India will be very poorly understood if it
+be regarded only in connexion with the movement in the East. The
+awakening of Asia is part of a world-movement, which has been quickened
+into marvellous rapidity by the world-war. The world-movement is towards
+Democracy, and for the West dates from the breaking away of the American
+Colonies from Great Britain, consummated in 1776, and its sequel in the
+French Revolution of 1789. Needless to say that its root was in the
+growth of modern science, undermining the fabric of intellectual
+servitude, in the work of the Encyclop&aelig;dists, and in that of
+Jean-Jacques Rousseau and of Thomas Paine. In the East, the swift
+changes in Japan, the success of the Japanese Empire against Russia, the
+downfall of the Manchu dynasty in China and the establishment of a
+Chinese Republic, the efforts at improvement in Persia, hindered by the
+interference of Russia and Great Britain with their growing ambitions,
+and the creation of British and Russian &ldquo;spheres of influence,&rdquo;
+depriving her of her just liberty, and now the Russian Revolution and
+the probable rise of a Russian Republic in Europe and Asia, have all
+entirely changed the conditions before existing in India. Across Asia,
+beyond the Himalayas, stretch free and self-ruling Nations. India no
+longer sees as her Asian neighbours the huge domains of a Tsar and a
+Chinese despot, and compares her condition under British rule with those
+of their subject populations. British rule profited by the comparison,
+at least until 1905, when the great period of repression set in. But in
+future, unless India wins Self-Government, she will look enviously at
+her Self-Governing neighbours, and the contrast will intensify her
+unrest.</p>
+
+<p>But even if she gains Home Rule, as I believe she will, her position in
+the Empire will imperatively demand that she shall be strong as well as
+free. She becomes not only a vulnerable point in the Empire, as the
+Asian Nations evolve their own ambitions and rivalries, but also a
+possession to be battled for. Mr. Laing once said: &ldquo;India is the
+milch-cow of England,&rdquo; a Kamadhenu, in fact, a cow of plenty; and if
+that view should arise in Asia, the ownership of the milch-cow would
+become a matter of dispute, as of old between Vashishtha and
+Vishvamitra. Hence India must be capable of self-defence both by land
+and sea. There may be a struggle for the primacy of Asia, for supremacy
+in the Pacific, for the mastery of Australasia, to say nothing of the
+inevitable trade-struggles, in which Japan is already endangering Indian
+industry and Indian trade, while India is unable to protect herself.</p>
+
+<p>In order to face these larger issues with equanimity, the Empire
+requires a contented, strong, self-dependent and armed India, able to
+hold her own and to aid the Dominions, especially Australia, with her
+small population and immense unoccupied and undefended area. India alone
+has the man-power which can effectively maintain the Empire in Asia, and
+it is a short-sighted, a criminally short-sighted, policy not to build
+up her strength as a Self-Governing State within the Commonwealth of
+Free Nations under the British Crown. The Englishmen in India talk
+loudly of their interests; what can this mere handful do to protect
+their interests against attack in the coming years? Only in a free and
+powerful India will they be safe. Those who read Japanese papers know
+how strongly, even during the War, they parade unchecked their
+pro-German sympathies, and how likely after the War is an alliance
+between these two ambitious and warlike Nations. Japan will come out of
+the War with her army and navy unweakened, and her trade immensely
+strengthened. Every consideration of sane statesmanship should lead
+Great Britain to trust India more than Japan, so that the British Empire
+in Asia may rest on the sure foundation of Indian loyalty, the loyalty
+of a free and contented people, rather than be dependent on the
+continued friendship of a possible future rival. For international
+friendships are governed by National interests, and are built on
+quicksands, not on rock.</p>
+
+<p>Englishmen in India must give up the idea that English dominance is
+necessary for the protection of their interests, amounting, in 1915, to
+&pound;365,399,000 sterling. They do not claim to dominate the United States
+of America, because they have invested there &pound;688,078,000. They do not
+claim to dominate the Argentine Republic, because they have invested
+there &pound;269,808,000. Why then should they claim to dominate India on the
+ground of their investment? Britons must give up the idea that India is
+a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as
+a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a
+Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, and not a
+dependent. The democratic movement in Japan, China and Russia in Asia
+has sympathetically affected India, and it is idle to pretend that it
+will cease to affect her.</p>
+
+<h3>DISCUSSIONS ABROAD ON ALIEN RULE AND IMPERIAL RECONSTRUCTION.</h3>
+
+<p>But there are other causes which have been working in India, consequent
+on the British attitude against autocracy and in defence of freedom in
+Europe, while her attitude to India has, until lately, been left in
+doubt. Therefore I spoke of a splendid opportunity lost. India at first
+believed whole-heartedly that Great Britain was fighting for the freedom
+of all Nationalities. Even now, Mr. Asquith declared&mdash;in his speech in
+the House of Commons reported here last October, on the peace resolution
+of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald&mdash;that &ldquo;the Allies are fighting for nothing but
+freedom, and, an important addition&mdash;for nothing short of freedom.&rdquo; In
+his speech declaring that Britain would stand by France in her claim for
+the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he spoke of &ldquo;the intolerable
+degradation of a foreign yoke.&rdquo; Is such a yoke less intolerable, less
+wounding to self-respect here, than in Alsace-Lorraine, where the rulers
+and the ruled are both of European blood, similar in religion and
+habits? As the War went on, India slowly and unwillingly came to realise
+that the hatred of autocracy was confined to autocracy in the West, and
+that the degradation was only regarded as intolerable for men of white
+races; that freedom was lavishly promised to all except to India; that
+new powers were to be given to the Dominions, but not to India. India
+was markedly left out of the speeches of statesmen dealing with the
+future of the Empire, and at last there was plain talk of the White
+Empire, the Empire of the Five Nations, and the &ldquo;coloured races&rdquo; were
+lumped together as the wards of the White Empire, doomed to an
+indefinite minority.</p>
+
+<p>The peril was pressing; the menace unmistakable. The Reconstruction of
+the Empire was on the anvil; what was to be India&rsquo;s place therein? The
+Dominions were proclaimed as partners; was India to remain a Dependency?
+Mr. Bonar Law bade the Dominions strike while the iron was hot; was
+India to wait till it was cold? India saw her soldiers fighting for
+freedom in Flanders, in France, in Gallipoli, in Asia Minor, in China,
+in Africa; was she to have no share of the freedom for which she fought?
+At last she sprang to her feet and cried, in the words of one of her
+noblest sons: &ldquo;Freedom is my birthright; and I want it.&rdquo; The words &ldquo;Home
+Rule&rdquo; became her Mantram. She claimed her place in the Empire.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, while she continued to support, and even to increase, her army
+abroad, fighting for the Empire, and poured out her treasures as water
+for Hospital Ships, War Funds, Red Cross organisations, and the gigantic
+War Loan, a dawning fear oppressed her, lest, if she did not take order
+with her own household, success in the War for the Empire might mean
+decreased liberty for herself.</p>
+
+<p>The recognition of the right of the Indian Government to make its voice
+heard in Imperial matters, when they were under discussion in an
+Imperial Conference, was a step in the right direction. But
+disappointment was felt that while other countries were represented by
+responsible Ministers, the representation in India&rsquo;s case was of the
+Government, of a Government irresponsible to her, and not the
+representative of herself. No fault was found with the choice itself,
+but only with the non-representative character of the chosen, for they
+were selected by the Government, and not by the elected members of the
+Supreme Council. This defect in the resolution moved by the Hon. Khan
+Bahadur M.M. Shafi on October 2, 1915, was pointed out by the Hon. Mr.
+Surendranath Bannerji. He said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>My Lord, in view of a situation so full of hope and promise, it
+ seems to me that my friend&rsquo;s Resolution does not go far enough.
+ He pleads for <i>official</i> representation at the Imperial
+ Conference: he does not plead for <i>popular</i> representation. He
+ urges that an address be presented to His Majesty&rsquo;s Government,
+ through the Secretary of State for India, for official
+ representation at the Imperial Council. My Lord, official
+ representation may mean little or nothing. It may indeed be
+ attended with some risk; for I am sorry to have to say&mdash;but say
+ it I must&mdash;that our officials do not always see eye to eye with
+ us as regards many great public questions which affect this
+ country; and indeed their views, judged from our standpoint,
+ may sometimes seem adverse to our interests. At the same time,
+ my Lord, I recognise the fact that the Imperial Conference is
+ an assemblage of officials pure and simple, consisting of
+ Ministers of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing
+ Colonies. But, my Lord, there is an essential difference
+ between them and ourselves. In their case, the Ministers are
+ the elect of the people, their organ and their voice,
+ answerable to them for their conduct and their proceedings. In
+ our case, our officials are public servants in name, but in
+ reality they are the masters of the public. The situation may
+ improve, and I trust it will, under the liberalising influence
+ of your Excellency&rsquo;s beneficent administration; but we must
+ take things as they are, and not indulge in building castles in
+ the air, which may vanish &ldquo;like the baseless fabric of a
+ vision.&rdquo;</p></div>
+
+<p>It was said to be an epoch-making event that &ldquo;Indian Representatives&rdquo;
+took part in the Conference. Representatives they were, but, as said, of
+the British Government in India, not of India, whereas their colleagues
+represented their Nations. They did good work, none the less, for they
+were able and experienced men, though they failed us in the Imperial
+Preference Conference and, partially, on the Indentured Labour question.
+Yet we hope that the presence in the Conference of men of Indian birth
+may prove to be the proverbial &ldquo;thin end of the wedge,&rdquo; and may have
+convinced their colleagues that, while India was still a Dependency,
+India&rsquo;s sons were fully their equals.</p>
+
+<p>The Report of the Public Services Commission, though now too obviously
+obsolete to be discussed, caused both disappointment and resentment; for
+it showed that, in the eyes of the majority of the Commissioners,
+English domination in Indian administration was to be perpetual, and
+that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. of
+the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
+mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India&rsquo;s thanks
+to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
+solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
+laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
+Indian Civil Services.</p>
+
+<p>India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
+ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
+work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
+treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
+Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
+recommendations. The whole Report was written &ldquo;before the flood,&rdquo; and it
+is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.</p>
+
+<p>India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
+perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
+Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
+area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
+world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. &ldquo;Britain for the
+British&rdquo; was right and natural; &ldquo;India for the Indians&rdquo; was wrong, even
+seditious. It must be &ldquo;India for the Empire,&rdquo; or not even for the
+Empire, but &ldquo;for the rest of the Empire,&rdquo; careless of herself. &ldquo;British
+support for British Trade&rdquo; was patriotic and proper in Britain.
+&ldquo;Swadeshi goods for Indians&rdquo; showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
+India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
+thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in &ldquo;an
+atmosphere of inferiority,&rdquo; and to be proud to be a citizen (without
+rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be
+citizens (with rights) in their own countries first, and citizens of the
+Empire secondarily. Just as his trust in Great Britain was strained
+nearly to breaking point came the glad news of Mr. Montagu&rsquo;s appointment
+as Secretary of State for India, of the Viceroy&rsquo;s invitation to him, and
+of his coming to hear for himself what India wanted. It was a ray of
+sunshine breaking through the gloom, confidence in Great Britain
+revived, and glad preparation was made to welcome the coming of a
+friend.</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of India has changed to meet the changed attitude of the
+Governments of India and Great Britain. But let none imagine that that
+consequential change of attitude connotes any change in her
+determination to win Home Rule. She is ready to consider terms of peace,
+but it must be &ldquo;peace with honour,&rdquo; and honour in this connection means
+Freedom. If this be not granted, an even more vigorous agitation will
+begin.</p>
+
+<h3>LOSS OF BELIEF IN THE SUPERIORITY OF WHITE RACES</h3>
+
+<p>The undermining of this belief dates from the spreading of the Arya
+Samaj and the Theosophical Society. Both bodies sought to lead the
+Indian people to a sense of the value of their own civilisation, to
+pride in their past, creating self-respect in the present, and
+self-confidence in the future. They destroyed the unhealthy inclination
+to imitate the West in all things, and taught discrimination, the using
+only of what was valuable in western thought and culture, instead of a
+mere slavish copying of everything. Another great force was that of
+Swami Vivekananda, alike in his passionate love and admiration for
+India, and his exposure of the evils resulting from Materialism in the
+West. Take the following:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Children of India, I am here to speak to you to-day about some
+ practical things, and my object in reminding you about the
+ glories of the past is simply this. Many times have I been told
+ that looking into the past only degenerates and leads to
+ nothing, and that we should look to the future. That is true.
+ But out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore,
+ as far as you can, drink deep of the eternal fountains that are
+ behind, and after that, look forward, march forward, and make
+ India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our
+ ancestors were great. We must recall that. We must learn the
+ elements of our being, the blood that courses in our veins; we
+ must have faith in that blood, and what it did in the past: and
+ out of that faith, and consciousness of past greatness, we must
+ build an India yet greater than what she has been.</p></div>
+
+<p>And again:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>I know for certain that millions, I say deliberately, millions,
+ in every civilised land are waiting for the message that will
+ save them from the hideous abyss of materialism into which
+ modern money-worship is driving them headlong, and many of the
+ leaders of the new Social Movements have already discovered
+ that Vedanta in its highest form can alone spiritualise their
+ social aspirations.</p></div>
+
+<p>The process was continued by the admiration of Sanskrit literature
+expressed by European scholars and philosophers. But the effect of these
+was confined to the few and did not reach the many. The first great
+shock to the belief in white superiority came from the triumph of Japan
+over Russia, the facing of a huge European Power by a comparatively
+small Eastern Nation, the exposure of the weakness and rottenness of the
+Russian leaders, and the contrast with their hardy virile opponents,
+ready to sacrifice everything for their country.</p>
+
+<p>The second great shock has come from the frank brutality of German
+theories of the State, and their practical carrying out in the treatment
+of conquered districts and the laying waste of evacuated areas in
+retreat. The teachings of Bismarck and their practical application in
+France, Flanders, Belgium, Poland, and Serbia have destroyed all the
+glamour of the superiority of Christendom over Asia. Its vaunted
+civilisation is seen to be but a thin veneer, and its religion a matter
+of form rather than of life. Gazing from afar at the ghastly heaps of
+dead and the hosts of the mutilated, at science turned into devilry and
+ever inventing new tortures for rending and slaying, Asia may be
+forgiven for thinking that, on the whole, she prefers her own religions
+and her own civilisations.</p>
+
+<p>But even deeper than the outer tumult of war has pierced the doubt as to
+the reality of the Ideals of Liberty and Nationality so loudly
+proclaimed by the foremost western Nations, the doubt of the honesty of
+their champions. Sir James Meston said truly, a short time ago, that he
+had never, in his long experience, known Indians in so distrustful and
+suspicious a mood as that which he met in them to-day. And that is so.
+For long years Indians have been chafing over the many breaches of
+promises and pledges to them that remain unredeemed. The maintenance
+here of a system of political repression, of coercive measures increased
+in number and more harshly applied since 1905, the carrying of the
+system to a wider extent since the War for the sanctity of treaties and
+for the protection of Nationalities has been going on, have deepened the
+mistrust. A frank and courageous statesmanship applied to the honest
+carrying out of large reforms too long delayed can alone remove it. The
+time for political tinkering is past; the time for wise and definite
+changes is here.</p>
+
+<p>To these deep causes must be added the comparison between the
+progressive policy of some of the Indian States in matters which most
+affect the happiness of the people, and the slow advance made under
+British administration. The Indian notes that this advance is made under
+the guidance of rulers and ministers of his own race. When he sees that
+the suggestions made in the People&rsquo;s Assembly in Mysore are fully
+considered and, when possible, given effect to, he realises that without
+the forms of power the members exercise more real power than those in
+our Legislative Councils. He sees education spreading, new industries
+fostered, villagers encouraged to manage their own affairs and take the
+burden of their own responsibility, and he wonders why Indian incapacity
+is so much more efficient than British capacity.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps, after all, for Indians, Indian rule may be the best.</p>
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF THE MERCHANTS.</h3>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF INDIAN WOMANHOOD.</h3>
+
+<p>The position of women in the ancient Aryan civilisation was a very noble
+one. The great majority married, becoming, as Manu said, the Light of
+the Home; some took up the ascetic life, remained unmarried, and sought
+the knowledge of Brahma. The story of the Rani Damayanti, to whom her
+husband&rsquo;s ministers came, when they were troubled by the Raja&rsquo;s
+gambling, that of Gandhari, in the Council of Kings and Warrior Chiefs,
+remonstrating with her headstrong son; in later days, of Padmavati of
+Chitoor, of Mirabai of Marwar, the sweet poetess, of Tarabai of Thoda,
+the warrior, of Chand Bibi, the defender of Ahmednagar, of Ahalya Bai of
+Indore, the great Ruler&mdash;all these and countless others are well known.</p>
+
+<p>Only in the last two or three generations have Indian women slipped away
+from their place at their husbands&rsquo; side, and left them unhelped in
+their public life. But even now they wield great influence over husband
+and son. Culture has never forsaken them, but the English education of
+their husbands and sons, with the neglect of Sanskrit and the
+Vernacular, have made a barrier between the culture of the husband and
+that of the wife, and has shut the woman out from her old sympathy with
+the larger life of men. While the interests of the husband have
+widened, those of the wife have narrowed. The materialising of the
+husband tended also, by reaction, to render the wife&rsquo;s religion less
+broad and wise.</p>
+
+<p>The wish to save their sons from the materialising results of English
+education awoke keen sympathy among Indian mothers with the movement to
+make religion an integral part of education. It was, perhaps, the first
+movement in modern days which aroused among them in all parts a keen and
+living interest.</p>
+
+<p>The Partition of Bengal was bitterly resented by Bengali women, and was
+another factor in the outward-turning change. When the editor of an
+Extremist newspaper was prosecuted for sedition, convicted and
+sentenced, five hundred Bengali women went to his mother to show their
+sympathy, not by condolences, but by congratulations. Such was the
+feeling of the well-born women of Bengal.</p>
+
+<p>Then the troubles of Indians outside India roused the ever quick
+sympathy of Indian women, and the attack in South Africa on the
+sacredness of Indian marriage drew large numbers of them out of their
+homes to protest against the wrong.</p>
+
+<p>The Indentured Labour question, involving the dishonour of women, again,
+moved them deeply, and even sent a deputation to the Viceroy composed of
+women.</p>
+
+<p>These were, perhaps, the chief outer causes; but deep in the heart of
+India&rsquo;s daughters arose the Mother&rsquo;s voice, calling on them to help Her
+to arise, and to be once more mistress in Her own household. Indian
+women, nursed on Her old literature, with its wonderful ideals of
+womanly perfection, could not remain indifferent to the great movement
+for India&rsquo;s liberty. And during the last few years the hidden fire, long
+burning in their hearts, fire of love to Bharatamata, fire of resentment
+against the lessened influence of the religion which they passionately
+love, instinctive dislike of the foreigner as ruling in their land, have
+caused a marvellous awakening. The strength of the Home Rule movement is
+rendered tenfold greater by the adhesion to it of large numbers of
+women, who bring to its helping the uncalculating heroism, the
+endurance, the self-sacrifice, of the feminine nature. Our League&rsquo;s best
+recruits are among the women of India, and the women of Madras boast
+that they marched in procession when the men were stopped, and that
+their prayers in the temples set the interned captives free. Home Rule
+has become so intertwined with religion by the prayers offered up in the
+great Southern Temples, sacred places of pilgrimage, and spreading from
+them to village temples, and also by its being preached up and down the
+country by Sadhus and Sannyasins, that it has become in the minds of the
+women and of the ever religious masses, inextricably intertwined with
+religion. That is, in this country, the surest way of winning alike the
+women of the higher classes and the men and women villagers. And that is
+why I have said that the two words, &ldquo;Home Rule,&rdquo; have become a Mantram.</p>
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF THE MASSES.</h3>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<h3>WHY INDIA DEMANDS HOME RULE.</h3>
+
+<p>India demands Home Rule for two reasons, one essential and vital, the
+other less important but necessary: Firstly, because Freedom is the
+birthright of every Nation; secondly, because her most important
+interests are now made subservient to the interests of the British
+Empire without her consent, and her resources are not utilised for her
+greatest needs. It is enough only to mention the money spent on her
+Army, not for local defence but for Imperial purposes, as compared with
+that spent on primary education.</p>
+
+<h3>I. THE VITAL REASON.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>What is a Nation</i>?</h4>
+
+<p>Self-Government is necessary to the self-respect and dignity of a
+People; Other-Government emasculates a Nation, lowers its character, and
+lessens its capacity. The wrong done by the Arms Act, which Raja Rampal
+Singh voiced in the Second Congress as a wrong which outweighed all the
+benefits of British Rule, was its weakening and debasing effect on
+Indian manhood. &ldquo;We cannot,&rdquo; he declared, &ldquo;be grateful to it for
+degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out all martial
+spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock
+of quill-driving sheep.&rdquo; This was done not by the fact that a man did
+not carry arms&mdash;few carry them in England&mdash;but that men were deprived of
+the <i>right</i> to carry them. A Nation, an individual, cannot develop his
+capacities to the utmost without liberty. And this is recognised
+everywhere except in India. As Mazzini truly said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>God has written a line of His thought over the cradle of every
+ people. That is its special mission. It cannot be cancelled; it
+ must be freely developed.</p></div>
+
+<p>For what is a Nation? It is a spark of the Divine Fire, a fragment of
+the Divine Life, outbreathed into the world, and gathering round itself
+a mass of individuals, men, women and children, whom it binds together
+into one. Its qualities, its powers, in a word, its type, depend on the
+fragment of the Divine Life embodied in it, the Life which shapes it,
+evolves it, colours it, and makes it One. The magic of Nationality is
+the feeling of oneness, and the use of Nationality is to serve the world
+in the particular way for which its type fits it. This is what Mazzini
+called &ldquo;its special mission,&rdquo; the duty given to it by God in its
+birth-hour. Thus India had the duty of spreading the idea of Dharma,
+Persia that of Purity, Egypt that of Science, Greece that of Beauty,
+Rome that of Law. But to render its full service to Humanity it must
+develop along its own lines, and be Self-determined in its evolution. It
+must be Itself, and not Another. The whole world suffers where a
+Nationality is distorted or suppressed, before its mission to the world
+is accomplished.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The Cry for Self-Rule.</i></h4>
+
+<p>Hence the cry of a Nation for Freedom, for Self-Rule, is not a cry of
+mere selfishness demanding more Rights that it may enjoy more happiness.
+Even in that there is nothing wrong, for happiness means fulness of
+life, and to enjoy such fulness is a righteous claim. But the demand for
+Self-Rule is a demand for the evolution of its own nature for the
+Service of Humanity. It is a demand of the deepest Spirituality, an
+expression of the longing to give its very best to the world. Hence
+dangers cannot check it, nor threats appal, nor offerings of greater
+pleasures lure it to give up its demand for Freedom. In the adapted
+words of a Christian Scripture, it passionately cries: &ldquo;What shall it
+profit a Nation if it gain the whole world and lose its own Soul? What
+shall a Nation give in exchange for its Soul?&rdquo; Better hardship and
+freedom, than luxury and thraldom. This is the spirit of the Home Rule
+movement, and therefore it cannot be crushed, it cannot be destroyed, it
+is eternal and ever young. Nor can it be persuaded to exchange its
+birthright for any mess of efficiency-pottage at the hands of the
+bureaucracy.</p>
+
+<h4><i>Stunting the Race</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>Coming closer to the daily life of the people as individuals, we see
+that the character of each man, woman and child is degraded and weakened
+by a foreign administration, and this is most keenly felt by the best
+Indians. Speaking on the employment of Indians in the Public Services,
+Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>A kind of dwarfing or stunting of the Indian race is going on
+ under the present system. We must live all the days of our life
+ in an atmosphere of inferiority, and the tallest of us must
+ bend, in order that the exigencies of the system may be
+ satisfied. The upward impulse, if I may use such an expression,
+ which every schoolboy at Eton or Harrow may feel that he may
+ one day be a Gladstone, a Nelson, or a Wellington, and which
+ may draw forth the best efforts of which he is capable, that is
+ denied to us. The full height to which our manhood is capable
+ of rising can never be reached by us under the present system.
+ The moral elevation which every Self-governing people feel
+ cannot be felt by us. Our administrative and military talents
+ must gradually disappear owing to sheer disuse, till at last
+ our lot, as hewers of wood and drawers of water in our own
+ country, is stereotyped.</p></div>
+
+<p>The Hon. Mr. Bhupendranath Basu has spoken on similar lines:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>A bureaucratic administration, conducted by an imported agency,
+ and centring all power in its hands, and undertaking all
+ responsibility, has acted as a dead weight on the Soul of
+ India, stifling in us all sense of initiative, for the lack of
+ which we are condemned, atrophying the nerves of action and,
+ what is more serious, necessarily dwarfing in us all feeling of
+ self-respect.</p></div>
+
+<p>In this connexion the warning of Lord Salisbury to Cooper&rsquo;s Hill
+students is significant:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>No system of Government can be permanently safe where there is
+ a feeling of inferiority or of mortification affecting the
+ relations between the governing and the governed. There is
+ nothing I would more earnestly wish to impress upon all who
+ leave this country for the purpose of governing India than
+ that, if they choose to be so, they are the only enemies
+ England has to fear. They are the persons who can, if they
+ will, deal a blow of the deadliest character at the future rule
+ of England.</p></div>
+
+<p>I have ventured to urge this danger, which has increased of late years,
+in consequence of the growing self-respect of the Indians, but the
+ostrich policy is thought to be preferable in my part of the country.</p>
+
+<p>This stunting of the race begins with the education of the child. The
+Schools differentiate between British and Indian teachers; the Colleges
+do the same. The students see first-class Indians superseded by young
+and third-rate foreigners; the Principal of a College should be a
+foreigner; foreign history is more important than Indian; to have
+written on English villages is a qualification for teaching economics in
+India; the whole atmosphere of the School and College emphasises the
+superiority of the foreigner, even when the professors abstain from open
+assertion thereof. The Education Department controls the education
+given, and it is planned on foreign models, and its object is to serve
+foreign rather than native ends, to make docile Government servants
+rather than patriotic citizens; high spirits, courage, self-respect, are
+not encouraged, and docility is regarded as the most precious quality in
+the student; pride in country, patriotism, ambition, are looked on as
+dangerous, and English, instead of Indian, Ideals are exalted; the
+blessings of a foreign rule and the incapacity of Indians to manage
+their own affairs are constantly inculcated. What wonder that boys thus
+trained often turn out, as men, time-servers and sycophants, and,
+finding their legitimate ambitions frustrated, become selfish and care
+little for the public weal? Their own inferiority has been so driven
+into them during their most impressionable years, that they do not even
+feel what Mr. Asquith called the &ldquo;intolerable degradation of a foreign
+yoke.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<h4><i>India&rsquo;s Rights</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>It is not a question whether the rule is good or bad. German efficiency
+in Germany is far greater than English efficiency in England; the
+Germans were better fed, had more amusements and leisure, less crushing
+poverty than the English. But would any Englishman therefore desire to
+see Germans occupying all the highest positions in England? Why not?
+Because the righteous self-respect and dignity of the free man revolt
+against foreign domination, however superior. As Mr. Asquith said at the
+beginning of the War, such a condition was &ldquo;inconceivable and would be
+intolerable.&rdquo; Why then is it the one conceivable system here in India?
+Why is it not felt by all Indians to be intolerable? It is because it
+has become a habit, bred in us from childhood, to regard the sahib-log
+as our natural superiors, and the greatest injury British rule has done
+to Indians is to deprive them of the natural instinct born in all free
+peoples, the feeling of an inherent right to Self-determination, to be
+themselves. Indian dress, Indian food, Indian ways, Indian customs, are
+all looked on as second-rate; Indian mother-tongue and Indian literature
+cannot make an educated man. Indians as well as Englishmen take it for
+granted that the natural rights of every Nation do not belong to them;
+they claim &ldquo;a larger share in the government of the country,&rdquo; instead of
+claiming the government of their own country, and they are expected to
+feel grateful for &ldquo;boons,&rdquo; for concessions. Britain is to say what she
+will give. The whole thing is wrong, topsy-turvy, irrational. Thank God
+that India&rsquo;s eyes are opening; that myriads of her people realise that
+they are men, with a man&rsquo;s right to freedom in his own country, a man&rsquo;s
+right to manage his own affairs. India is no longer on her knees for
+boons; she is on her feet for Rights. It is because I have taught this
+that the English in India misunderstand me and call me seditious; it is
+because I have taught this that I am President of this Congress to-day.</p>
+
+<p>This may seem strong language, because the plain truth is not usually
+put in India. But this is what every Briton feels in Britain for his own
+country, and what every Indian should feel in India for his. This is the
+Freedom for which the Allies are fighting; this is Democracy, the Spirit
+of the Age. And this is what every true Briton will feel is India&rsquo;s
+Right the moment India claims it for herself, as she is claiming it
+now. When this right is gained, then will the tie between India and
+Great Britain become a golden link of mutual love and service, and the
+iron chain of a foreign yoke will fall away. We shall live and work side
+by side, with no sense of distrust and dislike, working as brothers for
+common ends. And from that union shall arise the mightiest Empire, or
+rather Commonwealth, that the world has ever known, a Commonwealth that,
+in God&rsquo;s good time, shall put an end to War.</p>
+
+<h3>II. THE SECONDARY REASONS.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>Tests of Efficiency</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>The Secondary Reasons for the present demand for Home Rule may be summed
+up in the blunt statement: &ldquo;The present rule, while efficient in less
+important matters and in those which concern British interests, is
+inefficient in the greater matters on which the healthy life and
+happiness of the people depend.&rdquo; Looking at outer things, such as
+external order, posts and telegraphs&mdash;except where political agitators
+are concerned&mdash;main roads, railways, etc., foreign visitors, who
+expected to find a semi-savage country, hold up their hands in
+admiration. But if they saw the life of the people, the masses of
+struggling clerks trying to educate their children on Rs. 25 (28s.
+0-1/4d.) a month, the masses of labourers with one meal a day, and the
+huts in which they live, they would find cause for thought. And if the
+educated men talked freely with them, they would be surprised at their
+bitterness. Gopal Krishna Gokhale put the whole matter very plainly in
+1911:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>One of the fundamental conditions of the peculiar position of
+ the British Government in this country is that it should be a
+ continuously progressive Government. I think all thinking men,
+ to whatever community they belong, will accept that. Now, I
+ suggest four tests to judge whether the Government is
+ progressive, and, further, whether it is continuously
+ progressive. The first test that I would apply is what measures
+ it adopts for the moral and material improvement of the mass of
+ the people, and under these measures I do not include those
+ appliances of modern Governments which the British Government
+ has applied in this country, because they were appliances
+ necessary for its very existence, though they have benefited
+ the people, such as the construction of Railways, the
+ introduction of Post and Telegraphs, and things of that kind.
+ By measures for the moral and material improvement of the
+ people, I mean what the Government does for education, what the
+ Government does for sanitation, what the Government does for
+ agricultural development, and so forth. That is my first test.
+ The second test that I would apply is what steps the Government
+ takes to give us a larger share in the administration of our
+ local affairs&mdash;in municipalities and local boards. My third
+ test is what voice the Government gives us in its Councils&mdash;in
+ those deliberate assemblies, where policies are considered.
+ And, lastly, we must consider how far Indians are admitted into
+ the ranks of the public service.</p></div>
+
+<h4><i>A Change of System Needed</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>Those were Gokhale&rsquo;s tests, and Indians can supply the results of their
+knowledge and experience to answer them. But before dealing with the
+failure to meet these tests, it is necessary to state here that it is
+not a question of blaming men, or of substituting Indians for
+Englishmen, but of changing the system itself. It is a commonplace that
+the best men become corrupted by the possession of irresponsible power.
+As Bernard Houghton says: &ldquo;The possession of unchecked power corrupts
+some of the finer qualities.&rdquo; Officials quite honestly come to believe
+that those who try to change the system are undermining the security of
+the State. They identify the State with themselves, so that criticism of
+them is seen as treason to the State. The phenomenon is well known in
+history, and it is only repeating itself in India. The same writer&mdash;I
+prefer to use his words rather than my own, for he expresses exactly my
+own views, and will not be considered to be prejudiced as I am thought
+to be&mdash;cogently remarks:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>He (the official) has become an expert in reports and returns
+ and matters of routine through many years of practice. They are
+ the very woof and warp of his brain. He has no ideas, only
+ reflexes. He views with acrid disfavour untried conceptions.
+ From being constantly preoccupied with the manipulation of the
+ machine he regards its smooth working, the ordered and
+ harmonious regulation of glittering pieces of machinery, as the
+ highest service he can render to the country of his adoption.
+ He determines that his particular cog-wheel at least shall be
+ bright, smooth, silent, and with absolutely no back-lash. Not
+ unnaturally in course of time he comes to envisage the world
+ through the strait embrasure of an office window. When perforce
+ he must report on new proposals he will place in the forefront,
+ not their influence on the life and progress of the people, but
+ their convenience to the official hierarchy and the manner in
+ which they affect its authority. Like the monks of old, or the
+ squire in the typical English village, he cherishes a
+ benevolent interest in the commonalty, and is quite willing,
+ even eager, to take a general interest in their welfare, if
+ only they do not display initiative or assert themselves in
+ opposition to himself or his order. There is much in this
+ proviso. Having come to regard his own judgment as almost
+ divine, and the hierarchy of which he has the honour to form a
+ part as a sacrosanct institution, he tolerates the laity so
+ long as they labour quietly and peaceably at their vocations
+ and do not presume to inter-meddle in high matters of State.
+ That is the heinous offence. And frank criticism of official
+ acts touches a lower depth still, even <i>l&egrave;se majest&eacute;</i>. For no
+ official will endure criticism from his subordinates, and the
+ public, who lie in outer darkness beyond the pale, do not in
+ his estimation rank even with his subordinates. How, then,
+ should he listen with patience when in their cavilling way they
+ insinuate that, in spite of the labours of a high-souled
+ bureaucracy, all is perhaps not for the best in the best of all
+ possible worlds&mdash;still less when they suggest reforms that had
+ never occurred even to him or to his order, and may clash with
+ his most cherished ideals? It is for the officials to govern
+ the country; they alone have been initiated into the sacred
+ mysteries; they alone understand the secret working of the
+ machine. At the utmost the laity may tender respectful and
+ humble suggestions for their consideration, but no more. As for
+ those who dare to think and act for themselves, their ignorant
+ folly is only equalled by their arrogance. It is as though a
+ handful of schoolboys were to dictate to their masters
+ alterations in the traditional time-table, or to insist on a
+ modified curriculum.... These worthy people [officials] confuse
+ manly independence with disloyalty; they cannot conceive of
+ natives except either as rebels or as timid sheep.</p></div>
+
+<h4><i>Non-Official Anglo-Indians</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>The problem becomes more complicated by the existence in India of a
+small but powerful body of the same race as the higher officials; there
+are only 122,919 English-born persons in this country, while there are
+245,000,000 in the British Raj and another 70,000,000 in the Indian
+States, more or less affected by British influence. As a rule, the
+non-officials do not take any part in politics, being otherwise
+occupied; but they enter the field when any hope arises in Indian hearts
+of changes really beneficial to the Nation. John Stuart Mill observed on
+this point:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The individuals of the ruling people who resort to the foreign
+ country to make their fortunes are of all others those who most
+ need to be held under powerful restraint. They are always one
+ of the chief difficulties of the Government. Armed with the
+ prestige and filled with the scornful overbearingness of the
+ conquering Nation, they have the feelings inspired by absolute
+ power without its sense of responsibility.</p></div>
+
+<p>Similarly, Sir John Lawrence wrote:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The difficulty in the way of the Government of India acting
+ fairly in these matters is immense. If anything is done, or
+ attempted to be done, to help the natives, a general howl is
+ raised, which reverberates in England, and finds sympathy and
+ support there. I feel quite bewildered sometimes what to do.
+ Everyone is, in the abstract, for justice, moderation, and
+ suchlike excellent qualities; but when one comes to apply such
+ principles so as to affect anybody&rsquo;s interests, then a change
+ comes over them.</p></div>
+
+<p>Keene, speaking of the principle of treating equally all classes of the
+community, says:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The application of that maxim, however, could not be made
+ without sometimes provoking opposition among the handful of
+ white settlers in India who, even when not connected with the
+ administration, claimed a kind of class ascendancy which was
+ not only in the conditions of the country but also in the
+ nature of the case. It was perhaps natural that in a land of
+ caste the compatriots of the rulers should become&mdash;as Lord
+ Lytton said&mdash;a kind of &ldquo;white Brahmanas&rdquo;; and it was certain
+ that, as a matter of fact, the pride of race and the possession
+ of western civilisation created a sense of superiority, the
+ display of which was ungraceful and even dangerous, when not
+ tempered by official responsibility. This feeling had been
+ sensitive enough in the days of Lord William Bentinck, when the
+ class referred to was small in numbers and devoid of influence.
+ It was now both more numerous, and&mdash;by reason of its connection
+ with the newspapers of Calcutta and of London&mdash;it was far
+ better able to make its passion heard.</p></div>
+
+<p>During Lord Ripon&rsquo;s sympathetic administration the great outburst
+occurred against the Ilbert Bill in 1883. We are face to face with a
+similar phenomenon to-day, when we see the European Associations&mdash;under
+the leadership of the <i>Madras Mail</i>, the <i>Englishman</i> of Calcutta, the
+<i>Pioneer of</i> Allahabad, the <i>Civil and Military Gazette</i> of Lahore, with
+their Tory and Unionist allies in the London Press and with the aid of
+retired Indian officials and non-officials in England&mdash;desperately
+resisting the Reforms now proposed. Their opposition, we know, is a
+danger to the movement towards Freedom, and even when they have failed
+to impress England&mdash;as they are evidently failing&mdash;they will try to
+minimise or smother here the reforms which a statute has embodied. The
+Minto-Morley reforms were thus robbed of their usefulness, and a similar
+attempt, if not guarded against, will be made when the Congress-League
+Scheme is used as the basis for an Act.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The Re-action on England</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>We cannot leave out of account here the deadly harm done to England
+herself by this un-English system of rule in India. Mr. Hobson has
+pointed out:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>As our free Self-Governing Colonies have furnished hope,
+ encouragement, and leading to the popular aspirations in Great
+ Britain, not merely by practical success in the art of
+ Self-Government, but by the wafting of a spirit of freedom and
+ equality, so our despotically ruled Dependencies have ever
+ served to damage the character of our people by feeding the
+ habits of snobbish subservience, the admiration of wealth and
+ rank, the corrupt survivals of the inequalities of
+ feudalism.... Cobden writing in 1860 of our Indian Empire, put
+ this pithy question: &ldquo;Is it not just possible that we may
+ become corrupted at home by the reaction of arbitrary political
+ maxims in the East upon our domestic politics, just as Greece
+ and Rome were demoralised by their contact with Asia?&rdquo; Not
+ merely is the reaction possible, it is inevitable. As the
+ despotic portion of our Empire, has grown in area, a large
+ number of men, trained in the temper and methods of autocracy,
+ as soldiers and civil officials in our Crown Colonies,
+ Protectorates and Indian Empire, reinforced by numbers of
+ merchants, planters, engineers, and overseers, whose lives have
+ been those of a superior caste living an artificial life
+ removed from all the healthy restraints of ordinary European
+ Society, have returned to this country, bringing back the
+ characters, sentiments and ideas imposed by this foreign
+ environment.</p></div>
+
+<p>It is a little hard on the I.C.S. that they should be foreigners here,
+and then, when they return to their native land, find that they have
+become foreigners there by the corrupting influences with which they
+are surrounded here. We import them as raw material to our own
+disadvantage, and when we export them as manufactured here, Great
+Britain and India alike suffer from their reactionary tendencies. The
+results are unsatisfactory to both sides.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The First Test Applied</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>Let us now apply Gokhale&rsquo;s first test. What has the Bureaucracy done for
+&ldquo;education, sanitation, agricultural improvement, and so forth&rdquo;? I must
+put the facts very briefly, but they are indisputable.</p>
+
+<p><i>Education</i>. The percentage to the whole population of children
+receiving education is 2.8, the percentage having risen by 0.9 since Mr.
+Gokhale moved his Education Bill six years ago. The percentage of
+children of school-going age attending school is 18.7. In 1913 the
+Government of India put the number of pupils at 4-1/2 millions; this has
+been accomplished in 63 years, reckoning from Sir Charles Wood&rsquo;s
+Educational Despatch in 1854, which led to the formation of the
+Education Department. In 1870 an Education Act was passed in Great
+Britain, the condition of Education in England then much resembling our
+present position; grants-in-aid in England had been given since 1833,
+chiefly to Church Schools. Between 1870 and 1881 free and compulsory
+education was established, and in 12 years the attendance rose from 43.3
+to nearly 100 per cent. There are now 6,000,000 children in the schools
+of England and Wales out of a population of 40 millions. Japan, before
+1872, had a proportion of 28 per cent. of children of school-going age in
+school, nearly 10 over our present proportion; in 24 years the
+percentage was raised to 92, and in 28 years education was free and
+compulsory. In Baroda education is free and largely compulsory and the
+percentage of boys is 100 per cent. Travancore has 81.1 per cent. of
+boys and 33.2 of girls. Mysore has 45.8 of boys and 9.7 of girls. Baroda
+spends an. 6-6 per head on school-going children, British India one
+anna. Expenditure on education advanced between 1882 and 1907 by 57
+lakhs. Land-revenue had increased by 8 crores, military expenditure by
+13 crores, civil by 8 crores, and capital outlay on railways was 15
+crores. (I am quoting G.K. Gokhale&rsquo;s figures.) He ironically calculated
+that, if the population did not increase, every boy would be in school
+115 years hence, and every girl in 665 years. Brother Delegates, we hope
+to do it more quickly under Home Rule. I submit that in Education the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.</p>
+
+<p><i>Sanitation and Medical Relief</i>. The prevalence of plague, cholera, and
+above all malaria, shows the lack of sanitation alike in town and
+country. This lack is one of the causes contributing to the low average
+life-period in India&mdash;23.5 years. In England the life-period is 40
+years, in New Zealand 60. The chief difficulty in the way of the
+treatment of disease is the encouragement of the foreign system of
+medicine, especially in rural parts, and the withholding of grants from
+the indigenous. Government Hospitals, Government Dispensaries,
+Government doctors, must all be on the foreign system. Ayurvaidic and
+Unani medicines, Hospitals, Dispensaries, Physicians, are unrecognised,
+and to &ldquo;cover&rdquo; the latter is &ldquo;infamous&rdquo; conduct. Travancore gives
+grants-in-aid to 72 Vaidyashalas, at which 143,505 patients&mdash;22,000 more
+than in allopathic institutions&mdash;were treated in 1914-15 (the Report
+issued in 1917). Our Government cannot grapple with the medical needs of
+the people, yet will not allow the people&rsquo;s money to be spent on the
+systems they prefer. Under Home Rule the indigenous and the foreign
+systems will be treated with impartiality. I grant that the allopathic
+doctors do their utmost to supply the need, and show great
+self-sacrifice, but the need is too vast and the numbers too few.
+Efficiency on their own lines in this matter is therefore impossible for
+our bureaucratic Government; their fault lies in excluding the
+indigenous systems, which they have not condescended to examine before
+rejecting them. The result is that in sanitation and medical relief the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.</p>
+
+<p><i>Agricultural Development</i>. The census of 1911 gives the agricultural
+population at 218.3 millions. Its frightful poverty is a matter of
+common knowledge; its ever-increasing load of indebtedness has been
+dwelt on for at least the last thirty odd years by Sir Dinshaw E. Wacha.
+Yet the increasing debt is accompanied with increasing taxation, land
+revenue having risen, as just stated, in 25 years, by 8
+crores&mdash;80,000,000&mdash;of rupees. In addition to this there are local
+cesses, salt tax, etc. The salt tax, which presses most hardly on the
+very poor, was raised in the last budget by Rs. 9 millions. The
+inevitable result of this poverty is malnutrition, resulting in low
+vitality, lack of resistance to disease, short life-period, huge
+infantile mortality. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, no mischievous agitator,
+repeated in 1905 the figures; often quoted:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Forty millions of people, according to one great Anglo-Indian
+ authority&mdash;Sir William Hunter&mdash;pass through life with only one
+ meal a day. According to another authority&mdash;Sir Charles
+ Elliot&mdash;70 millions of people in India do not know what it is
+ to have their hunger fully satisfied even once in the whole
+ course of the year. The poverty of the people of India, thus
+ considered by itself, is truly appalling. And if this is the
+ state of things after a hundred years of your rule, you cannot
+ claim that your principal aim in India has been the promotion
+ of the interests of the Indian people.</p></div>
+
+<p>It is sometimes said: &ldquo;Why harp on these figures? We know them.&rdquo; Our
+answer is that the fact is ever harping in the stomach of the people,
+and while it continues we cannot cease to draw attention to it. And
+Gokhale urged that &ldquo;even this deplorable condition has been further
+deteriorating steadily.&rdquo; We have no figures on malnutrition among the
+peasantry, but in Madras City, among an equally poor urban population,
+we found that 78 per cent. of our pupils were reported, after a medical
+inspection, to be suffering from malnutrition. And the spareness of
+frame, the thinness of arms and legs, the pitiably weak grip on life,
+speak without words to the seeing eye. It needs an extraordinary lack of
+imagination not to suffer while these things are going on.</p>
+
+<p>The peasants&rsquo; grievances are many and have been voiced year after year
+by this Congress. The Forest Laws, made by legislators inappreciative of
+village difficulties, press hardly on them, and only in a small number
+of places have Forest Panchayats been established. In the few cases in
+which the experiment has been made the results have been good, in some
+cases marvellously good. The paucity of grazing grounds for their
+cattle, the lack of green manure to feed their impoverished lands, the
+absence of fencing round forests, so that the cattle stray in when
+feeding, are impounded, and have to be redeemed, the fines and other
+punishments imposed for offences ill-understood, the want of wood for
+fuel, for tools, for repairs, the uncertain distribution of the
+available water, all these troubles are discussed in villages and in
+local Conferences. The Arms Act oppresses them, by leaving them
+defenceless against wild beasts and wild men. The union of Judicial and
+Executive functions makes justice often inaccessible, and always costly
+both in money and in time. The village officials naturally care more to
+please the Tahsildar and the Collector than the villagers, to whom they
+are in no way responsible. And factions flourish, because there is
+always a third party to whom to resort, who may be flattered if his rank
+be high, bribed if it be low, whose favour can be gained in either case
+by cringing and by subservience and tale-bearing. As regards the
+condition of agriculture in India and the poverty of the agricultural
+population, the Bureaucracy is inefficient.</p>
+
+<p>The application of Mr. Gokhale&rsquo;s first test to Indian handicrafts, to
+the strengthening of weak industries and the creation of new, to the
+care of waterways for traffic and of the coast transport shipping, the
+protection of indigo and other indigenous dyes against their German
+synthetic rivals, etc., would show similar answers. We are suffering now
+from the supineness of the Bureaucracy as regards the development of the
+resources of the country, by its careless indifference to the usurping
+by Germans of some of those resources, and even now they are pursuing a
+similar policy of <i>laissez faire</i> towards Japanese enterprise, which,
+leaning on its own Government, is taking the place of Germany in
+shouldering Indians out of their own natural heritage.</p>
+
+<p>In all prosperous countries crafts are found side by-side with
+agriculture, and they lend each other mutual support. The extreme
+poverty of Ireland, and the loss of more than half its population by
+emigration, were the direct results of the destruction of its
+wool-industry by Great Britain, and the consequent throwing of the
+population entirely on the land for subsistence. A similar phenomenon
+has resulted here from a similar case, but on a far more widespread
+scale. And here, a novel and portentous change for India, &ldquo;a
+considerable landless class is developing, which involves economic
+danger,&rdquo; as the <i>Imperial Gazeteer</i> remarks, comparing the census
+returns of 1891 and 1901. &ldquo;The ordinary agricultural labourers are
+employed on the land only during the busy seasons of the year, and in
+slack times a few are attracted to large trade-centres for temporary
+work.&rdquo; One recalls the influx into England of Irish labourers at harvest
+time. Professor Radkamal Mukerji has laid stress on the older conditions
+of village life. He says:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The village is still almost self-sufficing, and is in itself an
+ economic unit. The village agriculturist grows all the food
+ necessary for the inhabitants of the village. The smith makes
+ the plough-shares for the cultivator, and the few iron utensils
+ required for the household. He supplies these to the people,
+ but does not get money in return. He is recompensed by mutual
+ services from his fellow villagers. The potter supplies him
+ with pots, the weaver with cloth, and the oilman with oil. From
+ the cultivator each of these artisans receives his traditional
+ share of grain. Thus almost all the economic transactions are
+ carried on without the use of money. To the villagers money is
+ only a store of value, not a medium of exchange. When they
+ happen to be rich in money, they hoard it either in coins or
+ make ornaments made of gold and silver.</p></div>
+
+<p>These conditions are changing in consequence of the pressure of poverty
+driving the villagers to the city, where they learn to substitute the
+competition of the town for the mutual helpfulness of the village. The
+difference of feeling, the change from trustfulness to suspicion, may be
+seen by visiting villages which are in the vicinity of a town and
+comparing their villagers with those who inhabit villages in purely
+rural areas. This economic and moral deterioration can only be checked
+by the re-establishment of a healthy <i>and interesting</i> village life, and
+this depends upon the re-establishment of the Panchayat as the unit of
+Government, a question which I deal with presently. Village industries
+would then revive and an intercommunicating network would be formed by
+Co-operative Societies. Mr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar says in his pamphlet,
+<i>Co-operative Societies and Panchayats</i>:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The one method by which this evil [emigration to towns] can be
+ arrested and the economic and social standards of life of the
+ rural people elevated is by the inauguration of healthy
+ Panchayats in conjunction with the foundation of Co-operative
+ institutions, which will have the effect of resuscitating
+ village industries, and of creating organised social forces.
+ The Indian village, when rightly reconstructed, would be an
+ excellent foundation for well-developed co-operative industrial
+ organisation.</p></div>
+
+<p>Again:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The resuscitation of the village system has other bearings, not
+ usually considered in connection with the general subject of
+ the inauguration of the Panchayat system. One of the most
+ important of these is the regeneration of the small industries
+ of the land. Both in Europe and in India the decline of small
+ industries has gone on <i>pari passu</i> with the decline of farming
+ on a small scale. In countries like France agriculture has
+ largely supported village industries, and small cultivators in
+ that country have turned their attention to industry as a
+ supplementary source of livelihood. The decline of village life
+ in India is not only a political, but also an economic and
+ industrial, problem. Whereas in Europe the cultural impulse has
+ travelled from the city to the village, in India the reverse
+ has been the case. The centre of social life in this country is
+ the village, and not the town. Ours was essentially the cottage
+ industry, and our artisans still work in their own huts, more
+ or less out of touch with the commercial world. Throughout the
+ world the tendency has been of late to lay considerable
+ emphasis on distributive and industrial co-operation based on a
+ system of village industries and enterprise. Herein would be
+ found the origins of the arts and crafts guilds and the Garden
+ Cities, the idea underlying all these being to inaugurate a
+ reign of Socialism and Co-operation, eradicating the entirely
+ unequal distribution of wealth amongst producers and consumers.
+ India has always been a country of small tenantry, and has
+ thereby escaped many of the evils the western Nations have
+ experienced owing to the concentration of wealth in a few
+ hands. The communistic sense in our midst, and the fundamental
+ tenets of our family life, have checked such concentration of
+ capital. This has been the cause for the non-development of
+ factory industries on a large scale.</p></div>
+
+<p>The need for these changes&mdash;to which England is returning, after full
+experience of the miseries of life in manufacturing towns&mdash;is pressing.</p>
+
+<p>Addressing an English audience, G.K. Gokhale summed up the general state
+of India as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Your average annual income has been estimated at about &pound;42 per
+ head. Ours, according to official estimates, is about &pound;2 per
+ head, and according to non-official estimates, only a little
+ more than &pound;1 per head. Your imports per head are about &pound;13:
+ ours about 5s. per head. The total deposits in your Postal
+ Savings Bank amount to 148 million sterling, and you have in
+ addition in the Trustees&rsquo; Savings Banks about 52 million
+ sterling. Our Postal Savings Bank deposits, with a population
+ seven times as large as yours, are only about 7 million
+ sterling, and even of this a little over one-tenth is held by
+ Europeans. Your total paid-up capital of joint-stock companies
+ is about 1,900 million sterling. Ours is not quite 26 million
+ sterling, and the greater part of this again is European.
+ Four-fifths of our people are dependent upon agriculture, and
+ agriculture has been for some time steadily deteriorating.
+ Indian agriculturists are too poor, and are, moreover, too
+ heavily indebted, to be able to apply any capital to land, and
+ the result is that over the greater part of India agriculture
+ is, as Sir James Caird pointed out more than twenty-five years
+ ago, only a process of exhaustion of the soil. The yield per
+ acre is steadily diminishing, being now only about 8 to 9
+ bushels an acre against about 30 bushels here in England.</p></div>
+
+<p>In all the matters which come under Gokhale&rsquo;s first test, the
+Bureaucracy has been and is inefficient.</p>
+
+<h4><i>Give Indians a Chance.</i></h4>
+
+<p>All we say in the matter is: You have not succeeded in bringing
+education, health, prosperity, to the masses of the people. Is it not
+time to give Indians a chance of doing, for their own country, work
+similar to that which Japan and other nations have done for theirs?
+Surely the claim is not unreasonable. If the Anglo-Indians say that the
+masses are their peculiar care, and that the educated classes care not
+for them, but only for place and power, then we point to the Congress,
+to the speeches and the resolutions eloquent of their love and their
+knowledge. It is not their fault that they gaze on their country&rsquo;s
+poverty in helpless despair. Or let Mr. Justice Rahim answer:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>As for the representation of the interests of the many scores
+ of millions in India, if the claim be that they are better
+ represented by European Officials than by educated Indian
+ Officials or non-Officials, it is difficult to conceive how
+ such reckless claim has come to be urged. The inability of
+ English Officials to master the spoken language of India and
+ their habits of life and modes of thought so completely divide
+ them from the general population, that only an extremely
+ limited few, possessed with extraordinary powers of insight,
+ have ever been able to surmount the barriers. With the educated
+ Indians, on the other hand, this knowledge is instinctive, and
+ the view of religion and custom so strong in the East make
+ their knowledge and sympathy more real than is to be seen in
+ countries dominated by materialistic conceptions.</p></div>
+
+<p>And it must be remembered that it is not lack of ability which has
+brought about bureaucratic inefficiency, for British traders and
+producers have done uncommonly well for themselves in India. But a
+Bureaucracy does not trouble itself about matters of this kind; the
+Russian Bureaucracy did not concern itself with the happiness of the
+Russian masses, but with their obedience and their paying of taxes.
+Bureaucracies are the same everywhere, and therefore it is the system we
+wage war upon, not the men; we do not want to substitute Indian
+bureaucrats for British bureaucrats; we want to abolish Bureaucracy,
+Government by Civil Servants.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The Other Tests Applied.</i></h4>
+
+<p>I need not delay over the second, third, and fourth tests, for the
+answers <i>sautent aux yeux</i>.</p>
+
+<p><i>The second test, Local Self-Government</i>: Under Lord Mayo (1869-72) some
+attempts were made at decentralisation, called by Keene &ldquo;Home Rule&rdquo; (!),
+and his policy was followed on non-financial lines as well by Lord
+Ripon, who tried to infuse into what Keene calls &ldquo;the germs of Home
+Rule&rdquo; &ldquo;the breath of life.&rdquo; Now, in 1917, an experimental and limited
+measure of local Home Rule is to be tried in Bengal. Though the Report
+of the Decentralisation Committee was published in 1909, we have not yet
+arrived at the universal election of non-official Chairmen. Decidedly
+inefficient is the Bureaucracy under test 2.</p>
+
+<p><i>The third test, Voice in the Councils</i>: The part played by Indian
+elected members in the Legislative Council, Madras, was lately described
+by a member as &ldquo;a farce.&rdquo; The Supreme Legislative Council was called by
+one of its members &ldquo;a glorified Debating Society.&rdquo; A table of
+resolutions proposed by Indian elected members, and passed or lost, was
+lately drawn up, and justified the caustic epithets. With regard to the
+Minto-Morley reforms, the Bureaucracy showed great efficiency in
+destroying the benefits intended by the Parliamentary Statute. But the
+third test shows that in giving Indians a fair voice in the Councils the
+Bureaucracy was inefficient.</p>
+
+<p><i>The fourth test, the Admission of Indians to the Public Services</i>: This
+is shown, by the Report of the Commission, not to need any destructive
+activity on the part of the Bureaucracy to prove their unwillingness to
+pass it, for the Report protects them in their privileged position.</p>
+
+<p>We may add to Gokhale&rsquo;s tests one more, which will be triumphantly
+passed, the success of the Bureaucracy in increasing the cost of
+administration. The estimates for the revenue of the coming year stand
+at &pound;86,199,600 sterling. The expenditure is reckoned at &pound;85,572,100
+sterling. The cost of administration stands at more than half the total
+revenue:</p>
+
+<table border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="80%" summary="">
+ <tr>
+ <td>Civil Departments Salaries and Expenses</td>
+ <td align="right">&pound;19,323,300</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Civil Miscellaneous Charges</td>
+ <td align="right">5,283,300</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Military Services</td>
+ <td align="right">23,165,900</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td align="right">&pound;47,772,500</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The reduction of the abnormal cost of government in India is of the most
+pressing nature, but this will never be done until we win Home Rule.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the Secondary Reasons for the demand for Home Rule
+are of the weightiest nature in themselves, and show the necessity for
+its grant if India is to escape from a poverty which threatens to lead
+to National bankruptcy, as it has already led to a short life-period and
+a high death rate, to widespread disease, and to a growing exhaustion of
+the soil. That some radical change must be brought about in the
+condition of our masses, if a Revolution of Hunger is to be averted, is
+patent to all students of history, who also know the poverty of the
+Indian masses to-day. This economic condition is due to many causes, of
+which the inevitable lack of understanding by an alien Government is
+only one. A system of government suitable to the West was forced on the
+East, destroying its own democratic and communal institutions and
+imposing bureaucratic methods which bewildered and deteriorated a people
+to whom they were strange and repellent. The result is not a matter for
+recrimination, but for change. An inappropriate system forced on an
+already highly civilised people was bound to fail. It has been rightly
+said that the poor only revolt when the misery they are enduring is
+greater than the dangers of revolt. We need Home Rule to stop the daily
+suffering of our millions from the diminishing yield of the soil and the
+decay of village industries.</p>
+
+<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 12820 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9f7922d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #12820 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/12820)
diff --git a/old/12820-0.txt b/old/12820-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6184afc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/12820-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2221 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Case For India, by Annie Besant
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
+will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
+using this eBook.
+
+Title: The Case For India
+
+Author: Annie Besant
+
+Release Date: July 5, 2004 [eBook #12820]
+[Most recently updated: June 17, 2021]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+Produced by: Jonathan Ingram, Asad Razzaki, and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA ***
+
+
+
+
+THE CASE FOR INDIA
+
+The Presidential Address Delivered by Annie Besant at the
+Thirty-Second Indian National Congress Held at Calcutta
+26th December 1917
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FELLOW-DELEGATES AND FRIENDS,
+
+Everyone who has preceded me in this Chair has rendered his thanks in
+fitting terms for the gift which is truly said to be the highest that
+India has it in her power to bestow. It is the sign of her fullest love,
+trust, and approval, and the one whom she seats in that chair is, for
+his year of service, her chosen leader. But if my predecessors found
+fitting words for their gratitude, in what words can I voice mine, whose
+debt to you is so overwhelmingly greater than theirs? For the first time
+in Congress history, you have chosen as your President one who, when
+your choice was made, was under the heavy ban of Government displeasure,
+and who lay interned as a person dangerous to public safety. While I was
+humiliated, you crowned me with honour; while I was slandered, you
+believed in my integrity and good faith; while I was crushed under the
+heel of bureaucratic power, you acclaimed me as your leader; while I was
+silenced and unable to defend myself, you defended me, and won for me
+release. I was proud to serve in lowliest fashion, but you lifted me up
+and placed me before the world as your chosen representative. I have no
+words with which to thank you, no eloquence with which to repay my debt.
+My deeds must speak for me, for words are too poor. I turn your gift
+into service to the Motherland; I consecrate my life anew to her in
+worship by action. All that I have and am, I lay on the Altar of the
+Mother, and together we shall cry, more by service than by words: VANDE
+MATARAM.
+
+There is, perhaps, one value in your election of me in this crisis of
+India’s destiny, seeing that I have not the privilege to be Indian-born,
+but come from that little island in the northern seas which has been, in
+the West, the builder-up of free institutions. The Aryan emigrants, who
+spread over the lands of Europe, carried with them the seeds of liberty
+sown in their blood in their Asian cradle-land. Western historians trace
+the self-rule of the Saxon villages to their earlier prototypes in the
+East, and see the growth of English liberty as up-springing from the
+Aryan root of the free and self-contained village communities.
+
+Its growth was crippled by Norman feudalism there, as its
+millennia-nourished security here was smothered by the East India
+Company. But in England it burst its shackles and nurtured a
+liberty-loving people and a free Commons’ House. Here, it similarly
+bourgeoned out into the Congress activities, and more recently into
+those of the Muslim League, now together blossoming into Home Rule for
+India. The England of Milton, Cromwell, Sydney, Burke, Paine, Shelley,
+Wilberforce, Gladstone; the England that sheltered Mazzini, Kossuth,
+Kropotkin, Stepniak, and that welcomed Garibaldi; the England that is
+the enemy of tyranny, the foe of autocracy, the lover of freedom, that
+is the England I would fain here represent to you to-day. To-day, when
+India stands erect, no suppliant people, but a Nation, self-conscious,
+self-respecting, determined to be free; when she stretches out her hand
+to Britain and offers friendship not subservience; co-operation not
+obedience; to-day let me: western-born but in spirit eastern, cradled in
+England but Indian by choice and adoption: let me stand as the symbol of
+union between Great Britain and India: a union of hearts and free
+choice, not of compulsion: and therefore of a tie which cannot be
+broken, a tie of love and of mutual helpfulness, beneficial to both
+Nations and blessed by God.
+
+GONE TO THE PEACE.
+
+India’s great leader, Dadabhai Naoroji, has left his mortal body and is
+now one of the company of the Immortals, who watch over and aid India’s
+progress. He is with V.C. Bonnerjee, and Ranade, and A.O. Hume, and
+Henry Cotton, and Pherozeshah Mehta, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale: the
+great men who, in Swinburne’s noble verse, are the stars which lead us
+to Liberty’s altar:
+
+ These, O men, shall ye honour,
+ Liberty only and these.
+ For thy sake and for all men’s and mine,
+ Brother, the crowns of them shine,
+ Lighting the way to her shrine,
+ That our eyes may be fastened upon her,
+ That our hands may encompass her knees.
+
+Not for me to praise him in feeble words of reverence or of homage. His
+deeds praise him, and his service to his country is his abiding glory.
+Our gratitude will be best paid by following in his footsteps, alike in
+his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion, so that we may win
+the Home Rule which he longed to see while with us, and shall see, ere
+long, from the other world of Life, in which he dwells to-day.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+PRE-WAR MILITARY EXPENDITURE.
+
+
+The Great War, into the whirlpool of which Nation after Nation has been
+drawn, has entered on its fourth year. The rigid censorship which has
+been established makes it impossible for any outside the circle of
+Governments to forecast its duration, but to me, speaking for a moment
+not as a politician but as a student of spiritual laws, to me its end is
+sure. For the true object of this War is to prove the evil of, and to
+destroy, autocracy and the enslavement of one Nation by another, and to
+place on sure foundations the God-given Right to Self-Rule and
+Self-Development of every Nation, and the similar right of the
+Individual, of the smaller Self, so far as is consistent with the
+welfare of the larger Self of the Nation. The forces which make for the
+prolongation of autocracy--the rule of one--and the even deadlier
+bureaucracy--the rule of a close body welded into an iron system--these
+have been gathered together in the Central Powers of Europe--as of old
+in Ravana--in order that they may be destroyed; for the New Age cannot
+be opened until the Old passes away. The new civilisation of
+Righteousness and Justice, and therefore of Brotherhood, of ordered
+Liberty, of Peace, of Happiness, cannot be built up until the elements
+are removed which have brought the old civilisation crashing about our
+ears. Therefore is it necessary that the War shall be fought out to its
+appointed end, and that no premature peace shall leave its object
+unattained. Autocracy and bureaucracy must perish utterly, in East and
+West, and, in order that their germs may not re-sprout in the future,
+they must be discredited in the minds of men. They must be proved to be
+less efficient than the Governments of Free Peoples, even in their
+favourite work of War, and their iron machinery--which at first brings
+outer prosperity and success--must be shown to be less lasting and
+effective than the living and flexible organisations of democratic
+Peoples. They must be proved failures before the world, so that the
+glamour of superficial successes may be destroyed for ever. They have
+had their day and their place in evolution, and have done their
+educative work. Now they are out-of-date, unfit for survival, and must
+vanish away.
+
+When Great Britain sprang to arms, it was in defence of the freedom of a
+small nation, guaranteed by treaties, and the great principles she
+proclaimed electrified India and the Dominions. They all sprang to her
+side without question, without delay; they heard the voice of old
+England, the soldier of Liberty, and it thrilled their hearts. All were
+unprepared, save the small territorial army of Great Britain, due to the
+genius and foresight of Lord Haldane, and the readily mobilised army of
+India, hurled into the fray by the swift decision of Lord Hardinge. The
+little army of Britain fought for time; fought to stop the road to
+Paris, the heart of France; fought, falling back step by step, and
+gained the time it fought for, till India’s sons stood on the soil of
+France, were flung to the front, rushed past the exhausted regiments who
+cheered them with failing breath, charged the advancing hosts, stopped
+the retreat, and joined the British army in forming that unbreakable
+line which wrestled to the death through two fearful winters--often,
+these soldiers of the tropics, waist-deep in freezing mud--and knew no
+surrender.
+
+India, with her clear vision, saw in Great Britain the champion of
+Freedom, in Germany the champion of Despotism. And she saw rightly.
+Rightly she stood by Great Britain, despite her own lack of freedom and
+the coercive legislation which outrivalled German despotism, knowing
+these to be temporary, because un-English, and therefore doomed to
+destruction; she spurned the lure of German gold and rejected German
+appeals to revolt. She offered men and money; her educated classes, her
+Vakils, offered themselves as Volunteers, pleaded to be accepted. Then
+the never-sleeping distrust of Anglo-India rejected the offer, pressed
+for money, rejected men. And, slowly, educated India sank back,
+depressed and disheartened, and a splendid opportunity for knitting
+together the two Nations was lost.
+
+Early in the War I ventured to say that the War could not end until
+England recognised that autocracy and bureaucracy must perish in India
+as well as in Europe. The good Bishop of Calcutta, with a courage worthy
+of his free race, lately declared that it would be hypocritical to pray
+for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India. Now it
+has been clearly and definitely declared that Self-Government is to be
+the objective of Great Britain in India, and that a substantial measure
+of it is to be given at once; when this promise is made good by the
+granting of the Reforms outlined last year in Lucknow, then the end of
+the War will be in sight. For the War cannot end till the death-knell of
+autocracy is sounded.
+
+Causes, with which I will deal presently and for which India was not
+responsible, have somewhat obscured the first eager expressions of
+India’s sympathy, and have forced her thoughts largely towards her own
+position in the Empire. But that does not detract from the immense aid
+she has given, and is still giving. It must not be forgotten that long
+before the present War she had submitted--at first, while she had no
+power of remonstrance, and later, after 1885, despite the constant
+protests of Congress--to an ever-rising military expenditure, due partly
+to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and partly to the cost of various
+wars beyond her frontiers, and to continual recurring frontier and
+trans-frontier expeditions, in which she had no real interest. They were
+sent out for supposed Imperial advantages, not for her own.
+
+Between 1859 and 1904--45 years--Indian troops were engaged in
+thirty-seven wars and expeditions. There were ten wars: the two Chinese
+Wars of 1860 and 1900, the Bhutan War of 1864-65, the Abyssinian War of
+1868, the Afghan War of 1878-79, and, after the massacre of the Kabul
+Mission, the second War of 1879-80, ending in an advance of the
+frontier, in the search for an ever receding “scientific frontier”; on
+this occasion the frontier was shifted, says Keene, “from the line of
+the Indus to the western slope of the Suleiman range and from Peshawar
+to Quetta”; the Egyptian War of 1882, in which the Indian troops
+markedly distinguished themselves; the third Burmese War of 1885 ending
+in the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886; the invasions of Tibet in 1890
+and 1904. Of Expeditions, or minor Wars, there were 27; to Sitana in
+1858 on a small scale and in 1863 on a larger (the “Sitana Campaign”);
+to Nepal and Sikkim in 1859; to Sikkim in 1864; a serious struggle on
+the North-west Frontier in 1868; expeditions against the Lushais in
+1871-72, the Daflas in 1874-75, the Nagas in 1875, the Afridis in 1877,
+the Rampa Hill tribes in 1879, the Waziris and Nagas in 1881, the Akhas
+in 1884, and in the same year an expedition to the Zhob Valley, and a
+second thither in 1890. In 1888 and 1889 there was another expedition
+against Sikkim, against the Akozais (the Black Mountain Expedition) and
+against the Hill Tribes of the North-east, and in 1890 another Black
+Mountain Expedition, with a third in 1892. In 1890 came the expedition
+to Manipur, and in 1891 there was another expedition against the
+Lushais, and one into the Miranzal Valley. The Chitral Expedition
+occupied 1894-95, and the serious Tirah Campaign, in which 40,000 men
+were engaged, came in 1897 and 1898. The long list--which I have closed
+with 1904--ends with the expeditions against the Mahsuds in 1901,
+against the Kabalis in 1902, and the invasion of Tibet, before noted.
+All these events explain the rise in military expenditure, and we must
+add to them the sending of Indian troops to Malta and Cyprus in 1878--a
+somewhat theatrical demonstration--and the expenditure of some
+£2,000,000 to face what was described as “the Russian Menace” in 1884.
+Most of these were due to Imperial, not to Indian, policy, and many of
+the burdens imposed were protested against by the Government of India,
+while others were encouraged by ambitious Viceroys. I do not think that
+even this long list is complete.
+
+Ever since the Government of India was taken over by the Crown, India
+has been regarded as an Imperial military asset and training ground, a
+position from which the jealousy of the East India Company had largely
+protected her, by insisting that the army it supported should be used
+for the defence and in the interests of India alone. Her value to the
+Empire for military purposes would not so seriously have injured at once
+her pride and her finances if the natural tendencies of her martial
+races had been permitted their previous scope; but the disarming of the
+people, 20 years after the assumption of the Government by the Crown,
+emasculated the Nation, and the elimination of races supposed to be
+unwarlike, or in some cases too warlike to be trusted, threw recruitment
+more and more to the north, and lowered the physique of the Bengalis and
+Madrasis, on whom the Company had largely depended.
+
+The superiority of the Punjab, on which Sir Michael O’Dwyer so
+vehemently insisted the other day, is an artificial superiority, created
+by the British system and policy; and the poor recruitment elsewhere, on
+which he laid offensive insistence, is due to the same system and
+policy, which largely eliminated Bengalis, Madrasis and Mahrattas from
+the army. In Bengal, however, the martial type has been revived, chiefly
+in consequence of what the Bengalis felt to be the intolerable insult of
+the high-handed Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.
+
+On this Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ Bengal’s heroic stand against the oppression of a harsh and
+ uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished and gratified all
+ India.... All India owes a deep debt of gratitude to Bengal.
+
+The spirit evoked showed itself in the youth of Bengal by a practical
+revolt, led by the elders, while it was confined to Swadeshi and
+Boycott, and rushing on, when it broke away from their authority, into
+conspiracy, assassination and dacoity: as had happened in similar
+revolts with Young Italy, in the days of Mazzini, and with Young Russia
+in the days of Stepniak and Kropotkin. The results of their despair,
+necessarily met by the halter and penal servitude, had to be faced by
+Lord Hardinge and Lord Carmichael during the present War. Other results,
+happy instead of disastrous in their nature, was the development of grit
+and endurance of a high character, shown in the courage of the Bengal
+lads in the serious floods that have laid parts of the Province deep
+under water, and in their compassion and self-sacrifice in the relief of
+famine. Their services in the present War--the Ambulance Corps and the
+replacement of its _materiel_ when the ship carrying it sank, with the
+splendid services rendered by it in Mesopotamia; the recruiting of a
+Bengali regiment for active service, 900 strong, with another 900
+reserves to replace wastage, and recruiting still going on--these are
+instances of the divine alchemy which brings the soul of good out of
+evil action, and consecrates to service the qualities evoked by
+rebellion.
+
+In England, also, a similar result has been seen in a convict, released
+to go to the front, winning the Victoria Cross. It would be an act of
+statesmanship, as well as of divinest compassion, to offer to every
+prisoner and interned captive, held for political crime or on political
+suspicion, the opportunity of serving the Empire at the front. They
+might, if thought necessary, form a separate battalion or a separate
+regiment, under stricter supervision, and yet be given a chance of
+redeeming their reputation, for they are mostly very young.
+
+The financial burden incurred in consequence of the above conflicts, and
+of other causes, now to be mentioned, would not have been so much
+resented, if it had been imposed by India on herself, and if her own
+sons had profited by her being used as a training ground for the
+Empire. But in this case, as in so many others, she has shared Imperial
+burdens, while not sharing Imperial freedom and power. Apart from this,
+the change which made the Army so ruinous a burden on the resources of
+the country was the system of “British reliefs,” the using of India as a
+training ground for British regiments, and the transfer of the men thus
+trained, to be replaced by new ones under the short service system, the
+cost of the frequent transfers and their connected expenses being
+charged on the Indian revenues, while the whole advantage was reaped by
+Great Britain. On the short service system the Simla Army Commission
+declared:
+
+ The short service system recently introduced into the British
+ Army has increased the cost and has materially reduced the
+ efficiency of the British troops in India. We cannot resist the
+ feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interest
+ of the Indian tax-payer was entirely left out of consideration.
+
+The remark was certainly justified, for the short service system gave
+India only five years of the recruits she paid heavily for and trained,
+all the rest of the benefit going to England. The latter was enabled, as
+the years went on, to enormously increase her Reserves, so that she has
+had 400,000 men trained in, and at the cost of, India.
+
+In 1863 the Indian army consisted of 140,000 men, with 65,000 white
+officers. Great changes were made in 1885-1905, including the
+reorganisation under Lord Kitchener, who became Commander-in-Chief at
+the end of 1902. Even in this hasty review, I must not omit reference to
+the fact that Army Stores were drawn from Britain at enormous cost,
+while they should have been chiefly manufactured here, so that India
+might have profited by the expenditure. Lately under the necessities of
+War, factories have been turned to the production of munitions; but this
+should have been done long ago, so that India might have been enriched
+instead of exploited. The War has forced an investigation into her
+mineral resources that might have been made for her own sake, but
+Germany was allowed to monopolise the supply of minerals that India
+could have produced and worked up, and would have produced and worked up
+had she enjoyed Home Rule. India would have been richer, and the Empire
+safer, had she been a partner instead of a possession. But this side of
+the question will come under the matters directly affecting merchants,
+and we may venture to express a hope that the Government help extended
+to munition factories in time of War may be continued to industrial
+factories in time of Peace. The net result of the various causes
+above-mentioned was that the expense of the Indian army rose by leaps
+and bounds, until, before the War, India was expending, £21,000,000 as
+against the £28,000,000 expended by the United Kingdom, while the
+wealthy Dominions of Canada and Australia were spending only 1-1/2 and
+1-1/4 millions respectively. (I am not forgetting that the United
+Kingdom was expending over £51,000,000 on her Navy, while India was free
+of that burden, save for a contribution of half a million.)
+
+Since 1885, the Congress has constantly protested against the
+ever-increasing military expenditure, but the voice of the Congress was
+supposed to be the voice of sedition and of class ambition, instead of
+being, as it was the voice of educated Indians, the most truly patriotic
+and loyal class of the population. In 1885, in the First Congress, Mr.
+P. Rangiah Naidu pointed out that military expenditure had been
+£1,463,000 in 1857 and had risen to £16,975,750 in 1884. Mr. D.E. Wacha
+ascribed the growth to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and remarked
+that the Company in 1856 had an army of 254,000 men at a cost of 11-1/2
+millions, while in 1884 the Crown had an army of only 181,000 men at a
+cost of 17 millions. The rise was largely due to the increased cost of
+the European regiments, overland transport service, stores, pensions,
+furlough allowances, and the like, most of them imposed despite the
+resistance of the Government of India, which complained that the changes
+were “made entirely, it may be said, from Imperial considerations, in
+which Indian interests have not been consulted or advanced.” India paid
+nearly, £700,000 a year, for instance, for “Home Depôts”--Home being
+England of course--in which lived some 20,000 to 22,000 British
+soldiers, on the plea that their regiments, not they, were serving in
+India. I cannot follow out the many increases cited by Mr. Wacha, but
+members can refer to his excellent speech.
+
+Mr. Fawcett once remarked that when the East India Company was abolished
+
+ the English people became directly responsible for the
+ Government of India. It cannot, I think, be denied that this
+ responsibility has been so imperfectly discharged that in many
+ respects the new system of Government compares unfavourably
+ with the old.... There was at that time an independent control
+ of expenditure which now seems to be almost entirely wanting.
+
+Shortly after the Crown assumed the rule of India, Mr. Disraeli asked
+the House of Commons to regard India as “a great and solemn trust
+committed to it by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence.” Mr. George
+Yule, in the Fourth Congress, remarked on this: “The 650 odd members had
+thrown the trust back upon the hands of Providence, to be looked after
+as Providence itself thinks best.” Perhaps it is time that India should
+remember that Providence helps those who help themselves.
+
+Year after year the Congress continued to remonstrate against the cost
+of the army, until in 1902, after all the futile protests of the
+intervening years, it condemned an increase of pay to British soldiers
+in India which placed an additional burden on the Indian revenues of
+£786,000 a year, and pointed out that the British garrison was
+unnecessarily numerous, as was shown by the withdrawal of large bodies
+of British soldiers for service in South Africa and China. The very next
+year Congress protested that the increasing military expenditure was not
+to secure India against internal disorder or external attack, but in
+order to carry out an Imperial policy; the Colonies contributed little
+or nothing to the Imperial Military Expenditure, while India bore the
+cost of about one-third of the whole British Army in addition to her own
+Indian troops. Surely these facts should be remembered when India’s
+military services to the Empire are now being weighed.
+
+In 1904 and 1905, the Congress declared that the then military
+expenditure was beyond India’s power to bear, and in the latter year
+prayed that the additional ten millions sterling sanctioned for Lord
+Kitchener’s reorganisation scheme might be devoted to education and the
+reduction of the burden on the raiyats. In 1908, the burdens imposed by
+the British War Office since 1859 were condemned, and in the next year
+it was pointed out that the military expenditure was nearly a third of
+the whole Indian revenue, and was starving Education and Sanitation.
+
+Lord Kitchener’s reorganisation scheme kept the Indian Army on a War
+footing, ready for immediate mobilisation, and on January 1, 1915, the
+regular army consisted of 247,000 men, of whom 75,000 were English; it
+was the money spent by India in maintaining this army for years in
+readiness for War which made it possible for her to go to the help of
+Great Britain at the critical early period to which I alluded. She spent
+over £20 millions on the military services in 1914-15. In 1915-16 she
+spent £21.8 millions. In 1916-17 her military budget had risen to £12
+millions, and it will probably be exceeded, as was the budget of the
+preceding year by £1-2/3 million.
+
+Lord Hardinge, the last Viceroy of India, who is ever held in loving
+memory here for his sympathetic attitude towards Indian aspirations,
+made a masterly exposition of India’s War services in the House of Lords
+on the third of last July. He emphasised her pre-War services, showing
+that though 19-1/4 millions sterling was fixed as a maximum by the
+Nicholson Committee, that amount had been exceeded in 11 out of the last
+13 budgets, while his own last budget had risen to 22 millions. During
+these 13 years the revenue had been only between 48 and 58 millions,
+once rising to 60 millions. Could any fact speak more eloquently of
+India’s War services than this proportion of military expenditure
+compared with her revenue?
+
+The Great War began on August 4th, and in that very month and in the
+early part of September, India sent an expeditionary force of three
+divisions--two infantry and one cavalry--and another cavalry division
+joined them in France in November. The first arrived, said Lord
+Hardinge, “in time to fill a gap that could not otherwise have been
+filled.” He added pathetically: “There are very few survivors of those
+two splendid divisions of infantry.” Truly, their homes are empty, but
+their sons shall enjoy in India the liberty for which their fathers died
+in France. Three more divisions were at once sent to guard the Indian
+frontier, while in September a mixed division was sent to East Africa,
+and in October and November two more divisions and a brigade of cavalry
+went to Egypt. A battalion of Indian infantry went to Mauritius, another
+to the Cameroons, and two to the Persian Gulf, while other Indian troops
+helped the Japanese in the capture of Tsingtau. 210,000 Indians were
+thus sent overseas. The whole of these troops were fully armed and
+equipped, and in addition, during the first few weeks of the War, India
+sent to England from her magazines “70 million rounds of small-arm
+ammunition, 60,000 rifles, and more than 550 guns of the latest pattern
+and type.”
+
+In addition to these, Lord Hardinge speaks of sending to England
+
+ enormous quantities of material,... tents, boots, saddlery,
+ clothing, etc., but every effort was made to meet the
+ ever-increasing demands made by the War Office, and it may be
+ stated without exaggeration that India was bled absolutely
+ white during the first few weeks of the war.
+
+It must not be forgotten, though Lord Hardinge has not reckoned it, that
+all wastage has been more than filled up, and 450,000 men represent this
+head; the increase in units has been 300,000, and including other
+military items India had placed in the field up to the end of 1916 over
+a million of men.
+
+In addition to this a British force of 80,000 was sent from India, fully
+trained and equipped at Indian cost, India receiving in exchange, many
+months later, 34 Territorial battalions and 29 batteries, “unfit for
+immediate employment on the frontier or in Mesopotamia, until they had
+been entirely re-armed and equipped, and their training completed.”
+
+Between the autumn of 1914 and the close of 1915, the defence of our own
+frontiers was a serious matter, and Lord Hardinge says:
+
+ The attitude of Afghanistan was for a long time doubtful,
+ although I always had confidence in the personal loyalty of our
+ ally the Amir; but I feared lest he might be overwhelmed by a
+ wave of fanaticism, or by a successful Jehad of the tribes....
+ It suffices to mention that, although during the previous three
+ years there had been no operations of any importance on the
+ North-West frontier, there were, between November 29, 1914, and
+ September 5, 1915, no less than seven serious attacks on the
+ North-West frontier, all of which were effectively dealt with.
+
+The military authorities had also to meet a German conspiracy early in
+1915, 7,000 men arriving from Canada and the United States, having
+planned to seize points of military vantage in the Panjab, and in
+December of the same year another German conspiracy in Bengal,
+necessitating military preparations on land, and also naval patrols in
+the Bay of Bengal.
+
+Lord Hardinge has been much attacked by the Tory and Unionist Press in
+England and India, in England because of the Mesopotamia Report, in
+India because his love for India brought him hatred from Anglo-India.
+India has affirmed her confidence in him, and with India’s verdict he
+may well rest satisfied.
+
+I do not care to dwell on the Mesopotamia Commission and its
+condemnation of the bureaucratic system prevailing here. Lord Hardinge
+vindicated himself and India. The bureaucratic system remains
+undefended. I recall that bureaucratic inefficiency came out in even
+more startling fashion in connection with the Afghan War of 1878-79 and
+1879-80. In February 1880, the war charges were reported as under £4
+millions, and the accounts showed a surplus of £2 millions. On April 8th
+the Government of India reported: “Outgoing for War very alarming, far
+exceeding estimate,” and on the 13th April “it was announced that the
+cash balances had fallen in three months from thirteen crores to less
+than nine, owing to ‘excessive Military drain’ ... On the following day
+(April 22) a despatch was sent out to the Viceroy, showing that there
+appeared a deficiency of not less than 5-1/4 crores. This vast error was
+evidently due to an underestimate of war liabilities, which had led to
+such mis-information being laid before Parliament, and to the sudden
+discovery of inability to ‘meet the usual drawings.’”
+
+It seemed that the Government knew only the amount audited, not the
+amount spent. Payments were entered as “advances,” though they were not
+recoverable, and “the great negligence was evidently that of the heads
+of departmental accounts.” If such a mishap should occur under Home
+Rule, a few years hence--which heaven forbid--I shudder to think of the
+comments of the _Englishman_ and the _Madras Mail_ on the shocking
+inefficiency of Indian officials.
+
+In September last, our present Viceroy, H.E. Lord Chelmsford, defended
+India against later attacks by critics who try to minimise her
+sacrifices in order to lessen the gratitude felt by Great Britain
+towards her, lest that gratitude should give birth to justice, and
+justice should award freedom to India. Lord Chelmsford placed before his
+Council “in studiously considered outline, a summary of what India has
+done during the past two years.” Omitting his references to what was
+done under Lord Hardinge, as stated above, I may quote from him:
+
+ On the outbreak of war, of the 4,598 British officers on the
+ Indian establishment, 530 who were at home on leave were
+ detained by the War Office for service in Europe. 2,600
+ Combatant Officers have been withdrawn from India since the
+ beginning of the War, excluding those who proceeded on service
+ with their batteries or regiments. In order to make good these
+ deficiencies and provide for war wastage the Indian Army
+ Reserve of Officers was expanded from a total of 40, at which
+ it stood on the 4th August, 1914, to one of 2,000.
+
+ The establishment of Indian units has not only been kept up to
+ strength, but has been considerably increased. There has been
+ an augmentation of 20 per cent. in the cavalry and of 40 per
+ cent. in the infantry, while the number of recruits enlisted
+ since the beginning of the War is greater than the entire
+ strength of the Indian Army as it existed on August 4, 1914.
+
+Lord Chelmsford rightly pointed out:
+
+ The Army in India has thus proved a great Imperial asset, and
+ in weighing the value of India’s contribution to the War it
+ should be remembered that India’s forces were no hasty
+ improvisation, but were an army in being, fully equipped and
+ supplied, which had previously cost India annually a large sum
+ to maintain.
+
+Lord Chelmsford has established what he calls a “Man-Power Board,” the
+duty of which is “to collect and co-ordinate all the facts with regard
+to the supply of man-power in India.” It has branches in all the
+Provinces. A steady flow of reinforcements supplies the wastage at the
+various fronts, and the labour required for engineering, transport,
+etc., is now organised in 20 corps in Mesopotamia and 25 corps in
+France. In addition 60,000 artisans, labourers, and specialists are
+serving in Mesopotamia and East Africa, and some 20,000 menials and
+followers have also gone overseas. Indian medical practitioners have
+accepted temporary commissions in the Indian Medical Service to the
+number of 500. In view of this fact, due to Great Britain’s bitter need
+of help, may we not hope that this Service will welcome Indians in time
+of peace as well as in time of war, and will no longer bar the way by
+demanding the taking of a degree in the United Kingdom? It is also
+worthy of notice that the I.M.S. officers in charge of district duties
+have been largely replaced by Indian medical men; this, again, should
+continue after the War. Another fact, that the Army Reserve of Officers
+his risen from 40 to 2,000, suggests that the throwing open of King’s
+Commissions to qualified Indians should not be represented by a meagre
+nine. If English lads of 19 and 20 are worthy of King’s Commissions--and
+the long roll of slain Second Lieutenants proves it--then certainly
+Indian lads, since Indians have fought as bravely as Englishmen, should
+find the door thrown open to them equally widely in their own country,
+and the Indian Army should be led by Indian officers.
+
+With such a record of deeds as the one I have baldly sketched, it is not
+necessary to say much in words as to India’s support of Great Britain
+and her Allies. She has proved up to the hilt her desire to remain
+within the Empire, to maintain her tie with Great Britain. But if
+Britain is to call successfully on India’s man-power, as Lord Chelmsford
+suggests in his Man-Power Board, then must the man who fights or labours
+have a man’s Rights in his own land. The lesson which springs out of
+this War is that it is absolutely necessary for the future safety of the
+Empire that India shall have Home Rule. Had her Man-Power been utilised
+earlier there would have been no War, for none would have dared to
+provoke Great Britain and India to a contest. But her Man-Power cannot
+be utilised while she is a subject Nation. She cannot afford to maintain
+a large army, if she is to support an English garrison, to pay for their
+goings and comings, to buy stores in England at exorbitant prices and
+send them back again when England needs them. She cannot afford to train
+men for England, and only have their services for five years. She cannot
+afford to keep huge Gold Reserves in England, and be straitened for
+cash, while she lends to England out of her Reserves, taken from her
+over-taxation, £27,000,000 for War expenses, and this, be it remembered,
+before the great War Loan. I once said in England: “The condition of
+India’s loyalty is India’s freedom.” I may now add: “The condition of
+India’s usefulness to the Empire is India’s freedom.” She will tax
+herself willingly when her taxes remain in the country and fertilise it,
+when they educate her people and thus increase their productive power,
+when they foster her trade and create for her new industries.
+
+Great Britain needs India as much as India needs England, for prosperity
+in Peace as well as for safety in War. Mr. Montagu has wisely said that
+“for equipment in War a Nation needs freedom in Peace.” Therefore I say
+that, for both countries alike, the lesson of the War is Home Rule for
+India.
+
+Let me close this part of my subject by laying at the feet of His
+Imperial Majesty the loving homage of the thousands here assembled, with
+the hope and belief that, ere long, we shall lay there the willing and
+grateful homage of a free Nation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+CAUSES OF THE NEW SPIRIT IN INDIA.
+
+
+Apart from the natural exchange of thought between East and West, the
+influence of English education, literature and ideals, the effect of
+travel in Europe, Japan and the United States of America, and other
+recognised causes for the changed outlook in India, there have been
+special forces at work during the last few years to arouse a New Spirit
+in India, and to alter her attitude of mind. These may be summed up as:
+
+ (a) The Awakening of Asia.
+
+ (b) Discussions abroad on Alien Rule and Imperial Reconstruction.
+
+ (c) Loss of Belief in the Superiority of the White Races.
+
+ (d) The Awakening of Indian Merchants.
+
+ (e) The Awakening of Indian Womanhood to claim its Ancient
+ Position.
+
+ (f) The Awakening of the Masses.
+
+Each of these causes has had its share in the splendid change of
+attitude in the Indian Nation, in the uprising of a spirit of pride of
+country, of independence, of self-reliance, of dignity, of self-respect.
+The War has quickened the rate of evolution of the world, and no country
+has experienced the quickening more than our Motherland.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF ASIA.
+
+In a conversation I had with Lord Minto, soon after his arrival as
+Viceroy, he discussed the so-called “unrest in India,” and recognised it
+as the inevitable result of English Education, of English Ideals of
+Democracy, of the Japanese victory over Russia, and of the changing
+conditions in the outer world. I was therefore not surprised to read his
+remark that he recognised, “frankly and publicly, that new aspirations
+were stirring in the hearts of the people, that they were part of a
+larger movement common to the whole East, and that it was necessary to
+satisfy them to a reasonable extent by giving them a larger share in the
+administration.”
+
+But the present movement in India will be very poorly understood if it
+be regarded only in connexion with the movement in the East. The
+awakening of Asia is part of a world-movement, which has been quickened
+into marvellous rapidity by the world-war. The world-movement is towards
+Democracy, and for the West dates from the breaking away of the American
+Colonies from Great Britain, consummated in 1776, and its sequel in the
+French Revolution of 1789. Needless to say that its root was in the
+growth of modern science, undermining the fabric of intellectual
+servitude, in the work of the Encyclopædists, and in that of
+Jean-Jacques Rousseau and of Thomas Paine. In the East, the swift
+changes in Japan, the success of the Japanese Empire against Russia, the
+downfall of the Manchu dynasty in China and the establishment of a
+Chinese Republic, the efforts at improvement in Persia, hindered by the
+interference of Russia and Great Britain with their growing ambitions,
+and the creation of British and Russian “spheres of influence,”
+depriving her of her just liberty, and now the Russian Revolution and
+the probable rise of a Russian Republic in Europe and Asia, have all
+entirely changed the conditions before existing in India. Across Asia,
+beyond the Himalayas, stretch free and self-ruling Nations. India no
+longer sees as her Asian neighbours the huge domains of a Tsar and a
+Chinese despot, and compares her condition under British rule with those
+of their subject populations. British rule profited by the comparison,
+at least until 1905, when the great period of repression set in. But in
+future, unless India wins Self-Government, she will look enviously at
+her Self-Governing neighbours, and the contrast will intensify her
+unrest.
+
+But even if she gains Home Rule, as I believe she will, her position in
+the Empire will imperatively demand that she shall be strong as well as
+free. She becomes not only a vulnerable point in the Empire, as the
+Asian Nations evolve their own ambitions and rivalries, but also a
+possession to be battled for. Mr. Laing once said: “India is the
+milch-cow of England,” a Kamadhenu, in fact, a cow of plenty; and if
+that view should arise in Asia, the ownership of the milch-cow would
+become a matter of dispute, as of old between Vashishtha and
+Vishvamitra. Hence India must be capable of self-defence both by land
+and sea. There may be a struggle for the primacy of Asia, for supremacy
+in the Pacific, for the mastery of Australasia, to say nothing of the
+inevitable trade-struggles, in which Japan is already endangering Indian
+industry and Indian trade, while India is unable to protect herself.
+
+In order to face these larger issues with equanimity, the Empire
+requires a contented, strong, self-dependent and armed India, able to
+hold her own and to aid the Dominions, especially Australia, with her
+small population and immense unoccupied and undefended area. India alone
+has the man-power which can effectively maintain the Empire in Asia, and
+it is a short-sighted, a criminally short-sighted, policy not to build
+up her strength as a Self-Governing State within the Commonwealth of
+Free Nations under the British Crown. The Englishmen in India talk
+loudly of their interests; what can this mere handful do to protect
+their interests against attack in the coming years? Only in a free and
+powerful India will they be safe. Those who read Japanese papers know
+how strongly, even during the War, they parade unchecked their
+pro-German sympathies, and how likely after the War is an alliance
+between these two ambitious and warlike Nations. Japan will come out of
+the War with her army and navy unweakened, and her trade immensely
+strengthened. Every consideration of sane statesmanship should lead
+Great Britain to trust India more than Japan, so that the British Empire
+in Asia may rest on the sure foundation of Indian loyalty, the loyalty
+of a free and contented people, rather than be dependent on the
+continued friendship of a possible future rival. For international
+friendships are governed by National interests, and are built on
+quicksands, not on rock.
+
+Englishmen in India must give up the idea that English dominance is
+necessary for the protection of their interests, amounting, in 1915, to
+£365,399,000 sterling. They do not claim to dominate the United States
+of America, because they have invested there £688,078,000. They do not
+claim to dominate the Argentine Republic, because they have invested
+there £269,808,000. Why then should they claim to dominate India on the
+ground of their investment? Britons must give up the idea that India is
+a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as
+a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a
+Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, and not a
+dependent. The democratic movement in Japan, China and Russia in Asia
+has sympathetically affected India, and it is idle to pretend that it
+will cease to affect her.
+
+DISCUSSIONS ABROAD ON ALIEN RULE AND IMPERIAL RECONSTRUCTION.
+
+But there are other causes which have been working in India, consequent
+on the British attitude against autocracy and in defence of freedom in
+Europe, while her attitude to India has, until lately, been left in
+doubt. Therefore I spoke of a splendid opportunity lost. India at first
+believed whole-heartedly that Great Britain was fighting for the freedom
+of all Nationalities. Even now, Mr. Asquith declared--in his speech in
+the House of Commons reported here last October, on the peace resolution
+of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald--that “the Allies are fighting for nothing but
+freedom, and, an important addition--for nothing short of freedom.” In
+his speech declaring that Britain would stand by France in her claim for
+the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he spoke of “the intolerable
+degradation of a foreign yoke.” Is such a yoke less intolerable, less
+wounding to self-respect here, than in Alsace-Lorraine, where the rulers
+and the ruled are both of European blood, similar in religion and
+habits? As the War went on, India slowly and unwillingly came to realise
+that the hatred of autocracy was confined to autocracy in the West, and
+that the degradation was only regarded as intolerable for men of white
+races; that freedom was lavishly promised to all except to India; that
+new powers were to be given to the Dominions, but not to India. India
+was markedly left out of the speeches of statesmen dealing with the
+future of the Empire, and at last there was plain talk of the White
+Empire, the Empire of the Five Nations, and the “coloured races” were
+lumped together as the wards of the White Empire, doomed to an
+indefinite minority.
+
+The peril was pressing; the menace unmistakable. The Reconstruction of
+the Empire was on the anvil; what was to be India’s place therein? The
+Dominions were proclaimed as partners; was India to remain a Dependency?
+Mr. Bonar Law bade the Dominions strike while the iron was hot; was
+India to wait till it was cold? India saw her soldiers fighting for
+freedom in Flanders, in France, in Gallipoli, in Asia Minor, in China,
+in Africa; was she to have no share of the freedom for which she fought?
+At last she sprang to her feet and cried, in the words of one of her
+noblest sons: “Freedom is my birthright; and I want it.” The words “Home
+Rule” became her Mantram. She claimed her place in the Empire.
+
+Thus, while she continued to support, and even to increase, her army
+abroad, fighting for the Empire, and poured out her treasures as water
+for Hospital Ships, War Funds, Red Cross organisations, and the gigantic
+War Loan, a dawning fear oppressed her, lest, if she did not take order
+with her own household, success in the War for the Empire might mean
+decreased liberty for herself.
+
+The recognition of the right of the Indian Government to make its voice
+heard in Imperial matters, when they were under discussion in an
+Imperial Conference, was a step in the right direction. But
+disappointment was felt that while other countries were represented by
+responsible Ministers, the representation in India’s case was of the
+Government, of a Government irresponsible to her, and not the
+representative of herself. No fault was found with the choice itself,
+but only with the non-representative character of the chosen, for they
+were selected by the Government, and not by the elected members of the
+Supreme Council. This defect in the resolution moved by the Hon. Khan
+Bahadur M.M. Shafi on October 2, 1915, was pointed out by the Hon. Mr.
+Surendranath Bannerji. He said:
+
+ My Lord, in view of a situation so full of hope and promise, it
+ seems to me that my friend’s Resolution does not go far enough.
+ He pleads for _official_ representation at the Imperial
+ Conference: he does not plead for _popular_ representation. He
+ urges that an address be presented to His Majesty’s Government,
+ through the Secretary of State for India, for official
+ representation at the Imperial Council. My Lord, official
+ representation may mean little or nothing. It may indeed be
+ attended with some risk; for I am sorry to have to say--but say
+ it I must--that our officials do not always see eye to eye with
+ us as regards many great public questions which affect this
+ country; and indeed their views, judged from our standpoint,
+ may sometimes seem adverse to our interests. At the same time,
+ my Lord, I recognise the fact that the Imperial Conference is
+ an assemblage of officials pure and simple, consisting of
+ Ministers of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing
+ Colonies. But, my Lord, there is an essential difference
+ between them and ourselves. In their case, the Ministers are
+ the elect of the people, their organ and their voice,
+ answerable to them for their conduct and their proceedings. In
+ our case, our officials are public servants in name, but in
+ reality they are the masters of the public. The situation may
+ improve, and I trust it will, under the liberalising influence
+ of your Excellency’s beneficent administration; but we must
+ take things as they are, and not indulge in building castles in
+ the air, which may vanish “like the baseless fabric of a
+ vision.”
+
+It was said to be an epoch-making event that “Indian Representatives”
+took part in the Conference. Representatives they were, but, as said, of
+the British Government in India, not of India, whereas their colleagues
+represented their Nations. They did good work, none the less, for they
+were able and experienced men, though they failed us in the Imperial
+Preference Conference and, partially, on the Indentured Labour question.
+Yet we hope that the presence in the Conference of men of Indian birth
+may prove to be the proverbial “thin end of the wedge,” and may have
+convinced their colleagues that, while India was still a Dependency,
+India’s sons were fully their equals.
+
+The Report of the Public Services Commission, though now too obviously
+obsolete to be discussed, caused both disappointment and resentment; for
+it showed that, in the eyes of the majority of the Commissioners,
+English domination in Indian administration was to be perpetual, and
+that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. of
+the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
+mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India’s thanks
+to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
+solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
+laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
+Indian Civil Services.
+
+India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
+ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
+work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
+treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
+Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
+recommendations. The whole Report was written “before the flood,” and it
+is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.
+
+India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
+perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
+Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
+area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
+world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. “Britain for the
+British” was right and natural; “India for the Indians” was wrong, even
+seditious. It must be “India for the Empire,” or not even for the
+Empire, but “for the rest of the Empire,” careless of herself. “British
+support for British Trade” was patriotic and proper in Britain.
+“Swadeshi goods for Indians” showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
+India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
+thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in “an
+atmosphere of inferiority,” and to be proud to be a citizen (without
+rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be
+citizens (with rights) in their own countries first, and citizens of the
+Empire secondarily. Just as his trust in Great Britain was strained
+nearly to breaking point came the glad news of Mr. Montagu’s appointment
+as Secretary of State for India, of the Viceroy’s invitation to him, and
+of his coming to hear for himself what India wanted. It was a ray of
+sunshine breaking through the gloom, confidence in Great Britain
+revived, and glad preparation was made to welcome the coming of a
+friend.
+
+The attitude of India has changed to meet the changed attitude of the
+Governments of India and Great Britain. But let none imagine that that
+consequential change of attitude connotes any change in her
+determination to win Home Rule. She is ready to consider terms of peace,
+but it must be “peace with honour,” and honour in this connection means
+Freedom. If this be not granted, an even more vigorous agitation will
+begin.
+
+LOSS OF BELIEF IN THE SUPERIORITY OF WHITE RACES
+
+The undermining of this belief dates from the spreading of the Arya
+Samaj and the Theosophical Society. Both bodies sought to lead the
+Indian people to a sense of the value of their own civilisation, to
+pride in their past, creating self-respect in the present, and
+self-confidence in the future. They destroyed the unhealthy inclination
+to imitate the West in all things, and taught discrimination, the using
+only of what was valuable in western thought and culture, instead of a
+mere slavish copying of everything. Another great force was that of
+Swami Vivekananda, alike in his passionate love and admiration for
+India, and his exposure of the evils resulting from Materialism in the
+West. Take the following:
+
+ Children of India, I am here to speak to you to-day about some
+ practical things, and my object in reminding you about the
+ glories of the past is simply this. Many times have I been told
+ that looking into the past only degenerates and leads to
+ nothing, and that we should look to the future. That is true.
+ But out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore,
+ as far as you can, drink deep of the eternal fountains that are
+ behind, and after that, look forward, march forward, and make
+ India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our
+ ancestors were great. We must recall that. We must learn the
+ elements of our being, the blood that courses in our veins; we
+ must have faith in that blood, and what it did in the past: and
+ out of that faith, and consciousness of past greatness, we must
+ build an India yet greater than what she has been.
+
+And again:
+
+ I know for certain that millions, I say deliberately, millions,
+ in every civilised land are waiting for the message that will
+ save them from the hideous abyss of materialism into which
+ modern money-worship is driving them headlong, and many of the
+ leaders of the new Social Movements have already discovered
+ that Vedanta in its highest form can alone spiritualise their
+ social aspirations.
+
+The process was continued by the admiration of Sanskrit literature
+expressed by European scholars and philosophers. But the effect of these
+was confined to the few and did not reach the many. The first great
+shock to the belief in white superiority came from the triumph of Japan
+over Russia, the facing of a huge European Power by a comparatively
+small Eastern Nation, the exposure of the weakness and rottenness of the
+Russian leaders, and the contrast with their hardy virile opponents,
+ready to sacrifice everything for their country.
+
+The second great shock has come from the frank brutality of German
+theories of the State, and their practical carrying out in the treatment
+of conquered districts and the laying waste of evacuated areas in
+retreat. The teachings of Bismarck and their practical application in
+France, Flanders, Belgium, Poland, and Serbia have destroyed all the
+glamour of the superiority of Christendom over Asia. Its vaunted
+civilisation is seen to be but a thin veneer, and its religion a matter
+of form rather than of life. Gazing from afar at the ghastly heaps of
+dead and the hosts of the mutilated, at science turned into devilry and
+ever inventing new tortures for rending and slaying, Asia may be
+forgiven for thinking that, on the whole, she prefers her own religions
+and her own civilisations.
+
+But even deeper than the outer tumult of war has pierced the doubt as to
+the reality of the Ideals of Liberty and Nationality so loudly
+proclaimed by the foremost western Nations, the doubt of the honesty of
+their champions. Sir James Meston said truly, a short time ago, that he
+had never, in his long experience, known Indians in so distrustful and
+suspicious a mood as that which he met in them to-day. And that is so.
+For long years Indians have been chafing over the many breaches of
+promises and pledges to them that remain unredeemed. The maintenance
+here of a system of political repression, of coercive measures increased
+in number and more harshly applied since 1905, the carrying of the
+system to a wider extent since the War for the sanctity of treaties and
+for the protection of Nationalities has been going on, have deepened the
+mistrust. A frank and courageous statesmanship applied to the honest
+carrying out of large reforms too long delayed can alone remove it. The
+time for political tinkering is past; the time for wise and definite
+changes is here.
+
+To these deep causes must be added the comparison between the
+progressive policy of some of the Indian States in matters which most
+affect the happiness of the people, and the slow advance made under
+British administration. The Indian notes that this advance is made under
+the guidance of rulers and ministers of his own race. When he sees that
+the suggestions made in the People’s Assembly in Mysore are fully
+considered and, when possible, given effect to, he realises that without
+the forms of power the members exercise more real power than those in
+our Legislative Councils. He sees education spreading, new industries
+fostered, villagers encouraged to manage their own affairs and take the
+burden of their own responsibility, and he wonders why Indian incapacity
+is so much more efficient than British capacity.
+
+Perhaps, after all, for Indians, Indian rule may be the best.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MERCHANTS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+THE AWAKENING OF INDIAN WOMANHOOD.
+
+The position of women in the ancient Aryan civilisation was a very noble
+one. The great majority married, becoming, as Manu said, the Light of
+the Home; some took up the ascetic life, remained unmarried, and sought
+the knowledge of Brahma. The story of the Rani Damayanti, to whom her
+husband’s ministers came, when they were troubled by the Raja’s
+gambling, that of Gandhari, in the Council of Kings and Warrior Chiefs,
+remonstrating with her headstrong son; in later days, of Padmavati of
+Chitoor, of Mirabai of Marwar, the sweet poetess, of Tarabai of Thoda,
+the warrior, of Chand Bibi, the defender of Ahmednagar, of Ahalya Bai of
+Indore, the great Ruler--all these and countless others are well known.
+
+Only in the last two or three generations have Indian women slipped away
+from their place at their husbands’ side, and left them unhelped in
+their public life. But even now they wield great influence over husband
+and son. Culture has never forsaken them, but the English education of
+their husbands and sons, with the neglect of Sanskrit and the
+Vernacular, have made a barrier between the culture of the husband and
+that of the wife, and has shut the woman out from her old sympathy with
+the larger life of men. While the interests of the husband have
+widened, those of the wife have narrowed. The materialising of the
+husband tended also, by reaction, to render the wife’s religion less
+broad and wise.
+
+The wish to save their sons from the materialising results of English
+education awoke keen sympathy among Indian mothers with the movement to
+make religion an integral part of education. It was, perhaps, the first
+movement in modern days which aroused among them in all parts a keen and
+living interest.
+
+The Partition of Bengal was bitterly resented by Bengali women, and was
+another factor in the outward-turning change. When the editor of an
+Extremist newspaper was prosecuted for sedition, convicted and
+sentenced, five hundred Bengali women went to his mother to show their
+sympathy, not by condolences, but by congratulations. Such was the
+feeling of the well-born women of Bengal.
+
+Then the troubles of Indians outside India roused the ever quick
+sympathy of Indian women, and the attack in South Africa on the
+sacredness of Indian marriage drew large numbers of them out of their
+homes to protest against the wrong.
+
+The Indentured Labour question, involving the dishonour of women, again,
+moved them deeply, and even sent a deputation to the Viceroy composed of
+women.
+
+These were, perhaps, the chief outer causes; but deep in the heart of
+India’s daughters arose the Mother’s voice, calling on them to help Her
+to arise, and to be once more mistress in Her own household. Indian
+women, nursed on Her old literature, with its wonderful ideals of
+womanly perfection, could not remain indifferent to the great movement
+for India’s liberty. And during the last few years the hidden fire, long
+burning in their hearts, fire of love to Bharatamata, fire of resentment
+against the lessened influence of the religion which they passionately
+love, instinctive dislike of the foreigner as ruling in their land, have
+caused a marvellous awakening. The strength of the Home Rule movement is
+rendered tenfold greater by the adhesion to it of large numbers of
+women, who bring to its helping the uncalculating heroism, the
+endurance, the self-sacrifice, of the feminine nature. Our League’s best
+recruits are among the women of India, and the women of Madras boast
+that they marched in procession when the men were stopped, and that
+their prayers in the temples set the interned captives free. Home Rule
+has become so intertwined with religion by the prayers offered up in the
+great Southern Temples, sacred places of pilgrimage, and spreading from
+them to village temples, and also by its being preached up and down the
+country by Sadhus and Sannyasins, that it has become in the minds of the
+women and of the ever religious masses, inextricably intertwined with
+religion. That is, in this country, the surest way of winning alike the
+women of the higher classes and the men and women villagers. And that is
+why I have said that the two words, “Home Rule,” have become a Mantram.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MASSES.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+WHY INDIA DEMANDS HOME RULE.
+
+
+India demands Home Rule for two reasons, one essential and vital, the
+other less important but necessary: Firstly, because Freedom is the
+birthright of every Nation; secondly, because her most important
+interests are now made subservient to the interests of the British
+Empire without her consent, and her resources are not utilised for her
+greatest needs. It is enough only to mention the money spent on her
+Army, not for local defence but for Imperial purposes, as compared with
+that spent on primary education.
+
+
+I. THE VITAL REASON.
+
+What is a Nation?
+
+Self-Government is necessary to the self-respect and dignity of a
+People; Other-Government emasculates a Nation, lowers its character, and
+lessens its capacity. The wrong done by the Arms Act, which Raja Rampal
+Singh voiced in the Second Congress as a wrong which outweighed all the
+benefits of British Rule, was its weakening and debasing effect on
+Indian manhood. “We cannot,” he declared, “be grateful to it for
+degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out all martial
+spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock
+of quill-driving sheep.” This was done not by the fact that a man did
+not carry arms--few carry them in England--but that men were deprived of
+the _right_ to carry them. A Nation, an individual, cannot develop his
+capacities to the utmost without liberty. And this is recognised
+everywhere except in India. As Mazzini truly said:
+
+ God has written a line of His thought over the cradle of every
+ people. That is its special mission. It cannot be cancelled; it
+ must be freely developed.
+
+For what is a Nation? It is a spark of the Divine Fire, a fragment of
+the Divine Life, outbreathed into the world, and gathering round itself
+a mass of individuals, men, women and children, whom it binds together
+into one. Its qualities, its powers, in a word, its type, depend on the
+fragment of the Divine Life embodied in it, the Life which shapes it,
+evolves it, colours it, and makes it One. The magic of Nationality is
+the feeling of oneness, and the use of Nationality is to serve the world
+in the particular way for which its type fits it. This is what Mazzini
+called “its special mission,” the duty given to it by God in its
+birth-hour. Thus India had the duty of spreading the idea of Dharma,
+Persia that of Purity, Egypt that of Science, Greece that of Beauty,
+Rome that of Law. But to render its full service to Humanity it must
+develop along its own lines, and be Self-determined in its evolution. It
+must be Itself, and not Another. The whole world suffers where a
+Nationality is distorted or suppressed, before its mission to the world
+is accomplished.
+
+The Cry for Self-Rule.
+
+Hence the cry of a Nation for Freedom, for Self-Rule, is not a cry of
+mere selfishness demanding more Rights that it may enjoy more happiness.
+Even in that there is nothing wrong, for happiness means fulness of
+life, and to enjoy such fulness is a righteous claim. But the demand for
+Self-Rule is a demand for the evolution of its own nature for the
+Service of Humanity. It is a demand of the deepest Spirituality, an
+expression of the longing to give its very best to the world. Hence
+dangers cannot check it, nor threats appal, nor offerings of greater
+pleasures lure it to give up its demand for Freedom. In the adapted
+words of a Christian Scripture, it passionately cries: “What shall it
+profit a Nation if it gain the whole world and lose its own Soul? What
+shall a Nation give in exchange for its Soul?” Better hardship and
+freedom, than luxury and thraldom. This is the spirit of the Home Rule
+movement, and therefore it cannot be crushed, it cannot be destroyed, it
+is eternal and ever young. Nor can it be persuaded to exchange its
+birthright for any mess of efficiency-pottage at the hands of the
+bureaucracy.
+
+Stunting the Race.
+
+Coming closer to the daily life of the people as individuals, we see
+that the character of each man, woman and child is degraded and weakened
+by a foreign administration, and this is most keenly felt by the best
+Indians. Speaking on the employment of Indians in the Public Services,
+Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ A kind of dwarfing or stunting of the Indian race is going on
+ under the present system. We must live all the days of our life
+ in an atmosphere of inferiority, and the tallest of us must
+ bend, in order that the exigencies of the system may be
+ satisfied. The upward impulse, if I may use such an expression,
+ which every schoolboy at Eton or Harrow may feel that he may
+ one day be a Gladstone, a Nelson, or a Wellington, and which
+ may draw forth the best efforts of which he is capable, that is
+ denied to us. The full height to which our manhood is capable
+ of rising can never be reached by us under the present system.
+ The moral elevation which every Self-governing people feel
+ cannot be felt by us. Our administrative and military talents
+ must gradually disappear owing to sheer disuse, till at last
+ our lot, as hewers of wood and drawers of water in our own
+ country, is stereotyped.
+
+The Hon. Mr. Bhupendranath Basu has spoken on similar lines:
+
+ A bureaucratic administration, conducted by an imported agency,
+ and centring all power in its hands, and undertaking all
+ responsibility, has acted as a dead weight on the Soul of
+ India, stifling in us all sense of initiative, for the lack of
+ which we are condemned, atrophying the nerves of action and,
+ what is more serious, necessarily dwarfing in us all feeling of
+ self-respect.
+
+In this connexion the warning of Lord Salisbury to Cooper’s Hill
+students is significant:
+
+ No system of Government can be permanently safe where there is
+ a feeling of inferiority or of mortification affecting the
+ relations between the governing and the governed. There is
+ nothing I would more earnestly wish to impress upon all who
+ leave this country for the purpose of governing India than
+ that, if they choose to be so, they are the only enemies
+ England has to fear. They are the persons who can, if they
+ will, deal a blow of the deadliest character at the future rule
+ of England.
+
+I have ventured to urge this danger, which has increased of late years,
+in consequence of the growing self-respect of the Indians, but the
+ostrich policy is thought to be preferable in my part of the country.
+
+This stunting of the race begins with the education of the child. The
+Schools differentiate between British and Indian teachers; the Colleges
+do the same. The students see first-class Indians superseded by young
+and third-rate foreigners; the Principal of a College should be a
+foreigner; foreign history is more important than Indian; to have
+written on English villages is a qualification for teaching economics in
+India; the whole atmosphere of the School and College emphasises the
+superiority of the foreigner, even when the professors abstain from open
+assertion thereof. The Education Department controls the education
+given, and it is planned on foreign models, and its object is to serve
+foreign rather than native ends, to make docile Government servants
+rather than patriotic citizens; high spirits, courage, self-respect, are
+not encouraged, and docility is regarded as the most precious quality in
+the student; pride in country, patriotism, ambition, are looked on as
+dangerous, and English, instead of Indian, Ideals are exalted; the
+blessings of a foreign rule and the incapacity of Indians to manage
+their own affairs are constantly inculcated. What wonder that boys thus
+trained often turn out, as men, time-servers and sycophants, and,
+finding their legitimate ambitions frustrated, become selfish and care
+little for the public weal? Their own inferiority has been so driven
+into them during their most impressionable years, that they do not even
+feel what Mr. Asquith called the “intolerable degradation of a foreign
+yoke.”
+
+India’s Rights.
+
+It is not a question whether the rule is good or bad. German efficiency
+in Germany is far greater than English efficiency in England; the
+Germans were better fed, had more amusements and leisure, less crushing
+poverty than the English. But would any Englishman therefore desire to
+see Germans occupying all the highest positions in England? Why not?
+Because the righteous self-respect and dignity of the free man revolt
+against foreign domination, however superior. As Mr. Asquith said at the
+beginning of the War, such a condition was “inconceivable and would be
+intolerable.” Why then is it the one conceivable system here in India?
+Why is it not felt by all Indians to be intolerable? It is because it
+has become a habit, bred in us from childhood, to regard the sahib-log
+as our natural superiors, and the greatest injury British rule has done
+to Indians is to deprive them of the natural instinct born in all free
+peoples, the feeling of an inherent right to Self-determination, to be
+themselves. Indian dress, Indian food, Indian ways, Indian customs, are
+all looked on as second-rate; Indian mother-tongue and Indian literature
+cannot make an educated man. Indians as well as Englishmen take it for
+granted that the natural rights of every Nation do not belong to them;
+they claim “a larger share in the government of the country,” instead of
+claiming the government of their own country, and they are expected to
+feel grateful for “boons,” for concessions. Britain is to say what she
+will give. The whole thing is wrong, topsy-turvy, irrational. Thank God
+that India’s eyes are opening; that myriads of her people realise that
+they are men, with a man’s right to freedom in his own country, a man’s
+right to manage his own affairs. India is no longer on her knees for
+boons; she is on her feet for Rights. It is because I have taught this
+that the English in India misunderstand me and call me seditious; it is
+because I have taught this that I am President of this Congress to-day.
+
+This may seem strong language, because the plain truth is not usually
+put in India. But this is what every Briton feels in Britain for his own
+country, and what every Indian should feel in India for his. This is the
+Freedom for which the Allies are fighting; this is Democracy, the Spirit
+of the Age. And this is what every true Briton will feel is India’s
+Right the moment India claims it for herself, as she is claiming it
+now. When this right is gained, then will the tie between India and
+Great Britain become a golden link of mutual love and service, and the
+iron chain of a foreign yoke will fall away. We shall live and work side
+by side, with no sense of distrust and dislike, working as brothers for
+common ends. And from that union shall arise the mightiest Empire, or
+rather Commonwealth, that the world has ever known, a Commonwealth that,
+in God’s good time, shall put an end to War.
+
+
+II. THE SECONDARY REASONS.
+
+Tests of Efficiency.
+
+The Secondary Reasons for the present demand for Home Rule may be summed
+up in the blunt statement: “The present rule, while efficient in less
+important matters and in those which concern British interests, is
+inefficient in the greater matters on which the healthy life and
+happiness of the people depend.” Looking at outer things, such as
+external order, posts and telegraphs--except where political agitators
+are concerned--main roads, railways, etc., foreign visitors, who
+expected to find a semi-savage country, hold up their hands in
+admiration. But if they saw the life of the people, the masses of
+struggling clerks trying to educate their children on Rs. 25 (28s.
+0-1/4d.) a month, the masses of labourers with one meal a day, and the
+huts in which they live, they would find cause for thought. And if the
+educated men talked freely with them, they would be surprised at their
+bitterness. Gopal Krishna Gokhale put the whole matter very plainly in
+1911:
+
+ One of the fundamental conditions of the peculiar position of
+ the British Government in this country is that it should be a
+ continuously progressive Government. I think all thinking men,
+ to whatever community they belong, will accept that. Now, I
+ suggest four tests to judge whether the Government is
+ progressive, and, further, whether it is continuously
+ progressive. The first test that I would apply is what measures
+ it adopts for the moral and material improvement of the mass of
+ the people, and under these measures I do not include those
+ appliances of modern Governments which the British Government
+ has applied in this country, because they were appliances
+ necessary for its very existence, though they have benefited
+ the people, such as the construction of Railways, the
+ introduction of Post and Telegraphs, and things of that kind.
+ By measures for the moral and material improvement of the
+ people, I mean what the Government does for education, what the
+ Government does for sanitation, what the Government does for
+ agricultural development, and so forth. That is my first test.
+ The second test that I would apply is what steps the Government
+ takes to give us a larger share in the administration of our
+ local affairs--in municipalities and local boards. My third
+ test is what voice the Government gives us in its Councils--in
+ those deliberate assemblies, where policies are considered.
+ And, lastly, we must consider how far Indians are admitted into
+ the ranks of the public service.
+
+A Change of System Needed.
+
+Those were Gokhale’s tests, and Indians can supply the results of their
+knowledge and experience to answer them. But before dealing with the
+failure to meet these tests, it is necessary to state here that it is
+not a question of blaming men, or of substituting Indians for
+Englishmen, but of changing the system itself. It is a commonplace that
+the best men become corrupted by the possession of irresponsible power.
+As Bernard Houghton says: “The possession of unchecked power corrupts
+some of the finer qualities.” Officials quite honestly come to believe
+that those who try to change the system are undermining the security of
+the State. They identify the State with themselves, so that criticism of
+them is seen as treason to the State. The phenomenon is well known in
+history, and it is only repeating itself in India. The same writer--I
+prefer to use his words rather than my own, for he expresses exactly my
+own views, and will not be considered to be prejudiced as I am thought
+to be--cogently remarks:
+
+ He (the official) has become an expert in reports and returns
+ and matters of routine through many years of practice. They are
+ the very woof and warp of his brain. He has no ideas, only
+ reflexes. He views with acrid disfavour untried conceptions.
+ From being constantly preoccupied with the manipulation of the
+ machine he regards its smooth working, the ordered and
+ harmonious regulation of glittering pieces of machinery, as the
+ highest service he can render to the country of his adoption.
+ He determines that his particular cog-wheel at least shall be
+ bright, smooth, silent, and with absolutely no back-lash. Not
+ unnaturally in course of time he comes to envisage the world
+ through the strait embrasure of an office window. When perforce
+ he must report on new proposals he will place in the forefront,
+ not their influence on the life and progress of the people, but
+ their convenience to the official hierarchy and the manner in
+ which they affect its authority. Like the monks of old, or the
+ squire in the typical English village, he cherishes a
+ benevolent interest in the commonalty, and is quite willing,
+ even eager, to take a general interest in their welfare, if
+ only they do not display initiative or assert themselves in
+ opposition to himself or his order. There is much in this
+ proviso. Having come to regard his own judgment as almost
+ divine, and the hierarchy of which he has the honour to form a
+ part as a sacrosanct institution, he tolerates the laity so
+ long as they labour quietly and peaceably at their vocations
+ and do not presume to inter-meddle in high matters of State.
+ That is the heinous offence. And frank criticism of official
+ acts touches a lower depth still, even _lèse majesté_. For no
+ official will endure criticism from his subordinates, and the
+ public, who lie in outer darkness beyond the pale, do not in
+ his estimation rank even with his subordinates. How, then,
+ should he listen with patience when in their cavilling way they
+ insinuate that, in spite of the labours of a high-souled
+ bureaucracy, all is perhaps not for the best in the best of all
+ possible worlds--still less when they suggest reforms that had
+ never occurred even to him or to his order, and may clash with
+ his most cherished ideals? It is for the officials to govern
+ the country; they alone have been initiated into the sacred
+ mysteries; they alone understand the secret working of the
+ machine. At the utmost the laity may tender respectful and
+ humble suggestions for their consideration, but no more. As for
+ those who dare to think and act for themselves, their ignorant
+ folly is only equalled by their arrogance. It is as though a
+ handful of schoolboys were to dictate to their masters
+ alterations in the traditional time-table, or to insist on a
+ modified curriculum.... These worthy people [officials] confuse
+ manly independence with disloyalty; they cannot conceive of
+ natives except either as rebels or as timid sheep.
+
+Non-Official Anglo-Indians.
+
+The problem becomes more complicated by the existence in India of a
+small but powerful body of the same race as the higher officials; there
+are only 122,919 English-born persons in this country, while there are
+245,000,000 in the British Raj and another 70,000,000 in the Indian
+States, more or less affected by British influence. As a rule, the
+non-officials do not take any part in politics, being otherwise
+occupied; but they enter the field when any hope arises in Indian hearts
+of changes really beneficial to the Nation. John Stuart Mill observed on
+this point:
+
+ The individuals of the ruling people who resort to the foreign
+ country to make their fortunes are of all others those who most
+ need to be held under powerful restraint. They are always one
+ of the chief difficulties of the Government. Armed with the
+ prestige and filled with the scornful overbearingness of the
+ conquering Nation, they have the feelings inspired by absolute
+ power without its sense of responsibility.
+
+Similarly, Sir John Lawrence wrote:
+
+ The difficulty in the way of the Government of India acting
+ fairly in these matters is immense. If anything is done, or
+ attempted to be done, to help the natives, a general howl is
+ raised, which reverberates in England, and finds sympathy and
+ support there. I feel quite bewildered sometimes what to do.
+ Everyone is, in the abstract, for justice, moderation, and
+ suchlike excellent qualities; but when one comes to apply such
+ principles so as to affect anybody’s interests, then a change
+ comes over them.
+
+Keene, speaking of the principle of treating equally all classes of the
+community, says:
+
+ The application of that maxim, however, could not be made
+ without sometimes provoking opposition among the handful of
+ white settlers in India who, even when not connected with the
+ administration, claimed a kind of class ascendancy which was
+ not only in the conditions of the country but also in the
+ nature of the case. It was perhaps natural that in a land of
+ caste the compatriots of the rulers should become--as Lord
+ Lytton said--a kind of “white Brahmanas”; and it was certain
+ that, as a matter of fact, the pride of race and the possession
+ of western civilisation created a sense of superiority, the
+ display of which was ungraceful and even dangerous, when not
+ tempered by official responsibility. This feeling had been
+ sensitive enough in the days of Lord William Bentinck, when the
+ class referred to was small in numbers and devoid of influence.
+ It was now both more numerous, and--by reason of its connection
+ with the newspapers of Calcutta and of London--it was far
+ better able to make its passion heard.
+
+During Lord Ripon’s sympathetic administration the great outburst
+occurred against the Ilbert Bill in 1883. We are face to face with a
+similar phenomenon to-day, when we see the European Associations--under
+the leadership of the _Madras Mail_, the _Englishman_ of Calcutta, the
+_Pioneer of_ Allahabad, the _Civil and Military Gazette_ of Lahore, with
+their Tory and Unionist allies in the London Press and with the aid of
+retired Indian officials and non-officials in England--desperately
+resisting the Reforms now proposed. Their opposition, we know, is a
+danger to the movement towards Freedom, and even when they have failed
+to impress England--as they are evidently failing--they will try to
+minimise or smother here the reforms which a statute has embodied. The
+Minto-Morley reforms were thus robbed of their usefulness, and a similar
+attempt, if not guarded against, will be made when the Congress-League
+Scheme is used as the basis for an Act.
+
+The Re-action on England.
+
+We cannot leave out of account here the deadly harm done to England
+herself by this un-English system of rule in India. Mr. Hobson has
+pointed out:
+
+ As our free Self-Governing Colonies have furnished hope,
+ encouragement, and leading to the popular aspirations in Great
+ Britain, not merely by practical success in the art of
+ Self-Government, but by the wafting of a spirit of freedom and
+ equality, so our despotically ruled Dependencies have ever
+ served to damage the character of our people by feeding the
+ habits of snobbish subservience, the admiration of wealth and
+ rank, the corrupt survivals of the inequalities of
+ feudalism.... Cobden writing in 1860 of our Indian Empire, put
+ this pithy question: “Is it not just possible that we may
+ become corrupted at home by the reaction of arbitrary political
+ maxims in the East upon our domestic politics, just as Greece
+ and Rome were demoralised by their contact with Asia?” Not
+ merely is the reaction possible, it is inevitable. As the
+ despotic portion of our Empire, has grown in area, a large
+ number of men, trained in the temper and methods of autocracy,
+ as soldiers and civil officials in our Crown Colonies,
+ Protectorates and Indian Empire, reinforced by numbers of
+ merchants, planters, engineers, and overseers, whose lives have
+ been those of a superior caste living an artificial life
+ removed from all the healthy restraints of ordinary European
+ Society, have returned to this country, bringing back the
+ characters, sentiments and ideas imposed by this foreign
+ environment.
+
+It is a little hard on the I.C.S. that they should be foreigners here,
+and then, when they return to their native land, find that they have
+become foreigners there by the corrupting influences with which they
+are surrounded here. We import them as raw material to our own
+disadvantage, and when we export them as manufactured here, Great
+Britain and India alike suffer from their reactionary tendencies. The
+results are unsatisfactory to both sides.
+
+The First Test Applied.
+
+Let us now apply Gokhale’s first test. What has the Bureaucracy done for
+“education, sanitation, agricultural improvement, and so forth”? I must
+put the facts very briefly, but they are indisputable.
+
+_Education_. The percentage to the whole population of children
+receiving education is 2.8, the percentage having risen by 0.9 since Mr.
+Gokhale moved his Education Bill six years ago. The percentage of
+children of school-going age attending school is 18.7. In 1913 the
+Government of India put the number of pupils at 4-1/2 millions; this has
+been accomplished in 63 years, reckoning from Sir Charles Wood’s
+Educational Despatch in 1854, which led to the formation of the
+Education Department. In 1870 an Education Act was passed in Great
+Britain, the condition of Education in England then much resembling our
+present position; grants-in-aid in England had been given since 1833,
+chiefly to Church Schools. Between 1870 and 1881 free and compulsory
+education was established, and in 12 years the attendance rose from 43.3
+to nearly 100 per cent. There are now 6,000,000 children in the schools
+of England and Wales out of a population of 40 millions. Japan, before
+1872, had a proportion of 28 per cent. of children of school-going age in
+school, nearly 10 over our present proportion; in 24 years the
+percentage was raised to 92, and in 28 years education was free and
+compulsory. In Baroda education is free and largely compulsory and the
+percentage of boys is 100 per cent. Travancore has 81.1 per cent. of
+boys and 33.2 of girls. Mysore has 45.8 of boys and 9.7 of girls. Baroda
+spends an. 6-6 per head on school-going children, British India one
+anna. Expenditure on education advanced between 1882 and 1907 by 57
+lakhs. Land-revenue had increased by 8 crores, military expenditure by
+13 crores, civil by 8 crores, and capital outlay on railways was 15
+crores. (I am quoting G.K. Gokhale’s figures.) He ironically calculated
+that, if the population did not increase, every boy would be in school
+115 years hence, and every girl in 665 years. Brother Delegates, we hope
+to do it more quickly under Home Rule. I submit that in Education the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Sanitation and Medical Relief_. The prevalence of plague, cholera, and
+above all malaria, shows the lack of sanitation alike in town and
+country. This lack is one of the causes contributing to the low average
+life-period in India--23.5 years. In England the life-period is 40
+years, in New Zealand 60. The chief difficulty in the way of the
+treatment of disease is the encouragement of the foreign system of
+medicine, especially in rural parts, and the withholding of grants from
+the indigenous. Government Hospitals, Government Dispensaries,
+Government doctors, must all be on the foreign system. Ayurvaidic and
+Unani medicines, Hospitals, Dispensaries, Physicians, are unrecognised,
+and to “cover” the latter is “infamous” conduct. Travancore gives
+grants-in-aid to 72 Vaidyashalas, at which 143,505 patients--22,000 more
+than in allopathic institutions--were treated in 1914-15 (the Report
+issued in 1917). Our Government cannot grapple with the medical needs of
+the people, yet will not allow the people’s money to be spent on the
+systems they prefer. Under Home Rule the indigenous and the foreign
+systems will be treated with impartiality. I grant that the allopathic
+doctors do their utmost to supply the need, and show great
+self-sacrifice, but the need is too vast and the numbers too few.
+Efficiency on their own lines in this matter is therefore impossible for
+our bureaucratic Government; their fault lies in excluding the
+indigenous systems, which they have not condescended to examine before
+rejecting them. The result is that in sanitation and medical relief the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Agricultural Development_. The census of 1911 gives the agricultural
+population at 218.3 millions. Its frightful poverty is a matter of
+common knowledge; its ever-increasing load of indebtedness has been
+dwelt on for at least the last thirty odd years by Sir Dinshaw E. Wacha.
+Yet the increasing debt is accompanied with increasing taxation, land
+revenue having risen, as just stated, in 25 years, by 8
+crores--80,000,000--of rupees. In addition to this there are local
+cesses, salt tax, etc. The salt tax, which presses most hardly on the
+very poor, was raised in the last budget by Rs. 9 millions. The
+inevitable result of this poverty is malnutrition, resulting in low
+vitality, lack of resistance to disease, short life-period, huge
+infantile mortality. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, no mischievous agitator,
+repeated in 1905 the figures; often quoted:
+
+ Forty millions of people, according to one great Anglo-Indian
+ authority--Sir William Hunter--pass through life with only one
+ meal a day. According to another authority--Sir Charles
+ Elliot--70 millions of people in India do not know what it is
+ to have their hunger fully satisfied even once in the whole
+ course of the year. The poverty of the people of India, thus
+ considered by itself, is truly appalling. And if this is the
+ state of things after a hundred years of your rule, you cannot
+ claim that your principal aim in India has been the promotion
+ of the interests of the Indian people.
+
+It is sometimes said: “Why harp on these figures? We know them.” Our
+answer is that the fact is ever harping in the stomach of the people,
+and while it continues we cannot cease to draw attention to it. And
+Gokhale urged that “even this deplorable condition has been further
+deteriorating steadily.” We have no figures on malnutrition among the
+peasantry, but in Madras City, among an equally poor urban population,
+we found that 78 per cent. of our pupils were reported, after a medical
+inspection, to be suffering from malnutrition. And the spareness of
+frame, the thinness of arms and legs, the pitiably weak grip on life,
+speak without words to the seeing eye. It needs an extraordinary lack of
+imagination not to suffer while these things are going on.
+
+The peasants’ grievances are many and have been voiced year after year
+by this Congress. The Forest Laws, made by legislators inappreciative of
+village difficulties, press hardly on them, and only in a small number
+of places have Forest Panchayats been established. In the few cases in
+which the experiment has been made the results have been good, in some
+cases marvellously good. The paucity of grazing grounds for their
+cattle, the lack of green manure to feed their impoverished lands, the
+absence of fencing round forests, so that the cattle stray in when
+feeding, are impounded, and have to be redeemed, the fines and other
+punishments imposed for offences ill-understood, the want of wood for
+fuel, for tools, for repairs, the uncertain distribution of the
+available water, all these troubles are discussed in villages and in
+local Conferences. The Arms Act oppresses them, by leaving them
+defenceless against wild beasts and wild men. The union of Judicial and
+Executive functions makes justice often inaccessible, and always costly
+both in money and in time. The village officials naturally care more to
+please the Tahsildar and the Collector than the villagers, to whom they
+are in no way responsible. And factions flourish, because there is
+always a third party to whom to resort, who may be flattered if his rank
+be high, bribed if it be low, whose favour can be gained in either case
+by cringing and by subservience and tale-bearing. As regards the
+condition of agriculture in India and the poverty of the agricultural
+population, the Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+The application of Mr. Gokhale’s first test to Indian handicrafts, to
+the strengthening of weak industries and the creation of new, to the
+care of waterways for traffic and of the coast transport shipping, the
+protection of indigo and other indigenous dyes against their German
+synthetic rivals, etc., would show similar answers. We are suffering now
+from the supineness of the Bureaucracy as regards the development of the
+resources of the country, by its careless indifference to the usurping
+by Germans of some of those resources, and even now they are pursuing a
+similar policy of _laissez faire_ towards Japanese enterprise, which,
+leaning on its own Government, is taking the place of Germany in
+shouldering Indians out of their own natural heritage.
+
+In all prosperous countries crafts are found side by-side with
+agriculture, and they lend each other mutual support. The extreme
+poverty of Ireland, and the loss of more than half its population by
+emigration, were the direct results of the destruction of its
+wool-industry by Great Britain, and the consequent throwing of the
+population entirely on the land for subsistence. A similar phenomenon
+has resulted here from a similar case, but on a far more widespread
+scale. And here, a novel and portentous change for India, “a
+considerable landless class is developing, which involves economic
+danger,” as the _Imperial Gazeteer_ remarks, comparing the census
+returns of 1891 and 1901. “The ordinary agricultural labourers are
+employed on the land only during the busy seasons of the year, and in
+slack times a few are attracted to large trade-centres for temporary
+work.” One recalls the influx into England of Irish labourers at harvest
+time. Professor Radkamal Mukerji has laid stress on the older conditions
+of village life. He says:
+
+ The village is still almost self-sufficing, and is in itself an
+ economic unit. The village agriculturist grows all the food
+ necessary for the inhabitants of the village. The smith makes
+ the plough-shares for the cultivator, and the few iron utensils
+ required for the household. He supplies these to the people,
+ but does not get money in return. He is recompensed by mutual
+ services from his fellow villagers. The potter supplies him
+ with pots, the weaver with cloth, and the oilman with oil. From
+ the cultivator each of these artisans receives his traditional
+ share of grain. Thus almost all the economic transactions are
+ carried on without the use of money. To the villagers money is
+ only a store of value, not a medium of exchange. When they
+ happen to be rich in money, they hoard it either in coins or
+ make ornaments made of gold and silver.
+
+These conditions are changing in consequence of the pressure of poverty
+driving the villagers to the city, where they learn to substitute the
+competition of the town for the mutual helpfulness of the village. The
+difference of feeling, the change from trustfulness to suspicion, may be
+seen by visiting villages which are in the vicinity of a town and
+comparing their villagers with those who inhabit villages in purely
+rural areas. This economic and moral deterioration can only be checked
+by the re-establishment of a healthy _and interesting_ village life, and
+this depends upon the re-establishment of the Panchayat as the unit of
+Government, a question which I deal with presently. Village industries
+would then revive and an intercommunicating network would be formed by
+Co-operative Societies. Mr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar says in his pamphlet,
+_Co-operative Societies and Panchayats_:
+
+ The one method by which this evil [emigration to towns] can be
+ arrested and the economic and social standards of life of the
+ rural people elevated is by the inauguration of healthy
+ Panchayats in conjunction with the foundation of Co-operative
+ institutions, which will have the effect of resuscitating
+ village industries, and of creating organised social forces.
+ The Indian village, when rightly reconstructed, would be an
+ excellent foundation for well-developed co-operative industrial
+ organisation.
+
+Again:
+
+ The resuscitation of the village system has other bearings, not
+ usually considered in connection with the general subject of
+ the inauguration of the Panchayat system. One of the most
+ important of these is the regeneration of the small industries
+ of the land. Both in Europe and in India the decline of small
+ industries has gone on _pari passu_ with the decline of farming
+ on a small scale. In countries like France agriculture has
+ largely supported village industries, and small cultivators in
+ that country have turned their attention to industry as a
+ supplementary source of livelihood. The decline of village life
+ in India is not only a political, but also an economic and
+ industrial, problem. Whereas in Europe the cultural impulse has
+ travelled from the city to the village, in India the reverse
+ has been the case. The centre of social life in this country is
+ the village, and not the town. Ours was essentially the cottage
+ industry, and our artisans still work in their own huts, more
+ or less out of touch with the commercial world. Throughout the
+ world the tendency has been of late to lay considerable
+ emphasis on distributive and industrial co-operation based on a
+ system of village industries and enterprise. Herein would be
+ found the origins of the arts and crafts guilds and the Garden
+ Cities, the idea underlying all these being to inaugurate a
+ reign of Socialism and Co-operation, eradicating the entirely
+ unequal distribution of wealth amongst producers and consumers.
+ India has always been a country of small tenantry, and has
+ thereby escaped many of the evils the western Nations have
+ experienced owing to the concentration of wealth in a few
+ hands. The communistic sense in our midst, and the fundamental
+ tenets of our family life, have checked such concentration of
+ capital. This has been the cause for the non-development of
+ factory industries on a large scale.
+
+The need for these changes--to which England is returning, after full
+experience of the miseries of life in manufacturing towns--is pressing.
+
+Addressing an English audience, G.K. Gokhale summed up the general state
+of India as follows:
+
+ Your average annual income has been estimated at about £42 per
+ head. Ours, according to official estimates, is about £2 per
+ head, and according to non-official estimates, only a little
+ more than £1 per head. Your imports per head are about £13:
+ ours about 5s. per head. The total deposits in your Postal
+ Savings Bank amount to 148 million sterling, and you have in
+ addition in the Trustees’ Savings Banks about 52 million
+ sterling. Our Postal Savings Bank deposits, with a population
+ seven times as large as yours, are only about 7 million
+ sterling, and even of this a little over one-tenth is held by
+ Europeans. Your total paid-up capital of joint-stock companies
+ is about 1,900 million sterling. Ours is not quite 26 million
+ sterling, and the greater part of this again is European.
+ Four-fifths of our people are dependent upon agriculture, and
+ agriculture has been for some time steadily deteriorating.
+ Indian agriculturists are too poor, and are, moreover, too
+ heavily indebted, to be able to apply any capital to land, and
+ the result is that over the greater part of India agriculture
+ is, as Sir James Caird pointed out more than twenty-five years
+ ago, only a process of exhaustion of the soil. The yield per
+ acre is steadily diminishing, being now only about 8 to 9
+ bushels an acre against about 30 bushels here in England.
+
+In all the matters which come under Gokhale’s first test, the
+Bureaucracy has been and is inefficient.
+
+Give Indians a Chance.
+
+All we say in the matter is: You have not succeeded in bringing
+education, health, prosperity, to the masses of the people. Is it not
+time to give Indians a chance of doing, for their own country, work
+similar to that which Japan and other nations have done for theirs?
+Surely the claim is not unreasonable. If the Anglo-Indians say that the
+masses are their peculiar care, and that the educated classes care not
+for them, but only for place and power, then we point to the Congress,
+to the speeches and the resolutions eloquent of their love and their
+knowledge. It is not their fault that they gaze on their country’s
+poverty in helpless despair. Or let Mr. Justice Rahim answer:
+
+ As for the representation of the interests of the many scores
+ of millions in India, if the claim be that they are better
+ represented by European Officials than by educated Indian
+ Officials or non-Officials, it is difficult to conceive how
+ such reckless claim has come to be urged. The inability of
+ English Officials to master the spoken language of India and
+ their habits of life and modes of thought so completely divide
+ them from the general population, that only an extremely
+ limited few, possessed with extraordinary powers of insight,
+ have ever been able to surmount the barriers. With the educated
+ Indians, on the other hand, this knowledge is instinctive, and
+ the view of religion and custom so strong in the East make
+ their knowledge and sympathy more real than is to be seen in
+ countries dominated by materialistic conceptions.
+
+And it must be remembered that it is not lack of ability which has
+brought about bureaucratic inefficiency, for British traders and
+producers have done uncommonly well for themselves in India. But a
+Bureaucracy does not trouble itself about matters of this kind; the
+Russian Bureaucracy did not concern itself with the happiness of the
+Russian masses, but with their obedience and their paying of taxes.
+Bureaucracies are the same everywhere, and therefore it is the system we
+wage war upon, not the men; we do not want to substitute Indian
+bureaucrats for British bureaucrats; we want to abolish Bureaucracy,
+Government by Civil Servants.
+
+The Other Tests Applied.
+
+I need not delay over the second, third, and fourth tests, for the
+answers _sautent aux yeux_.
+
+_The second test, Local Self-Government:_ Under Lord Mayo (1869-72) some
+attempts were made at decentralisation, called by Keene “Home Rule” (!),
+and his policy was followed on non-financial lines as well by Lord
+Ripon, who tried to infuse into what Keene calls “the germs of Home
+Rule” “the breath of life.” Now, in 1917, an experimental and limited
+measure of local Home Rule is to be tried in Bengal. Though the Report
+of the Decentralisation Committee was published in 1909, we have not yet
+arrived at the universal election of non-official Chairmen. Decidedly
+inefficient is the Bureaucracy under test 2.
+
+_The third test, Voice in the Councils:_ The part played by Indian
+elected members in the Legislative Council, Madras, was lately described
+by a member as “a farce.” The Supreme Legislative Council was called by
+one of its members “a glorified Debating Society.” A table of
+resolutions proposed by Indian elected members, and passed or lost, was
+lately drawn up, and justified the caustic epithets. With regard to the
+Minto-Morley reforms, the Bureaucracy showed great efficiency in
+destroying the benefits intended by the Parliamentary Statute. But the
+third test shows that in giving Indians a fair voice in the Councils the
+Bureaucracy was inefficient.
+
+_The fourth test, the Admission of Indians to the Public Services:_ This
+is shown, by the Report of the Commission, not to need any destructive
+activity on the part of the Bureaucracy to prove their unwillingness to
+pass it, for the Report protects them in their privileged position.
+
+We may add to Gokhale’s tests one more, which will be triumphantly
+passed, the success of the Bureaucracy in increasing the cost of
+administration. The estimates for the revenue of the coming year stand
+at £86,199,600 sterling. The expenditure is reckoned at £85,572,100
+sterling. The cost of administration stands at more than half the total
+revenue:
+
+ Civil Departments Salaries and Expenses £19,323,300
+ Civil Miscellaneous Charges 5,283,300
+ Military Services 23,165,900
+ ___________
+ £47,772,500
+ ___________
+
+The reduction of the abnormal cost of government in India is of the most
+pressing nature, but this will never be done until we win Home Rule.
+
+It will be seen that the Secondary Reasons for the demand for Home Rule
+are of the weightiest nature in themselves, and show the necessity for
+its grant if India is to escape from a poverty which threatens to lead
+to National bankruptcy, as it has already led to a short life-period and
+a high death rate, to widespread disease, and to a growing exhaustion of
+the soil. That some radical change must be brought about in the
+condition of our masses, if a Revolution of Hunger is to be averted, is
+patent to all students of history, who also know the poverty of the
+Indian masses to-day. This economic condition is due to many causes, of
+which the inevitable lack of understanding by an alien Government is
+only one. A system of government suitable to the West was forced on the
+East, destroying its own democratic and communal institutions and
+imposing bureaucratic methods which bewildered and deteriorated a people
+to whom they were strange and repellent. The result is not a matter for
+recrimination, but for change. An inappropriate system forced on an
+already highly civilised people was bound to fail. It has been rightly
+said that the poor only revolt when the misery they are enduring is
+greater than the dangers of revolt. We need Home Rule to stop the daily
+suffering of our millions from the diminishing yield of the soil and the
+decay of village industries.
+
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA ***
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
+be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
+law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
+so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the
+United States without permission and without paying copyright
+royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
+of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
+concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
+and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
+the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
+of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
+copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
+easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
+of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
+Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may
+do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
+by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
+license, especially commercial redistribution.
+
+START: FULL LICENSE
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
+Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
+www.gutenberg.org/license.
+
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
+destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
+possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
+Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
+by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
+person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
+1.E.8.
+
+1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
+agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
+Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
+of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
+works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
+States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
+United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
+claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
+displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
+all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
+that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
+free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
+works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
+Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
+comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
+same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
+you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
+in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
+check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
+agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
+distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
+other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
+representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
+country other than the United States.
+
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
+immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
+prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
+on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
+performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
+
+ This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+ most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
+ restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
+ under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
+ eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
+ United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
+ you are located before using this eBook.
+
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
+derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
+contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
+copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
+the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
+redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
+either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
+obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
+trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
+additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
+will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
+posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
+beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
+any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
+to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
+other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
+version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website
+(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
+to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
+of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
+Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
+full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+provided that:
+
+* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
+ to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
+ agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
+ Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
+ within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
+ legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
+ payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
+ Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
+ Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
+ Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
+ copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
+ all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
+ works.
+
+* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
+ any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
+ receipt of the work.
+
+* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
+are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
+from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
+the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
+forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
+Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
+contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
+or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
+intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
+other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
+cannot be read by your equipment.
+
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
+with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
+with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
+lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
+or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
+opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
+the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
+without further opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
+OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
+LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
+damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
+violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
+agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
+limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
+unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
+remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
+accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
+production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
+including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
+the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
+or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
+additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
+Defect you cause.
+
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
+computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
+exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
+from people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
+generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
+Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
+www.gutenberg.org
+
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
+U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
+Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
+to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website
+and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
+
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without
+widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
+DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
+state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
+donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
+
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
+freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
+distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
+volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
+the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
+necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
+edition.
+
+Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
+facility: www.gutenberg.org
+
+This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+
diff --git a/old/12820-0.zip b/old/12820-0.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4e3b3e9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/12820-0.zip
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/12820-h.zip b/old/12820-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8422e88
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/12820-h.zip
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/12820-h/12820-h.htm b/old/12820-h/12820-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7662183
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/12820-h/12820-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,2380 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN"
+"http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd">
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en">
+<head>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" />
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" />
+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Case For India, by Annie Besant</title>
+
+<style type="text/css">
+
+body { margin-left: 20%;
+ margin-right: 20%;
+ text-align: justify; }
+
+h1, h2, h3, h4, h5 {text-align: center; font-style: normal; font-weight:
+normal; line-height: 1.5; margin-top: .5em; margin-bottom: .5em;}
+
+h1 {font-size: 300%;
+ margin-top: 0.6em;
+ margin-bottom: 0.6em;
+ letter-spacing: 0.12em;
+ word-spacing: 0.2em;
+ text-indent: 0em;}
+h2 {font-size: 150%; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;}
+h3 {font-size: 130%; margin-top: 1em;}
+h4 {font-size: 120%;}
+h5 {font-size: 110%;}
+
+p {text-indent: 1em;
+ margin-top: 0.25em;
+ margin-bottom: 0.25em; }
+
+ hr { width: 33%; }
+
+ .blkquot {margin-left: 4em; margin-right: 4em;} /* block indent */
+
+ .poem {margin-left:10%; margin-right:10%; text-align: left;}
+ .poem br {display: none;}
+ .poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;}
+ .poem span {display: block; margin: 0; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+ .poem span.i2 {display: block; margin-left: 2em;}
+
+a:link {color:blue; text-decoration:none}
+a:visited {color:blue; text-decoration:none}
+a:hover {color:red}
+
+ </style>
+</head>
+<body>
+
+<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Case For India, by Annie Besant</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
+at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
+are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
+country where you are located before using this eBook.
+</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The Case For India</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Annie Besant</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: July 5, 2004 [eBook #12820]<br />
+[Most recently updated: June 17, 2021]</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div>
+<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Jonathan Ingram, Asad Razzaki, and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team</div>
+<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA ***</div>
+
+<h1>THE CASE<br />
+FOR<br />
+INDIA</h1>
+
+<h3>THE PRESIDENTIAL<br />
+ADDRESS DELIVERED BY<br />
+ANNIE BESANT AT THE<br />
+THIRTY-SECOND INDIAN<br />
+NATIONAL CONGRESS<br />
+HELD AT CALCUTTA<br />
+26TH DECEMBER 1917</h3>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<h2>Table of Contents</h2>
+
+<p>
+ <a href="#Presidential_Address"><b><i>Presidential Address</i></b></a><br />
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_I"><b>CHAPTER I.</b></a><br />
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_II"><b>CHAPTER II.</b></a><br />
+ <a href="#CHAPTER_III"><b>CHAPTER III.</b></a>
+</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="Presidential_Address"></a><i>Presidential Address</i></h2>
+
+<p>Fellow-delegates and friends,</p>
+
+<p>Everyone who has preceded me in this Chair has rendered his thanks in
+fitting terms for the gift which is truly said to be the highest that
+India has it in her power to bestow. It is the sign of her fullest love,
+trust, and approval, and the one whom she seats in that chair is, for
+his year of service, her chosen leader. But if my predecessors found
+fitting words for their gratitude, in what words can I voice mine, whose
+debt to you is so overwhelmingly greater than theirs? For the first time
+in Congress history, you have chosen as your President one who, when
+your choice was made, was under the heavy ban of Government displeasure,
+and who lay interned as a person dangerous to public safety. While I was
+humiliated, you crowned me with honour; while I was slandered, you
+believed in my integrity and good faith; while I was crushed under the
+heel of bureaucratic power, you acclaimed me as your leader; while I was
+silenced and unable to defend myself, you defended me, and won for me
+release. I was proud to serve in lowliest fashion, but you lifted me up
+and placed me before the world as your chosen representative. I have no
+words with which to thank you, no eloquence with which to repay my debt.
+My deeds must speak for me, for words are too poor. I turn your gift
+into service to the Motherland; I consecrate my life anew to her in
+worship by action. All that I have and am, I lay on the Altar of the
+Mother, and together we shall cry, more by service than by words: VANDE
+MATARAM.</p>
+
+<p>There is, perhaps, one value in your election of me in this crisis of
+India&rsquo;s destiny, seeing that I have not the privilege to be Indian-born,
+but come from that little island in the northern seas which has been, in
+the West, the builder-up of free institutions. The Aryan emigrants, who
+spread over the lands of Europe, carried with them the seeds of liberty
+sown in their blood in their Asian cradle-land. Western historians trace
+the self-rule of the Saxon villages to their earlier prototypes in the
+East, and see the growth of English liberty as up-springing from the
+Aryan root of the free and self-contained village communities.</p>
+
+<p>Its growth was crippled by Norman feudalism there, as its
+millennia-nourished security here was smothered by the East India
+Company. But in England it burst its shackles and nurtured a
+liberty-loving people and a free Commons&rsquo; House. Here, it similarly
+bourgeoned out into the Congress activities, and more recently into
+those of the Muslim League, now together blossoming into Home Rule for
+India. The England of Milton, Cromwell, Sydney, Burke, Paine, Shelley,
+Wilberforce, Gladstone; the England that sheltered Mazzini, Kossuth,
+Kropotkin, Stepniak, and that welcomed Garibaldi; the England that is
+the enemy of tyranny, the foe of autocracy, the lover of freedom, that
+is the England I would fain here represent to you to-day. To-day, when
+India stands erect, no suppliant people, but a Nation, self-conscious,
+self-respecting, determined to be free; when she stretches out her hand
+to Britain and offers friendship not subservience; co-operation not
+obedience; to-day let me: western-born but in spirit eastern, cradled in
+England but Indian by choice and adoption: let me stand as the symbol of
+union between Great Britain and India: a union of hearts and free
+choice, not of compulsion: and therefore of a tie which cannot be
+broken, a tie of love and of mutual helpfulness, beneficial to both
+Nations and blessed by God.</p>
+
+<h3>GONE TO THE PEACE.</h3>
+
+<p>India&rsquo;s great leader, Dadabhai Naoroji, has left his mortal body and is
+now one of the company of the Immortals, who watch over and aid India&rsquo;s
+progress. He is with V.C. Bonnerjee, and Ranade, and A.O. Hume, and
+Henry Cotton, and Pherozeshah Mehta, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale: the
+great men who, in Swinburne&rsquo;s noble verse, are the stars which lead us
+to Liberty&rsquo;s altar:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span>These, O men, shall ye honour,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">Liberty only and these.<br /></span>
+<span>For thy sake and for all men&rsquo;s and mine,<br /></span>
+<span>Brother, the crowns of them shine,<br /></span>
+<span>Lighting the way to her shrine,<br /></span>
+<span>That our eyes may be fastened upon her,<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">That our hands may encompass her knees.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Not for me to praise him in feeble words of reverence or of homage. His
+deeds praise him, and his service to his country is his abiding glory.
+Our gratitude will be best paid by following in his footsteps, alike in
+his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion, so that we may win
+the Home Rule which he longed to see while with us, and shall see, ere
+long, from the other world of Life, in which he dwells today.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2>
+
+<h3>PRE-WAR MILITARY EXPENDITURE.</h3>
+
+<p>The Great War, into the whirlpool of which Nation after Nation has been
+drawn, has entered on its fourth year. The rigid censorship which has
+been established makes it impossible for any outside the circle of
+Governments to forecast its duration, but to me, speaking for a moment
+not as a politician but as a student of spiritual laws, to me its end is
+sure. For the true object of this War is to prove the evil of, and to
+destroy, autocracy and the enslavement of one Nation by another, and to
+place on sure foundations the God-given Right to Self-Rule and
+Self-Development of every Nation, and the similar right of the
+Individual, of the smaller Self, so far as is consistent with the
+welfare of the larger Self of the Nation. The forces which make for the
+prolongation of autocracy&mdash;the rule of one&mdash;and the even deadlier
+bureaucracy&mdash;the rule of a close body welded into an iron system&mdash;these
+have been gathered together in the Central Powers of Europe&mdash;as of old
+in Ravana&mdash;in order that they may be destroyed; for the New Age cannot
+be opened until the Old passes away. The new civilisation of
+Righteousness and Justice, and therefore of Brotherhood, of ordered
+Liberty, of Peace, of Happiness, cannot be built up until the elements
+are removed which have brought the old civilisation crashing about our
+ears. Therefore is it necessary that the War shall be fought out to its
+appointed end, and that no premature peace shall leave its object
+unattained. Autocracy and bureaucracy must perish utterly, in East and
+West, and, in order that their germs may not re-sprout in the future,
+they must be discredited in the minds of men. They must be proved to be
+less efficient than the Governments of Free Peoples, even in their
+favourite work of War, and their iron machinery&mdash;which at first brings
+outer prosperity and success&mdash;must be shown to be less lasting and
+effective than the living and flexible organisations of democratic
+Peoples. They must be proved failures before the world, so that the
+glamour of superficial successes may be destroyed for ever. They have
+had their day and their place in evolution, and have done their
+educative work. Now they are out-of-date, unfit for survival, and must
+vanish away.</p>
+
+<p>When Great Britain sprang to arms, it was in defence of the freedom of a
+small nation, guaranteed by treaties, and the great principles she
+proclaimed electrified India and the Dominions. They all sprang to her
+side without question, without delay; they heard the voice of old
+England, the soldier of Liberty, and it thrilled their hearts. All were
+unprepared, save the small territorial army of Great Britain, due to the
+genius and foresight of Lord Haldane, and the readily mobilised army of
+India, hurled into the fray by the swift decision of Lord Hardinge. The
+little army of Britain fought for time; fought to stop the road to
+Paris, the heart of France; fought, falling back step by step, and
+gained the time it fought for, till India&rsquo;s sons stood on the soil of
+France, were flung to the front, rushed past the exhausted regiments who
+cheered them with failing breath, charged the advancing hosts, stopped
+the retreat, and joined the British army in forming that unbreakable
+line which wrestled to the death through two fearful winters&mdash;often,
+these soldiers of the tropics, waist-deep in freezing mud&mdash;and knew no
+surrender.</p>
+
+<p>India, with her clear vision, saw in Great Britain the champion of
+Freedom, in Germany the champion of Despotism. And she saw rightly.
+Rightly she stood by Great Britain, despite her own lack of freedom and
+the coercive legislation which outrivalled German despotism, knowing
+these to be temporary, because un-English, and therefore doomed to
+destruction; she spurned the lure of German gold and rejected German
+appeals to revolt. She offered men and money; her educated classes, her
+Vakils, offered themselves as Volunteers, pleaded to be accepted. Then
+the never-sleeping distrust of Anglo-India rejected the offer, pressed
+for money, rejected men. And, slowly, educated India sank back,
+depressed and disheartened, and a splendid opportunity for knitting
+together the two Nations was lost.</p>
+
+<p>Early in the War I ventured to say that the War could not end until
+England recognised that autocracy and bureaucracy must perish in India
+as well as in Europe. The good Bishop of Calcutta, with a courage worthy
+of his free race, lately declared that it would be hypocritical to pray
+for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India. Now it
+has been clearly and definitely declared that Self-Government is to be
+the objective of Great Britain in India, and that a substantial measure
+of it is to be given at once; when this promise is made good by the
+granting of the Reforms outlined last year in Lucknow, then the end of
+the War will be in sight. For the War cannot end till the death-knell of
+autocracy is sounded.</p>
+
+<p>Causes, with which I will deal presently and for which India was not
+responsible, have somewhat obscured the first eager expressions of
+India&rsquo;s sympathy, and have forced her thoughts largely towards her own
+position in the Empire. But that does not detract from the immense aid
+she has given, and is still giving. It must not be forgotten that long
+before the present War she had submitted&mdash;at first, while she had no
+power of remonstrance, and later, after 1885, despite the constant
+protests of Congress&mdash;to an ever-rising military expenditure, due partly
+to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and partly to the cost of various
+wars beyond her frontiers, and to continual recurring frontier and
+trans-frontier expeditions, in which she had no real interest. They were
+sent out for supposed Imperial advantages, not for her own.</p>
+
+<p>Between 1859 and 1904&mdash;45 years&mdash;Indian troops were engaged in
+thirty-seven wars and expeditions. There were ten wars: the two Chinese
+Wars of 1860 and 1900, the Bhutan War of 1864-65, the Abyssinian War of
+1868, the Afghan War of 1878-79, and, after the massacre of the Kabul
+Mission, the second War of 1879-80, ending in an advance of the
+frontier, in the search for an ever receding &ldquo;scientific frontier&rdquo;; on
+this occasion the frontier was shifted, says Keene, &ldquo;from the line of
+the Indus to the western slope of the Suleiman range and from Peshawar
+to Quetta&rdquo;; the Egyptian War of 1882, in which the Indian troops
+markedly distinguished themselves; the third Burmese War of 1885 ending
+in the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886; the invasions of Tibet in 1890
+and 1904. Of Expeditions, or minor Wars, there were 27; to Sitana in
+1858 on a small scale and in 1863 on a larger (the &ldquo;Sitana Campaign&rdquo;);
+to Nepal and Sikkim in 1859; to Sikkim in 1864; a serious struggle on
+the North-west Frontier in 1868; expeditions against the Lushais in
+1871-72, the Daflas in 1874-75, the Nagas in 1875, the Afridis in 1877,
+the Rampa Hill tribes in 1879, the Waziris and Nagas in 1881, the Akhas
+in 1884, and in the same year an expedition to the Zhob Valley, and a
+second thither in 1890. In 1888 and 1889 there was another expedition
+against Sikkim, against the Akozais (the Black Mountain Expedition) and
+against the Hill Tribes of the North-east, and in 1890 another Black
+Mountain Expedition, with a third in 1892. In 1890 came the expedition
+to Manipur, and in 1891 there was another expedition against the
+Lushais, and one into the Miranzal Valley. The Chitral Expedition
+occupied 1894-95, and the serious Tirah Campaign, in which 40,000 men
+were engaged, came in 1897 and 1898. The long list&mdash;which I have closed
+with 1904&mdash;ends with the expeditions against the Mahsuds in 1901,
+against the Kabalis in 1902, and the invasion of Tibet, before noted.
+All these events explain the rise in military expenditure, and we must
+add to them the sending of Indian troops to Malta and Cyprus in 1878&mdash;a
+somewhat theatrical demonstration&mdash;and the expenditure of some
+&pound;2,000,000 to face what was described as &ldquo;the Russian Menace&rdquo; in 1884.
+Most of these were due to Imperial, not to Indian, policy, and many of
+the burdens imposed were protested against by the Government of India,
+while others were encouraged by ambitious Viceroys. I do not think that
+even this long list is complete.</p>
+
+<p>Ever since the Government of India was taken over by the Crown, India
+has been regarded as an Imperial military asset and training ground, a
+position from which the jealousy of the East India Company had largely
+protected her, by insisting that the army it supported should be used
+for the defence and in the interests of India alone. Her value to the
+Empire for military purposes would not so seriously have injured at once
+her pride and her finances if the natural tendencies of her martial
+races had been permitted their previous scope; but the disarming of the
+people, 20 years after the assumption of the Government by the Crown,
+emasculated the Nation, and the elimination of races supposed to be
+unwarlike, or in some cases too warlike to be trusted, threw recruitment
+more and more to the north, and lowered the physique of the Bengalis and
+Madrasis, on whom the Company had largely depended.</p>
+
+<p>The superiority of the Punjab, on which Sir Michael O&rsquo;Dwyer so
+vehemently insisted the other day, is an artificial superiority, created
+by the British system and policy; and the poor recruitment elsewhere, on
+which he laid offensive insistence, is due to the same system and
+policy, which largely eliminated Bengalis, Madrasis and Mahrattas from
+the army. In Bengal, however, the martial type has been revived, chiefly
+in consequence of what the Bengalis felt to be the intolerable insult of
+the high-handed Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.</p>
+
+<p>On this Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Bengal&rsquo;s heroic stand against the oppression of a harsh and
+ uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished and gratified all
+ India.... All India owes a deep debt of gratitude to Bengal.</p></div>
+
+<p>The spirit evoked showed itself in the youth of Bengal by a practical
+revolt, led by the elders, while it was confined to Swadeshi and
+Boycott, and rushing on, when it broke away from their authority, into
+conspiracy, assassination and dacoity: as had happened in similar
+revolts with Young Italy, in the days of Mazzini, and with Young Russia
+in the days of Stepniak and Kropotkin. The results of their despair,
+necessarily met by the halter and penal servitude, had to be faced by
+Lord Hardinge and Lord Carmichael during the present War. Other results,
+happy instead of disastrous in their nature, was the development of grit
+and endurance of a high character, shown in the courage of the Bengal
+lads in the serious floods that have laid parts of the Province deep
+under water, and in their compassion and self-sacrifice in the relief of
+famine. Their services in the present War&mdash;the Ambulance Corps and the
+replacement of its <i>materiel</i> when the ship carrying it sank, with the
+splendid services rendered by it in Mesopotamia; the recruiting of a
+Bengali regiment for active service, 900 strong, with another 900
+reserves to replace wastage, and recruiting still going on&mdash;these are
+instances of the divine alchemy which brings the soul of good out of
+evil action, and consecrates to service the qualities evoked by
+rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>In England, also, a similar result has been seen in a convict, released
+to go to the front, winning the Victoria Cross. It would be an act of
+statesmanship, as well as of divinest compassion, to offer to every
+prisoner and interned captive, held for political crime or on political
+suspicion, the opportunity of serving the Empire at the front. They
+might, if thought necessary, form a separate battalion or a separate
+regiment, under stricter supervision, and yet be given a chance of
+redeeming their reputation, for they are mostly very young.</p>
+
+<p>The financial burden incurred in consequence of the above conflicts, and
+of other causes, now to be mentioned, would not have been so much
+resented, if it had been imposed by India on herself, and if her own
+sons had profited by her being used as a training ground for the
+Empire. But in this case, as in so many others, she has shared Imperial
+burdens, while not sharing Imperial freedom and power. Apart from this,
+the change which made the Army so ruinous a burden on the resources of
+the country was the system of &ldquo;British reliefs,&rdquo; the using of India as a
+training ground for British regiments, and the transfer of the men thus
+trained, to be replaced by new ones under the short service system, the
+cost of the frequent transfers and their connected expenses being
+charged on the Indian revenues, while the whole advantage was reaped by
+Great Britain. On the short service system the Simla Army Commission
+declared:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The short service system recently introduced into the British
+ Army has increased the cost and has materially reduced the
+ efficiency of the British troops in India. We cannot resist the
+ feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interest
+ of the Indian tax-payer was entirely left out of consideration.</p></div>
+
+<p>The remark was certainly justified, for the short service system gave
+India only five years of the recruits she paid heavily for and trained,
+all the rest of the benefit going to England. The latter was enabled, as
+the years went on, to enormously increase her Reserves, so that she has
+had 400,000 men trained in, and at the cost of, India.</p>
+
+<p>In 1863 the Indian army consisted of 140,000 men, with 65,000 white
+officers. Great changes were made in 1885-1905, including the
+reorganisation under Lord Kitchener, who became Commander-in-Chief at
+the end of 1902. Even in this hasty review, I must not omit reference to
+the fact that Army Stores were drawn from Britain at enormous cost,
+while they should have been chiefly manufactured here, so that India
+might have profited by the expenditure. Lately under the necessities of
+War, factories have been turned to the production of munitions; but this
+should have been done long ago, so that India might have been enriched
+instead of exploited. The War has forced an investigation into her
+mineral resources that might have been made for her own sake, but
+Germany was allowed to monopolise the supply of minerals that India
+could have produced and worked up, and would have produced and worked up
+had she enjoyed Home Rule. India would have been richer, and the Empire
+safer, had she been a partner instead of a possession. But this side of
+the question will come under the matters directly affecting merchants,
+and we may venture to express a hope that the Government help extended
+to munition factories in time of War may be continued to industrial
+factories in time of Peace. The net result of the various causes
+above-mentioned was that the expense of the Indian army rose by leaps
+and bounds, until, before the War, India was expending,&pound;21,000,000 as
+against the &pound;28,000,000 expended by the United Kingdom, while the
+wealthy Dominions of Canada and Australia were spending only 1-1/2 and
+1-1/4 millions respectively. (I am not forgetting that the United
+Kingdom was expending over &pound;51,000,000 on her Navy, while India was free
+of that burden, save for a contribution of half a million.)</p>
+
+<p>Since 1885, the Congress has constantly protested against the
+ever-increasing military expenditure, but the voice of the Congress was
+supposed to be the voice of sedition and of class ambition, instead of
+being, as it was the voice of educated Indians, the most truly patriotic
+and loyal class of the population. In 1885, in the First Congress, Mr.
+P. Rangiah Naidu pointed out that military expenditure had been
+&pound;1,463,000 in 1857 and had risen to &pound;16,975,750 in 1884. Mr. D.E. Wacha
+ascribed the growth to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and remarked
+that the Company in 1856 had an army of 254,000 men at a cost of 11-1/2
+millions, while in 1884 the Crown had an army of only 181,000 men at a
+cost of 17 millions. The rise was largely due to the increased cost of
+the European regiments, overland transport service, stores, pensions,
+furlough allowances, and the like, most of them imposed despite the
+resistance of the Government of India, which complained that the changes
+were &ldquo;made entirely, it may be said, from Imperial considerations, in
+which Indian interests have not been consulted or advanced.&rdquo; India paid
+nearly,&pound;700,000 a year, for instance, for &ldquo;Home Depôts&rdquo;&mdash;Home being
+England of course&mdash;in which lived some 20,000 to 22,000 British
+soldiers, on the plea that their regiments, not they, were serving in
+India. I cannot follow out the many increases cited by Mr. Wacha, but
+members can refer to his excellent speech.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Fawcett once remarked that when the East India Company was abolished</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>the English people became directly responsible for the
+ Government of India. It cannot, I think, be denied that this
+ responsibility has been so imperfectly discharged that in many
+ respects the new system of Government compares unfavourably
+ with the old.... There was at that time an independent control
+ of expenditure which now seems to be almost entirely wanting.</p></div>
+
+<p>Shortly after the Crown assumed the rule of India, Mr. Disraeli asked
+the House of Commons to regard India as &ldquo;a great and solemn trust
+committed to it by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence.&rdquo; Mr. George
+Yule, in the Fourth Congress, remarked on this: &ldquo;The 650 odd members had
+thrown the trust back upon the hands of Providence, to be looked after
+as Providence itself thinks best.&rdquo; Perhaps it is time that India should
+remember that Providence helps those who help themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Year after year the Congress continued to remonstrate against the cost
+of the army, until in 1902, after all the futile protests of the
+intervening years, it condemned an increase of pay to British soldiers
+in India which placed an additional burden on the Indian revenues of
+&pound;786,000 a year, and pointed out that the British garrison was
+unnecessarily numerous, as was shown by the withdrawal of large bodies
+of British soldiers for service in South Africa and China. The very next
+year Congress protested that the increasing military expenditure was not
+to secure India against internal disorder or external attack, but in
+order to carry out an Imperial policy; the Colonies contributed little
+or nothing to the Imperial Military Expenditure, while India bore the
+cost of about one-third of the whole British Army in addition to her own
+Indian troops. Surely these facts should be remembered when India&rsquo;s
+military services to the Empire are now being weighed.</p>
+
+<p>In 1904 and 1905, the Congress declared that the then military
+expenditure was beyond India&rsquo;s power to bear, and in the latter year
+prayed that the additional ten millions sterling sanctioned for Lord
+Kitchener&rsquo;s reorganisation scheme might be devoted to education and the
+reduction of the burden on the raiyats. In 1908, the burdens imposed by
+the British War Office since 1859 were condemned, and in the next year
+it was pointed out that the military expenditure was nearly a third of
+the whole Indian revenue, and was starving Education and Sanitation.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Kitchener&rsquo;s reorganisation scheme kept the Indian Army on a War
+footing, ready for immediate mobilisation, and on January 1, 1915, the
+regular army consisted of 247,000 men, of whom 75,000 were English; it
+was the money spent by India in maintaining this army for years in
+readiness for War which made it possible for her to go to the help of
+Great Britain at the critical early period to which I alluded. She spent
+over &pound;20 millions on the military services in 1914-15. In 1915-16 she
+spent &pound;21.8 millions. In 1916-17 her military budget had risen to &pound;12
+millions, and it will probably be exceeded, as was the budget of the
+preceding year by &pound;1-2/3 million.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Hardinge, the last Viceroy of India, who is ever held in loving
+memory here for his sympathetic attitude towards Indian aspirations,
+made a masterly exposition of India&rsquo;s War services in the House of Lords
+on the third of last July. He emphasised her pre-War services, showing
+that though 19-1/4 millions sterling was fixed as a maximum by the
+Nicholson Committee, that amount had been exceeded in 11 out of the last
+13 budgets, while his own last budget had risen to 22 millions. During
+these 13 years the revenue had been only between 48 and 58 millions,
+once rising to 60 millions. Could any fact speak more eloquently of
+India&rsquo;s War services than this proportion of military expenditure
+compared with her revenue?</p>
+
+<p>The Great War began on August 4th, and in that very month and in the
+early part of September, India sent an expeditionary force of three
+divisions&mdash;two infantry and one cavalry&mdash;and another cavalry division
+joined them in France in November. The first arrived, said Lord
+Hardinge, &ldquo;in time to fill a gap that could not otherwise have been
+filled.&rdquo; He added pathetically: &ldquo;There are very few survivors of those
+two splendid divisions of infantry.&rdquo; Truly, their homes are empty, but
+their sons shall enjoy in India the liberty for which their fathers died
+in France. Three more divisions were at once sent to guard the Indian
+frontier, while in September a mixed division was sent to East Africa,
+and in October and November two more divisions and a brigade of cavalry
+went to Egypt. A battalion of Indian infantry went to Mauritius, another
+to the Cameroons, and two to the Persian Gulf, while other Indian troops
+helped the Japanese in the capture of Tsingtau. 210,000 Indians were
+thus sent overseas. The whole of these troops were fully armed and
+equipped, and in addition, during the first few weeks of the War, India
+sent to England from her magazines &ldquo;70 million rounds of small-arm
+ammunition, 60,000 rifles, and more than 550 guns of the latest pattern
+and type.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>In addition to these, Lord Hardinge speaks of sending to England</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>enormous quantities of material, ... tents, boots, saddlery,
+ clothing, etc., but every effort was made to meet the
+ ever-increasing demands made by the War Office, and it may be
+ stated without exaggeration that India was bled absolutely
+ white during the first few weeks of the war.</p></div>
+
+<p>It must not be forgotten, though Lord Hardinge has not reckoned it, that
+all wastage has been more than filled up, and 450,000 men represent this
+head; the increase in units has been 300,000, and including other
+military items India had placed in the field up to the end of 1916 over
+a million of men.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to this a British force of 80,000 was sent from India, fully
+trained and equipped at Indian cost, India receiving in exchange, many
+months later, 34 Territorial battalions and 29 batteries, &ldquo;unfit for
+immediate employment on the frontier or in Mesopotamia, until they had
+been entirely re-armed and equipped, and their training completed.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>Between the autumn of 1914 and the close of 1915, the defence of our own
+frontiers was a serious matter, and Lord Hardinge says:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The attitude of Afghanistan was for a long time doubtful,
+ although I always had confidence in the personal loyalty of our
+ ally the Amir; but I feared lest he might be overwhelmed by a
+ wave of fanaticism, or by a successful Jehad of the tribes....
+ It suffices to mention that, although during the previous three
+ years there had been no operations of any importance on the
+ North-West frontier, there were, between November 29, 1914, and
+ September 5, 1915, no less than seven serious attacks on the
+ North-West frontier, all of which were effectively dealt with.</p></div>
+
+<p>The military authorities had also to meet a German conspiracy early in
+1915, 7,000 men arriving from Canada and the United States, having
+planned to seize points of military vantage in the Panjab, and in
+December of the same year another German conspiracy in Bengal,
+necessitating military preparations on land, and also naval patrols in
+the Bay of Bengal.</p>
+
+<p>Lord Hardinge has been much attacked by the Tory and Unionist Press in
+England and India, in England because of the Mesopotamia Report, in
+India because his love for India brought him hatred from Anglo-India.
+India has affirmed her confidence in him, and with India&rsquo;s verdict he
+may well rest satisfied.</p>
+
+<p>I do not care to dwell on the Mesopotamia Commission and its
+condemnation of the bureaucratic system prevailing here. Lord Hardinge
+vindicated himself and India. The bureaucratic system remains
+undefended. I recall that bureaucratic inefficiency came out in even
+more startling fashion in connection with the Afghan War of 1878-79 and
+1879-80. In February 1880, the war charges were reported as under &pound;4
+millions, and the accounts showed a surplus of &pound;2 millions. On April 8th
+the Government of India reported: &ldquo;Outgoing for War very alarming, far
+exceeding estimate,&rdquo; and on the 13th April &ldquo;it was announced that the
+cash balances had fallen in three months from thirteen crores to less
+than nine, owing to &lsquo;excessive Military drain&rsquo; ... On the following day
+(April 22) a despatch was sent out to the Viceroy, showing that there
+appeared a deficiency of not less than 5-1/4 crores. This vast error was
+evidently due to an underestimate of war liabilities, which had led to
+such mis-information being laid before Parliament, and to the sudden
+discovery of inability to &lsquo;meet the usual drawings.&rsquo;&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>It seemed that the Government knew only the amount audited, not the
+amount spent. Payments were entered as &ldquo;advances,&rdquo; though they were not
+recoverable, and &ldquo;the great negligence was evidently that of the heads
+of departmental accounts.&rdquo; If such a mishap should occur under Home
+Rule, a few years hence&mdash;which heaven forbid&mdash;I shudder to think of the
+comments of the <i>Englishman</i> and the <i>Madras Mail</i> on the shocking
+inefficiency of Indian officials.</p>
+
+<p>In September last, our present Viceroy, H.E. Lord Chelmsford, defended
+India against later attacks by critics who try to minimise her
+sacrifices in order to lessen the gratitude felt by Great Britain
+towards her, lest that gratitude should give birth to justice, and
+justice should award freedom to India. Lord Chelmsford placed before his
+Council &ldquo;in studiously considered outline, a summary of what India has
+done during the past two years.&rdquo; Omitting his references to what was
+done under Lord Hardinge, as stated above, I may quote from him:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>On the outbreak of war, of the 4,598 British officers on the
+ Indian establishment, 530 who were at home on leave were
+ detained by the War Office for service in Europe. 2,600
+ Combatant Officers have been withdrawn from India since the
+ beginning of the War, excluding those who proceeded on service
+ with their batteries or regiments. In order to make good these
+ deficiencies and provide for war wastage the Indian Army
+ Reserve of Officers was expanded from a total of 40, at which
+ it stood on the 4th August, 1914, to one of 2,000.</p>
+
+<p> The establishment of Indian units has not only been kept up to
+ strength, but has been considerably increased. There has been
+ an augmentation of 20 per cent. in the cavalry and of 40 per
+ cent. in the infantry, while the number of recruits enlisted
+ since the beginning of the War is greater than the entire
+ strength of the Indian Army as it existed on August 4, 1914.</p></div>
+
+<p>Lord Chelmsford rightly pointed out:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The Army in India has thus proved a great Imperial asset, and
+ in weighing the value of India&rsquo;s contribution to the War it
+ should be remembered that India&rsquo;s forces were no hasty
+ improvisation, but were an army in being, fully equipped and
+ supplied, which had previously cost India annually a large sum
+ to maintain.</p></div>
+
+<p>Lord Chelmsford has established what he calls a &ldquo;Man-Power Board,&rdquo; the
+duty of which is &ldquo;to collect and co-ordinate all the facts with regard
+to the supply of man-power in India.&rdquo; It has branches in all the
+Provinces. A steady flow of reinforcements supplies the wastage at the
+various fronts, and the labour required for engineering, transport,
+etc., is now organised in 20 corps in Mesopotamia and 25 corps in
+France. In addition 60,000 artisans, labourers, and specialists are
+serving in Mesopotamia and East Africa, and some 20,000 menials and
+followers have also gone overseas. Indian medical practitioners have
+accepted temporary commissions in the Indian Medical Service to the
+number of 500. In view of this fact, due to Great Britain&rsquo;s bitter need
+of help, may we not hope that this Service will welcome Indians in time
+of peace as well as in time of war, and will no longer bar the way by
+demanding the taking of a degree in the United Kingdom? It is also
+worthy of notice that the I.M.S. officers in charge of district duties
+have been largely replaced by Indian medical men; this, again, should
+continue after the War. Another fact, that the Army Reserve of Officers
+his risen from 40 to 2,000, suggests that the throwing open of King&rsquo;s
+Commissions to qualified Indians should not be represented by a meagre
+nine. If English lads of 19 and 20 are worthy of King&rsquo;s Commissions&mdash;and
+the long roll of slain Second Lieutenants proves it&mdash;then certainly
+Indian lads, since Indians have fought as bravely as Englishmen, should
+find the door thrown open to them equally widely in their own country,
+and the Indian Army should be led by Indian officers.</p>
+
+<p>With such a record of deeds as the one I have baldly sketched, it is not
+necessary to say much in words as to India&rsquo;s support of Great Britain
+and her Allies. She has proved up to the hilt her desire to remain
+within the Empire, to maintain her tie with Great Britain. But if
+Britain is to call successfully on India&rsquo;s man-power, as Lord Chelmsford
+suggests in his Man-Power Board, then must the man who fights or labours
+have a man&rsquo;s Rights in his own land. The lesson which springs out of
+this War is that it is absolutely necessary for the future safety of the
+Empire that India shall have Home Rule. Had her Man-Power been utilised
+earlier there would have been no War, for none would have dared to
+provoke Great Britain and India to a contest. But her Man-Power cannot
+be utilised while she is a subject Nation. She cannot afford to maintain
+a large army, if she is to support an English garrison, to pay for their
+goings and comings, to buy stores in England at exorbitant prices and
+send them back again when England needs them. She cannot afford to train
+men for England, and only have their services for five years. She cannot
+afford to keep huge Gold Reserves in England, and be straitened for
+cash, while she lends to England out of her Reserves, taken from her
+over-taxation, &pound;27,000,000 for War expenses, and this, be it remembered,
+before the great War Loan. I once said in England: &ldquo;The condition of
+India&rsquo;s loyalty is India&rsquo;s freedom.&rdquo; I may now add: &ldquo;The condition of
+India&rsquo;s usefulness to the Empire is India&rsquo;s freedom.&rdquo; She will tax
+herself willingly when her taxes remain in the country and fertilise it,
+when they educate her people and thus increase their productive power,
+when they foster her trade and create for her new industries.</p>
+
+<p>Great Britain needs India as much as India needs England, for prosperity
+in Peace as well as for safety in War. Mr. Montagu has wisely said that
+&ldquo;for equipment in War a Nation needs freedom in Peace.&rdquo; Therefore I say
+that, for both countries alike, the lesson of the War is Home Rule for
+India.</p>
+
+<p>Let me close this part of my subject by laying at the feet of His
+Imperial Majesty the loving homage of the thousands here assembled, with
+the hope and belief that, ere long, we shall lay there the willing and
+grateful homage of a free Nation.</p>
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2>
+
+<h3>CAUSES OF THE NEW SPIRIT IN INDIA.</h3>
+
+<p>Apart from the natural exchange of thought between East and West, the
+influence of English education, literature and ideals, the effect of
+travel in Europe, Japan and the United States of America, and other
+recognised causes for the changed outlook in India, there have been
+special forces at work during the last few years to arouse a New Spirit
+in India, and to alter her attitude of mind. These may be summed up as:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot">
+<p>(<i>a</i>) The Awakening of Asia.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>b</i>) Discussions abroad on Alien Rule and Imperial
+ Reconstruction.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>c</i>) Loss of Belief in the Superiority of the White Races.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>d</i>) The Awakening of Indian Merchants.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>e</i>) The Awakening of Indian Womanhood to claim its Ancient
+ Position.</p>
+
+<p> (<i>f</i>) The Awakening of the Masses.</p>
+</div>
+
+<p>Each of these causes has had its share in the splendid change of
+attitude in the Indian Nation, in the uprising of a spirit of pride of
+country, of independence, of self-reliance, of dignity, of self-respect.
+The War has quickened the rate of evolution of the world, and no country
+has experienced the quickening more than our Motherland.</p>
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF ASIA.</h3>
+
+<p>In a conversation I had with Lord Minto, soon after his arrival as
+Viceroy, he discussed the so-called &ldquo;unrest in India,&rdquo; and recognised it
+as the inevitable result of English Education, of English Ideals of
+Democracy, of the Japanese victory over Russia, and of the changing
+conditions in the outer world. I was therefore not surprised to read his
+remark that he recognised, &ldquo;frankly and publicly, that new aspirations
+were stirring in the hearts of the people, that they were part of a
+larger movement common to the whole East, and that it was necessary to
+satisfy them to a reasonable extent by giving them a larger share in the
+administration.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<p>But the present movement in India will be very poorly understood if it
+be regarded only in connexion with the movement in the East. The
+awakening of Asia is part of a world-movement, which has been quickened
+into marvellous rapidity by the world-war. The world-movement is towards
+Democracy, and for the West dates from the breaking away of the American
+Colonies from Great Britain, consummated in 1776, and its sequel in the
+French Revolution of 1789. Needless to say that its root was in the
+growth of modern science, undermining the fabric of intellectual
+servitude, in the work of the Encyclop&aelig;dists, and in that of
+Jean-Jacques Rousseau and of Thomas Paine. In the East, the swift
+changes in Japan, the success of the Japanese Empire against Russia, the
+downfall of the Manchu dynasty in China and the establishment of a
+Chinese Republic, the efforts at improvement in Persia, hindered by the
+interference of Russia and Great Britain with their growing ambitions,
+and the creation of British and Russian &ldquo;spheres of influence,&rdquo;
+depriving her of her just liberty, and now the Russian Revolution and
+the probable rise of a Russian Republic in Europe and Asia, have all
+entirely changed the conditions before existing in India. Across Asia,
+beyond the Himalayas, stretch free and self-ruling Nations. India no
+longer sees as her Asian neighbours the huge domains of a Tsar and a
+Chinese despot, and compares her condition under British rule with those
+of their subject populations. British rule profited by the comparison,
+at least until 1905, when the great period of repression set in. But in
+future, unless India wins Self-Government, she will look enviously at
+her Self-Governing neighbours, and the contrast will intensify her
+unrest.</p>
+
+<p>But even if she gains Home Rule, as I believe she will, her position in
+the Empire will imperatively demand that she shall be strong as well as
+free. She becomes not only a vulnerable point in the Empire, as the
+Asian Nations evolve their own ambitions and rivalries, but also a
+possession to be battled for. Mr. Laing once said: &ldquo;India is the
+milch-cow of England,&rdquo; a Kamadhenu, in fact, a cow of plenty; and if
+that view should arise in Asia, the ownership of the milch-cow would
+become a matter of dispute, as of old between Vashishtha and
+Vishvamitra. Hence India must be capable of self-defence both by land
+and sea. There may be a struggle for the primacy of Asia, for supremacy
+in the Pacific, for the mastery of Australasia, to say nothing of the
+inevitable trade-struggles, in which Japan is already endangering Indian
+industry and Indian trade, while India is unable to protect herself.</p>
+
+<p>In order to face these larger issues with equanimity, the Empire
+requires a contented, strong, self-dependent and armed India, able to
+hold her own and to aid the Dominions, especially Australia, with her
+small population and immense unoccupied and undefended area. India alone
+has the man-power which can effectively maintain the Empire in Asia, and
+it is a short-sighted, a criminally short-sighted, policy not to build
+up her strength as a Self-Governing State within the Commonwealth of
+Free Nations under the British Crown. The Englishmen in India talk
+loudly of their interests; what can this mere handful do to protect
+their interests against attack in the coming years? Only in a free and
+powerful India will they be safe. Those who read Japanese papers know
+how strongly, even during the War, they parade unchecked their
+pro-German sympathies, and how likely after the War is an alliance
+between these two ambitious and warlike Nations. Japan will come out of
+the War with her army and navy unweakened, and her trade immensely
+strengthened. Every consideration of sane statesmanship should lead
+Great Britain to trust India more than Japan, so that the British Empire
+in Asia may rest on the sure foundation of Indian loyalty, the loyalty
+of a free and contented people, rather than be dependent on the
+continued friendship of a possible future rival. For international
+friendships are governed by National interests, and are built on
+quicksands, not on rock.</p>
+
+<p>Englishmen in India must give up the idea that English dominance is
+necessary for the protection of their interests, amounting, in 1915, to
+&pound;365,399,000 sterling. They do not claim to dominate the United States
+of America, because they have invested there &pound;688,078,000. They do not
+claim to dominate the Argentine Republic, because they have invested
+there &pound;269,808,000. Why then should they claim to dominate India on the
+ground of their investment? Britons must give up the idea that India is
+a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as
+a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a
+Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, and not a
+dependent. The democratic movement in Japan, China and Russia in Asia
+has sympathetically affected India, and it is idle to pretend that it
+will cease to affect her.</p>
+
+<h3>DISCUSSIONS ABROAD ON ALIEN RULE AND IMPERIAL RECONSTRUCTION.</h3>
+
+<p>But there are other causes which have been working in India, consequent
+on the British attitude against autocracy and in defence of freedom in
+Europe, while her attitude to India has, until lately, been left in
+doubt. Therefore I spoke of a splendid opportunity lost. India at first
+believed whole-heartedly that Great Britain was fighting for the freedom
+of all Nationalities. Even now, Mr. Asquith declared&mdash;in his speech in
+the House of Commons reported here last October, on the peace resolution
+of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald&mdash;that &ldquo;the Allies are fighting for nothing but
+freedom, and, an important addition&mdash;for nothing short of freedom.&rdquo; In
+his speech declaring that Britain would stand by France in her claim for
+the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he spoke of &ldquo;the intolerable
+degradation of a foreign yoke.&rdquo; Is such a yoke less intolerable, less
+wounding to self-respect here, than in Alsace-Lorraine, where the rulers
+and the ruled are both of European blood, similar in religion and
+habits? As the War went on, India slowly and unwillingly came to realise
+that the hatred of autocracy was confined to autocracy in the West, and
+that the degradation was only regarded as intolerable for men of white
+races; that freedom was lavishly promised to all except to India; that
+new powers were to be given to the Dominions, but not to India. India
+was markedly left out of the speeches of statesmen dealing with the
+future of the Empire, and at last there was plain talk of the White
+Empire, the Empire of the Five Nations, and the &ldquo;coloured races&rdquo; were
+lumped together as the wards of the White Empire, doomed to an
+indefinite minority.</p>
+
+<p>The peril was pressing; the menace unmistakable. The Reconstruction of
+the Empire was on the anvil; what was to be India&rsquo;s place therein? The
+Dominions were proclaimed as partners; was India to remain a Dependency?
+Mr. Bonar Law bade the Dominions strike while the iron was hot; was
+India to wait till it was cold? India saw her soldiers fighting for
+freedom in Flanders, in France, in Gallipoli, in Asia Minor, in China,
+in Africa; was she to have no share of the freedom for which she fought?
+At last she sprang to her feet and cried, in the words of one of her
+noblest sons: &ldquo;Freedom is my birthright; and I want it.&rdquo; The words &ldquo;Home
+Rule&rdquo; became her Mantram. She claimed her place in the Empire.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, while she continued to support, and even to increase, her army
+abroad, fighting for the Empire, and poured out her treasures as water
+for Hospital Ships, War Funds, Red Cross organisations, and the gigantic
+War Loan, a dawning fear oppressed her, lest, if she did not take order
+with her own household, success in the War for the Empire might mean
+decreased liberty for herself.</p>
+
+<p>The recognition of the right of the Indian Government to make its voice
+heard in Imperial matters, when they were under discussion in an
+Imperial Conference, was a step in the right direction. But
+disappointment was felt that while other countries were represented by
+responsible Ministers, the representation in India&rsquo;s case was of the
+Government, of a Government irresponsible to her, and not the
+representative of herself. No fault was found with the choice itself,
+but only with the non-representative character of the chosen, for they
+were selected by the Government, and not by the elected members of the
+Supreme Council. This defect in the resolution moved by the Hon. Khan
+Bahadur M.M. Shafi on October 2, 1915, was pointed out by the Hon. Mr.
+Surendranath Bannerji. He said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>My Lord, in view of a situation so full of hope and promise, it
+ seems to me that my friend&rsquo;s Resolution does not go far enough.
+ He pleads for <i>official</i> representation at the Imperial
+ Conference: he does not plead for <i>popular</i> representation. He
+ urges that an address be presented to His Majesty&rsquo;s Government,
+ through the Secretary of State for India, for official
+ representation at the Imperial Council. My Lord, official
+ representation may mean little or nothing. It may indeed be
+ attended with some risk; for I am sorry to have to say&mdash;but say
+ it I must&mdash;that our officials do not always see eye to eye with
+ us as regards many great public questions which affect this
+ country; and indeed their views, judged from our standpoint,
+ may sometimes seem adverse to our interests. At the same time,
+ my Lord, I recognise the fact that the Imperial Conference is
+ an assemblage of officials pure and simple, consisting of
+ Ministers of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing
+ Colonies. But, my Lord, there is an essential difference
+ between them and ourselves. In their case, the Ministers are
+ the elect of the people, their organ and their voice,
+ answerable to them for their conduct and their proceedings. In
+ our case, our officials are public servants in name, but in
+ reality they are the masters of the public. The situation may
+ improve, and I trust it will, under the liberalising influence
+ of your Excellency&rsquo;s beneficent administration; but we must
+ take things as they are, and not indulge in building castles in
+ the air, which may vanish &ldquo;like the baseless fabric of a
+ vision.&rdquo;</p></div>
+
+<p>It was said to be an epoch-making event that &ldquo;Indian Representatives&rdquo;
+took part in the Conference. Representatives they were, but, as said, of
+the British Government in India, not of India, whereas their colleagues
+represented their Nations. They did good work, none the less, for they
+were able and experienced men, though they failed us in the Imperial
+Preference Conference and, partially, on the Indentured Labour question.
+Yet we hope that the presence in the Conference of men of Indian birth
+may prove to be the proverbial &ldquo;thin end of the wedge,&rdquo; and may have
+convinced their colleagues that, while India was still a Dependency,
+India&rsquo;s sons were fully their equals.</p>
+
+<p>The Report of the Public Services Commission, though now too obviously
+obsolete to be discussed, caused both disappointment and resentment; for
+it showed that, in the eyes of the majority of the Commissioners,
+English domination in Indian administration was to be perpetual, and
+that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. of
+the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
+mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India&rsquo;s thanks
+to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
+solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
+laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
+Indian Civil Services.</p>
+
+<p>India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
+ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
+work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
+treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
+Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
+recommendations. The whole Report was written &ldquo;before the flood,&rdquo; and it
+is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.</p>
+
+<p>India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
+perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
+Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
+area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
+world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. &ldquo;Britain for the
+British&rdquo; was right and natural; &ldquo;India for the Indians&rdquo; was wrong, even
+seditious. It must be &ldquo;India for the Empire,&rdquo; or not even for the
+Empire, but &ldquo;for the rest of the Empire,&rdquo; careless of herself. &ldquo;British
+support for British Trade&rdquo; was patriotic and proper in Britain.
+&ldquo;Swadeshi goods for Indians&rdquo; showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
+India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
+thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in &ldquo;an
+atmosphere of inferiority,&rdquo; and to be proud to be a citizen (without
+rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be
+citizens (with rights) in their own countries first, and citizens of the
+Empire secondarily. Just as his trust in Great Britain was strained
+nearly to breaking point came the glad news of Mr. Montagu&rsquo;s appointment
+as Secretary of State for India, of the Viceroy&rsquo;s invitation to him, and
+of his coming to hear for himself what India wanted. It was a ray of
+sunshine breaking through the gloom, confidence in Great Britain
+revived, and glad preparation was made to welcome the coming of a
+friend.</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of India has changed to meet the changed attitude of the
+Governments of India and Great Britain. But let none imagine that that
+consequential change of attitude connotes any change in her
+determination to win Home Rule. She is ready to consider terms of peace,
+but it must be &ldquo;peace with honour,&rdquo; and honour in this connection means
+Freedom. If this be not granted, an even more vigorous agitation will
+begin.</p>
+
+<h3>LOSS OF BELIEF IN THE SUPERIORITY OF WHITE RACES</h3>
+
+<p>The undermining of this belief dates from the spreading of the Arya
+Samaj and the Theosophical Society. Both bodies sought to lead the
+Indian people to a sense of the value of their own civilisation, to
+pride in their past, creating self-respect in the present, and
+self-confidence in the future. They destroyed the unhealthy inclination
+to imitate the West in all things, and taught discrimination, the using
+only of what was valuable in western thought and culture, instead of a
+mere slavish copying of everything. Another great force was that of
+Swami Vivekananda, alike in his passionate love and admiration for
+India, and his exposure of the evils resulting from Materialism in the
+West. Take the following:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Children of India, I am here to speak to you to-day about some
+ practical things, and my object in reminding you about the
+ glories of the past is simply this. Many times have I been told
+ that looking into the past only degenerates and leads to
+ nothing, and that we should look to the future. That is true.
+ But out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore,
+ as far as you can, drink deep of the eternal fountains that are
+ behind, and after that, look forward, march forward, and make
+ India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our
+ ancestors were great. We must recall that. We must learn the
+ elements of our being, the blood that courses in our veins; we
+ must have faith in that blood, and what it did in the past: and
+ out of that faith, and consciousness of past greatness, we must
+ build an India yet greater than what she has been.</p></div>
+
+<p>And again:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>I know for certain that millions, I say deliberately, millions,
+ in every civilised land are waiting for the message that will
+ save them from the hideous abyss of materialism into which
+ modern money-worship is driving them headlong, and many of the
+ leaders of the new Social Movements have already discovered
+ that Vedanta in its highest form can alone spiritualise their
+ social aspirations.</p></div>
+
+<p>The process was continued by the admiration of Sanskrit literature
+expressed by European scholars and philosophers. But the effect of these
+was confined to the few and did not reach the many. The first great
+shock to the belief in white superiority came from the triumph of Japan
+over Russia, the facing of a huge European Power by a comparatively
+small Eastern Nation, the exposure of the weakness and rottenness of the
+Russian leaders, and the contrast with their hardy virile opponents,
+ready to sacrifice everything for their country.</p>
+
+<p>The second great shock has come from the frank brutality of German
+theories of the State, and their practical carrying out in the treatment
+of conquered districts and the laying waste of evacuated areas in
+retreat. The teachings of Bismarck and their practical application in
+France, Flanders, Belgium, Poland, and Serbia have destroyed all the
+glamour of the superiority of Christendom over Asia. Its vaunted
+civilisation is seen to be but a thin veneer, and its religion a matter
+of form rather than of life. Gazing from afar at the ghastly heaps of
+dead and the hosts of the mutilated, at science turned into devilry and
+ever inventing new tortures for rending and slaying, Asia may be
+forgiven for thinking that, on the whole, she prefers her own religions
+and her own civilisations.</p>
+
+<p>But even deeper than the outer tumult of war has pierced the doubt as to
+the reality of the Ideals of Liberty and Nationality so loudly
+proclaimed by the foremost western Nations, the doubt of the honesty of
+their champions. Sir James Meston said truly, a short time ago, that he
+had never, in his long experience, known Indians in so distrustful and
+suspicious a mood as that which he met in them to-day. And that is so.
+For long years Indians have been chafing over the many breaches of
+promises and pledges to them that remain unredeemed. The maintenance
+here of a system of political repression, of coercive measures increased
+in number and more harshly applied since 1905, the carrying of the
+system to a wider extent since the War for the sanctity of treaties and
+for the protection of Nationalities has been going on, have deepened the
+mistrust. A frank and courageous statesmanship applied to the honest
+carrying out of large reforms too long delayed can alone remove it. The
+time for political tinkering is past; the time for wise and definite
+changes is here.</p>
+
+<p>To these deep causes must be added the comparison between the
+progressive policy of some of the Indian States in matters which most
+affect the happiness of the people, and the slow advance made under
+British administration. The Indian notes that this advance is made under
+the guidance of rulers and ministers of his own race. When he sees that
+the suggestions made in the People&rsquo;s Assembly in Mysore are fully
+considered and, when possible, given effect to, he realises that without
+the forms of power the members exercise more real power than those in
+our Legislative Councils. He sees education spreading, new industries
+fostered, villagers encouraged to manage their own affairs and take the
+burden of their own responsibility, and he wonders why Indian incapacity
+is so much more efficient than British capacity.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps, after all, for Indians, Indian rule may be the best.</p>
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF THE MERCHANTS.</h3>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF INDIAN WOMANHOOD.</h3>
+
+<p>The position of women in the ancient Aryan civilisation was a very noble
+one. The great majority married, becoming, as Manu said, the Light of
+the Home; some took up the ascetic life, remained unmarried, and sought
+the knowledge of Brahma. The story of the Rani Damayanti, to whom her
+husband&rsquo;s ministers came, when they were troubled by the Raja&rsquo;s
+gambling, that of Gandhari, in the Council of Kings and Warrior Chiefs,
+remonstrating with her headstrong son; in later days, of Padmavati of
+Chitoor, of Mirabai of Marwar, the sweet poetess, of Tarabai of Thoda,
+the warrior, of Chand Bibi, the defender of Ahmednagar, of Ahalya Bai of
+Indore, the great Ruler&mdash;all these and countless others are well known.</p>
+
+<p>Only in the last two or three generations have Indian women slipped away
+from their place at their husbands&rsquo; side, and left them unhelped in
+their public life. But even now they wield great influence over husband
+and son. Culture has never forsaken them, but the English education of
+their husbands and sons, with the neglect of Sanskrit and the
+Vernacular, have made a barrier between the culture of the husband and
+that of the wife, and has shut the woman out from her old sympathy with
+the larger life of men. While the interests of the husband have
+widened, those of the wife have narrowed. The materialising of the
+husband tended also, by reaction, to render the wife&rsquo;s religion less
+broad and wise.</p>
+
+<p>The wish to save their sons from the materialising results of English
+education awoke keen sympathy among Indian mothers with the movement to
+make religion an integral part of education. It was, perhaps, the first
+movement in modern days which aroused among them in all parts a keen and
+living interest.</p>
+
+<p>The Partition of Bengal was bitterly resented by Bengali women, and was
+another factor in the outward-turning change. When the editor of an
+Extremist newspaper was prosecuted for sedition, convicted and
+sentenced, five hundred Bengali women went to his mother to show their
+sympathy, not by condolences, but by congratulations. Such was the
+feeling of the well-born women of Bengal.</p>
+
+<p>Then the troubles of Indians outside India roused the ever quick
+sympathy of Indian women, and the attack in South Africa on the
+sacredness of Indian marriage drew large numbers of them out of their
+homes to protest against the wrong.</p>
+
+<p>The Indentured Labour question, involving the dishonour of women, again,
+moved them deeply, and even sent a deputation to the Viceroy composed of
+women.</p>
+
+<p>These were, perhaps, the chief outer causes; but deep in the heart of
+India&rsquo;s daughters arose the Mother&rsquo;s voice, calling on them to help Her
+to arise, and to be once more mistress in Her own household. Indian
+women, nursed on Her old literature, with its wonderful ideals of
+womanly perfection, could not remain indifferent to the great movement
+for India&rsquo;s liberty. And during the last few years the hidden fire, long
+burning in their hearts, fire of love to Bharatamata, fire of resentment
+against the lessened influence of the religion which they passionately
+love, instinctive dislike of the foreigner as ruling in their land, have
+caused a marvellous awakening. The strength of the Home Rule movement is
+rendered tenfold greater by the adhesion to it of large numbers of
+women, who bring to its helping the uncalculating heroism, the
+endurance, the self-sacrifice, of the feminine nature. Our League&rsquo;s best
+recruits are among the women of India, and the women of Madras boast
+that they marched in procession when the men were stopped, and that
+their prayers in the temples set the interned captives free. Home Rule
+has become so intertwined with religion by the prayers offered up in the
+great Southern Temples, sacred places of pilgrimage, and spreading from
+them to village temples, and also by its being preached up and down the
+country by Sadhus and Sannyasins, that it has become in the minds of the
+women and of the ever religious masses, inextricably intertwined with
+religion. That is, in this country, the surest way of winning alike the
+women of the higher classes and the men and women villagers. And that is
+why I have said that the two words, &ldquo;Home Rule,&rdquo; have become a Mantram.</p>
+
+<h3>THE AWAKENING OF THE MASSES.</h3>
+
+<hr style="width: 45%;" />
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+
+<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2>
+
+<h3>WHY INDIA DEMANDS HOME RULE.</h3>
+
+<p>India demands Home Rule for two reasons, one essential and vital, the
+other less important but necessary: Firstly, because Freedom is the
+birthright of every Nation; secondly, because her most important
+interests are now made subservient to the interests of the British
+Empire without her consent, and her resources are not utilised for her
+greatest needs. It is enough only to mention the money spent on her
+Army, not for local defence but for Imperial purposes, as compared with
+that spent on primary education.</p>
+
+<h3>I. THE VITAL REASON.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>What is a Nation</i>?</h4>
+
+<p>Self-Government is necessary to the self-respect and dignity of a
+People; Other-Government emasculates a Nation, lowers its character, and
+lessens its capacity. The wrong done by the Arms Act, which Raja Rampal
+Singh voiced in the Second Congress as a wrong which outweighed all the
+benefits of British Rule, was its weakening and debasing effect on
+Indian manhood. &ldquo;We cannot,&rdquo; he declared, &ldquo;be grateful to it for
+degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out all martial
+spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock
+of quill-driving sheep.&rdquo; This was done not by the fact that a man did
+not carry arms&mdash;few carry them in England&mdash;but that men were deprived of
+the <i>right</i> to carry them. A Nation, an individual, cannot develop his
+capacities to the utmost without liberty. And this is recognised
+everywhere except in India. As Mazzini truly said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>God has written a line of His thought over the cradle of every
+ people. That is its special mission. It cannot be cancelled; it
+ must be freely developed.</p></div>
+
+<p>For what is a Nation? It is a spark of the Divine Fire, a fragment of
+the Divine Life, outbreathed into the world, and gathering round itself
+a mass of individuals, men, women and children, whom it binds together
+into one. Its qualities, its powers, in a word, its type, depend on the
+fragment of the Divine Life embodied in it, the Life which shapes it,
+evolves it, colours it, and makes it One. The magic of Nationality is
+the feeling of oneness, and the use of Nationality is to serve the world
+in the particular way for which its type fits it. This is what Mazzini
+called &ldquo;its special mission,&rdquo; the duty given to it by God in its
+birth-hour. Thus India had the duty of spreading the idea of Dharma,
+Persia that of Purity, Egypt that of Science, Greece that of Beauty,
+Rome that of Law. But to render its full service to Humanity it must
+develop along its own lines, and be Self-determined in its evolution. It
+must be Itself, and not Another. The whole world suffers where a
+Nationality is distorted or suppressed, before its mission to the world
+is accomplished.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The Cry for Self-Rule.</i></h4>
+
+<p>Hence the cry of a Nation for Freedom, for Self-Rule, is not a cry of
+mere selfishness demanding more Rights that it may enjoy more happiness.
+Even in that there is nothing wrong, for happiness means fulness of
+life, and to enjoy such fulness is a righteous claim. But the demand for
+Self-Rule is a demand for the evolution of its own nature for the
+Service of Humanity. It is a demand of the deepest Spirituality, an
+expression of the longing to give its very best to the world. Hence
+dangers cannot check it, nor threats appal, nor offerings of greater
+pleasures lure it to give up its demand for Freedom. In the adapted
+words of a Christian Scripture, it passionately cries: &ldquo;What shall it
+profit a Nation if it gain the whole world and lose its own Soul? What
+shall a Nation give in exchange for its Soul?&rdquo; Better hardship and
+freedom, than luxury and thraldom. This is the spirit of the Home Rule
+movement, and therefore it cannot be crushed, it cannot be destroyed, it
+is eternal and ever young. Nor can it be persuaded to exchange its
+birthright for any mess of efficiency-pottage at the hands of the
+bureaucracy.</p>
+
+<h4><i>Stunting the Race</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>Coming closer to the daily life of the people as individuals, we see
+that the character of each man, woman and child is degraded and weakened
+by a foreign administration, and this is most keenly felt by the best
+Indians. Speaking on the employment of Indians in the Public Services,
+Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>A kind of dwarfing or stunting of the Indian race is going on
+ under the present system. We must live all the days of our life
+ in an atmosphere of inferiority, and the tallest of us must
+ bend, in order that the exigencies of the system may be
+ satisfied. The upward impulse, if I may use such an expression,
+ which every schoolboy at Eton or Harrow may feel that he may
+ one day be a Gladstone, a Nelson, or a Wellington, and which
+ may draw forth the best efforts of which he is capable, that is
+ denied to us. The full height to which our manhood is capable
+ of rising can never be reached by us under the present system.
+ The moral elevation which every Self-governing people feel
+ cannot be felt by us. Our administrative and military talents
+ must gradually disappear owing to sheer disuse, till at last
+ our lot, as hewers of wood and drawers of water in our own
+ country, is stereotyped.</p></div>
+
+<p>The Hon. Mr. Bhupendranath Basu has spoken on similar lines:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>A bureaucratic administration, conducted by an imported agency,
+ and centring all power in its hands, and undertaking all
+ responsibility, has acted as a dead weight on the Soul of
+ India, stifling in us all sense of initiative, for the lack of
+ which we are condemned, atrophying the nerves of action and,
+ what is more serious, necessarily dwarfing in us all feeling of
+ self-respect.</p></div>
+
+<p>In this connexion the warning of Lord Salisbury to Cooper&rsquo;s Hill
+students is significant:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>No system of Government can be permanently safe where there is
+ a feeling of inferiority or of mortification affecting the
+ relations between the governing and the governed. There is
+ nothing I would more earnestly wish to impress upon all who
+ leave this country for the purpose of governing India than
+ that, if they choose to be so, they are the only enemies
+ England has to fear. They are the persons who can, if they
+ will, deal a blow of the deadliest character at the future rule
+ of England.</p></div>
+
+<p>I have ventured to urge this danger, which has increased of late years,
+in consequence of the growing self-respect of the Indians, but the
+ostrich policy is thought to be preferable in my part of the country.</p>
+
+<p>This stunting of the race begins with the education of the child. The
+Schools differentiate between British and Indian teachers; the Colleges
+do the same. The students see first-class Indians superseded by young
+and third-rate foreigners; the Principal of a College should be a
+foreigner; foreign history is more important than Indian; to have
+written on English villages is a qualification for teaching economics in
+India; the whole atmosphere of the School and College emphasises the
+superiority of the foreigner, even when the professors abstain from open
+assertion thereof. The Education Department controls the education
+given, and it is planned on foreign models, and its object is to serve
+foreign rather than native ends, to make docile Government servants
+rather than patriotic citizens; high spirits, courage, self-respect, are
+not encouraged, and docility is regarded as the most precious quality in
+the student; pride in country, patriotism, ambition, are looked on as
+dangerous, and English, instead of Indian, Ideals are exalted; the
+blessings of a foreign rule and the incapacity of Indians to manage
+their own affairs are constantly inculcated. What wonder that boys thus
+trained often turn out, as men, time-servers and sycophants, and,
+finding their legitimate ambitions frustrated, become selfish and care
+little for the public weal? Their own inferiority has been so driven
+into them during their most impressionable years, that they do not even
+feel what Mr. Asquith called the &ldquo;intolerable degradation of a foreign
+yoke.&rdquo;</p>
+
+<h4><i>India&rsquo;s Rights</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>It is not a question whether the rule is good or bad. German efficiency
+in Germany is far greater than English efficiency in England; the
+Germans were better fed, had more amusements and leisure, less crushing
+poverty than the English. But would any Englishman therefore desire to
+see Germans occupying all the highest positions in England? Why not?
+Because the righteous self-respect and dignity of the free man revolt
+against foreign domination, however superior. As Mr. Asquith said at the
+beginning of the War, such a condition was &ldquo;inconceivable and would be
+intolerable.&rdquo; Why then is it the one conceivable system here in India?
+Why is it not felt by all Indians to be intolerable? It is because it
+has become a habit, bred in us from childhood, to regard the sahib-log
+as our natural superiors, and the greatest injury British rule has done
+to Indians is to deprive them of the natural instinct born in all free
+peoples, the feeling of an inherent right to Self-determination, to be
+themselves. Indian dress, Indian food, Indian ways, Indian customs, are
+all looked on as second-rate; Indian mother-tongue and Indian literature
+cannot make an educated man. Indians as well as Englishmen take it for
+granted that the natural rights of every Nation do not belong to them;
+they claim &ldquo;a larger share in the government of the country,&rdquo; instead of
+claiming the government of their own country, and they are expected to
+feel grateful for &ldquo;boons,&rdquo; for concessions. Britain is to say what she
+will give. The whole thing is wrong, topsy-turvy, irrational. Thank God
+that India&rsquo;s eyes are opening; that myriads of her people realise that
+they are men, with a man&rsquo;s right to freedom in his own country, a man&rsquo;s
+right to manage his own affairs. India is no longer on her knees for
+boons; she is on her feet for Rights. It is because I have taught this
+that the English in India misunderstand me and call me seditious; it is
+because I have taught this that I am President of this Congress to-day.</p>
+
+<p>This may seem strong language, because the plain truth is not usually
+put in India. But this is what every Briton feels in Britain for his own
+country, and what every Indian should feel in India for his. This is the
+Freedom for which the Allies are fighting; this is Democracy, the Spirit
+of the Age. And this is what every true Briton will feel is India&rsquo;s
+Right the moment India claims it for herself, as she is claiming it
+now. When this right is gained, then will the tie between India and
+Great Britain become a golden link of mutual love and service, and the
+iron chain of a foreign yoke will fall away. We shall live and work side
+by side, with no sense of distrust and dislike, working as brothers for
+common ends. And from that union shall arise the mightiest Empire, or
+rather Commonwealth, that the world has ever known, a Commonwealth that,
+in God&rsquo;s good time, shall put an end to War.</p>
+
+<h3>II. THE SECONDARY REASONS.</h3>
+
+<h4><i>Tests of Efficiency</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>The Secondary Reasons for the present demand for Home Rule may be summed
+up in the blunt statement: &ldquo;The present rule, while efficient in less
+important matters and in those which concern British interests, is
+inefficient in the greater matters on which the healthy life and
+happiness of the people depend.&rdquo; Looking at outer things, such as
+external order, posts and telegraphs&mdash;except where political agitators
+are concerned&mdash;main roads, railways, etc., foreign visitors, who
+expected to find a semi-savage country, hold up their hands in
+admiration. But if they saw the life of the people, the masses of
+struggling clerks trying to educate their children on Rs. 25 (28s.
+0-1/4d.) a month, the masses of labourers with one meal a day, and the
+huts in which they live, they would find cause for thought. And if the
+educated men talked freely with them, they would be surprised at their
+bitterness. Gopal Krishna Gokhale put the whole matter very plainly in
+1911:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>One of the fundamental conditions of the peculiar position of
+ the British Government in this country is that it should be a
+ continuously progressive Government. I think all thinking men,
+ to whatever community they belong, will accept that. Now, I
+ suggest four tests to judge whether the Government is
+ progressive, and, further, whether it is continuously
+ progressive. The first test that I would apply is what measures
+ it adopts for the moral and material improvement of the mass of
+ the people, and under these measures I do not include those
+ appliances of modern Governments which the British Government
+ has applied in this country, because they were appliances
+ necessary for its very existence, though they have benefited
+ the people, such as the construction of Railways, the
+ introduction of Post and Telegraphs, and things of that kind.
+ By measures for the moral and material improvement of the
+ people, I mean what the Government does for education, what the
+ Government does for sanitation, what the Government does for
+ agricultural development, and so forth. That is my first test.
+ The second test that I would apply is what steps the Government
+ takes to give us a larger share in the administration of our
+ local affairs&mdash;in municipalities and local boards. My third
+ test is what voice the Government gives us in its Councils&mdash;in
+ those deliberate assemblies, where policies are considered.
+ And, lastly, we must consider how far Indians are admitted into
+ the ranks of the public service.</p></div>
+
+<h4><i>A Change of System Needed</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>Those were Gokhale&rsquo;s tests, and Indians can supply the results of their
+knowledge and experience to answer them. But before dealing with the
+failure to meet these tests, it is necessary to state here that it is
+not a question of blaming men, or of substituting Indians for
+Englishmen, but of changing the system itself. It is a commonplace that
+the best men become corrupted by the possession of irresponsible power.
+As Bernard Houghton says: &ldquo;The possession of unchecked power corrupts
+some of the finer qualities.&rdquo; Officials quite honestly come to believe
+that those who try to change the system are undermining the security of
+the State. They identify the State with themselves, so that criticism of
+them is seen as treason to the State. The phenomenon is well known in
+history, and it is only repeating itself in India. The same writer&mdash;I
+prefer to use his words rather than my own, for he expresses exactly my
+own views, and will not be considered to be prejudiced as I am thought
+to be&mdash;cogently remarks:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>He (the official) has become an expert in reports and returns
+ and matters of routine through many years of practice. They are
+ the very woof and warp of his brain. He has no ideas, only
+ reflexes. He views with acrid disfavour untried conceptions.
+ From being constantly preoccupied with the manipulation of the
+ machine he regards its smooth working, the ordered and
+ harmonious regulation of glittering pieces of machinery, as the
+ highest service he can render to the country of his adoption.
+ He determines that his particular cog-wheel at least shall be
+ bright, smooth, silent, and with absolutely no back-lash. Not
+ unnaturally in course of time he comes to envisage the world
+ through the strait embrasure of an office window. When perforce
+ he must report on new proposals he will place in the forefront,
+ not their influence on the life and progress of the people, but
+ their convenience to the official hierarchy and the manner in
+ which they affect its authority. Like the monks of old, or the
+ squire in the typical English village, he cherishes a
+ benevolent interest in the commonalty, and is quite willing,
+ even eager, to take a general interest in their welfare, if
+ only they do not display initiative or assert themselves in
+ opposition to himself or his order. There is much in this
+ proviso. Having come to regard his own judgment as almost
+ divine, and the hierarchy of which he has the honour to form a
+ part as a sacrosanct institution, he tolerates the laity so
+ long as they labour quietly and peaceably at their vocations
+ and do not presume to inter-meddle in high matters of State.
+ That is the heinous offence. And frank criticism of official
+ acts touches a lower depth still, even <i>l&egrave;se majest&eacute;</i>. For no
+ official will endure criticism from his subordinates, and the
+ public, who lie in outer darkness beyond the pale, do not in
+ his estimation rank even with his subordinates. How, then,
+ should he listen with patience when in their cavilling way they
+ insinuate that, in spite of the labours of a high-souled
+ bureaucracy, all is perhaps not for the best in the best of all
+ possible worlds&mdash;still less when they suggest reforms that had
+ never occurred even to him or to his order, and may clash with
+ his most cherished ideals? It is for the officials to govern
+ the country; they alone have been initiated into the sacred
+ mysteries; they alone understand the secret working of the
+ machine. At the utmost the laity may tender respectful and
+ humble suggestions for their consideration, but no more. As for
+ those who dare to think and act for themselves, their ignorant
+ folly is only equalled by their arrogance. It is as though a
+ handful of schoolboys were to dictate to their masters
+ alterations in the traditional time-table, or to insist on a
+ modified curriculum.... These worthy people [officials] confuse
+ manly independence with disloyalty; they cannot conceive of
+ natives except either as rebels or as timid sheep.</p></div>
+
+<h4><i>Non-Official Anglo-Indians</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>The problem becomes more complicated by the existence in India of a
+small but powerful body of the same race as the higher officials; there
+are only 122,919 English-born persons in this country, while there are
+245,000,000 in the British Raj and another 70,000,000 in the Indian
+States, more or less affected by British influence. As a rule, the
+non-officials do not take any part in politics, being otherwise
+occupied; but they enter the field when any hope arises in Indian hearts
+of changes really beneficial to the Nation. John Stuart Mill observed on
+this point:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The individuals of the ruling people who resort to the foreign
+ country to make their fortunes are of all others those who most
+ need to be held under powerful restraint. They are always one
+ of the chief difficulties of the Government. Armed with the
+ prestige and filled with the scornful overbearingness of the
+ conquering Nation, they have the feelings inspired by absolute
+ power without its sense of responsibility.</p></div>
+
+<p>Similarly, Sir John Lawrence wrote:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The difficulty in the way of the Government of India acting
+ fairly in these matters is immense. If anything is done, or
+ attempted to be done, to help the natives, a general howl is
+ raised, which reverberates in England, and finds sympathy and
+ support there. I feel quite bewildered sometimes what to do.
+ Everyone is, in the abstract, for justice, moderation, and
+ suchlike excellent qualities; but when one comes to apply such
+ principles so as to affect anybody&rsquo;s interests, then a change
+ comes over them.</p></div>
+
+<p>Keene, speaking of the principle of treating equally all classes of the
+community, says:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The application of that maxim, however, could not be made
+ without sometimes provoking opposition among the handful of
+ white settlers in India who, even when not connected with the
+ administration, claimed a kind of class ascendancy which was
+ not only in the conditions of the country but also in the
+ nature of the case. It was perhaps natural that in a land of
+ caste the compatriots of the rulers should become&mdash;as Lord
+ Lytton said&mdash;a kind of &ldquo;white Brahmanas&rdquo;; and it was certain
+ that, as a matter of fact, the pride of race and the possession
+ of western civilisation created a sense of superiority, the
+ display of which was ungraceful and even dangerous, when not
+ tempered by official responsibility. This feeling had been
+ sensitive enough in the days of Lord William Bentinck, when the
+ class referred to was small in numbers and devoid of influence.
+ It was now both more numerous, and&mdash;by reason of its connection
+ with the newspapers of Calcutta and of London&mdash;it was far
+ better able to make its passion heard.</p></div>
+
+<p>During Lord Ripon&rsquo;s sympathetic administration the great outburst
+occurred against the Ilbert Bill in 1883. We are face to face with a
+similar phenomenon to-day, when we see the European Associations&mdash;under
+the leadership of the <i>Madras Mail</i>, the <i>Englishman</i> of Calcutta, the
+<i>Pioneer of</i> Allahabad, the <i>Civil and Military Gazette</i> of Lahore, with
+their Tory and Unionist allies in the London Press and with the aid of
+retired Indian officials and non-officials in England&mdash;desperately
+resisting the Reforms now proposed. Their opposition, we know, is a
+danger to the movement towards Freedom, and even when they have failed
+to impress England&mdash;as they are evidently failing&mdash;they will try to
+minimise or smother here the reforms which a statute has embodied. The
+Minto-Morley reforms were thus robbed of their usefulness, and a similar
+attempt, if not guarded against, will be made when the Congress-League
+Scheme is used as the basis for an Act.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The Re-action on England</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>We cannot leave out of account here the deadly harm done to England
+herself by this un-English system of rule in India. Mr. Hobson has
+pointed out:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>As our free Self-Governing Colonies have furnished hope,
+ encouragement, and leading to the popular aspirations in Great
+ Britain, not merely by practical success in the art of
+ Self-Government, but by the wafting of a spirit of freedom and
+ equality, so our despotically ruled Dependencies have ever
+ served to damage the character of our people by feeding the
+ habits of snobbish subservience, the admiration of wealth and
+ rank, the corrupt survivals of the inequalities of
+ feudalism.... Cobden writing in 1860 of our Indian Empire, put
+ this pithy question: &ldquo;Is it not just possible that we may
+ become corrupted at home by the reaction of arbitrary political
+ maxims in the East upon our domestic politics, just as Greece
+ and Rome were demoralised by their contact with Asia?&rdquo; Not
+ merely is the reaction possible, it is inevitable. As the
+ despotic portion of our Empire, has grown in area, a large
+ number of men, trained in the temper and methods of autocracy,
+ as soldiers and civil officials in our Crown Colonies,
+ Protectorates and Indian Empire, reinforced by numbers of
+ merchants, planters, engineers, and overseers, whose lives have
+ been those of a superior caste living an artificial life
+ removed from all the healthy restraints of ordinary European
+ Society, have returned to this country, bringing back the
+ characters, sentiments and ideas imposed by this foreign
+ environment.</p></div>
+
+<p>It is a little hard on the I.C.S. that they should be foreigners here,
+and then, when they return to their native land, find that they have
+become foreigners there by the corrupting influences with which they
+are surrounded here. We import them as raw material to our own
+disadvantage, and when we export them as manufactured here, Great
+Britain and India alike suffer from their reactionary tendencies. The
+results are unsatisfactory to both sides.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The First Test Applied</i>.</h4>
+
+<p>Let us now apply Gokhale&rsquo;s first test. What has the Bureaucracy done for
+&ldquo;education, sanitation, agricultural improvement, and so forth&rdquo;? I must
+put the facts very briefly, but they are indisputable.</p>
+
+<p><i>Education</i>. The percentage to the whole population of children
+receiving education is 2.8, the percentage having risen by 0.9 since Mr.
+Gokhale moved his Education Bill six years ago. The percentage of
+children of school-going age attending school is 18.7. In 1913 the
+Government of India put the number of pupils at 4-1/2 millions; this has
+been accomplished in 63 years, reckoning from Sir Charles Wood&rsquo;s
+Educational Despatch in 1854, which led to the formation of the
+Education Department. In 1870 an Education Act was passed in Great
+Britain, the condition of Education in England then much resembling our
+present position; grants-in-aid in England had been given since 1833,
+chiefly to Church Schools. Between 1870 and 1881 free and compulsory
+education was established, and in 12 years the attendance rose from 43.3
+to nearly 100 per cent. There are now 6,000,000 children in the schools
+of England and Wales out of a population of 40 millions. Japan, before
+1872, had a proportion of 28 per cent. of children of school-going age in
+school, nearly 10 over our present proportion; in 24 years the
+percentage was raised to 92, and in 28 years education was free and
+compulsory. In Baroda education is free and largely compulsory and the
+percentage of boys is 100 per cent. Travancore has 81.1 per cent. of
+boys and 33.2 of girls. Mysore has 45.8 of boys and 9.7 of girls. Baroda
+spends an. 6-6 per head on school-going children, British India one
+anna. Expenditure on education advanced between 1882 and 1907 by 57
+lakhs. Land-revenue had increased by 8 crores, military expenditure by
+13 crores, civil by 8 crores, and capital outlay on railways was 15
+crores. (I am quoting G.K. Gokhale&rsquo;s figures.) He ironically calculated
+that, if the population did not increase, every boy would be in school
+115 years hence, and every girl in 665 years. Brother Delegates, we hope
+to do it more quickly under Home Rule. I submit that in Education the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.</p>
+
+<p><i>Sanitation and Medical Relief</i>. The prevalence of plague, cholera, and
+above all malaria, shows the lack of sanitation alike in town and
+country. This lack is one of the causes contributing to the low average
+life-period in India&mdash;23.5 years. In England the life-period is 40
+years, in New Zealand 60. The chief difficulty in the way of the
+treatment of disease is the encouragement of the foreign system of
+medicine, especially in rural parts, and the withholding of grants from
+the indigenous. Government Hospitals, Government Dispensaries,
+Government doctors, must all be on the foreign system. Ayurvaidic and
+Unani medicines, Hospitals, Dispensaries, Physicians, are unrecognised,
+and to &ldquo;cover&rdquo; the latter is &ldquo;infamous&rdquo; conduct. Travancore gives
+grants-in-aid to 72 Vaidyashalas, at which 143,505 patients&mdash;22,000 more
+than in allopathic institutions&mdash;were treated in 1914-15 (the Report
+issued in 1917). Our Government cannot grapple with the medical needs of
+the people, yet will not allow the people&rsquo;s money to be spent on the
+systems they prefer. Under Home Rule the indigenous and the foreign
+systems will be treated with impartiality. I grant that the allopathic
+doctors do their utmost to supply the need, and show great
+self-sacrifice, but the need is too vast and the numbers too few.
+Efficiency on their own lines in this matter is therefore impossible for
+our bureaucratic Government; their fault lies in excluding the
+indigenous systems, which they have not condescended to examine before
+rejecting them. The result is that in sanitation and medical relief the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.</p>
+
+<p><i>Agricultural Development</i>. The census of 1911 gives the agricultural
+population at 218.3 millions. Its frightful poverty is a matter of
+common knowledge; its ever-increasing load of indebtedness has been
+dwelt on for at least the last thirty odd years by Sir Dinshaw E. Wacha.
+Yet the increasing debt is accompanied with increasing taxation, land
+revenue having risen, as just stated, in 25 years, by 8
+crores&mdash;80,000,000&mdash;of rupees. In addition to this there are local
+cesses, salt tax, etc. The salt tax, which presses most hardly on the
+very poor, was raised in the last budget by Rs. 9 millions. The
+inevitable result of this poverty is malnutrition, resulting in low
+vitality, lack of resistance to disease, short life-period, huge
+infantile mortality. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, no mischievous agitator,
+repeated in 1905 the figures; often quoted:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Forty millions of people, according to one great Anglo-Indian
+ authority&mdash;Sir William Hunter&mdash;pass through life with only one
+ meal a day. According to another authority&mdash;Sir Charles
+ Elliot&mdash;70 millions of people in India do not know what it is
+ to have their hunger fully satisfied even once in the whole
+ course of the year. The poverty of the people of India, thus
+ considered by itself, is truly appalling. And if this is the
+ state of things after a hundred years of your rule, you cannot
+ claim that your principal aim in India has been the promotion
+ of the interests of the Indian people.</p></div>
+
+<p>It is sometimes said: &ldquo;Why harp on these figures? We know them.&rdquo; Our
+answer is that the fact is ever harping in the stomach of the people,
+and while it continues we cannot cease to draw attention to it. And
+Gokhale urged that &ldquo;even this deplorable condition has been further
+deteriorating steadily.&rdquo; We have no figures on malnutrition among the
+peasantry, but in Madras City, among an equally poor urban population,
+we found that 78 per cent. of our pupils were reported, after a medical
+inspection, to be suffering from malnutrition. And the spareness of
+frame, the thinness of arms and legs, the pitiably weak grip on life,
+speak without words to the seeing eye. It needs an extraordinary lack of
+imagination not to suffer while these things are going on.</p>
+
+<p>The peasants&rsquo; grievances are many and have been voiced year after year
+by this Congress. The Forest Laws, made by legislators inappreciative of
+village difficulties, press hardly on them, and only in a small number
+of places have Forest Panchayats been established. In the few cases in
+which the experiment has been made the results have been good, in some
+cases marvellously good. The paucity of grazing grounds for their
+cattle, the lack of green manure to feed their impoverished lands, the
+absence of fencing round forests, so that the cattle stray in when
+feeding, are impounded, and have to be redeemed, the fines and other
+punishments imposed for offences ill-understood, the want of wood for
+fuel, for tools, for repairs, the uncertain distribution of the
+available water, all these troubles are discussed in villages and in
+local Conferences. The Arms Act oppresses them, by leaving them
+defenceless against wild beasts and wild men. The union of Judicial and
+Executive functions makes justice often inaccessible, and always costly
+both in money and in time. The village officials naturally care more to
+please the Tahsildar and the Collector than the villagers, to whom they
+are in no way responsible. And factions flourish, because there is
+always a third party to whom to resort, who may be flattered if his rank
+be high, bribed if it be low, whose favour can be gained in either case
+by cringing and by subservience and tale-bearing. As regards the
+condition of agriculture in India and the poverty of the agricultural
+population, the Bureaucracy is inefficient.</p>
+
+<p>The application of Mr. Gokhale&rsquo;s first test to Indian handicrafts, to
+the strengthening of weak industries and the creation of new, to the
+care of waterways for traffic and of the coast transport shipping, the
+protection of indigo and other indigenous dyes against their German
+synthetic rivals, etc., would show similar answers. We are suffering now
+from the supineness of the Bureaucracy as regards the development of the
+resources of the country, by its careless indifference to the usurping
+by Germans of some of those resources, and even now they are pursuing a
+similar policy of <i>laissez faire</i> towards Japanese enterprise, which,
+leaning on its own Government, is taking the place of Germany in
+shouldering Indians out of their own natural heritage.</p>
+
+<p>In all prosperous countries crafts are found side by-side with
+agriculture, and they lend each other mutual support. The extreme
+poverty of Ireland, and the loss of more than half its population by
+emigration, were the direct results of the destruction of its
+wool-industry by Great Britain, and the consequent throwing of the
+population entirely on the land for subsistence. A similar phenomenon
+has resulted here from a similar case, but on a far more widespread
+scale. And here, a novel and portentous change for India, &ldquo;a
+considerable landless class is developing, which involves economic
+danger,&rdquo; as the <i>Imperial Gazeteer</i> remarks, comparing the census
+returns of 1891 and 1901. &ldquo;The ordinary agricultural labourers are
+employed on the land only during the busy seasons of the year, and in
+slack times a few are attracted to large trade-centres for temporary
+work.&rdquo; One recalls the influx into England of Irish labourers at harvest
+time. Professor Radkamal Mukerji has laid stress on the older conditions
+of village life. He says:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The village is still almost self-sufficing, and is in itself an
+ economic unit. The village agriculturist grows all the food
+ necessary for the inhabitants of the village. The smith makes
+ the plough-shares for the cultivator, and the few iron utensils
+ required for the household. He supplies these to the people,
+ but does not get money in return. He is recompensed by mutual
+ services from his fellow villagers. The potter supplies him
+ with pots, the weaver with cloth, and the oilman with oil. From
+ the cultivator each of these artisans receives his traditional
+ share of grain. Thus almost all the economic transactions are
+ carried on without the use of money. To the villagers money is
+ only a store of value, not a medium of exchange. When they
+ happen to be rich in money, they hoard it either in coins or
+ make ornaments made of gold and silver.</p></div>
+
+<p>These conditions are changing in consequence of the pressure of poverty
+driving the villagers to the city, where they learn to substitute the
+competition of the town for the mutual helpfulness of the village. The
+difference of feeling, the change from trustfulness to suspicion, may be
+seen by visiting villages which are in the vicinity of a town and
+comparing their villagers with those who inhabit villages in purely
+rural areas. This economic and moral deterioration can only be checked
+by the re-establishment of a healthy <i>and interesting</i> village life, and
+this depends upon the re-establishment of the Panchayat as the unit of
+Government, a question which I deal with presently. Village industries
+would then revive and an intercommunicating network would be formed by
+Co-operative Societies. Mr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar says in his pamphlet,
+<i>Co-operative Societies and Panchayats</i>:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The one method by which this evil [emigration to towns] can be
+ arrested and the economic and social standards of life of the
+ rural people elevated is by the inauguration of healthy
+ Panchayats in conjunction with the foundation of Co-operative
+ institutions, which will have the effect of resuscitating
+ village industries, and of creating organised social forces.
+ The Indian village, when rightly reconstructed, would be an
+ excellent foundation for well-developed co-operative industrial
+ organisation.</p></div>
+
+<p>Again:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>The resuscitation of the village system has other bearings, not
+ usually considered in connection with the general subject of
+ the inauguration of the Panchayat system. One of the most
+ important of these is the regeneration of the small industries
+ of the land. Both in Europe and in India the decline of small
+ industries has gone on <i>pari passu</i> with the decline of farming
+ on a small scale. In countries like France agriculture has
+ largely supported village industries, and small cultivators in
+ that country have turned their attention to industry as a
+ supplementary source of livelihood. The decline of village life
+ in India is not only a political, but also an economic and
+ industrial, problem. Whereas in Europe the cultural impulse has
+ travelled from the city to the village, in India the reverse
+ has been the case. The centre of social life in this country is
+ the village, and not the town. Ours was essentially the cottage
+ industry, and our artisans still work in their own huts, more
+ or less out of touch with the commercial world. Throughout the
+ world the tendency has been of late to lay considerable
+ emphasis on distributive and industrial co-operation based on a
+ system of village industries and enterprise. Herein would be
+ found the origins of the arts and crafts guilds and the Garden
+ Cities, the idea underlying all these being to inaugurate a
+ reign of Socialism and Co-operation, eradicating the entirely
+ unequal distribution of wealth amongst producers and consumers.
+ India has always been a country of small tenantry, and has
+ thereby escaped many of the evils the western Nations have
+ experienced owing to the concentration of wealth in a few
+ hands. The communistic sense in our midst, and the fundamental
+ tenets of our family life, have checked such concentration of
+ capital. This has been the cause for the non-development of
+ factory industries on a large scale.</p></div>
+
+<p>The need for these changes&mdash;to which England is returning, after full
+experience of the miseries of life in manufacturing towns&mdash;is pressing.</p>
+
+<p>Addressing an English audience, G.K. Gokhale summed up the general state
+of India as follows:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>Your average annual income has been estimated at about &pound;42 per
+ head. Ours, according to official estimates, is about &pound;2 per
+ head, and according to non-official estimates, only a little
+ more than &pound;1 per head. Your imports per head are about &pound;13:
+ ours about 5s. per head. The total deposits in your Postal
+ Savings Bank amount to 148 million sterling, and you have in
+ addition in the Trustees&rsquo; Savings Banks about 52 million
+ sterling. Our Postal Savings Bank deposits, with a population
+ seven times as large as yours, are only about 7 million
+ sterling, and even of this a little over one-tenth is held by
+ Europeans. Your total paid-up capital of joint-stock companies
+ is about 1,900 million sterling. Ours is not quite 26 million
+ sterling, and the greater part of this again is European.
+ Four-fifths of our people are dependent upon agriculture, and
+ agriculture has been for some time steadily deteriorating.
+ Indian agriculturists are too poor, and are, moreover, too
+ heavily indebted, to be able to apply any capital to land, and
+ the result is that over the greater part of India agriculture
+ is, as Sir James Caird pointed out more than twenty-five years
+ ago, only a process of exhaustion of the soil. The yield per
+ acre is steadily diminishing, being now only about 8 to 9
+ bushels an acre against about 30 bushels here in England.</p></div>
+
+<p>In all the matters which come under Gokhale&rsquo;s first test, the
+Bureaucracy has been and is inefficient.</p>
+
+<h4><i>Give Indians a Chance.</i></h4>
+
+<p>All we say in the matter is: You have not succeeded in bringing
+education, health, prosperity, to the masses of the people. Is it not
+time to give Indians a chance of doing, for their own country, work
+similar to that which Japan and other nations have done for theirs?
+Surely the claim is not unreasonable. If the Anglo-Indians say that the
+masses are their peculiar care, and that the educated classes care not
+for them, but only for place and power, then we point to the Congress,
+to the speeches and the resolutions eloquent of their love and their
+knowledge. It is not their fault that they gaze on their country&rsquo;s
+poverty in helpless despair. Or let Mr. Justice Rahim answer:</p>
+
+<div class="blkquot"><p>As for the representation of the interests of the many scores
+ of millions in India, if the claim be that they are better
+ represented by European Officials than by educated Indian
+ Officials or non-Officials, it is difficult to conceive how
+ such reckless claim has come to be urged. The inability of
+ English Officials to master the spoken language of India and
+ their habits of life and modes of thought so completely divide
+ them from the general population, that only an extremely
+ limited few, possessed with extraordinary powers of insight,
+ have ever been able to surmount the barriers. With the educated
+ Indians, on the other hand, this knowledge is instinctive, and
+ the view of religion and custom so strong in the East make
+ their knowledge and sympathy more real than is to be seen in
+ countries dominated by materialistic conceptions.</p></div>
+
+<p>And it must be remembered that it is not lack of ability which has
+brought about bureaucratic inefficiency, for British traders and
+producers have done uncommonly well for themselves in India. But a
+Bureaucracy does not trouble itself about matters of this kind; the
+Russian Bureaucracy did not concern itself with the happiness of the
+Russian masses, but with their obedience and their paying of taxes.
+Bureaucracies are the same everywhere, and therefore it is the system we
+wage war upon, not the men; we do not want to substitute Indian
+bureaucrats for British bureaucrats; we want to abolish Bureaucracy,
+Government by Civil Servants.</p>
+
+<h4><i>The Other Tests Applied.</i></h4>
+
+<p>I need not delay over the second, third, and fourth tests, for the
+answers <i>sautent aux yeux</i>.</p>
+
+<p><i>The second test, Local Self-Government</i>: Under Lord Mayo (1869-72) some
+attempts were made at decentralisation, called by Keene &ldquo;Home Rule&rdquo; (!),
+and his policy was followed on non-financial lines as well by Lord
+Ripon, who tried to infuse into what Keene calls &ldquo;the germs of Home
+Rule&rdquo; &ldquo;the breath of life.&rdquo; Now, in 1917, an experimental and limited
+measure of local Home Rule is to be tried in Bengal. Though the Report
+of the Decentralisation Committee was published in 1909, we have not yet
+arrived at the universal election of non-official Chairmen. Decidedly
+inefficient is the Bureaucracy under test 2.</p>
+
+<p><i>The third test, Voice in the Councils</i>: The part played by Indian
+elected members in the Legislative Council, Madras, was lately described
+by a member as &ldquo;a farce.&rdquo; The Supreme Legislative Council was called by
+one of its members &ldquo;a glorified Debating Society.&rdquo; A table of
+resolutions proposed by Indian elected members, and passed or lost, was
+lately drawn up, and justified the caustic epithets. With regard to the
+Minto-Morley reforms, the Bureaucracy showed great efficiency in
+destroying the benefits intended by the Parliamentary Statute. But the
+third test shows that in giving Indians a fair voice in the Councils the
+Bureaucracy was inefficient.</p>
+
+<p><i>The fourth test, the Admission of Indians to the Public Services</i>: This
+is shown, by the Report of the Commission, not to need any destructive
+activity on the part of the Bureaucracy to prove their unwillingness to
+pass it, for the Report protects them in their privileged position.</p>
+
+<p>We may add to Gokhale&rsquo;s tests one more, which will be triumphantly
+passed, the success of the Bureaucracy in increasing the cost of
+administration. The estimates for the revenue of the coming year stand
+at &pound;86,199,600 sterling. The expenditure is reckoned at &pound;85,572,100
+sterling. The cost of administration stands at more than half the total
+revenue:</p>
+
+<table border="1" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="80%" summary="">
+ <tr>
+ <td>Civil Departments Salaries and Expenses</td>
+ <td align="right">&pound;19,323,300</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Civil Miscellaneous Charges</td>
+ <td align="right">5,283,300</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Military Services</td>
+ <td align="right">23,165,900</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td align="right">&pound;47,772,500</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>The reduction of the abnormal cost of government in India is of the most
+pressing nature, but this will never be done until we win Home Rule.</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the Secondary Reasons for the demand for Home Rule
+are of the weightiest nature in themselves, and show the necessity for
+its grant if India is to escape from a poverty which threatens to lead
+to National bankruptcy, as it has already led to a short life-period and
+a high death rate, to widespread disease, and to a growing exhaustion of
+the soil. That some radical change must be brought about in the
+condition of our masses, if a Revolution of Hunger is to be averted, is
+patent to all students of history, who also know the poverty of the
+Indian masses to-day. This economic condition is due to many causes, of
+which the inevitable lack of understanding by an alien Government is
+only one. A system of government suitable to the West was forced on the
+East, destroying its own democratic and communal institutions and
+imposing bureaucratic methods which bewildered and deteriorated a people
+to whom they were strange and repellent. The result is not a matter for
+recrimination, but for change. An inappropriate system forced on an
+already highly civilised people was bound to fail. It has been rightly
+said that the poor only revolt when the misery they are enduring is
+greater than the dangers of revolt. We need Home Rule to stop the daily
+suffering of our millions from the diminishing yield of the soil and the
+decay of village industries.</p>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA ***</div>
+<div style='text-align:left'>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Updated editions will replace the previous one&#8212;the old editions will
+be renamed.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
+law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
+so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
+States without permission and without paying copyright
+royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
+of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG&#8482;
+concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
+and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
+the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
+of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
+copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
+easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
+of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
+Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may
+do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
+by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
+license, especially commercial redistribution.
+</div>
+
+<div style='margin:0.83em 0; font-size:1.1em; text-align:center'>START: FULL LICENSE<br />
+<span style='font-size:smaller'>THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE<br />
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</span>
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+To protect the Project Gutenberg&#8482; mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase &#8220;Project
+Gutenberg&#8221;), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
+Project Gutenberg&#8482; License available with this file or online at
+www.gutenberg.org/license.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'>
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
+destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works in your
+possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
+Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
+by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
+or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.B. &#8220;Project Gutenberg&#8221; is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works if you follow the terms of this
+agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (&#8220;the
+Foundation&#8221; or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
+of Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works. Nearly all the individual
+works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
+States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
+United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
+claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
+displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
+all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
+that you will support the Project Gutenberg&#8482; mission of promoting
+free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
+Project Gutenberg&#8482; name associated with the work. You can easily
+comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
+same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg&#8482; License when
+you share it without charge with others.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
+in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
+check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
+agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
+distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
+other Project Gutenberg&#8482; work. The Foundation makes no
+representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
+country other than the United States.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
+immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg&#8482; License must appear
+prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg&#8482; work (any work
+on which the phrase &#8220;Project Gutenberg&#8221; appears, or with which the
+phrase &#8220;Project Gutenberg&#8221; is associated) is accessed, displayed,
+performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
+</div>
+
+<blockquote>
+ <div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+ This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
+ other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+ whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+ of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
+ at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
+ are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
+ of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
+ </div>
+</blockquote>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic work is
+derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
+contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
+copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
+the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
+redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase &#8220;Project
+Gutenberg&#8221; associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
+either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
+obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
+additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
+will be linked to the Project Gutenberg&#8482; License for all works
+posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
+beginning of this work.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg&#8482;.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; License.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
+any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
+to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg&#8482; work in a format
+other than &#8220;Plain Vanilla ASCII&#8221; or other format used in the official
+version posted on the official Project Gutenberg&#8482; website
+(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
+to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
+of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original &#8220;Plain
+Vanilla ASCII&#8221; or other form. Any alternate format must include the
+full Project Gutenberg&#8482; License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg&#8482; works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works
+provided that:
+</div>
+
+<div style='margin-left:0.7em;'>
+ <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'>
+ &bull; You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg&#8482; works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
+ to the owner of the Project Gutenberg&#8482; trademark, but he has
+ agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
+ Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
+ within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
+ legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
+ payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
+ Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
+ Section 4, &#8220;Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
+ Literary Archive Foundation.&#8221;
+ </div>
+
+ <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'>
+ &bull; You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
+ copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
+ all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+ works.
+ </div>
+
+ <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'>
+ &bull; You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
+ any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
+ receipt of the work.
+ </div>
+
+ <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'>
+ &bull; You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg&#8482; works.
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; electronic work or group of works on different terms than
+are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
+from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
+the Project Gutenberg&#8482; trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
+forth in Section 3 below.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
+contain &#8220;Defects,&#8221; such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
+or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
+intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
+other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
+cannot be read by your equipment.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the &#8220;Right
+of Replacement or Refund&#8221; described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
+with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
+with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
+lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
+or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
+opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
+the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
+without further opportunities to fix the problem.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you &#8216;AS-IS&#8217;, WITH NO
+OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
+LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
+damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
+violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
+agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
+limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
+unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
+remaining provisions.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works in
+accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
+production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
+including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
+the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
+or any Project Gutenberg&#8482; work, (b) alteration, modification, or
+additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg&#8482; work, and (c) any
+Defect you cause.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'>
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg&#8482;
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Project Gutenberg&#8482; is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
+computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
+exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
+from people in all walks of life.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg&#8482;&#8217;s
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg&#8482; collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg&#8482; and future
+generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
+Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'>
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation&#8217;s EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
+U.S. federal laws and your state&#8217;s laws.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+The Foundation&#8217;s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
+Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
+to date contact information can be found at the Foundation&#8217;s website
+and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'>
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Project Gutenberg&#8482; depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
+public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
+DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
+visit <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/donate/">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
+donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'>
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg&#8482; electronic works
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
+Gutenberg&#8482; concept of a library of electronic works that could be
+freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
+distributed Project Gutenberg&#8482; eBooks with only a loose network of
+volunteer support.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Project Gutenberg&#8482; eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
+the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
+necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
+edition.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
+facility: <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>.
+</div>
+
+<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
+This website includes information about Project Gutenberg&#8482;,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/old/old/12820-8.txt b/old/old/12820-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3699ec7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/old/12820-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2235 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Case For India, by Annie Besant
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Case For India
+
+Author: Annie Besant
+
+Release Date: July 5, 2004 [eBook #12820]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Jonathan Ingram, Asad Razzaki, and the Project
+Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
+
+
+
+THE CASE FOR INDIA
+
+The Presidential Address Delivered by Annie Besant at the
+Thirty-Second Indian National Congress Held at Calcutta
+26th December 1917
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FELLOW-DELEGATES AND FRIENDS,
+
+Everyone who has preceded me in this Chair has rendered his thanks in
+fitting terms for the gift which is truly said to be the highest that
+India has it in her power to bestow. It is the sign of her fullest love,
+trust, and approval, and the one whom she seats in that chair is, for
+his year of service, her chosen leader. But if my predecessors found
+fitting words for their gratitude, in what words can I voice mine, whose
+debt to you is so overwhelmingly greater than theirs? For the first time
+in Congress history, you have chosen as your President one who, when
+your choice was made, was under the heavy ban of Government displeasure,
+and who lay interned as a person dangerous to public safety. While I was
+humiliated, you crowned me with honour; while I was slandered, you
+believed in my integrity and good faith; while I was crushed under the
+heel of bureaucratic power, you acclaimed me as your leader; while I was
+silenced and unable to defend myself, you defended me, and won for me
+release. I was proud to serve in lowliest fashion, but you lifted me up
+and placed me before the world as your chosen representative. I have no
+words with which to thank you, no eloquence with which to repay my debt.
+My deeds must speak for me, for words are too poor. I turn your gift
+into service to the Motherland; I consecrate my life anew to her in
+worship by action. All that I have and am, I lay on the Altar of the
+Mother, and together we shall cry, more by service than by words: VANDE
+MATARAM.
+
+There is, perhaps, one value in your election of me in this crisis of
+India's destiny, seeing that I have not the privilege to be Indian-born,
+but come from that little island in the northern seas which has been, in
+the West, the builder-up of free institutions. The Aryan emigrants, who
+spread over the lands of Europe, carried with them the seeds of liberty
+sown in their blood in their Asian cradle-land. Western historians trace
+the self-rule of the Saxon villages to their earlier prototypes in the
+East, and see the growth of English liberty as up-springing from the
+Aryan root of the free and self-contained village communities.
+
+Its growth was crippled by Norman feudalism there, as its
+millennia-nourished security here was smothered by the East India
+Company. But in England it burst its shackles and nurtured a
+liberty-loving people and a free Commons' House. Here, it similarly
+bourgeoned out into the Congress activities, and more recently into
+those of the Muslim League, now together blossoming into Home Rule for
+India. The England of Milton, Cromwell, Sydney, Burke, Paine, Shelley,
+Wilberforce, Gladstone; the England that sheltered Mazzini, Kossuth,
+Kropotkin, Stepniak, and that welcomed Garibaldi; the England that is
+the enemy of tyranny, the foe of autocracy, the lover of freedom, that
+is the England I would fain here represent to you to-day. To-day, when
+India stands erect, no suppliant people, but a Nation, self-conscious,
+self-respecting, determined to be free; when she stretches out her hand
+to Britain and offers friendship not subservience; co-operation not
+obedience; to-day let me: western-born but in spirit eastern, cradled in
+England but Indian by choice and adoption: let me stand as the symbol of
+union between Great Britain and India: a union of hearts and free
+choice, not of compulsion: and therefore of a tie which cannot be
+broken, a tie of love and of mutual helpfulness, beneficial to both
+Nations and blessed by God.
+
+GONE TO THE PEACE.
+
+India's great leader, Dadabhai Naoroji, has left his mortal body and is
+now one of the company of the Immortals, who watch over and aid India's
+progress. He is with V.C. Bonnerjee, and Ranade, and A.O. Hume, and
+Henry Cotton, and Pherozeshah Mehta, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale: the
+great men who, in Swinburne's noble verse, are the stars which lead us
+to Liberty's altar:
+
+ These, O men, shall ye honour,
+ Liberty only and these.
+ For thy sake and for all men's and mine,
+ Brother, the crowns of them shine,
+ Lighting the way to her shrine,
+ That our eyes may be fastened upon her,
+ That our hands may encompass her knees.
+
+Not for me to praise him in feeble words of reverence or of homage. His
+deeds praise him, and his service to his country is his abiding glory.
+Our gratitude will be best paid by following in his footsteps, alike in
+his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion, so that we may win
+the Home Rule which he longed to see while with us, and shall see, ere
+long, from the other world of Life, in which he dwells to-day.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+PRE-WAR MILITARY EXPENDITURE.
+
+
+The Great War, into the whirlpool of which Nation after Nation has been
+drawn, has entered on its fourth year. The rigid censorship which has
+been established makes it impossible for any outside the circle of
+Governments to forecast its duration, but to me, speaking for a moment
+not as a politician but as a student of spiritual laws, to me its end is
+sure. For the true object of this War is to prove the evil of, and to
+destroy, autocracy and the enslavement of one Nation by another, and to
+place on sure foundations the God-given Right to Self-Rule and
+Self-Development of every Nation, and the similar right of the
+Individual, of the smaller Self, so far as is consistent with the
+welfare of the larger Self of the Nation. The forces which make for the
+prolongation of autocracy--the rule of one--and the even deadlier
+bureaucracy--the rule of a close body welded into an iron system--these
+have been gathered together in the Central Powers of Europe--as of old
+in Ravana--in order that they may be destroyed; for the New Age cannot
+be opened until the Old passes away. The new civilisation of
+Righteousness and Justice, and therefore of Brotherhood, of ordered
+Liberty, of Peace, of Happiness, cannot be built up until the elements
+are removed which have brought the old civilisation crashing about our
+ears. Therefore is it necessary that the War shall be fought out to its
+appointed end, and that no premature peace shall leave its object
+unattained. Autocracy and bureaucracy must perish utterly, in East and
+West, and, in order that their germs may not re-sprout in the future,
+they must be discredited in the minds of men. They must be proved to be
+less efficient than the Governments of Free Peoples, even in their
+favourite work of War, and their iron machinery--which at first brings
+outer prosperity and success--must be shown to be less lasting and
+effective than the living and flexible organisations of democratic
+Peoples. They must be proved failures before the world, so that the
+glamour of superficial successes may be destroyed for ever. They have
+had their day and their place in evolution, and have done their
+educative work. Now they are out-of-date, unfit for survival, and must
+vanish away.
+
+When Great Britain sprang to arms, it was in defence of the freedom of a
+small nation, guaranteed by treaties, and the great principles she
+proclaimed electrified India and the Dominions. They all sprang to her
+side without question, without delay; they heard the voice of old
+England, the soldier of Liberty, and it thrilled their hearts. All were
+unprepared, save the small territorial army of Great Britain, due to the
+genius and foresight of Lord Haldane, and the readily mobilised army of
+India, hurled into the fray by the swift decision of Lord Hardinge. The
+little army of Britain fought for time; fought to stop the road to
+Paris, the heart of France; fought, falling back step by step, and
+gained the time it fought for, till India's sons stood on the soil of
+France, were flung to the front, rushed past the exhausted regiments who
+cheered them with failing breath, charged the advancing hosts, stopped
+the retreat, and joined the British army in forming that unbreakable
+line which wrestled to the death through two fearful winters--often,
+these soldiers of the tropics, waist-deep in freezing mud--and knew no
+surrender.
+
+India, with her clear vision, saw in Great Britain the champion of
+Freedom, in Germany the champion of Despotism. And she saw rightly.
+Rightly she stood by Great Britain, despite her own lack of freedom and
+the coercive legislation which outrivalled German despotism, knowing
+these to be temporary, because un-English, and therefore doomed to
+destruction; she spurned the lure of German gold and rejected German
+appeals to revolt. She offered men and money; her educated classes, her
+Vakils, offered themselves as Volunteers, pleaded to be accepted. Then
+the never-sleeping distrust of Anglo-India rejected the offer, pressed
+for money, rejected men. And, slowly, educated India sank back,
+depressed and disheartened, and a splendid opportunity for knitting
+together the two Nations was lost.
+
+Early in the War I ventured to say that the War could not end until
+England recognised that autocracy and bureaucracy must perish in India
+as well as in Europe. The good Bishop of Calcutta, with a courage worthy
+of his free race, lately declared that it would be hypocritical to pray
+for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India. Now it
+has been clearly and definitely declared that Self-Government is to be
+the objective of Great Britain in India, and that a substantial measure
+of it is to be given at once; when this promise is made good by the
+granting of the Reforms outlined last year in Lucknow, then the end of
+the War will be in sight. For the War cannot end till the death-knell of
+autocracy is sounded.
+
+Causes, with which I will deal presently and for which India was not
+responsible, have somewhat obscured the first eager expressions of
+India's sympathy, and have forced her thoughts largely towards her own
+position in the Empire. But that does not detract from the immense aid
+she has given, and is still giving. It must not be forgotten that long
+before the present War she had submitted--at first, while she had no
+power of remonstrance, and later, after 1885, despite the constant
+protests of Congress--to an ever-rising military expenditure, due partly
+to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and partly to the cost of various
+wars beyond her frontiers, and to continual recurring frontier and
+trans-frontier expeditions, in which she had no real interest. They were
+sent out for supposed Imperial advantages, not for her own.
+
+Between 1859 and 1904--45 years--Indian troops were engaged in
+thirty-seven wars and expeditions. There were ten wars: the two Chinese
+Wars of 1860 and 1900, the Bhutan War of 1864-65, the Abyssinian War of
+1868, the Afghan War of 1878-79, and, after the massacre of the Kabul
+Mission, the second War of 1879-80, ending in an advance of the
+frontier, in the search for an ever receding "scientific frontier"; on
+this occasion the frontier was shifted, says Keene, "from the line of
+the Indus to the western slope of the Suleiman range and from Peshawar
+to Quetta"; the Egyptian War of 1882, in which the Indian troops
+markedly distinguished themselves; the third Burmese War of 1885 ending
+in the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886; the invasions of Tibet in 1890
+and 1904. Of Expeditions, or minor Wars, there were 27; to Sitana in
+1858 on a small scale and in 1863 on a larger (the "Sitana Campaign");
+to Nepal and Sikkim in 1859; to Sikkim in 1864; a serious struggle on
+the North-west Frontier in 1868; expeditions against the Lushais in
+1871-72, the Daflas in 1874-75, the Nagas in 1875, the Afridis in 1877,
+the Rampa Hill tribes in 1879, the Waziris and Nagas in 1881, the Akhas
+in 1884, and in the same year an expedition to the Zhob Valley, and a
+second thither in 1890. In 1888 and 1889 there was another expedition
+against Sikkim, against the Akozais (the Black Mountain Expedition) and
+against the Hill Tribes of the North-east, and in 1890 another Black
+Mountain Expedition, with a third in 1892. In 1890 came the expedition
+to Manipur, and in 1891 there was another expedition against the
+Lushais, and one into the Miranzal Valley. The Chitral Expedition
+occupied 1894-95, and the serious Tirah Campaign, in which 40,000 men
+were engaged, came in 1897 and 1898. The long list--which I have closed
+with 1904--ends with the expeditions against the Mahsuds in 1901,
+against the Kabalis in 1902, and the invasion of Tibet, before noted.
+All these events explain the rise in military expenditure, and we must
+add to them the sending of Indian troops to Malta and Cyprus in 1878--a
+somewhat theatrical demonstration--and the expenditure of some
+2,000,000 to face what was described as "the Russian Menace" in 1884.
+Most of these were due to Imperial, not to Indian, policy, and many of
+the burdens imposed were protested against by the Government of India,
+while others were encouraged by ambitious Viceroys. I do not think that
+even this long list is complete.
+
+Ever since the Government of India was taken over by the Crown, India
+has been regarded as an Imperial military asset and training ground, a
+position from which the jealousy of the East India Company had largely
+protected her, by insisting that the army it supported should be used
+for the defence and in the interests of India alone. Her value to the
+Empire for military purposes would not so seriously have injured at once
+her pride and her finances if the natural tendencies of her martial
+races had been permitted their previous scope; but the disarming of the
+people, 20 years after the assumption of the Government by the Crown,
+emasculated the Nation, and the elimination of races supposed to be
+unwarlike, or in some cases too warlike to be trusted, threw recruitment
+more and more to the north, and lowered the physique of the Bengalis and
+Madrasis, on whom the Company had largely depended.
+
+The superiority of the Punjab, on which Sir Michael O'Dwyer so
+vehemently insisted the other day, is an artificial superiority, created
+by the British system and policy; and the poor recruitment elsewhere, on
+which he laid offensive insistence, is due to the same system and
+policy, which largely eliminated Bengalis, Madrasis and Mahrattas from
+the army. In Bengal, however, the martial type has been revived, chiefly
+in consequence of what the Bengalis felt to be the intolerable insult of
+the high-handed Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.
+
+On this Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ Bengal's heroic stand against the oppression of a harsh and
+ uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished and gratified all
+ India.... All India owes a deep debt of gratitude to Bengal.
+
+The spirit evoked showed itself in the youth of Bengal by a practical
+revolt, led by the elders, while it was confined to Swadeshi and
+Boycott, and rushing on, when it broke away from their authority, into
+conspiracy, assassination and dacoity: as had happened in similar
+revolts with Young Italy, in the days of Mazzini, and with Young Russia
+in the days of Stepniak and Kropotkin. The results of their despair,
+necessarily met by the halter and penal servitude, had to be faced by
+Lord Hardinge and Lord Carmichael during the present War. Other results,
+happy instead of disastrous in their nature, was the development of grit
+and endurance of a high character, shown in the courage of the Bengal
+lads in the serious floods that have laid parts of the Province deep
+under water, and in their compassion and self-sacrifice in the relief of
+famine. Their services in the present War--the Ambulance Corps and the
+replacement of its _materiel_ when the ship carrying it sank, with the
+splendid services rendered by it in Mesopotamia; the recruiting of a
+Bengali regiment for active service, 900 strong, with another 900
+reserves to replace wastage, and recruiting still going on--these are
+instances of the divine alchemy which brings the soul of good out of
+evil action, and consecrates to service the qualities evoked by
+rebellion.
+
+In England, also, a similar result has been seen in a convict, released
+to go to the front, winning the Victoria Cross. It would be an act of
+statesmanship, as well as of divinest compassion, to offer to every
+prisoner and interned captive, held for political crime or on political
+suspicion, the opportunity of serving the Empire at the front. They
+might, if thought necessary, form a separate battalion or a separate
+regiment, under stricter supervision, and yet be given a chance of
+redeeming their reputation, for they are mostly very young.
+
+The financial burden incurred in consequence of the above conflicts, and
+of other causes, now to be mentioned, would not have been so much
+resented, if it had been imposed by India on herself, and if her own
+sons had profited by her being used as a training ground for the
+Empire. But in this case, as in so many others, she has shared Imperial
+burdens, while not sharing Imperial freedom and power. Apart from this,
+the change which made the Army so ruinous a burden on the resources of
+the country was the system of "British reliefs," the using of India as a
+training ground for British regiments, and the transfer of the men thus
+trained, to be replaced by new ones under the short service system, the
+cost of the frequent transfers and their connected expenses being
+charged on the Indian revenues, while the whole advantage was reaped by
+Great Britain. On the short service system the Simla Army Commission
+declared:
+
+ The short service system recently introduced into the British
+ Army has increased the cost and has materially reduced the
+ efficiency of the British troops in India. We cannot resist the
+ feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interest
+ of the Indian tax-payer was entirely left out of consideration.
+
+The remark was certainly justified, for the short service system gave
+India only five years of the recruits she paid heavily for and trained,
+all the rest of the benefit going to England. The latter was enabled, as
+the years went on, to enormously increase her Reserves, so that she has
+had 400,000 men trained in, and at the cost of, India.
+
+In 1863 the Indian army consisted of 140,000 men, with 65,000 white
+officers. Great changes were made in 1885-1905, including the
+reorganisation under Lord Kitchener, who became Commander-in-Chief at
+the end of 1902. Even in this hasty review, I must not omit reference to
+the fact that Army Stores were drawn from Britain at enormous cost,
+while they should have been chiefly manufactured here, so that India
+might have profited by the expenditure. Lately under the necessities of
+War, factories have been turned to the production of munitions; but this
+should have been done long ago, so that India might have been enriched
+instead of exploited. The War has forced an investigation into her
+mineral resources that might have been made for her own sake, but
+Germany was allowed to monopolise the supply of minerals that India
+could have produced and worked up, and would have produced and worked up
+had she enjoyed Home Rule. India would have been richer, and the Empire
+safer, had she been a partner instead of a possession. But this side of
+the question will come under the matters directly affecting merchants,
+and we may venture to express a hope that the Government help extended
+to munition factories in time of War may be continued to industrial
+factories in time of Peace. The net result of the various causes
+above-mentioned was that the expense of the Indian army rose by leaps
+and bounds, until, before the War, India was expending, 21,000,000 as
+against the 28,000,000 expended by the United Kingdom, while the
+wealthy Dominions of Canada and Australia were spending only 1-1/2 and
+1-1/4 millions respectively. (I am not forgetting that the United
+Kingdom was expending over 51,000,000 on her Navy, while India was free
+of that burden, save for a contribution of half a million.)
+
+Since 1885, the Congress has constantly protested against the
+ever-increasing military expenditure, but the voice of the Congress was
+supposed to be the voice of sedition and of class ambition, instead of
+being, as it was the voice of educated Indians, the most truly patriotic
+and loyal class of the population. In 1885, in the First Congress, Mr.
+P. Rangiah Naidu pointed out that military expenditure had been
+1,463,000 in 1857 and had risen to 16,975,750 in 1884. Mr. D.E. Wacha
+ascribed the growth to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and remarked
+that the Company in 1856 had an army of 254,000 men at a cost of 11-1/2
+millions, while in 1884 the Crown had an army of only 181,000 men at a
+cost of 17 millions. The rise was largely due to the increased cost of
+the European regiments, overland transport service, stores, pensions,
+furlough allowances, and the like, most of them imposed despite the
+resistance of the Government of India, which complained that the changes
+were "made entirely, it may be said, from Imperial considerations, in
+which Indian interests have not been consulted or advanced." India paid
+nearly, 700,000 a year, for instance, for "Home Depts"--Home being
+England of course--in which lived some 20,000 to 22,000 British
+soldiers, on the plea that their regiments, not they, were serving in
+India. I cannot follow out the many increases cited by Mr. Wacha, but
+members can refer to his excellent speech.
+
+Mr. Fawcett once remarked that when the East India Company was abolished
+
+ the English people became directly responsible for the
+ Government of India. It cannot, I think, be denied that this
+ responsibility has been so imperfectly discharged that in many
+ respects the new system of Government compares unfavourably
+ with the old.... There was at that time an independent control
+ of expenditure which now seems to be almost entirely wanting.
+
+Shortly after the Crown assumed the rule of India, Mr. Disraeli asked
+the House of Commons to regard India as "a great and solemn trust
+committed to it by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence." Mr. George
+Yule, in the Fourth Congress, remarked on this: "The 650 odd members had
+thrown the trust back upon the hands of Providence, to be looked after
+as Providence itself thinks best." Perhaps it is time that India should
+remember that Providence helps those who help themselves.
+
+Year after year the Congress continued to remonstrate against the cost
+of the army, until in 1902, after all the futile protests of the
+intervening years, it condemned an increase of pay to British soldiers
+in India which placed an additional burden on the Indian revenues of
+786,000 a year, and pointed out that the British garrison was
+unnecessarily numerous, as was shown by the withdrawal of large bodies
+of British soldiers for service in South Africa and China. The very next
+year Congress protested that the increasing military expenditure was not
+to secure India against internal disorder or external attack, but in
+order to carry out an Imperial policy; the Colonies contributed little
+or nothing to the Imperial Military Expenditure, while India bore the
+cost of about one-third of the whole British Army in addition to her own
+Indian troops. Surely these facts should be remembered when India's
+military services to the Empire are now being weighed.
+
+In 1904 and 1905, the Congress declared that the then military
+expenditure was beyond India's power to bear, and in the latter year
+prayed that the additional ten millions sterling sanctioned for Lord
+Kitchener's reorganisation scheme might be devoted to education and the
+reduction of the burden on the raiyats. In 1908, the burdens imposed by
+the British War Office since 1859 were condemned, and in the next year
+it was pointed out that the military expenditure was nearly a third of
+the whole Indian revenue, and was starving Education and Sanitation.
+
+Lord Kitchener's reorganisation scheme kept the Indian Army on a War
+footing, ready for immediate mobilisation, and on January 1, 1915, the
+regular army consisted of 247,000 men, of whom 75,000 were English; it
+was the money spent by India in maintaining this army for years in
+readiness for War which made it possible for her to go to the help of
+Great Britain at the critical early period to which I alluded. She spent
+over 20 millions on the military services in 1914-15. In 1915-16 she
+spent 21.8 millions. In 1916-17 her military budget had risen to 12
+millions, and it will probably be exceeded, as was the budget of the
+preceding year by 1-2/3 million.
+
+Lord Hardinge, the last Viceroy of India, who is ever held in loving
+memory here for his sympathetic attitude towards Indian aspirations,
+made a masterly exposition of India's War services in the House of Lords
+on the third of last July. He emphasised her pre-War services, showing
+that though 19-1/4 millions sterling was fixed as a maximum by the
+Nicholson Committee, that amount had been exceeded in 11 out of the last
+13 budgets, while his own last budget had risen to 22 millions. During
+these 13 years the revenue had been only between 48 and 58 millions,
+once rising to 60 millions. Could any fact speak more eloquently of
+India's War services than this proportion of military expenditure
+compared with her revenue?
+
+The Great War began on August 4th, and in that very month and in the
+early part of September, India sent an expeditionary force of three
+divisions--two infantry and one cavalry--and another cavalry division
+joined them in France in November. The first arrived, said Lord
+Hardinge, "in time to fill a gap that could not otherwise have been
+filled." He added pathetically: "There are very few survivors of those
+two splendid divisions of infantry." Truly, their homes are empty, but
+their sons shall enjoy in India the liberty for which their fathers died
+in France. Three more divisions were at once sent to guard the Indian
+frontier, while in September a mixed division was sent to East Africa,
+and in October and November two more divisions and a brigade of cavalry
+went to Egypt. A battalion of Indian infantry went to Mauritius, another
+to the Cameroons, and two to the Persian Gulf, while other Indian troops
+helped the Japanese in the capture of Tsingtau. 210,000 Indians were
+thus sent overseas. The whole of these troops were fully armed and
+equipped, and in addition, during the first few weeks of the War, India
+sent to England from her magazines "70 million rounds of small-arm
+ammunition, 60,000 rifles, and more than 550 guns of the latest pattern
+and type."
+
+In addition to these, Lord Hardinge speaks of sending to England
+
+ enormous quantities of material,... tents, boots, saddlery,
+ clothing, etc., but every effort was made to meet the
+ ever-increasing demands made by the War Office, and it may be
+ stated without exaggeration that India was bled absolutely
+ white during the first few weeks of the war.
+
+It must not be forgotten, though Lord Hardinge has not reckoned it, that
+all wastage has been more than filled up, and 450,000 men represent this
+head; the increase in units has been 300,000, and including other
+military items India had placed in the field up to the end of 1916 over
+a million of men.
+
+In addition to this a British force of 80,000 was sent from India, fully
+trained and equipped at Indian cost, India receiving in exchange, many
+months later, 34 Territorial battalions and 29 batteries, "unfit for
+immediate employment on the frontier or in Mesopotamia, until they had
+been entirely re-armed and equipped, and their training completed."
+
+Between the autumn of 1914 and the close of 1915, the defence of our own
+frontiers was a serious matter, and Lord Hardinge says:
+
+ The attitude of Afghanistan was for a long time doubtful,
+ although I always had confidence in the personal loyalty of our
+ ally the Amir; but I feared lest he might be overwhelmed by a
+ wave of fanaticism, or by a successful Jehad of the tribes....
+ It suffices to mention that, although during the previous three
+ years there had been no operations of any importance on the
+ North-West frontier, there were, between November 29, 1914, and
+ September 5, 1915, no less than seven serious attacks on the
+ North-West frontier, all of which were effectively dealt with.
+
+The military authorities had also to meet a German conspiracy early in
+1915, 7,000 men arriving from Canada and the United States, having
+planned to seize points of military vantage in the Panjab, and in
+December of the same year another German conspiracy in Bengal,
+necessitating military preparations on land, and also naval patrols in
+the Bay of Bengal.
+
+Lord Hardinge has been much attacked by the Tory and Unionist Press in
+England and India, in England because of the Mesopotamia Report, in
+India because his love for India brought him hatred from Anglo-India.
+India has affirmed her confidence in him, and with India's verdict he
+may well rest satisfied.
+
+I do not care to dwell on the Mesopotamia Commission and its
+condemnation of the bureaucratic system prevailing here. Lord Hardinge
+vindicated himself and India. The bureaucratic system remains
+undefended. I recall that bureaucratic inefficiency came out in even
+more startling fashion in connection with the Afghan War of 1878-79 and
+1879-80. In February 1880, the war charges were reported as under 4
+millions, and the accounts showed a surplus of 2 millions. On April 8th
+the Government of India reported: "Outgoing for War very alarming, far
+exceeding estimate," and on the 13th April "it was announced that the
+cash balances had fallen in three months from thirteen crores to less
+than nine, owing to 'excessive Military drain' ... On the following day
+(April 22) a despatch was sent out to the Viceroy, showing that there
+appeared a deficiency of not less than 5-1/4 crores. This vast error was
+evidently due to an underestimate of war liabilities, which had led to
+such mis-information being laid before Parliament, and to the sudden
+discovery of inability to 'meet the usual drawings.'"
+
+It seemed that the Government knew only the amount audited, not the
+amount spent. Payments were entered as "advances," though they were not
+recoverable, and "the great negligence was evidently that of the heads
+of departmental accounts." If such a mishap should occur under Home
+Rule, a few years hence--which heaven forbid--I shudder to think of the
+comments of the _Englishman_ and the _Madras Mail_ on the shocking
+inefficiency of Indian officials.
+
+In September last, our present Viceroy, H.E. Lord Chelmsford, defended
+India against later attacks by critics who try to minimise her
+sacrifices in order to lessen the gratitude felt by Great Britain
+towards her, lest that gratitude should give birth to justice, and
+justice should award freedom to India. Lord Chelmsford placed before his
+Council "in studiously considered outline, a summary of what India has
+done during the past two years." Omitting his references to what was
+done under Lord Hardinge, as stated above, I may quote from him:
+
+ On the outbreak of war, of the 4,598 British officers on the
+ Indian establishment, 530 who were at home on leave were
+ detained by the War Office for service in Europe. 2,600
+ Combatant Officers have been withdrawn from India since the
+ beginning of the War, excluding those who proceeded on service
+ with their batteries or regiments. In order to make good these
+ deficiencies and provide for war wastage the Indian Army
+ Reserve of Officers was expanded from a total of 40, at which
+ it stood on the 4th August, 1914, to one of 2,000.
+
+ The establishment of Indian units has not only been kept up to
+ strength, but has been considerably increased. There has been
+ an augmentation of 20 per cent. in the cavalry and of 40 per
+ cent. in the infantry, while the number of recruits enlisted
+ since the beginning of the War is greater than the entire
+ strength of the Indian Army as it existed on August 4, 1914.
+
+Lord Chelmsford rightly pointed out:
+
+ The Army in India has thus proved a great Imperial asset, and
+ in weighing the value of India's contribution to the War it
+ should be remembered that India's forces were no hasty
+ improvisation, but were an army in being, fully equipped and
+ supplied, which had previously cost India annually a large sum
+ to maintain.
+
+Lord Chelmsford has established what he calls a "Man-Power Board," the
+duty of which is "to collect and co-ordinate all the facts with regard
+to the supply of man-power in India." It has branches in all the
+Provinces. A steady flow of reinforcements supplies the wastage at the
+various fronts, and the labour required for engineering, transport,
+etc., is now organised in 20 corps in Mesopotamia and 25 corps in
+France. In addition 60,000 artisans, labourers, and specialists are
+serving in Mesopotamia and East Africa, and some 20,000 menials and
+followers have also gone overseas. Indian medical practitioners have
+accepted temporary commissions in the Indian Medical Service to the
+number of 500. In view of this fact, due to Great Britain's bitter need
+of help, may we not hope that this Service will welcome Indians in time
+of peace as well as in time of war, and will no longer bar the way by
+demanding the taking of a degree in the United Kingdom? It is also
+worthy of notice that the I.M.S. officers in charge of district duties
+have been largely replaced by Indian medical men; this, again, should
+continue after the War. Another fact, that the Army Reserve of Officers
+his risen from 40 to 2,000, suggests that the throwing open of King's
+Commissions to qualified Indians should not be represented by a meagre
+nine. If English lads of 19 and 20 are worthy of King's Commissions--and
+the long roll of slain Second Lieutenants proves it--then certainly
+Indian lads, since Indians have fought as bravely as Englishmen, should
+find the door thrown open to them equally widely in their own country,
+and the Indian Army should be led by Indian officers.
+
+With such a record of deeds as the one I have baldly sketched, it is not
+necessary to say much in words as to India's support of Great Britain
+and her Allies. She has proved up to the hilt her desire to remain
+within the Empire, to maintain her tie with Great Britain. But if
+Britain is to call successfully on India's man-power, as Lord Chelmsford
+suggests in his Man-Power Board, then must the man who fights or labours
+have a man's Rights in his own land. The lesson which springs out of
+this War is that it is absolutely necessary for the future safety of the
+Empire that India shall have Home Rule. Had her Man-Power been utilised
+earlier there would have been no War, for none would have dared to
+provoke Great Britain and India to a contest. But her Man-Power cannot
+be utilised while she is a subject Nation. She cannot afford to maintain
+a large army, if she is to support an English garrison, to pay for their
+goings and comings, to buy stores in England at exorbitant prices and
+send them back again when England needs them. She cannot afford to train
+men for England, and only have their services for five years. She cannot
+afford to keep huge Gold Reserves in England, and be straitened for
+cash, while she lends to England out of her Reserves, taken from her
+over-taxation, 27,000,000 for War expenses, and this, be it remembered,
+before the great War Loan. I once said in England: "The condition of
+India's loyalty is India's freedom." I may now add: "The condition of
+India's usefulness to the Empire is India's freedom." She will tax
+herself willingly when her taxes remain in the country and fertilise it,
+when they educate her people and thus increase their productive power,
+when they foster her trade and create for her new industries.
+
+Great Britain needs India as much as India needs England, for prosperity
+in Peace as well as for safety in War. Mr. Montagu has wisely said that
+"for equipment in War a Nation needs freedom in Peace." Therefore I say
+that, for both countries alike, the lesson of the War is Home Rule for
+India.
+
+Let me close this part of my subject by laying at the feet of His
+Imperial Majesty the loving homage of the thousands here assembled, with
+the hope and belief that, ere long, we shall lay there the willing and
+grateful homage of a free Nation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+CAUSES OF THE NEW SPIRIT IN INDIA.
+
+
+Apart from the natural exchange of thought between East and West, the
+influence of English education, literature and ideals, the effect of
+travel in Europe, Japan and the United States of America, and other
+recognised causes for the changed outlook in India, there have been
+special forces at work during the last few years to arouse a New Spirit
+in India, and to alter her attitude of mind. These may be summed up as:
+
+ (a) The Awakening of Asia.
+
+ (b) Discussions abroad on Alien Rule and Imperial Reconstruction.
+
+ (c) Loss of Belief in the Superiority of the White Races.
+
+ (d) The Awakening of Indian Merchants.
+
+ (e) The Awakening of Indian Womanhood to claim its Ancient
+ Position.
+
+ (f) The Awakening of the Masses.
+
+Each of these causes has had its share in the splendid change of
+attitude in the Indian Nation, in the uprising of a spirit of pride of
+country, of independence, of self-reliance, of dignity, of self-respect.
+The War has quickened the rate of evolution of the world, and no country
+has experienced the quickening more than our Motherland.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF ASIA.
+
+In a conversation I had with Lord Minto, soon after his arrival as
+Viceroy, he discussed the so-called "unrest in India," and recognised it
+as the inevitable result of English Education, of English Ideals of
+Democracy, of the Japanese victory over Russia, and of the changing
+conditions in the outer world. I was therefore not surprised to read his
+remark that he recognised, "frankly and publicly, that new aspirations
+were stirring in the hearts of the people, that they were part of a
+larger movement common to the whole East, and that it was necessary to
+satisfy them to a reasonable extent by giving them a larger share in the
+administration."
+
+But the present movement in India will be very poorly understood if it
+be regarded only in connexion with the movement in the East. The
+awakening of Asia is part of a world-movement, which has been quickened
+into marvellous rapidity by the world-war. The world-movement is towards
+Democracy, and for the West dates from the breaking away of the American
+Colonies from Great Britain, consummated in 1776, and its sequel in the
+French Revolution of 1789. Needless to say that its root was in the
+growth of modern science, undermining the fabric of intellectual
+servitude, in the work of the Encyclopdists, and in that of
+Jean-Jacques Rousseau and of Thomas Paine. In the East, the swift
+changes in Japan, the success of the Japanese Empire against Russia, the
+downfall of the Manchu dynasty in China and the establishment of a
+Chinese Republic, the efforts at improvement in Persia, hindered by the
+interference of Russia and Great Britain with their growing ambitions,
+and the creation of British and Russian "spheres of influence,"
+depriving her of her just liberty, and now the Russian Revolution and
+the probable rise of a Russian Republic in Europe and Asia, have all
+entirely changed the conditions before existing in India. Across Asia,
+beyond the Himalayas, stretch free and self-ruling Nations. India no
+longer sees as her Asian neighbours the huge domains of a Tsar and a
+Chinese despot, and compares her condition under British rule with those
+of their subject populations. British rule profited by the comparison,
+at least until 1905, when the great period of repression set in. But in
+future, unless India wins Self-Government, she will look enviously at
+her Self-Governing neighbours, and the contrast will intensify her
+unrest.
+
+But even if she gains Home Rule, as I believe she will, her position in
+the Empire will imperatively demand that she shall be strong as well as
+free. She becomes not only a vulnerable point in the Empire, as the
+Asian Nations evolve their own ambitions and rivalries, but also a
+possession to be battled for. Mr. Laing once said: "India is the
+milch-cow of England," a Kamadhenu, in fact, a cow of plenty; and if
+that view should arise in Asia, the ownership of the milch-cow would
+become a matter of dispute, as of old between Vashishtha and
+Vishvamitra. Hence India must be capable of self-defence both by land
+and sea. There may be a struggle for the primacy of Asia, for supremacy
+in the Pacific, for the mastery of Australasia, to say nothing of the
+inevitable trade-struggles, in which Japan is already endangering Indian
+industry and Indian trade, while India is unable to protect herself.
+
+In order to face these larger issues with equanimity, the Empire
+requires a contented, strong, self-dependent and armed India, able to
+hold her own and to aid the Dominions, especially Australia, with her
+small population and immense unoccupied and undefended area. India alone
+has the man-power which can effectively maintain the Empire in Asia, and
+it is a short-sighted, a criminally short-sighted, policy not to build
+up her strength as a Self-Governing State within the Commonwealth of
+Free Nations under the British Crown. The Englishmen in India talk
+loudly of their interests; what can this mere handful do to protect
+their interests against attack in the coming years? Only in a free and
+powerful India will they be safe. Those who read Japanese papers know
+how strongly, even during the War, they parade unchecked their
+pro-German sympathies, and how likely after the War is an alliance
+between these two ambitious and warlike Nations. Japan will come out of
+the War with her army and navy unweakened, and her trade immensely
+strengthened. Every consideration of sane statesmanship should lead
+Great Britain to trust India more than Japan, so that the British Empire
+in Asia may rest on the sure foundation of Indian loyalty, the loyalty
+of a free and contented people, rather than be dependent on the
+continued friendship of a possible future rival. For international
+friendships are governed by National interests, and are built on
+quicksands, not on rock.
+
+Englishmen in India must give up the idea that English dominance is
+necessary for the protection of their interests, amounting, in 1915, to
+365,399,000 sterling. They do not claim to dominate the United States
+of America, because they have invested there 688,078,000. They do not
+claim to dominate the Argentine Republic, because they have invested
+there 269,808,000. Why then should they claim to dominate India on the
+ground of their investment? Britons must give up the idea that India is
+a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as
+a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a
+Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, and not a
+dependent. The democratic movement in Japan, China and Russia in Asia
+has sympathetically affected India, and it is idle to pretend that it
+will cease to affect her.
+
+DISCUSSIONS ABROAD ON ALIEN RULE AND IMPERIAL RECONSTRUCTION.
+
+But there are other causes which have been working in India, consequent
+on the British attitude against autocracy and in defence of freedom in
+Europe, while her attitude to India has, until lately, been left in
+doubt. Therefore I spoke of a splendid opportunity lost. India at first
+believed whole-heartedly that Great Britain was fighting for the freedom
+of all Nationalities. Even now, Mr. Asquith declared--in his speech in
+the House of Commons reported here last October, on the peace resolution
+of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald--that "the Allies are fighting for nothing but
+freedom, and, an important addition--for nothing short of freedom." In
+his speech declaring that Britain would stand by France in her claim for
+the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he spoke of "the intolerable
+degradation of a foreign yoke." Is such a yoke less intolerable, less
+wounding to self-respect here, than in Alsace-Lorraine, where the rulers
+and the ruled are both of European blood, similar in religion and
+habits? As the War went on, India slowly and unwillingly came to realise
+that the hatred of autocracy was confined to autocracy in the West, and
+that the degradation was only regarded as intolerable for men of white
+races; that freedom was lavishly promised to all except to India; that
+new powers were to be given to the Dominions, but not to India. India
+was markedly left out of the speeches of statesmen dealing with the
+future of the Empire, and at last there was plain talk of the White
+Empire, the Empire of the Five Nations, and the "coloured races" were
+lumped together as the wards of the White Empire, doomed to an
+indefinite minority.
+
+The peril was pressing; the menace unmistakable. The Reconstruction of
+the Empire was on the anvil; what was to be India's place therein? The
+Dominions were proclaimed as partners; was India to remain a Dependency?
+Mr. Bonar Law bade the Dominions strike while the iron was hot; was
+India to wait till it was cold? India saw her soldiers fighting for
+freedom in Flanders, in France, in Gallipoli, in Asia Minor, in China,
+in Africa; was she to have no share of the freedom for which she fought?
+At last she sprang to her feet and cried, in the words of one of her
+noblest sons: "Freedom is my birthright; and I want it." The words "Home
+Rule" became her Mantram. She claimed her place in the Empire.
+
+Thus, while she continued to support, and even to increase, her army
+abroad, fighting for the Empire, and poured out her treasures as water
+for Hospital Ships, War Funds, Red Cross organisations, and the gigantic
+War Loan, a dawning fear oppressed her, lest, if she did not take order
+with her own household, success in the War for the Empire might mean
+decreased liberty for herself.
+
+The recognition of the right of the Indian Government to make its voice
+heard in Imperial matters, when they were under discussion in an
+Imperial Conference, was a step in the right direction. But
+disappointment was felt that while other countries were represented by
+responsible Ministers, the representation in India's case was of the
+Government, of a Government irresponsible to her, and not the
+representative of herself. No fault was found with the choice itself,
+but only with the non-representative character of the chosen, for they
+were selected by the Government, and not by the elected members of the
+Supreme Council. This defect in the resolution moved by the Hon. Khan
+Bahadur M.M. Shafi on October 2, 1915, was pointed out by the Hon. Mr.
+Surendranath Bannerji. He said:
+
+ My Lord, in view of a situation so full of hope and promise, it
+ seems to me that my friend's Resolution does not go far enough.
+ He pleads for _official_ representation at the Imperial
+ Conference: he does not plead for _popular_ representation. He
+ urges that an address be presented to His Majesty's Government,
+ through the Secretary of State for India, for official
+ representation at the Imperial Council. My Lord, official
+ representation may mean little or nothing. It may indeed be
+ attended with some risk; for I am sorry to have to say--but say
+ it I must--that our officials do not always see eye to eye with
+ us as regards many great public questions which affect this
+ country; and indeed their views, judged from our standpoint,
+ may sometimes seem adverse to our interests. At the same time,
+ my Lord, I recognise the fact that the Imperial Conference is
+ an assemblage of officials pure and simple, consisting of
+ Ministers of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing
+ Colonies. But, my Lord, there is an essential difference
+ between them and ourselves. In their case, the Ministers are
+ the elect of the people, their organ and their voice,
+ answerable to them for their conduct and their proceedings. In
+ our case, our officials are public servants in name, but in
+ reality they are the masters of the public. The situation may
+ improve, and I trust it will, under the liberalising influence
+ of your Excellency's beneficent administration; but we must
+ take things as they are, and not indulge in building castles in
+ the air, which may vanish "like the baseless fabric of a
+ vision."
+
+It was said to be an epoch-making event that "Indian Representatives"
+took part in the Conference. Representatives they were, but, as said, of
+the British Government in India, not of India, whereas their colleagues
+represented their Nations. They did good work, none the less, for they
+were able and experienced men, though they failed us in the Imperial
+Preference Conference and, partially, on the Indentured Labour question.
+Yet we hope that the presence in the Conference of men of Indian birth
+may prove to be the proverbial "thin end of the wedge," and may have
+convinced their colleagues that, while India was still a Dependency,
+India's sons were fully their equals.
+
+The Report of the Public Services Commission, though now too obviously
+obsolete to be discussed, caused both disappointment and resentment; for
+it showed that, in the eyes of the majority of the Commissioners,
+English domination in Indian administration was to be perpetual, and
+that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. or
+the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
+mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India's thanks
+to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
+solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
+laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
+Indian Civil Services.
+
+India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
+ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
+work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
+treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
+Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
+recommendations. The whole Report was written "before the flood," and it
+is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.
+
+India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
+perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
+Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
+area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
+world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. "Britain for the
+British" was right and natural; "India for the Indians" was wrong, even
+seditious. It must be "India for the Empire," or not even for the
+Empire, but "for the rest of the Empire," careless of herself. "British
+support for British Trade" was patriotic and proper in Britain.
+"Swadeshi goods for Indians" showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
+India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
+thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in "an
+atmosphere of inferiority," and to be proud to be a citizen (without
+rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be
+citizens (with rights) in their own countries first, and citizens of the
+Empire secondarily. Just as his trust in Great Britain was strained
+nearly to breaking point came the glad news of Mr. Montagu's appointment
+as Secretary of State for India, of the Viceroy's invitation to him, and
+of his coming to hear for himself what India wanted. It was a ray of
+sunshine breaking through the gloom, confidence in Great Britain
+revived, and glad preparation was made to welcome the coming of a
+friend.
+
+The attitude of India has changed to meet the changed attitude of the
+Governments of India and Great Britain. But let none imagine that that
+consequential change of attitude connotes any change in her
+determination to win Home Rule. She is ready to consider terms of peace,
+but it must be "peace with honour," and honour in this connection means
+Freedom. If this be not granted, an even more vigorous agitation will
+begin.
+
+LOSS OF BELIEF IN THE SUPERIORITY OF WHITE RACES
+
+The undermining of this belief dates from the spreading of the Arya
+Samaj and the Theosophical Society. Both bodies sought to lead the
+Indian people to a sense of the value of their own civilisation, to
+pride in their past, creating self-respect in the present, and
+self-confidence in the future. They destroyed the unhealthy inclination
+to imitate the West in all things, and taught discrimination, the using
+only of what was valuable in western thought and culture, instead of a
+mere slavish copying of everything. Another great force was that of
+Swami Vivekananda, alike in his passionate love and admiration for
+India, and his exposure of the evils resulting from Materialism in the
+West. Take the following:
+
+ Children of India, I am here to speak to you to-day about some
+ practical things, and my object in reminding you about the
+ glories of the past is simply this. Many times have I been told
+ that looking into the past only degenerates and leads to
+ nothing, and that we should look to the future. That is true.
+ But out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore,
+ as far as you can, drink deep of the eternal fountains that are
+ behind, and after that, look forward, march forward, and make
+ India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our
+ ancestors were great. We must recall that. We must learn the
+ elements of our being, the blood that courses in our veins; we
+ must have faith in that blood, and what it did in the past: and
+ out of that faith, and consciousness of past greatness, we must
+ build an India yet greater than what she has been.
+
+And again:
+
+ I know for certain that millions, I say deliberately, millions,
+ in every civilised land are waiting for the message that will
+ save them from the hideous abyss of materialism into which
+ modern money-worship is driving them headlong, and many of the
+ leaders of the new Social Movements have already discovered
+ that Vedanta in its highest form can alone spiritualise their
+ social aspirations.
+
+The process was continued by the admiration of Sanskrit literature
+expressed by European scholars and philosophers. But the effect of these
+was confined to the few and did not reach the many. The first great
+shock to the belief in white superiority came from the triumph of Japan
+over Russia, the facing of a huge European Power by a comparatively
+small Eastern Nation, the exposure of the weakness and rottenness of the
+Russian leaders, and the contrast with their hardy virile opponents,
+ready to sacrifice everything for their country.
+
+The second great shock has come from the frank brutality of German
+theories of the State, and their practical carrying out in the treatment
+of conquered districts and the laying waste of evacuated areas in
+retreat. The teachings of Bismarck and their practical application in
+France, Flanders, Belgium, Poland, and Serbia have destroyed all the
+glamour of the superiority of Christendom over Asia. Its vaunted
+civilisation is seen to be but a thin veneer, and its religion a matter
+of form rather than of life. Gazing from afar at the ghastly heaps of
+dead and the hosts of the mutilated, at science turned into devilry and
+ever inventing new tortures for rending and slaying, Asia may be
+forgiven for thinking that, on the whole, she prefers her own religions
+and her own civilisations.
+
+But even deeper than the outer tumult of war has pierced the doubt as to
+the reality of the Ideals of Liberty and Nationality so loudly
+proclaimed by the foremost western Nations, the doubt of the honesty of
+their champions. Sir James Meston said truly, a short time ago, that he
+had never, in his long experience, known Indians in so distrustful and
+suspicious a mood as that which he met in them to-day. And that is so.
+For long years Indians have been chafing over the many breaches of
+promises and pledges to them that remain unredeemed. The maintenance
+here of a system of political repression, of coercive measures increased
+in number and more harshly applied since 1905, the carrying of the
+system to a wider extent since the War for the sanctity of treaties and
+for the protection of Nationalities has been going on, have deepened the
+mistrust. A frank and courageous statesmanship applied to the honest
+carrying out of large reforms too long delayed can alone remove it. The
+time for political tinkering is past; the time for wise and definite
+changes is here.
+
+To these deep causes must be added the comparison between the
+progressive policy of some of the Indian States in matters which most
+affect the happiness of the people, and the slow advance made under
+British administration. The Indian notes that this advance is made under
+the guidance of rulers and ministers of his own race. When he sees that
+the suggestions made in the People's Assembly in Mysore are fully
+considered and, when possible, given effect to, he realises that without
+the forms of power the members exercise more real power than those in
+our Legislative Councils. He sees education spreading, new industries
+fostered, villagers encouraged to manage their own affairs and take the
+burden of their own responsibility, and he wonders why Indian incapacity
+is so much more efficient than British capacity.
+
+Perhaps, after all, for Indians, Indian rule may be the best.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MERCHANTS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+THE AWAKENING OF INDIAN WOMANHOOD.
+
+The position of women in the ancient Aryan civilisation was a very noble
+one. The great majority married, becoming, as Manu said, the Light of
+the Home; some took up the ascetic life, remained unmarried, and sought
+the knowledge of Brahma. The story of the Rani Damayanti, to whom her
+husband's ministers came, when they were troubled by the Raja's
+gambling, that of Gandhari, in the Council of Kings and Warrior Chiefs,
+remonstrating with her headstrong son; in later days, of Padmavati of
+Chitoor, of Mirabai of Marwar, the sweet poetess, of Tarabai of Thoda,
+the warrior, of Chand Bibi, the defender of Ahmednagar, of Ahalya Bai of
+Indore, the great Ruler--all these and countless others are well known.
+
+Only in the last two or three generations have Indian women slipped away
+from their place at their husbands' side, and left them unhelped in
+their public life. But even now they wield great influence over husband
+and son. Culture has never forsaken them, but the English education of
+their husbands and sons, with the neglect of Sanskrit and the
+Vernacular, have made a barrier between the culture of the husband and
+that of the wife, and has shut the woman out from her old sympathy with
+the larger life of men. While the interests of the husband have
+widened, those of the wife have narrowed. The materialising of the
+husband tended also, by reaction, to render the wife's religion less
+broad and wise.
+
+The wish to save their sons from the materialising results of English
+education awoke keen sympathy among Indian mothers with the movement to
+make religion an integral part of education. It was, perhaps, the first
+movement in modern days which aroused among them in all parts a keen and
+living interest.
+
+The Partition of Bengal was bitterly resented by Bengali women, and was
+another factor in the outward-turning change. When the editor of an
+Extremist newspaper was prosecuted for sedition, convicted and
+sentenced, five hundred Bengali women went to his mother to show their
+sympathy, not by condolences, but by congratulations. Such was the
+feeling of the well-born women of Bengal.
+
+Then the troubles of Indians outside India roused the ever quick
+sympathy of Indian women, and the attack in South Africa on the
+sacredness of Indian marriage drew large numbers of them out of their
+homes to protest against the wrong.
+
+The Indentured Labour question, involving the dishonour of women, again,
+moved them deeply, and even sent a deputation to the Viceroy composed of
+women.
+
+These were, perhaps, the chief outer causes; but deep in the heart of
+India's daughters arose the Mother's voice, calling on them to help Her
+to arise, and to be once more mistress in Her own household. Indian
+women, nursed on Her old literature, with its wonderful ideals of
+womanly perfection, could not remain indifferent to the great movement
+for India's liberty. And during the last few years the hidden fire, long
+burning in their hearts, fire of love to Bharatamata, fire of resentment
+against the lessened influence of the religion which they passionately
+love, instinctive dislike of the foreigner as ruling in their land, have
+caused a marvellous awakening. The strength of the Home Rule movement is
+rendered tenfold greater by the adhesion to it of large numbers of
+women, who bring to its helping the uncalculating heroism, the
+endurance, the self-sacrifice, of the feminine nature. Our League's best
+recruits are among the women of India, and the women of Madras boast
+that they marched in procession when the men were stopped, and that
+their prayers in the temples set the interned captives free. Home Rule
+has become so intertwined with religion by the prayers offered up in the
+great Southern Temples, sacred places of pilgrimage, and spreading from
+them to village temples, and also by its being preached up and down the
+country by Sadhus and Sannyasins, that it has become in the minds of the
+women and of the ever religious masses, inextricably intertwined with
+religion. That is, in this country, the surest way of winning alike the
+women of the higher classes and the men and women villagers. And that is
+why I have said that the two words, "Home Rule," have become a Mantram.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MASSES.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+WHY INDIA DEMANDS HOME RULE.
+
+
+India demands Home Rule for two reasons, one essential and vital, the
+other less important but necessary: Firstly, because Freedom is the
+birthright of every Nation; secondly, because her most important
+interests are now made subservient to the interests of the British
+Empire without her consent, and her resources are not utilised for her
+greatest needs. It is enough only to mention the money spent on her
+Army, not for local defence but for Imperial purposes, as compared with
+that spent on primary education.
+
+
+I. THE VITAL REASON.
+
+What is a Nation?
+
+Self-Government is necessary to the self-respect and dignity of a
+People; Other-Government emasculates a Nation, lowers its character, and
+lessens its capacity. The wrong done by the Arms Act, which Raja Rampal
+Singh voiced in the Second Congress as a wrong which outweighed all the
+benefits of British Rule, was its weakening and debasing effect on
+Indian manhood. "We cannot," he declared, "be grateful to it for
+degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out all martial
+spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock
+of quill-driving sheep." This was done not by the fact that a man did
+not carry arms--few carry them in England--but that men were deprived of
+the _right_ to carry them. A Nation, an individual, cannot develop his
+capacities to the utmost without liberty. And this is recognised
+everywhere except in India. As Mazzini truly said:
+
+ God has written a line of His thought over the cradle of every
+ people. That is its special mission. It cannot be cancelled; it
+ must be freely developed.
+
+For what is a Nation? It is a spark of the Divine Fire, a fragment of
+the Divine Life, outbreathed into the world, and gathering round itself
+a mass of individuals, men, women and children, whom it binds together
+into one. Its qualities, its powers, in a word, its type, depend on the
+fragment of the Divine Life embodied in it, the Life which shapes it,
+evolves it, colours it, and makes it One. The magic of Nationality is
+the feeling of oneness, and the use of Nationality is to serve the world
+in the particular way for which its type fits it. This is what Mazzini
+called "its special mission," the duty given to it by God in its
+birth-hour. Thus India had the duty of spreading the idea of Dharma,
+Persia that of Purity, Egypt that of Science, Greece that of Beauty,
+Rome that of Law. But to render its full service to Humanity it must
+develop along its own lines, and be Self-determined in its evolution. It
+must be Itself, and not Another. The whole world suffers where a
+Nationality is distorted or suppressed, before its mission to the world
+is accomplished.
+
+The Cry for Self-Rule.
+
+Hence the cry of a Nation for Freedom, for Self-Rule, is not a cry of
+mere selfishness demanding more Rights that it may enjoy more happiness.
+Even in that there is nothing wrong, for happiness means fulness of
+life, and to enjoy such fulness is a righteous claim. But the demand for
+Self-Rule is a demand for the evolution of its own nature for the
+Service of Humanity. It is a demand of the deepest Spirituality, an
+expression of the longing to give its very best to the world. Hence
+dangers cannot check it, nor threats appal, nor offerings of greater
+pleasures lure it to give up its demand for Freedom. In the adapted
+words of a Christian Scripture, it passionately cries: "What shall it
+profit a Nation if it gain the whole world and lose its own Soul? What
+shall a Nation give in exchange for its Soul?" Better hardship and
+freedom, than luxury and thraldom. This is the spirit of the Home Rule
+movement, and therefore it cannot be crushed, it cannot be destroyed, it
+is eternal and ever young. Nor can it be persuaded to exchange its
+birthright for any mess of efficiency-pottage at the hands of the
+bureaucracy.
+
+Stunting the Race.
+
+Coming closer to the daily life of the people as individuals, we see
+that the character of each man, woman and child is degraded and weakened
+by a foreign administration, and this is most keenly felt by the best
+Indians. Speaking on the employment of Indians in the Public Services,
+Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ A kind of dwarfing or stunting of the Indian race is going on
+ under the present system. We must live all the days of our life
+ in an atmosphere of inferiority, and the tallest of us must
+ bend, in order that the exigencies of the system may be
+ satisfied. The upward impulse, if I may use such an expression,
+ which every schoolboy at Eton or Harrow may feel that he may
+ one day be a Gladstone, a Nelson, or a Wellington, and which
+ may draw forth the best efforts of which he is capable, that is
+ denied to us. The full height to which our manhood is capable
+ of rising can never be reached by us under the present system.
+ The moral elevation which every Self-governing people feel
+ cannot be felt by us. Our administrative and military talents
+ must gradually disappear owing to sheer disuse, till at last
+ our lot, as hewers of wood and drawers of water in our own
+ country, is stereotyped.
+
+The Hon. Mr. Bhupendranath Basu has spoken on similar lines:
+
+ A bureaucratic administration, conducted by an imported agency,
+ and centring all power in its hands, and undertaking all
+ responsibility, has acted as a dead weight on the Soul of
+ India, stifling in us all sense of initiative, for the lack of
+ which we are condemned, atrophying the nerves of action and,
+ what is more serious, necessarily dwarfing in us all feeling of
+ self-respect.
+
+In this connexion the warning of Lord Salisbury to Cooper's Hill
+students is significant:
+
+ No system of Government can be permanently safe where there is
+ a feeling of inferiority or of mortification affecting the
+ relations between the governing and the governed. There is
+ nothing I would more earnestly wish to impress upon all who
+ leave this country for the purpose of governing India than
+ that, if they choose to be so, they are the only enemies
+ England has to fear. They are the persons who can, if they
+ will, deal a blow of the deadliest character at the future rule
+ of England.
+
+I have ventured to urge this danger, which has increased of late years,
+in consequence of the growing self-respect of the Indians, but the
+ostrich policy is thought to be preferable in my part of the country.
+
+This stunting of the race begins with the education of the child. The
+Schools differentiate between British and Indian teachers; the Colleges
+do the same. The students see first-class Indians superseded by young
+and third-rate foreigners; the Principal of a College should be a
+foreigner; foreign history is more important than Indian; to have
+written on English villages is a qualification for teaching economics in
+India; the whole atmosphere of the School and College emphasises the
+superiority of the foreigner, even when the professors abstain from open
+assertion thereof. The Education Department controls the education
+given, and it is planned on foreign models, and its object is to serve
+foreign rather than native ends, to make docile Government servants
+rather than patriotic citizens; high spirits, courage, self-respect, are
+not encouraged, and docility is regarded as the most precious quality in
+the student; pride in country, patriotism, ambition, are looked on as
+dangerous, and English, instead of Indian, Ideals are exalted; the
+blessings of a foreign rule and the incapacity of Indians to manage
+their own affairs are constantly inculcated. What wonder that boys thus
+trained often turn out, as men, time-servers and sycophants, and,
+finding their legitimate ambitions frustrated, become selfish and care
+little for the public weal? Their own inferiority has been so driven
+into them during their most impressionable years, that they do not even
+feel what Mr. Asquith called the "intolerable degradation of a foreign
+yoke."
+
+India's Rights.
+
+It is not a question whether the rule is good or bad. German efficiency
+in Germany is far greater than English efficiency in England; the
+Germans were better fed, had more amusements and leisure, less crushing
+poverty than the English. But would any Englishman therefore desire to
+see Germans occupying all the highest positions in England? Why not?
+Because the righteous self-respect and dignity of the free man revolt
+against foreign domination, however superior. As Mr. Asquith said at the
+beginning of the War, such a condition was "inconceivable and would be
+intolerable." Why then is it the one conceivable system here in India?
+Why is it not felt by all Indians to be intolerable? It is because it
+has become a habit, bred in us from childhood, to regard the sahib-log
+as our natural superiors, and the greatest injury British rule has done
+to Indians is to deprive them of the natural instinct born in all free
+peoples, the feeling of an inherent right to Self-determination, to be
+themselves. Indian dress, Indian food, Indian ways, Indian customs, are
+all looked on as second-rate; Indian mother-tongue and Indian literature
+cannot make an educated man. Indians as well as Englishmen take it for
+granted that the natural rights of every Nation do not belong to them;
+they claim "a larger share in the government of the country," instead of
+claiming the government of their own country, and they are expected to
+feel grateful for "boons," for concessions. Britain is to say what she
+will give. The whole thing is wrong, topsy-turvy, irrational. Thank God
+that India's eyes are opening; that myriads of her people realise that
+they are men, with a man's right to freedom in his own country, a man's
+right to manage his own affairs. India is no longer on her knees for
+boons; she is on her feet for Rights. It is because I have taught this
+that the English in India misunderstand me and call me seditious; it is
+because I have taught this that I am President of this Congress to-day.
+
+This may seem strong language, because the plain truth is not usually
+put in India. But this is what every Briton feels in Britain for his own
+country, and what every Indian should feel in India for his. This is the
+Freedom for which the Allies are fighting; this is Democracy, the Spirit
+of the Age. And this is what every true Briton will feel is India's
+Right the moment India claims it for herself, as she is claiming it
+now. When this right is gained, then will the tie between India and
+Great Britain become a golden link of mutual love and service, and the
+iron chain of a foreign yoke will fall away. We shall live and work side
+by side, with no sense of distrust and dislike, working as brothers for
+common ends. And from that union shall arise the mightiest Empire, or
+rather Commonwealth, that the world has ever known, a Commonwealth that,
+in God's good time, shall put an end to War.
+
+
+II. THE SECONDARY REASONS.
+
+Tests of Efficiency.
+
+The Secondary Reasons for the present demand for Home Rule may be summed
+up in the blunt statement: "The present rule, while efficient in less
+important matters and in those which concern British interests, is
+inefficient in the greater matters on which the healthy life and
+happiness of the people depend." Looking at outer things, such as
+external order, posts and telegraphs--except where political agitators
+are concerned--main roads, railways, etc., foreign visitors, who
+expected to find a semi-savage country, hold up their hands in
+admiration. But if they saw the life of the people, the masses of
+struggling clerks trying to educate their children on Rs. 25 (28s.
+0-1/4d.) a month, the masses of labourers with one meal a day, and the
+huts in which they live, they would find cause for thought. And if the
+educated men talked freely with them, they would be surprised at their
+bitterness. Gopal Krishna Gokhale put the whole matter very plainly in
+1911:
+
+ One of the fundamental conditions of the peculiar position of
+ the British Government in this country is that it should be a
+ continuously progressive Government. I think all thinking men,
+ to whatever community they belong, will accept that. Now, I
+ suggest four tests to judge whether the Government is
+ progressive, and, further, whether it is continuously
+ progressive. The first test that I would apply is what measures
+ it adopts for the moral and material improvement of the mass of
+ the people, and under these measures I do not include those
+ appliances of modern Governments which the British Government
+ has applied in this country, because they were appliances
+ necessary for its very existence, though they have benefited
+ the people, such as the construction of Railways, the
+ introduction of Post and Telegraphs, and things of that kind.
+ By measures for the moral and material improvement of the
+ people, I mean what the Government does for education, what the
+ Government does for sanitation, what the Government does for
+ agricultural development, and so forth. That is my first test.
+ The second test that I would apply is what steps the Government
+ takes to give us a larger share in the administration of our
+ local affairs--in municipalities and local boards. My third
+ test is what voice the Government gives us in its Councils--in
+ those deliberate assemblies, where policies are considered.
+ And, lastly, we must consider how far Indians are admitted into
+ the ranks of the public service.
+
+A Change of System Needed.
+
+Those were Gokhale's tests, and Indians can supply the results of their
+knowledge and experience to answer them. But before dealing with the
+failure to meet these tests, it is necessary to state here that it is
+not a question of blaming men, or of substituting Indians for
+Englishmen, but of changing the system itself. It is a commonplace that
+the best men become corrupted by the possession of irresponsible power.
+As Bernard Houghton says: "The possession of unchecked power corrupts
+some of the finer qualities." Officials quite honestly come to believe
+that those who try to change the system are undermining the security of
+the State. They identify the State with themselves, so that criticism of
+them is seen as treason to the State. The phenomenon is well known in
+history, and it is only repeating itself in India. The same writer--I
+prefer to use his words rather than my own, for he expresses exactly my
+own views, and will not be considered to be prejudiced as I am thought
+to be--cogently remarks:
+
+ He (the official) has become an expert in reports and returns
+ and matters of routine through many years of practice. They are
+ the very woof and warp of his brain. He has no ideas, only
+ reflexes. He views with acrid disfavour untried conceptions.
+ From being constantly preoccupied with the manipulation of the
+ machine he regards its smooth working, the ordered and
+ harmonious regulation of glittering pieces of machinery, as the
+ highest service he can render to the country of his adoption.
+ He determines that his particular cog-wheel at least shall be
+ bright, smooth, silent, and with absolutely no back-lash. Not
+ unnaturally in course of time he comes to envisage the world
+ through the strait embrasure of an office window. When perforce
+ he must report on new proposals he will place in the forefront,
+ not their influence on the life and progress of the people, but
+ their convenience to the official hierarchy and the manner in
+ which they affect its authority. Like the monks of old, or the
+ squire in the typical English village, he cherishes a
+ benevolent interest in the commonalty, and is quite willing,
+ even eager, to take a general interest in their welfare, if
+ only they do not display initiative or assert themselves in
+ opposition to himself or his order. There is much in this
+ proviso. Having come to regard his own judgment as almost
+ divine, and the hierarchy of which he has the honour to form a
+ part as a sacrosanct institution, he tolerates the laity so
+ long as they labour quietly and peaceably at their vocations
+ and do not presume to inter-meddle in high matters of State.
+ That is the heinous offence. And frank criticism of official
+ acts touches a lower depth still, even _lse majest_. For no
+ official will endure criticism from his subordinates, and the
+ public, who lie in outer darkness beyond the pale, do not in
+ his estimation rank even with his subordinates. How, then,
+ should he listen with patience when in their cavilling way they
+ insinuate that, in spite of the labours of a high-souled
+ bureaucracy, all is perhaps not for the best in the best of all
+ possible worlds--still less when they suggest reforms that had
+ never occurred even to him or to his order, and may clash with
+ his most cherished ideals? It is for the officials to govern
+ the country; they alone have been initiated into the sacred
+ mysteries; they alone understand the secret working of the
+ machine. At the utmost the laity may tender respectful and
+ humble suggestions for their consideration, but no more. As for
+ those who dare to think and act for themselves, their ignorant
+ folly is only equalled by their arrogance. It is as though a
+ handful of schoolboys were to dictate to their masters
+ alterations in the traditional time-table, or to insist on a
+ modified curriculum.... These worthy people [officials] confuse
+ manly independence with disloyalty; they cannot conceive of
+ natives except either as rebels or as timid sheep.
+
+Non-Official Anglo-Indians.
+
+The problem becomes more complicated by the existence in India of a
+small but powerful body of the same race as the higher officials; there
+are only 122,919 English-born persons in this country, while there are
+245,000,000 in the British Raj and another 70,000,000 in the Indian
+States, more or less affected by British influence. As a rule, the
+non-officials do not take any part in politics, being otherwise
+occupied; but they enter the field when any hope arises in Indian hearts
+of changes really beneficial to the Nation. John Stuart Mill observed on
+this point:
+
+ The individuals of the ruling people who resort to the foreign
+ country to make their fortunes are of all others those who most
+ need to be held under powerful restraint. They are always one
+ of the chief difficulties of the Government. Armed with the
+ prestige and filled with the scornful overbearingness of the
+ conquering Nation, they have the feelings inspired by absolute
+ power without its sense of responsibility.
+
+Similarly, Sir John Lawrence wrote:
+
+ The difficulty in the way of the Government of India acting
+ fairly in these matters is immense. If anything is done, or
+ attempted to be done, to help the natives, a general howl is
+ raised, which reverberates in England, and finds sympathy and
+ support there. I feel quite bewildered sometimes what to do.
+ Everyone is, in the abstract, for justice, moderation, and
+ suchlike excellent qualities; but when one comes to apply such
+ principles so as to affect anybody's interests, then a change
+ comes over them.
+
+Keene, speaking of the principle of treating equally all classes of the
+community, says:
+
+ The application of that maxim, however, could not be made
+ without sometimes provoking opposition among the handful of
+ white settlers in India who, even when not connected with the
+ administration, claimed a kind of class ascendancy which was
+ not only in the conditions of the country but also in the
+ nature of the case. It was perhaps natural that in a land of
+ caste the compatriots of the rulers should become--as Lord
+ Lytton said--a kind of "white Brahmanas"; and it was certain
+ that, as a matter of fact, the pride of race and the possession
+ of western civilisation created a sense of superiority, the
+ display of which was ungraceful and even dangerous, when not
+ tempered by official responsibility. This feeling had been
+ sensitive enough in the days of Lord William Bentinck, when the
+ class referred to was small in numbers and devoid of influence.
+ It was now both more numerous, and--by reason of its connection
+ with the newspapers of Calcutta and of London--it was far
+ better able to make its passion heard.
+
+During Lord Ripon's sympathetic administration the great outburst
+occurred against the Ilbert Bill in 1883. We are face to face with a
+similar phenomenon to-day, when we see the European Associations--under
+the leadership of the _Madras Mail_, the _Englishman_ of Calcutta, the
+_Pioneer of_ Allahabad, the _Civil and Military Gazette_ of Lahore, with
+their Tory and Unionist allies in the London Press and with the aid of
+retired Indian officials and non-officials in England--desperately
+resisting the Reforms now proposed. Their opposition, we know, is a
+danger to the movement towards Freedom, and even when they have failed
+to impress England--as they are evidently failing--they will try to
+minimise or smother here the reforms which a statute has embodied. The
+Minto-Morley reforms were thus robbed of their usefulness, and a similar
+attempt, if not guarded against, will be made when the Congress-League
+Scheme is used as the basis for an Act.
+
+The Re-action on England.
+
+We cannot leave out of account here the deadly harm done to England
+herself by this un-English system of rule in India. Mr. Hobson has
+pointed out:
+
+ As our free Self-Governing Colonies have furnished hope,
+ encouragement, and leading to the popular aspirations in Great
+ Britain, not merely by practical success in the art of
+ Self-Government, but by the wafting of a spirit of freedom and
+ equality, so our despotically ruled Dependencies have ever
+ served to damage the character of our people by feeding the
+ habits of snobbish subservience, the admiration of wealth and
+ rank, the corrupt survivals of the inequalities of
+ feudalism.... Cobden writing in 1860 of our Indian Empire, put
+ this pithy question: "Is it not just possible that we may
+ become corrupted at home by the reaction of arbitrary political
+ maxims in the East upon our domestic politics, just as Greece
+ and Rome were demoralised by their contact with Asia?" Not
+ merely is the reaction possible, it is inevitable. As the
+ despotic portion of our Empire, has grown in area, a large
+ number of men, trained in the temper and methods of autocracy,
+ as soldiers and civil officials in our Crown Colonies,
+ Protectorates and Indian Empire, reinforced by numbers of
+ merchants, planters, engineers, and overseers, whose lives have
+ been those of a superior caste living an artificial life
+ removed from all the healthy restraints of ordinary European
+ Society, have returned to this country, bringing back the
+ characters, sentiments and ideas imposed by this foreign
+ environment.
+
+It is a little hard on the I.C.S. that they should be foreigners here,
+and then, when they return to their native land, find that they have
+become foreigners there by the corrupting influences with which they
+are surrounded here. We import them as raw material to our own
+disadvantage, and when we export them as manufactured here, Great
+Britain and India alike suffer from their reactionary tendencies. The
+results are unsatisfactory to both sides.
+
+The First Test Applied.
+
+Let us now apply Gokhale's first test. What has the Bureaucracy done for
+"education, sanitation, agricultural improvement, and so forth"? I must
+put the facts very briefly, but they are indisputable.
+
+_Education_. The percentage to the whole population of children
+receiving education is 2.8, the percentage having risen by 0.9 since Mr.
+Gokhale moved his Education Bill six years ago. The percentage of
+children of school-going age attending school is 18.7. In 1913 the
+Government of India put the number of pupils at 4-1/2 millions; this has
+been accomplished in 63 years, reckoning from Sir Charles Wood's
+Educational Despatch in 1854, which led to the formation of the
+Education Department. In 1870 an Education Act was passed in Great
+Britain, the condition of Education in England then much resembling our
+present position; grants-in-aid in England had been given since 1833,
+chiefly to Church Schools. Between 1870 and 1881 free and compulsory
+education was established, and in 12 years the attendance rose from 43.3
+to nearly 100 per cent. There are now 6,000,000 children in the schools
+of England and Wales out of a population of 40 millions. Japan, before
+1872, had a proportion of 28 per cent. of children of school-going age in
+school, nearly 10 over our present proportion; in 24 years the
+percentage was raised to 92, and in 28 years education was free and
+compulsory. In Baroda education is free and largely compulsory and the
+percentage of boys is 100 per cent. Travancore has 81.1 per cent. of
+boys and 33.2 of girls. Mysore has 45.8 of boys and 9.7 of girls. Baroda
+spends an. 6-6 per head on school-going children, British India one
+anna. Expenditure on education advanced between 1882 and 1907 by 57
+lakhs. Land-revenue had increased by 8 crores, military expenditure by
+13 crores, civil by 8 crores, and capital outlay on railways was 15
+crores. (I am quoting G.K. Gokhale's figures.) He ironically calculated
+that, if the population did not increase, every boy would be in school
+115 years hence, and every girl in 665 years. Brother Delegates, we hope
+to do it more quickly under Home Rule. I submit that in Education the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Sanitation and Medical Relief_. The prevalence of plague, cholera, and
+above all malaria, shows the lack of sanitation alike in town and
+country. This lack is one of the causes contributing to the low average
+life-period in India--23.5 years. In England the life-period is 40
+years, in New Zealand 60. The chief difficulty in the way of the
+treatment of disease is the encouragement of the foreign system of
+medicine, especially in rural parts, and the withholding of grants from
+the indigenous. Government Hospitals, Government Dispensaries,
+Government doctors, must all be on the foreign system. Ayurvaidic and
+Unani medicines, Hospitals, Dispensaries, Physicians, are unrecognised,
+and to "cover" the latter is "infamous" conduct. Travancore gives
+grants-in-aid to 72 Vaidyashalas, at which 143,505 patients--22,000 more
+than in allopathic institutions--were treated in 1914-15 (the Report
+issued in 1917). Our Government cannot grapple with the medical needs of
+the people, yet will not allow the people's money to be spent on the
+systems they prefer. Under Home Rule the indigenous and the foreign
+systems will be treated with impartiality. I grant that the allopathic
+doctors do their utmost to supply the need, and show great
+self-sacrifice, but the need is too vast and the numbers too few.
+Efficiency on their own lines in this matter is therefore impossible for
+our bureaucratic Government; their fault lies in excluding the
+indigenous systems, which they have not condescended to examine before
+rejecting them. The result is that in sanitation and medical relief the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Agricultural Development_. The census of 1911 gives the agricultural
+population at 218.3 millions. Its frightful poverty is a matter of
+common knowledge; its ever-increasing load of indebtedness has been
+dwelt on for at least the last thirty odd years by Sir Dinshaw E. Wacha.
+Yet the increasing debt is accompanied with increasing taxation, land
+revenue having risen, as just stated, in 25 years, by 8
+crores--80,000,000--of rupees. In addition to this there are local
+cesses, salt tax, etc. The salt tax, which presses most hardly on the
+very poor, was raised in the last budget by Rs. 9 millions. The
+inevitable result of this poverty is malnutrition, resulting in low
+vitality, lack of resistance to disease, short life-period, huge
+infantile mortality. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, no mischievous agitator,
+repeated in 1905 the figures; often quoted:
+
+ Forty millions of people, according to one great Anglo-Indian
+ authority--Sir William Hunter--pass through life with only one
+ meal a day. According to another authority--Sir Charles
+ Elliot--70 millions of people in India do not know what it is
+ to have their hunger fully satisfied even once in the whole
+ course of the year. The poverty of the people of India, thus
+ considered by itself, is truly appalling. And if this is the
+ state of things after a hundred years of your rule, you cannot
+ claim that your principal aim in India has been the promotion
+ of the interests of the Indian people.
+
+It is sometimes said: "Why harp on these figures? We know them." Our
+answer is that the fact is ever harping in the stomach of the people,
+and while it continues we cannot cease to draw attention to it. And
+Gokhale urged that "even this deplorable condition has been further
+deteriorating steadily." We have no figures on malnutrition among the
+peasantry, but in Madras City, among an equally poor urban population,
+we found that 78 per cent. of our pupils were reported, after a medical
+inspection, to be suffering from malnutrition. And the spareness of
+frame, the thinness of arms and legs, the pitiably weak grip on life,
+speak without words to the seeing eye. It needs an extraordinary lack of
+imagination not to suffer while these things are going on.
+
+The peasants' grievances are many and have been voiced year after year
+by this Congress. The Forest Laws, made by legislators inappreciative of
+village difficulties, press hardly on them, and only in a small number
+of places have Forest Panchayats been established. In the few cases in
+which the experiment has been made the results have been good, in some
+cases marvellously good. The paucity of grazing grounds for their
+cattle, the lack of green manure to feed their impoverished lands, the
+absence of fencing round forests, so that the cattle stray in when
+feeding, are impounded, and have to be redeemed, the fines and other
+punishments imposed for offences ill-understood, the want of wood for
+fuel, for tools, for repairs, the uncertain distribution of the
+available water, all these troubles are discussed in villages and in
+local Conferences. The Arms Act oppresses them, by leaving them
+defenceless against wild beasts and wild men. The union of Judicial and
+Executive functions makes justice often inaccessible, and always costly
+both in money and in time. The village officials naturally care more to
+please the Tahsildar and the Collector than the villagers, to whom they
+are in no way responsible. And factions flourish, because there is
+always a third party to whom to resort, who may be flattered if his rank
+be high, bribed if it be low, whose favour can be gained in either case
+by cringing and by subservience and tale-bearing. As regards the
+condition of agriculture in India and the poverty of the agricultural
+population, the Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+The application of Mr. Gokhale's first test to Indian handicrafts, to
+the strengthening of weak industries and the creation of new, to the
+care of waterways for traffic and of the coast transport shipping, the
+protection of indigo and other indigenous dyes against their German
+synthetic rivals, etc., would show similar answers. We are suffering now
+from the supineness of the Bureaucracy as regards the development of the
+resources of the country, by its careless indifference to the usurping
+by Germans of some of those resources, and even now they are pursuing a
+similar policy of _laissez faire_ towards Japanese enterprise, which,
+leaning on its own Government, is taking the place of Germany in
+shouldering Indians out of their own natural heritage.
+
+In all prosperous countries crafts are found side by-side with
+agriculture, and they lend each other mutual support. The extreme
+poverty of Ireland, and the loss of more than half its population by
+emigration, were the direct results of the destruction of its
+wool-industry by Great Britain, and the consequent throwing of the
+population entirely on the land for subsistence. A similar phenomenon
+has resulted here from a similar case, but on a far more widespread
+scale. And here, a novel and portentous change for India, "a
+considerable landless class is developing, which involves economic
+danger," as the _Imperial Gazeteer_ remarks, comparing the census
+returns of 1891 and 1901. "The ordinary agricultural labourers are
+employed on the land only during the busy seasons of the year, and in
+slack times a few are attracted to large trade-centres for temporary
+work." One recalls the influx into England of Irish labourers at harvest
+time. Professor Radkamal Mukerji has laid stress on the older conditions
+of village life. He says:
+
+ The village is still almost self-sufficing, and is in itself an
+ economic unit. The village agriculturist grows all the food
+ necessary for the inhabitants of the village. The smith makes
+ the plough-shares for the cultivator, and the few iron utensils
+ required for the household. He supplies these to the people,
+ but does not get money in return. He is recompensed by mutual
+ services from his fellow villagers. The potter supplies him
+ with pots, the weaver with cloth, and the oilman with oil. From
+ the cultivator each of these artisans receives his traditional
+ share of grain. Thus almost all the economic transactions are
+ carried on without the use of money. To the villagers money is
+ only a store of value, not a medium of exchange. When they
+ happen to be rich in money, they hoard it either in coins or
+ make ornaments made of gold and silver.
+
+These conditions are changing in consequence of the pressure of poverty
+driving the villagers to the city, where they learn to substitute the
+competition of the town for the mutual helpfulness of the village. The
+difference of feeling, the change from trustfulness to suspicion, may be
+seen by visiting villages which are in the vicinity of a town and
+comparing their villagers with those who inhabit villages in purely
+rural areas. This economic and moral deterioration can only be checked
+by the re-establishment of a healthy _and interesting_ village life, and
+this depends upon the re-establishment of the Panchayat as the unit of
+Government, a question which I deal with presently. Village industries
+would then revive and an intercommunicating network would be formed by
+Co-operative Societies. Mr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar says in his pamphlet,
+_Co-operative Societies and Panchayats_:
+
+ The one method by which this evil [emigration to towns] can be
+ arrested and the economic and social standards of life of the
+ rural people elevated is by the inauguration of healthy
+ Panchayats in conjunction with the foundation of Co-operative
+ institutions, which will have the effect of resuscitating
+ village industries, and of creating organised social forces.
+ The Indian village, when rightly reconstructed, would be an
+ excellent foundation for well-developed co-operative industrial
+ organisation.
+
+Again:
+
+ The resuscitation of the village system has other bearings, not
+ usually considered in connection with the general subject of
+ the inauguration of the Panchayat system. One of the most
+ important of these is the regeneration of the small industries
+ of the land. Both in Europe and in India the decline of small
+ industries has gone on _pari passu_ with the decline of farming
+ on a small scale. In countries like France agriculture has
+ largely supported village industries, and small cultivators in
+ that country have turned their attention to industry as a
+ supplementary source of livelihood. The decline of village life
+ in India is not only a political, but also an economic and
+ industrial, problem. Whereas in Europe the cultural impulse has
+ travelled from the city to the village, in India the reverse
+ has been the case. The centre of social life in this country is
+ the village, and not the town. Ours was essentially the cottage
+ industry, and our artisans still work in their own huts, more
+ or less out of touch with the commercial world. Throughout the
+ world the tendency has been of late to lay considerable
+ emphasis on distributive and industrial co-operation based on a
+ system of village industries and enterprise. Herein would be
+ found the origins of the arts and crafts guilds and the Garden
+ Cities, the idea underlying all these being to inaugurate a
+ reign of Socialism and Co-operation, eradicating the entirely
+ unequal distribution of wealth amongst producers and consumers.
+ India has always been a country of small tenantry, and has
+ thereby escaped many of the evils the western Nations have
+ experienced owing to the concentration of wealth in a few
+ hands. The communistic sense in our midst, and the fundamental
+ tenets of our family life, have checked such concentration of
+ capital. This has been the cause for the non-development of
+ factory industries on a large scale.
+
+The need for these changes--to which England is returning, after full
+experience of the miseries of life in manufacturing towns--is pressing.
+
+Addressing an English audience, G.K. Gokhale summed up the general state
+of India as follows:
+
+ Your average annual income has been estimated at about 42 per
+ head. Ours, according to official estimates, is about 2 per
+ head, and according to non-official estimates, only a little
+ more than 1 per head. Your imports per head are about 13:
+ ours about 5s. per head. The total deposits in your Postal
+ Savings Bank amount to 148 million sterling, and you have in
+ addition in the Trustees' Savings Banks about 52 million
+ sterling. Our Postal Savings Bank deposits, with a population
+ seven times as large as yours, are only about 7 million
+ sterling, and even of this a little over one-tenth is held by
+ Europeans. Your total paid-up capital of joint-stock companies
+ is about 1,900 million sterling. Ours is not quite 26 million
+ sterling, and the greater part of this again is European.
+ Four-fifths of our people are dependent upon agriculture, and
+ agriculture has been for some time steadily deteriorating.
+ Indian agriculturists are too poor, and are, moreover, too
+ heavily indebted, to be able to apply any capital to land, and
+ the result is that over the greater part of India agriculture
+ is, as Sir James Caird pointed out more than twenty-five years
+ ago, only a process of exhaustion of the soil. The yield per
+ acre is steadily diminishing, being now only about 8 to 9
+ bushels an acre against about 30 bushels here in England.
+
+In all the matters which come under Gokhale's first test, the
+Bureaucracy has been and is inefficient.
+
+Give Indians a Chance.
+
+All we say in the matter is: You have not succeeded in bringing
+education, health, prosperity, to the masses of the people. Is it not
+time to give Indians a chance of doing, for their own country, work
+similar to that which Japan and other nations have done for theirs?
+Surely the claim is not unreasonable. If the Anglo-Indians say that the
+masses are their peculiar care, and that the educated classes care not
+for them, but only for place and power, then we point to the Congress,
+to the speeches and the resolutions eloquent of their love and their
+knowledge. It is not their fault that they gaze on their country's
+poverty in helpless despair. Or let Mr. Justice Rahim answer:
+
+ As for the representation of the interests of the many scores
+ of millions in India, if the claim be that they are better
+ represented by European Officials than by educated Indian
+ Officials or non-Officials, it is difficult to conceive how
+ such reckless claim has come to be urged. The inability of
+ English Officials to master the spoken language of India and
+ their habits of life and modes of thought so completely divide
+ them from the general population, that only an extremely
+ limited few, possessed with extraordinary powers of insight,
+ have ever been able to surmount the barriers. With the educated
+ Indians, on the other hand, this knowledge is instinctive, and
+ the view of religion and custom so strong in the East make
+ their knowledge and sympathy more real than is to be seen in
+ countries dominated by materialistic conceptions.
+
+And it must be remembered that it is not lack of ability which has
+brought about bureaucratic inefficiency, for British traders and
+producers have done uncommonly well for themselves in India. But a
+Bureaucracy does not trouble itself about matters of this kind; the
+Russian Bureaucracy did not concern itself with the happiness of the
+Russian masses, but with their obedience and their paying of taxes.
+Bureaucracies are the same everywhere, and therefore it is the system we
+wage war upon, not the men; we do not want to substitute Indian
+bureaucrats for British bureaucrats; we want to abolish Bureaucracy,
+Government by Civil Servants.
+
+The Other Tests Applied.
+
+I need not delay over the second, third, and fourth tests, for the
+answers _sautent aux yeux_.
+
+_The second test, Local Self-Government:_ Under Lord Mayo (1869-72) some
+attempts were made at decentralisation, called by Keene "Home Rule" (!),
+and his policy was followed on non-financial lines as well by Lord
+Ripon, who tried to infuse into what Keene calls "the germs of Home
+Rule" "the breath of life." Now, in 1917, an experimental and limited
+measure of local Home Rule is to be tried in Bengal. Though the Report
+of the Decentralisation Committee was published in 1909, we have not yet
+arrived at the universal election of non-official Chairmen. Decidedly
+inefficient is the Bureaucracy under test 2.
+
+_The third test, Voice in the Councils:_ The part played by Indian
+elected members in the Legislative Council, Madras, was lately described
+by a member as "a farce." The Supreme Legislative Council was called by
+one of its members "a glorified Debating Society." A table of
+resolutions proposed by Indian elected members, and passed or lost, was
+lately drawn up, and justified the caustic epithets. With regard to the
+Minto-Morley reforms, the Bureaucracy showed great efficiency in
+destroying the benefits intended by the Parliamentary Statute. But the
+third test shows that in giving Indians a fair voice in the Councils the
+Bureaucracy was inefficient.
+
+_The fourth test, the Admission of Indians to the Public Services:_ This
+is shown, by the Report of the Commission, not to need any destructive
+activity on the part of the Bureaucracy to prove their unwillingness to
+pass it, for the Report protects them in their privileged position.
+
+We may add to Gokhale's tests one more, which will be triumphantly
+passed, the success of the Bureaucracy in increasing the cost of
+administration. The estimates for the revenue of the coming year stand
+at 86,199,600 sterling. The expenditure is reckoned at 85,572,100
+sterling. The cost of administration stands at more than half the total
+revenue:
+
+ Civil Departments Salaries and Expenses 19,323,300
+ Civil Miscellaneous Charges 5,283,300
+ Military Services 23,165,900
+ ___________
+ 47,772,500
+ ___________
+
+The reduction of the abnormal cost of government in India is of the most
+pressing nature, but this will never be done until we win Home Rule.
+
+It will be seen that the Secondary Reasons for the demand for Home Rule
+are of the weightiest nature in themselves, and show the necessity for
+its grant if India is to escape from a poverty which threatens to lead
+to National bankruptcy, as it has already led to a short life-period and
+a high death rate, to widespread disease, and to a growing exhaustion of
+the soil. That some radical change must be brought about in the
+condition of our masses, if a Revolution of Hunger is to be averted, is
+patent to all students of history, who also know the poverty of the
+Indian masses to-day. This economic condition is due to many causes, of
+which the inevitable lack of understanding by an alien Government is
+only one. A system of government suitable to the West was forced on the
+East, destroying its own democratic and communal institutions and
+imposing bureaucratic methods which bewildered and deteriorated a people
+to whom they were strange and repellent. The result is not a matter for
+recrimination, but for change. An inappropriate system forced on an
+already highly civilised people was bound to fail. It has been rightly
+said that the poor only revolt when the misery they are enduring is
+greater than the dangers of revolt. We need Home Rule to stop the daily
+suffering of our millions from the diminishing yield of the soil and the
+decay of village industries.
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA***
+
+
+******* This file should be named 12820-8.txt or 12820-8.zip *******
+
+
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+https://www.gutenberg.org/1/2/8/2/12820
+
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
+ owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+ has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+ Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
+ must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+ prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+ returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+ sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+ address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+ the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+ License. You must require such a user to return or
+ destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+ and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+ Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+ money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+ of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+ Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+ Chief Executive and Director
+ gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+ https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
diff --git a/old/old/12820-8.zip b/old/old/12820-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..256a3ca
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/old/12820-8.zip
Binary files differ
diff --git a/old/old/12820.txt b/old/old/12820.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2b909dd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/old/12820.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,2235 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Case For India, by Annie Besant
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Case For India
+
+Author: Annie Besant
+
+Release Date: July 5, 2004 [eBook #12820]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Jonathan Ingram, Asad Razzaki, and the Project
+Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team
+
+
+
+THE CASE FOR INDIA
+
+The Presidential Address Delivered by Annie Besant at the
+Thirty-Second Indian National Congress Held at Calcutta
+26th December 1917
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+FELLOW-DELEGATES AND FRIENDS,
+
+Everyone who has preceded me in this Chair has rendered his thanks in
+fitting terms for the gift which is truly said to be the highest that
+India has it in her power to bestow. It is the sign of her fullest love,
+trust, and approval, and the one whom she seats in that chair is, for
+his year of service, her chosen leader. But if my predecessors found
+fitting words for their gratitude, in what words can I voice mine, whose
+debt to you is so overwhelmingly greater than theirs? For the first time
+in Congress history, you have chosen as your President one who, when
+your choice was made, was under the heavy ban of Government displeasure,
+and who lay interned as a person dangerous to public safety. While I was
+humiliated, you crowned me with honour; while I was slandered, you
+believed in my integrity and good faith; while I was crushed under the
+heel of bureaucratic power, you acclaimed me as your leader; while I was
+silenced and unable to defend myself, you defended me, and won for me
+release. I was proud to serve in lowliest fashion, but you lifted me up
+and placed me before the world as your chosen representative. I have no
+words with which to thank you, no eloquence with which to repay my debt.
+My deeds must speak for me, for words are too poor. I turn your gift
+into service to the Motherland; I consecrate my life anew to her in
+worship by action. All that I have and am, I lay on the Altar of the
+Mother, and together we shall cry, more by service than by words: VANDE
+MATARAM.
+
+There is, perhaps, one value in your election of me in this crisis of
+India's destiny, seeing that I have not the privilege to be Indian-born,
+but come from that little island in the northern seas which has been, in
+the West, the builder-up of free institutions. The Aryan emigrants, who
+spread over the lands of Europe, carried with them the seeds of liberty
+sown in their blood in their Asian cradle-land. Western historians trace
+the self-rule of the Saxon villages to their earlier prototypes in the
+East, and see the growth of English liberty as up-springing from the
+Aryan root of the free and self-contained village communities.
+
+Its growth was crippled by Norman feudalism there, as its
+millennia-nourished security here was smothered by the East India
+Company. But in England it burst its shackles and nurtured a
+liberty-loving people and a free Commons' House. Here, it similarly
+bourgeoned out into the Congress activities, and more recently into
+those of the Muslim League, now together blossoming into Home Rule for
+India. The England of Milton, Cromwell, Sydney, Burke, Paine, Shelley,
+Wilberforce, Gladstone; the England that sheltered Mazzini, Kossuth,
+Kropotkin, Stepniak, and that welcomed Garibaldi; the England that is
+the enemy of tyranny, the foe of autocracy, the lover of freedom, that
+is the England I would fain here represent to you to-day. To-day, when
+India stands erect, no suppliant people, but a Nation, self-conscious,
+self-respecting, determined to be free; when she stretches out her hand
+to Britain and offers friendship not subservience; co-operation not
+obedience; to-day let me: western-born but in spirit eastern, cradled in
+England but Indian by choice and adoption: let me stand as the symbol of
+union between Great Britain and India: a union of hearts and free
+choice, not of compulsion: and therefore of a tie which cannot be
+broken, a tie of love and of mutual helpfulness, beneficial to both
+Nations and blessed by God.
+
+GONE TO THE PEACE.
+
+India's great leader, Dadabhai Naoroji, has left his mortal body and is
+now one of the company of the Immortals, who watch over and aid India's
+progress. He is with V.C. Bonnerjee, and Ranade, and A.O. Hume, and
+Henry Cotton, and Pherozeshah Mehta, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale: the
+great men who, in Swinburne's noble verse, are the stars which lead us
+to Liberty's altar:
+
+ These, O men, shall ye honour,
+ Liberty only and these.
+ For thy sake and for all men's and mine,
+ Brother, the crowns of them shine,
+ Lighting the way to her shrine,
+ That our eyes may be fastened upon her,
+ That our hands may encompass her knees.
+
+Not for me to praise him in feeble words of reverence or of homage. His
+deeds praise him, and his service to his country is his abiding glory.
+Our gratitude will be best paid by following in his footsteps, alike in
+his splendid courage and his unfaltering devotion, so that we may win
+the Home Rule which he longed to see while with us, and shall see, ere
+long, from the other world of Life, in which he dwells to-day.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+PRE-WAR MILITARY EXPENDITURE.
+
+
+The Great War, into the whirlpool of which Nation after Nation has been
+drawn, has entered on its fourth year. The rigid censorship which has
+been established makes it impossible for any outside the circle of
+Governments to forecast its duration, but to me, speaking for a moment
+not as a politician but as a student of spiritual laws, to me its end is
+sure. For the true object of this War is to prove the evil of, and to
+destroy, autocracy and the enslavement of one Nation by another, and to
+place on sure foundations the God-given Right to Self-Rule and
+Self-Development of every Nation, and the similar right of the
+Individual, of the smaller Self, so far as is consistent with the
+welfare of the larger Self of the Nation. The forces which make for the
+prolongation of autocracy--the rule of one--and the even deadlier
+bureaucracy--the rule of a close body welded into an iron system--these
+have been gathered together in the Central Powers of Europe--as of old
+in Ravana--in order that they may be destroyed; for the New Age cannot
+be opened until the Old passes away. The new civilisation of
+Righteousness and Justice, and therefore of Brotherhood, of ordered
+Liberty, of Peace, of Happiness, cannot be built up until the elements
+are removed which have brought the old civilisation crashing about our
+ears. Therefore is it necessary that the War shall be fought out to its
+appointed end, and that no premature peace shall leave its object
+unattained. Autocracy and bureaucracy must perish utterly, in East and
+West, and, in order that their germs may not re-sprout in the future,
+they must be discredited in the minds of men. They must be proved to be
+less efficient than the Governments of Free Peoples, even in their
+favourite work of War, and their iron machinery--which at first brings
+outer prosperity and success--must be shown to be less lasting and
+effective than the living and flexible organisations of democratic
+Peoples. They must be proved failures before the world, so that the
+glamour of superficial successes may be destroyed for ever. They have
+had their day and their place in evolution, and have done their
+educative work. Now they are out-of-date, unfit for survival, and must
+vanish away.
+
+When Great Britain sprang to arms, it was in defence of the freedom of a
+small nation, guaranteed by treaties, and the great principles she
+proclaimed electrified India and the Dominions. They all sprang to her
+side without question, without delay; they heard the voice of old
+England, the soldier of Liberty, and it thrilled their hearts. All were
+unprepared, save the small territorial army of Great Britain, due to the
+genius and foresight of Lord Haldane, and the readily mobilised army of
+India, hurled into the fray by the swift decision of Lord Hardinge. The
+little army of Britain fought for time; fought to stop the road to
+Paris, the heart of France; fought, falling back step by step, and
+gained the time it fought for, till India's sons stood on the soil of
+France, were flung to the front, rushed past the exhausted regiments who
+cheered them with failing breath, charged the advancing hosts, stopped
+the retreat, and joined the British army in forming that unbreakable
+line which wrestled to the death through two fearful winters--often,
+these soldiers of the tropics, waist-deep in freezing mud--and knew no
+surrender.
+
+India, with her clear vision, saw in Great Britain the champion of
+Freedom, in Germany the champion of Despotism. And she saw rightly.
+Rightly she stood by Great Britain, despite her own lack of freedom and
+the coercive legislation which outrivalled German despotism, knowing
+these to be temporary, because un-English, and therefore doomed to
+destruction; she spurned the lure of German gold and rejected German
+appeals to revolt. She offered men and money; her educated classes, her
+Vakils, offered themselves as Volunteers, pleaded to be accepted. Then
+the never-sleeping distrust of Anglo-India rejected the offer, pressed
+for money, rejected men. And, slowly, educated India sank back,
+depressed and disheartened, and a splendid opportunity for knitting
+together the two Nations was lost.
+
+Early in the War I ventured to say that the War could not end until
+England recognised that autocracy and bureaucracy must perish in India
+as well as in Europe. The good Bishop of Calcutta, with a courage worthy
+of his free race, lately declared that it would be hypocritical to pray
+for victory over autocracy in Europe and to maintain it in India. Now it
+has been clearly and definitely declared that Self-Government is to be
+the objective of Great Britain in India, and that a substantial measure
+of it is to be given at once; when this promise is made good by the
+granting of the Reforms outlined last year in Lucknow, then the end of
+the War will be in sight. For the War cannot end till the death-knell of
+autocracy is sounded.
+
+Causes, with which I will deal presently and for which India was not
+responsible, have somewhat obscured the first eager expressions of
+India's sympathy, and have forced her thoughts largely towards her own
+position in the Empire. But that does not detract from the immense aid
+she has given, and is still giving. It must not be forgotten that long
+before the present War she had submitted--at first, while she had no
+power of remonstrance, and later, after 1885, despite the constant
+protests of Congress--to an ever-rising military expenditure, due partly
+to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and partly to the cost of various
+wars beyond her frontiers, and to continual recurring frontier and
+trans-frontier expeditions, in which she had no real interest. They were
+sent out for supposed Imperial advantages, not for her own.
+
+Between 1859 and 1904--45 years--Indian troops were engaged in
+thirty-seven wars and expeditions. There were ten wars: the two Chinese
+Wars of 1860 and 1900, the Bhutan War of 1864-65, the Abyssinian War of
+1868, the Afghan War of 1878-79, and, after the massacre of the Kabul
+Mission, the second War of 1879-80, ending in an advance of the
+frontier, in the search for an ever receding "scientific frontier"; on
+this occasion the frontier was shifted, says Keene, "from the line of
+the Indus to the western slope of the Suleiman range and from Peshawar
+to Quetta"; the Egyptian War of 1882, in which the Indian troops
+markedly distinguished themselves; the third Burmese War of 1885 ending
+in the annexation of Upper Burma in 1886; the invasions of Tibet in 1890
+and 1904. Of Expeditions, or minor Wars, there were 27; to Sitana in
+1858 on a small scale and in 1863 on a larger (the "Sitana Campaign");
+to Nepal and Sikkim in 1859; to Sikkim in 1864; a serious struggle on
+the North-west Frontier in 1868; expeditions against the Lushais in
+1871-72, the Daflas in 1874-75, the Nagas in 1875, the Afridis in 1877,
+the Rampa Hill tribes in 1879, the Waziris and Nagas in 1881, the Akhas
+in 1884, and in the same year an expedition to the Zhob Valley, and a
+second thither in 1890. In 1888 and 1889 there was another expedition
+against Sikkim, against the Akozais (the Black Mountain Expedition) and
+against the Hill Tribes of the North-east, and in 1890 another Black
+Mountain Expedition, with a third in 1892. In 1890 came the expedition
+to Manipur, and in 1891 there was another expedition against the
+Lushais, and one into the Miranzal Valley. The Chitral Expedition
+occupied 1894-95, and the serious Tirah Campaign, in which 40,000 men
+were engaged, came in 1897 and 1898. The long list--which I have closed
+with 1904--ends with the expeditions against the Mahsuds in 1901,
+against the Kabalis in 1902, and the invasion of Tibet, before noted.
+All these events explain the rise in military expenditure, and we must
+add to them the sending of Indian troops to Malta and Cyprus in 1878--a
+somewhat theatrical demonstration--and the expenditure of some
+L2,000,000 to face what was described as "the Russian Menace" in 1884.
+Most of these were due to Imperial, not to Indian, policy, and many of
+the burdens imposed were protested against by the Government of India,
+while others were encouraged by ambitious Viceroys. I do not think that
+even this long list is complete.
+
+Ever since the Government of India was taken over by the Crown, India
+has been regarded as an Imperial military asset and training ground, a
+position from which the jealousy of the East India Company had largely
+protected her, by insisting that the army it supported should be used
+for the defence and in the interests of India alone. Her value to the
+Empire for military purposes would not so seriously have injured at once
+her pride and her finances if the natural tendencies of her martial
+races had been permitted their previous scope; but the disarming of the
+people, 20 years after the assumption of the Government by the Crown,
+emasculated the Nation, and the elimination of races supposed to be
+unwarlike, or in some cases too warlike to be trusted, threw recruitment
+more and more to the north, and lowered the physique of the Bengalis and
+Madrasis, on whom the Company had largely depended.
+
+The superiority of the Punjab, on which Sir Michael O'Dwyer so
+vehemently insisted the other day, is an artificial superiority, created
+by the British system and policy; and the poor recruitment elsewhere, on
+which he laid offensive insistence, is due to the same system and
+policy, which largely eliminated Bengalis, Madrasis and Mahrattas from
+the army. In Bengal, however, the martial type has been revived, chiefly
+in consequence of what the Bengalis felt to be the intolerable insult of
+the high-handed Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon.
+
+On this Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ Bengal's heroic stand against the oppression of a harsh and
+ uncontrolled bureaucracy has astonished and gratified all
+ India.... All India owes a deep debt of gratitude to Bengal.
+
+The spirit evoked showed itself in the youth of Bengal by a practical
+revolt, led by the elders, while it was confined to Swadeshi and
+Boycott, and rushing on, when it broke away from their authority, into
+conspiracy, assassination and dacoity: as had happened in similar
+revolts with Young Italy, in the days of Mazzini, and with Young Russia
+in the days of Stepniak and Kropotkin. The results of their despair,
+necessarily met by the halter and penal servitude, had to be faced by
+Lord Hardinge and Lord Carmichael during the present War. Other results,
+happy instead of disastrous in their nature, was the development of grit
+and endurance of a high character, shown in the courage of the Bengal
+lads in the serious floods that have laid parts of the Province deep
+under water, and in their compassion and self-sacrifice in the relief of
+famine. Their services in the present War--the Ambulance Corps and the
+replacement of its _materiel_ when the ship carrying it sank, with the
+splendid services rendered by it in Mesopotamia; the recruiting of a
+Bengali regiment for active service, 900 strong, with another 900
+reserves to replace wastage, and recruiting still going on--these are
+instances of the divine alchemy which brings the soul of good out of
+evil action, and consecrates to service the qualities evoked by
+rebellion.
+
+In England, also, a similar result has been seen in a convict, released
+to go to the front, winning the Victoria Cross. It would be an act of
+statesmanship, as well as of divinest compassion, to offer to every
+prisoner and interned captive, held for political crime or on political
+suspicion, the opportunity of serving the Empire at the front. They
+might, if thought necessary, form a separate battalion or a separate
+regiment, under stricter supervision, and yet be given a chance of
+redeeming their reputation, for they are mostly very young.
+
+The financial burden incurred in consequence of the above conflicts, and
+of other causes, now to be mentioned, would not have been so much
+resented, if it had been imposed by India on herself, and if her own
+sons had profited by her being used as a training ground for the
+Empire. But in this case, as in so many others, she has shared Imperial
+burdens, while not sharing Imperial freedom and power. Apart from this,
+the change which made the Army so ruinous a burden on the resources of
+the country was the system of "British reliefs," the using of India as a
+training ground for British regiments, and the transfer of the men thus
+trained, to be replaced by new ones under the short service system, the
+cost of the frequent transfers and their connected expenses being
+charged on the Indian revenues, while the whole advantage was reaped by
+Great Britain. On the short service system the Simla Army Commission
+declared:
+
+ The short service system recently introduced into the British
+ Army has increased the cost and has materially reduced the
+ efficiency of the British troops in India. We cannot resist the
+ feeling that, in the introduction of this system, the interest
+ of the Indian tax-payer was entirely left out of consideration.
+
+The remark was certainly justified, for the short service system gave
+India only five years of the recruits she paid heavily for and trained,
+all the rest of the benefit going to England. The latter was enabled, as
+the years went on, to enormously increase her Reserves, so that she has
+had 400,000 men trained in, and at the cost of, India.
+
+In 1863 the Indian army consisted of 140,000 men, with 65,000 white
+officers. Great changes were made in 1885-1905, including the
+reorganisation under Lord Kitchener, who became Commander-in-Chief at
+the end of 1902. Even in this hasty review, I must not omit reference to
+the fact that Army Stores were drawn from Britain at enormous cost,
+while they should have been chiefly manufactured here, so that India
+might have profited by the expenditure. Lately under the necessities of
+War, factories have been turned to the production of munitions; but this
+should have been done long ago, so that India might have been enriched
+instead of exploited. The War has forced an investigation into her
+mineral resources that might have been made for her own sake, but
+Germany was allowed to monopolise the supply of minerals that India
+could have produced and worked up, and would have produced and worked up
+had she enjoyed Home Rule. India would have been richer, and the Empire
+safer, had she been a partner instead of a possession. But this side of
+the question will come under the matters directly affecting merchants,
+and we may venture to express a hope that the Government help extended
+to munition factories in time of War may be continued to industrial
+factories in time of Peace. The net result of the various causes
+above-mentioned was that the expense of the Indian army rose by leaps
+and bounds, until, before the War, India was expending, L21,000,000 as
+against the L28,000,000 expended by the United Kingdom, while the
+wealthy Dominions of Canada and Australia were spending only 1-1/2 and
+1-1/4 millions respectively. (I am not forgetting that the United
+Kingdom was expending over L51,000,000 on her Navy, while India was free
+of that burden, save for a contribution of half a million.)
+
+Since 1885, the Congress has constantly protested against the
+ever-increasing military expenditure, but the voice of the Congress was
+supposed to be the voice of sedition and of class ambition, instead of
+being, as it was the voice of educated Indians, the most truly patriotic
+and loyal class of the population. In 1885, in the First Congress, Mr.
+P. Rangiah Naidu pointed out that military expenditure had been
+L1,463,000 in 1857 and had risen to L16,975,750 in 1884. Mr. D.E. Wacha
+ascribed the growth to the amalgamation scheme of 1859, and remarked
+that the Company in 1856 had an army of 254,000 men at a cost of 11-1/2
+millions, while in 1884 the Crown had an army of only 181,000 men at a
+cost of 17 millions. The rise was largely due to the increased cost of
+the European regiments, overland transport service, stores, pensions,
+furlough allowances, and the like, most of them imposed despite the
+resistance of the Government of India, which complained that the changes
+were "made entirely, it may be said, from Imperial considerations, in
+which Indian interests have not been consulted or advanced." India paid
+nearly, L700,000 a year, for instance, for "Home Depots"--Home being
+England of course--in which lived some 20,000 to 22,000 British
+soldiers, on the plea that their regiments, not they, were serving in
+India. I cannot follow out the many increases cited by Mr. Wacha, but
+members can refer to his excellent speech.
+
+Mr. Fawcett once remarked that when the East India Company was abolished
+
+ the English people became directly responsible for the
+ Government of India. It cannot, I think, be denied that this
+ responsibility has been so imperfectly discharged that in many
+ respects the new system of Government compares unfavourably
+ with the old.... There was at that time an independent control
+ of expenditure which now seems to be almost entirely wanting.
+
+Shortly after the Crown assumed the rule of India, Mr. Disraeli asked
+the House of Commons to regard India as "a great and solemn trust
+committed to it by an all-wise and inscrutable Providence." Mr. George
+Yule, in the Fourth Congress, remarked on this: "The 650 odd members had
+thrown the trust back upon the hands of Providence, to be looked after
+as Providence itself thinks best." Perhaps it is time that India should
+remember that Providence helps those who help themselves.
+
+Year after year the Congress continued to remonstrate against the cost
+of the army, until in 1902, after all the futile protests of the
+intervening years, it condemned an increase of pay to British soldiers
+in India which placed an additional burden on the Indian revenues of
+L786,000 a year, and pointed out that the British garrison was
+unnecessarily numerous, as was shown by the withdrawal of large bodies
+of British soldiers for service in South Africa and China. The very next
+year Congress protested that the increasing military expenditure was not
+to secure India against internal disorder or external attack, but in
+order to carry out an Imperial policy; the Colonies contributed little
+or nothing to the Imperial Military Expenditure, while India bore the
+cost of about one-third of the whole British Army in addition to her own
+Indian troops. Surely these facts should be remembered when India's
+military services to the Empire are now being weighed.
+
+In 1904 and 1905, the Congress declared that the then military
+expenditure was beyond India's power to bear, and in the latter year
+prayed that the additional ten millions sterling sanctioned for Lord
+Kitchener's reorganisation scheme might be devoted to education and the
+reduction of the burden on the raiyats. In 1908, the burdens imposed by
+the British War Office since 1859 were condemned, and in the next year
+it was pointed out that the military expenditure was nearly a third of
+the whole Indian revenue, and was starving Education and Sanitation.
+
+Lord Kitchener's reorganisation scheme kept the Indian Army on a War
+footing, ready for immediate mobilisation, and on January 1, 1915, the
+regular army consisted of 247,000 men, of whom 75,000 were English; it
+was the money spent by India in maintaining this army for years in
+readiness for War which made it possible for her to go to the help of
+Great Britain at the critical early period to which I alluded. She spent
+over L20 millions on the military services in 1914-15. In 1915-16 she
+spent L21.8 millions. In 1916-17 her military budget had risen to L12
+millions, and it will probably be exceeded, as was the budget of the
+preceding year by L1-2/3 million.
+
+Lord Hardinge, the last Viceroy of India, who is ever held in loving
+memory here for his sympathetic attitude towards Indian aspirations,
+made a masterly exposition of India's War services in the House of Lords
+on the third of last July. He emphasised her pre-War services, showing
+that though 19-1/4 millions sterling was fixed as a maximum by the
+Nicholson Committee, that amount had been exceeded in 11 out of the last
+13 budgets, while his own last budget had risen to 22 millions. During
+these 13 years the revenue had been only between 48 and 58 millions,
+once rising to 60 millions. Could any fact speak more eloquently of
+India's War services than this proportion of military expenditure
+compared with her revenue?
+
+The Great War began on August 4th, and in that very month and in the
+early part of September, India sent an expeditionary force of three
+divisions--two infantry and one cavalry--and another cavalry division
+joined them in France in November. The first arrived, said Lord
+Hardinge, "in time to fill a gap that could not otherwise have been
+filled." He added pathetically: "There are very few survivors of those
+two splendid divisions of infantry." Truly, their homes are empty, but
+their sons shall enjoy in India the liberty for which their fathers died
+in France. Three more divisions were at once sent to guard the Indian
+frontier, while in September a mixed division was sent to East Africa,
+and in October and November two more divisions and a brigade of cavalry
+went to Egypt. A battalion of Indian infantry went to Mauritius, another
+to the Cameroons, and two to the Persian Gulf, while other Indian troops
+helped the Japanese in the capture of Tsingtau. 210,000 Indians were
+thus sent overseas. The whole of these troops were fully armed and
+equipped, and in addition, during the first few weeks of the War, India
+sent to England from her magazines "70 million rounds of small-arm
+ammunition, 60,000 rifles, and more than 550 guns of the latest pattern
+and type."
+
+In addition to these, Lord Hardinge speaks of sending to England
+
+ enormous quantities of material,... tents, boots, saddlery,
+ clothing, etc., but every effort was made to meet the
+ ever-increasing demands made by the War Office, and it may be
+ stated without exaggeration that India was bled absolutely
+ white during the first few weeks of the war.
+
+It must not be forgotten, though Lord Hardinge has not reckoned it, that
+all wastage has been more than filled up, and 450,000 men represent this
+head; the increase in units has been 300,000, and including other
+military items India had placed in the field up to the end of 1916 over
+a million of men.
+
+In addition to this a British force of 80,000 was sent from India, fully
+trained and equipped at Indian cost, India receiving in exchange, many
+months later, 34 Territorial battalions and 29 batteries, "unfit for
+immediate employment on the frontier or in Mesopotamia, until they had
+been entirely re-armed and equipped, and their training completed."
+
+Between the autumn of 1914 and the close of 1915, the defence of our own
+frontiers was a serious matter, and Lord Hardinge says:
+
+ The attitude of Afghanistan was for a long time doubtful,
+ although I always had confidence in the personal loyalty of our
+ ally the Amir; but I feared lest he might be overwhelmed by a
+ wave of fanaticism, or by a successful Jehad of the tribes....
+ It suffices to mention that, although during the previous three
+ years there had been no operations of any importance on the
+ North-West frontier, there were, between November 29, 1914, and
+ September 5, 1915, no less than seven serious attacks on the
+ North-West frontier, all of which were effectively dealt with.
+
+The military authorities had also to meet a German conspiracy early in
+1915, 7,000 men arriving from Canada and the United States, having
+planned to seize points of military vantage in the Panjab, and in
+December of the same year another German conspiracy in Bengal,
+necessitating military preparations on land, and also naval patrols in
+the Bay of Bengal.
+
+Lord Hardinge has been much attacked by the Tory and Unionist Press in
+England and India, in England because of the Mesopotamia Report, in
+India because his love for India brought him hatred from Anglo-India.
+India has affirmed her confidence in him, and with India's verdict he
+may well rest satisfied.
+
+I do not care to dwell on the Mesopotamia Commission and its
+condemnation of the bureaucratic system prevailing here. Lord Hardinge
+vindicated himself and India. The bureaucratic system remains
+undefended. I recall that bureaucratic inefficiency came out in even
+more startling fashion in connection with the Afghan War of 1878-79 and
+1879-80. In February 1880, the war charges were reported as under L4
+millions, and the accounts showed a surplus of L2 millions. On April 8th
+the Government of India reported: "Outgoing for War very alarming, far
+exceeding estimate," and on the 13th April "it was announced that the
+cash balances had fallen in three months from thirteen crores to less
+than nine, owing to 'excessive Military drain' ... On the following day
+(April 22) a despatch was sent out to the Viceroy, showing that there
+appeared a deficiency of not less than 5-1/4 crores. This vast error was
+evidently due to an underestimate of war liabilities, which had led to
+such mis-information being laid before Parliament, and to the sudden
+discovery of inability to 'meet the usual drawings.'"
+
+It seemed that the Government knew only the amount audited, not the
+amount spent. Payments were entered as "advances," though they were not
+recoverable, and "the great negligence was evidently that of the heads
+of departmental accounts." If such a mishap should occur under Home
+Rule, a few years hence--which heaven forbid--I shudder to think of the
+comments of the _Englishman_ and the _Madras Mail_ on the shocking
+inefficiency of Indian officials.
+
+In September last, our present Viceroy, H.E. Lord Chelmsford, defended
+India against later attacks by critics who try to minimise her
+sacrifices in order to lessen the gratitude felt by Great Britain
+towards her, lest that gratitude should give birth to justice, and
+justice should award freedom to India. Lord Chelmsford placed before his
+Council "in studiously considered outline, a summary of what India has
+done during the past two years." Omitting his references to what was
+done under Lord Hardinge, as stated above, I may quote from him:
+
+ On the outbreak of war, of the 4,598 British officers on the
+ Indian establishment, 530 who were at home on leave were
+ detained by the War Office for service in Europe. 2,600
+ Combatant Officers have been withdrawn from India since the
+ beginning of the War, excluding those who proceeded on service
+ with their batteries or regiments. In order to make good these
+ deficiencies and provide for war wastage the Indian Army
+ Reserve of Officers was expanded from a total of 40, at which
+ it stood on the 4th August, 1914, to one of 2,000.
+
+ The establishment of Indian units has not only been kept up to
+ strength, but has been considerably increased. There has been
+ an augmentation of 20 per cent. in the cavalry and of 40 per
+ cent. in the infantry, while the number of recruits enlisted
+ since the beginning of the War is greater than the entire
+ strength of the Indian Army as it existed on August 4, 1914.
+
+Lord Chelmsford rightly pointed out:
+
+ The Army in India has thus proved a great Imperial asset, and
+ in weighing the value of India's contribution to the War it
+ should be remembered that India's forces were no hasty
+ improvisation, but were an army in being, fully equipped and
+ supplied, which had previously cost India annually a large sum
+ to maintain.
+
+Lord Chelmsford has established what he calls a "Man-Power Board," the
+duty of which is "to collect and co-ordinate all the facts with regard
+to the supply of man-power in India." It has branches in all the
+Provinces. A steady flow of reinforcements supplies the wastage at the
+various fronts, and the labour required for engineering, transport,
+etc., is now organised in 20 corps in Mesopotamia and 25 corps in
+France. In addition 60,000 artisans, labourers, and specialists are
+serving in Mesopotamia and East Africa, and some 20,000 menials and
+followers have also gone overseas. Indian medical practitioners have
+accepted temporary commissions in the Indian Medical Service to the
+number of 500. In view of this fact, due to Great Britain's bitter need
+of help, may we not hope that this Service will welcome Indians in time
+of peace as well as in time of war, and will no longer bar the way by
+demanding the taking of a degree in the United Kingdom? It is also
+worthy of notice that the I.M.S. officers in charge of district duties
+have been largely replaced by Indian medical men; this, again, should
+continue after the War. Another fact, that the Army Reserve of Officers
+his risen from 40 to 2,000, suggests that the throwing open of King's
+Commissions to qualified Indians should not be represented by a meagre
+nine. If English lads of 19 and 20 are worthy of King's Commissions--and
+the long roll of slain Second Lieutenants proves it--then certainly
+Indian lads, since Indians have fought as bravely as Englishmen, should
+find the door thrown open to them equally widely in their own country,
+and the Indian Army should be led by Indian officers.
+
+With such a record of deeds as the one I have baldly sketched, it is not
+necessary to say much in words as to India's support of Great Britain
+and her Allies. She has proved up to the hilt her desire to remain
+within the Empire, to maintain her tie with Great Britain. But if
+Britain is to call successfully on India's man-power, as Lord Chelmsford
+suggests in his Man-Power Board, then must the man who fights or labours
+have a man's Rights in his own land. The lesson which springs out of
+this War is that it is absolutely necessary for the future safety of the
+Empire that India shall have Home Rule. Had her Man-Power been utilised
+earlier there would have been no War, for none would have dared to
+provoke Great Britain and India to a contest. But her Man-Power cannot
+be utilised while she is a subject Nation. She cannot afford to maintain
+a large army, if she is to support an English garrison, to pay for their
+goings and comings, to buy stores in England at exorbitant prices and
+send them back again when England needs them. She cannot afford to train
+men for England, and only have their services for five years. She cannot
+afford to keep huge Gold Reserves in England, and be straitened for
+cash, while she lends to England out of her Reserves, taken from her
+over-taxation, L27,000,000 for War expenses, and this, be it remembered,
+before the great War Loan. I once said in England: "The condition of
+India's loyalty is India's freedom." I may now add: "The condition of
+India's usefulness to the Empire is India's freedom." She will tax
+herself willingly when her taxes remain in the country and fertilise it,
+when they educate her people and thus increase their productive power,
+when they foster her trade and create for her new industries.
+
+Great Britain needs India as much as India needs England, for prosperity
+in Peace as well as for safety in War. Mr. Montagu has wisely said that
+"for equipment in War a Nation needs freedom in Peace." Therefore I say
+that, for both countries alike, the lesson of the War is Home Rule for
+India.
+
+Let me close this part of my subject by laying at the feet of His
+Imperial Majesty the loving homage of the thousands here assembled, with
+the hope and belief that, ere long, we shall lay there the willing and
+grateful homage of a free Nation.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+CAUSES OF THE NEW SPIRIT IN INDIA.
+
+
+Apart from the natural exchange of thought between East and West, the
+influence of English education, literature and ideals, the effect of
+travel in Europe, Japan and the United States of America, and other
+recognised causes for the changed outlook in India, there have been
+special forces at work during the last few years to arouse a New Spirit
+in India, and to alter her attitude of mind. These may be summed up as:
+
+ (a) The Awakening of Asia.
+
+ (b) Discussions abroad on Alien Rule and Imperial Reconstruction.
+
+ (c) Loss of Belief in the Superiority of the White Races.
+
+ (d) The Awakening of Indian Merchants.
+
+ (e) The Awakening of Indian Womanhood to claim its Ancient
+ Position.
+
+ (f) The Awakening of the Masses.
+
+Each of these causes has had its share in the splendid change of
+attitude in the Indian Nation, in the uprising of a spirit of pride of
+country, of independence, of self-reliance, of dignity, of self-respect.
+The War has quickened the rate of evolution of the world, and no country
+has experienced the quickening more than our Motherland.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF ASIA.
+
+In a conversation I had with Lord Minto, soon after his arrival as
+Viceroy, he discussed the so-called "unrest in India," and recognised it
+as the inevitable result of English Education, of English Ideals of
+Democracy, of the Japanese victory over Russia, and of the changing
+conditions in the outer world. I was therefore not surprised to read his
+remark that he recognised, "frankly and publicly, that new aspirations
+were stirring in the hearts of the people, that they were part of a
+larger movement common to the whole East, and that it was necessary to
+satisfy them to a reasonable extent by giving them a larger share in the
+administration."
+
+But the present movement in India will be very poorly understood if it
+be regarded only in connexion with the movement in the East. The
+awakening of Asia is part of a world-movement, which has been quickened
+into marvellous rapidity by the world-war. The world-movement is towards
+Democracy, and for the West dates from the breaking away of the American
+Colonies from Great Britain, consummated in 1776, and its sequel in the
+French Revolution of 1789. Needless to say that its root was in the
+growth of modern science, undermining the fabric of intellectual
+servitude, in the work of the Encyclopaedists, and in that of
+Jean-Jacques Rousseau and of Thomas Paine. In the East, the swift
+changes in Japan, the success of the Japanese Empire against Russia, the
+downfall of the Manchu dynasty in China and the establishment of a
+Chinese Republic, the efforts at improvement in Persia, hindered by the
+interference of Russia and Great Britain with their growing ambitions,
+and the creation of British and Russian "spheres of influence,"
+depriving her of her just liberty, and now the Russian Revolution and
+the probable rise of a Russian Republic in Europe and Asia, have all
+entirely changed the conditions before existing in India. Across Asia,
+beyond the Himalayas, stretch free and self-ruling Nations. India no
+longer sees as her Asian neighbours the huge domains of a Tsar and a
+Chinese despot, and compares her condition under British rule with those
+of their subject populations. British rule profited by the comparison,
+at least until 1905, when the great period of repression set in. But in
+future, unless India wins Self-Government, she will look enviously at
+her Self-Governing neighbours, and the contrast will intensify her
+unrest.
+
+But even if she gains Home Rule, as I believe she will, her position in
+the Empire will imperatively demand that she shall be strong as well as
+free. She becomes not only a vulnerable point in the Empire, as the
+Asian Nations evolve their own ambitions and rivalries, but also a
+possession to be battled for. Mr. Laing once said: "India is the
+milch-cow of England," a Kamadhenu, in fact, a cow of plenty; and if
+that view should arise in Asia, the ownership of the milch-cow would
+become a matter of dispute, as of old between Vashishtha and
+Vishvamitra. Hence India must be capable of self-defence both by land
+and sea. There may be a struggle for the primacy of Asia, for supremacy
+in the Pacific, for the mastery of Australasia, to say nothing of the
+inevitable trade-struggles, in which Japan is already endangering Indian
+industry and Indian trade, while India is unable to protect herself.
+
+In order to face these larger issues with equanimity, the Empire
+requires a contented, strong, self-dependent and armed India, able to
+hold her own and to aid the Dominions, especially Australia, with her
+small population and immense unoccupied and undefended area. India alone
+has the man-power which can effectively maintain the Empire in Asia, and
+it is a short-sighted, a criminally short-sighted, policy not to build
+up her strength as a Self-Governing State within the Commonwealth of
+Free Nations under the British Crown. The Englishmen in India talk
+loudly of their interests; what can this mere handful do to protect
+their interests against attack in the coming years? Only in a free and
+powerful India will they be safe. Those who read Japanese papers know
+how strongly, even during the War, they parade unchecked their
+pro-German sympathies, and how likely after the War is an alliance
+between these two ambitious and warlike Nations. Japan will come out of
+the War with her army and navy unweakened, and her trade immensely
+strengthened. Every consideration of sane statesmanship should lead
+Great Britain to trust India more than Japan, so that the British Empire
+in Asia may rest on the sure foundation of Indian loyalty, the loyalty
+of a free and contented people, rather than be dependent on the
+continued friendship of a possible future rival. For international
+friendships are governed by National interests, and are built on
+quicksands, not on rock.
+
+Englishmen in India must give up the idea that English dominance is
+necessary for the protection of their interests, amounting, in 1915, to
+L365,399,000 sterling. They do not claim to dominate the United States
+of America, because they have invested there L688,078,000. They do not
+claim to dominate the Argentine Republic, because they have invested
+there L269,808,000. Why then should they claim to dominate India on the
+ground of their investment? Britons must give up the idea that India is
+a possession to be exploited for their own benefit, and must see her as
+a friend, an equal, a Self-Governing Dominion within the Empire, a
+Nation like themselves, a willing partner in the Empire, and not a
+dependent. The democratic movement in Japan, China and Russia in Asia
+has sympathetically affected India, and it is idle to pretend that it
+will cease to affect her.
+
+DISCUSSIONS ABROAD ON ALIEN RULE AND IMPERIAL RECONSTRUCTION.
+
+But there are other causes which have been working in India, consequent
+on the British attitude against autocracy and in defence of freedom in
+Europe, while her attitude to India has, until lately, been left in
+doubt. Therefore I spoke of a splendid opportunity lost. India at first
+believed whole-heartedly that Great Britain was fighting for the freedom
+of all Nationalities. Even now, Mr. Asquith declared--in his speech in
+the House of Commons reported here last October, on the peace resolution
+of Mr. Ramsay Macdonald--that "the Allies are fighting for nothing but
+freedom, and, an important addition--for nothing short of freedom." In
+his speech declaring that Britain would stand by France in her claim for
+the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he spoke of "the intolerable
+degradation of a foreign yoke." Is such a yoke less intolerable, less
+wounding to self-respect here, than in Alsace-Lorraine, where the rulers
+and the ruled are both of European blood, similar in religion and
+habits? As the War went on, India slowly and unwillingly came to realise
+that the hatred of autocracy was confined to autocracy in the West, and
+that the degradation was only regarded as intolerable for men of white
+races; that freedom was lavishly promised to all except to India; that
+new powers were to be given to the Dominions, but not to India. India
+was markedly left out of the speeches of statesmen dealing with the
+future of the Empire, and at last there was plain talk of the White
+Empire, the Empire of the Five Nations, and the "coloured races" were
+lumped together as the wards of the White Empire, doomed to an
+indefinite minority.
+
+The peril was pressing; the menace unmistakable. The Reconstruction of
+the Empire was on the anvil; what was to be India's place therein? The
+Dominions were proclaimed as partners; was India to remain a Dependency?
+Mr. Bonar Law bade the Dominions strike while the iron was hot; was
+India to wait till it was cold? India saw her soldiers fighting for
+freedom in Flanders, in France, in Gallipoli, in Asia Minor, in China,
+in Africa; was she to have no share of the freedom for which she fought?
+At last she sprang to her feet and cried, in the words of one of her
+noblest sons: "Freedom is my birthright; and I want it." The words "Home
+Rule" became her Mantram. She claimed her place in the Empire.
+
+Thus, while she continued to support, and even to increase, her army
+abroad, fighting for the Empire, and poured out her treasures as water
+for Hospital Ships, War Funds, Red Cross organisations, and the gigantic
+War Loan, a dawning fear oppressed her, lest, if she did not take order
+with her own household, success in the War for the Empire might mean
+decreased liberty for herself.
+
+The recognition of the right of the Indian Government to make its voice
+heard in Imperial matters, when they were under discussion in an
+Imperial Conference, was a step in the right direction. But
+disappointment was felt that while other countries were represented by
+responsible Ministers, the representation in India's case was of the
+Government, of a Government irresponsible to her, and not the
+representative of herself. No fault was found with the choice itself,
+but only with the non-representative character of the chosen, for they
+were selected by the Government, and not by the elected members of the
+Supreme Council. This defect in the resolution moved by the Hon. Khan
+Bahadur M.M. Shafi on October 2, 1915, was pointed out by the Hon. Mr.
+Surendranath Bannerji. He said:
+
+ My Lord, in view of a situation so full of hope and promise, it
+ seems to me that my friend's Resolution does not go far enough.
+ He pleads for _official_ representation at the Imperial
+ Conference: he does not plead for _popular_ representation. He
+ urges that an address be presented to His Majesty's Government,
+ through the Secretary of State for India, for official
+ representation at the Imperial Council. My Lord, official
+ representation may mean little or nothing. It may indeed be
+ attended with some risk; for I am sorry to have to say--but say
+ it I must--that our officials do not always see eye to eye with
+ us as regards many great public questions which affect this
+ country; and indeed their views, judged from our standpoint,
+ may sometimes seem adverse to our interests. At the same time,
+ my Lord, I recognise the fact that the Imperial Conference is
+ an assemblage of officials pure and simple, consisting of
+ Ministers of the United Kingdom and of the self-governing
+ Colonies. But, my Lord, there is an essential difference
+ between them and ourselves. In their case, the Ministers are
+ the elect of the people, their organ and their voice,
+ answerable to them for their conduct and their proceedings. In
+ our case, our officials are public servants in name, but in
+ reality they are the masters of the public. The situation may
+ improve, and I trust it will, under the liberalising influence
+ of your Excellency's beneficent administration; but we must
+ take things as they are, and not indulge in building castles in
+ the air, which may vanish "like the baseless fabric of a
+ vision."
+
+It was said to be an epoch-making event that "Indian Representatives"
+took part in the Conference. Representatives they were, but, as said, of
+the British Government in India, not of India, whereas their colleagues
+represented their Nations. They did good work, none the less, for they
+were able and experienced men, though they failed us in the Imperial
+Preference Conference and, partially, on the Indentured Labour question.
+Yet we hope that the presence in the Conference of men of Indian birth
+may prove to be the proverbial "thin end of the wedge," and may have
+convinced their colleagues that, while India was still a Dependency,
+India's sons were fully their equals.
+
+The Report of the Public Services Commission, though now too obviously
+obsolete to be discussed, caused both disappointment and resentment; for
+it showed that, in the eyes of the majority of the Commissioners,
+English domination in Indian administration was to be perpetual, and
+that thirty years hence she would only hold a pitiful 25 per cent. or
+the higher appointments in the I.C.S. and the Police. I cannot, however,
+mention that Commission, even in passing, without voicing India's thanks
+to the Hon. Mr. Justice Rahim, for his rare courage in writing a
+solitary Minute of Dissent, in which he totally rejected the Report, and
+laid down the right principles which should govern recruitment for the
+Indian Civil Services.
+
+India had but three representatives on the Commission; G.K. Gokhale died
+ere it made its Report, his end quickened by his sufferings during its
+work, by the humiliation of the way in which his countrymen were
+treated. Of Mr. Abdur Rahim I have already spoken. The Hon. Mr. M.B.
+Chaubal signed the Report, but dissented from some of its most important
+recommendations. The whole Report was written "before the flood," and it
+is now merely an antiquarian curiosity.
+
+India, for all these reasons, was forced to see before her a future of
+perpetual subordination: the Briton rules in Great Britain, the
+Frenchman in France, the American in America, each Dominion in its own
+area, but the Indian was to rule nowhere; alone among the peoples of the
+world, he was not to feel his own country as his own. "Britain for the
+British" was right and natural; "India for the Indians" was wrong, even
+seditious. It must be "India for the Empire," or not even for the
+Empire, but "for the rest of the Empire," careless of herself. "British
+support for British Trade" was patriotic and proper in Britain.
+"Swadeshi goods for Indians" showed a petty and anti-Imperial spirit in
+India. The Indian was to continue to live perpetually, and even
+thankfully, as Gopal Krishna Gokhale said he lived now, in "an
+atmosphere of inferiority," and to be proud to be a citizen (without
+rights) of the Empire, while its other component Nations were to be
+citizens (with rights) in their own countries first, and citizens of the
+Empire secondarily. Just as his trust in Great Britain was strained
+nearly to breaking point came the glad news of Mr. Montagu's appointment
+as Secretary of State for India, of the Viceroy's invitation to him, and
+of his coming to hear for himself what India wanted. It was a ray of
+sunshine breaking through the gloom, confidence in Great Britain
+revived, and glad preparation was made to welcome the coming of a
+friend.
+
+The attitude of India has changed to meet the changed attitude of the
+Governments of India and Great Britain. But let none imagine that that
+consequential change of attitude connotes any change in her
+determination to win Home Rule. She is ready to consider terms of peace,
+but it must be "peace with honour," and honour in this connection means
+Freedom. If this be not granted, an even more vigorous agitation will
+begin.
+
+LOSS OF BELIEF IN THE SUPERIORITY OF WHITE RACES
+
+The undermining of this belief dates from the spreading of the Arya
+Samaj and the Theosophical Society. Both bodies sought to lead the
+Indian people to a sense of the value of their own civilisation, to
+pride in their past, creating self-respect in the present, and
+self-confidence in the future. They destroyed the unhealthy inclination
+to imitate the West in all things, and taught discrimination, the using
+only of what was valuable in western thought and culture, instead of a
+mere slavish copying of everything. Another great force was that of
+Swami Vivekananda, alike in his passionate love and admiration for
+India, and his exposure of the evils resulting from Materialism in the
+West. Take the following:
+
+ Children of India, I am here to speak to you to-day about some
+ practical things, and my object in reminding you about the
+ glories of the past is simply this. Many times have I been told
+ that looking into the past only degenerates and leads to
+ nothing, and that we should look to the future. That is true.
+ But out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore,
+ as far as you can, drink deep of the eternal fountains that are
+ behind, and after that, look forward, march forward, and make
+ India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our
+ ancestors were great. We must recall that. We must learn the
+ elements of our being, the blood that courses in our veins; we
+ must have faith in that blood, and what it did in the past: and
+ out of that faith, and consciousness of past greatness, we must
+ build an India yet greater than what she has been.
+
+And again:
+
+ I know for certain that millions, I say deliberately, millions,
+ in every civilised land are waiting for the message that will
+ save them from the hideous abyss of materialism into which
+ modern money-worship is driving them headlong, and many of the
+ leaders of the new Social Movements have already discovered
+ that Vedanta in its highest form can alone spiritualise their
+ social aspirations.
+
+The process was continued by the admiration of Sanskrit literature
+expressed by European scholars and philosophers. But the effect of these
+was confined to the few and did not reach the many. The first great
+shock to the belief in white superiority came from the triumph of Japan
+over Russia, the facing of a huge European Power by a comparatively
+small Eastern Nation, the exposure of the weakness and rottenness of the
+Russian leaders, and the contrast with their hardy virile opponents,
+ready to sacrifice everything for their country.
+
+The second great shock has come from the frank brutality of German
+theories of the State, and their practical carrying out in the treatment
+of conquered districts and the laying waste of evacuated areas in
+retreat. The teachings of Bismarck and their practical application in
+France, Flanders, Belgium, Poland, and Serbia have destroyed all the
+glamour of the superiority of Christendom over Asia. Its vaunted
+civilisation is seen to be but a thin veneer, and its religion a matter
+of form rather than of life. Gazing from afar at the ghastly heaps of
+dead and the hosts of the mutilated, at science turned into devilry and
+ever inventing new tortures for rending and slaying, Asia may be
+forgiven for thinking that, on the whole, she prefers her own religions
+and her own civilisations.
+
+But even deeper than the outer tumult of war has pierced the doubt as to
+the reality of the Ideals of Liberty and Nationality so loudly
+proclaimed by the foremost western Nations, the doubt of the honesty of
+their champions. Sir James Meston said truly, a short time ago, that he
+had never, in his long experience, known Indians in so distrustful and
+suspicious a mood as that which he met in them to-day. And that is so.
+For long years Indians have been chafing over the many breaches of
+promises and pledges to them that remain unredeemed. The maintenance
+here of a system of political repression, of coercive measures increased
+in number and more harshly applied since 1905, the carrying of the
+system to a wider extent since the War for the sanctity of treaties and
+for the protection of Nationalities has been going on, have deepened the
+mistrust. A frank and courageous statesmanship applied to the honest
+carrying out of large reforms too long delayed can alone remove it. The
+time for political tinkering is past; the time for wise and definite
+changes is here.
+
+To these deep causes must be added the comparison between the
+progressive policy of some of the Indian States in matters which most
+affect the happiness of the people, and the slow advance made under
+British administration. The Indian notes that this advance is made under
+the guidance of rulers and ministers of his own race. When he sees that
+the suggestions made in the People's Assembly in Mysore are fully
+considered and, when possible, given effect to, he realises that without
+the forms of power the members exercise more real power than those in
+our Legislative Councils. He sees education spreading, new industries
+fostered, villagers encouraged to manage their own affairs and take the
+burden of their own responsibility, and he wonders why Indian incapacity
+is so much more efficient than British capacity.
+
+Perhaps, after all, for Indians, Indian rule may be the best.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MERCHANTS.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+THE AWAKENING OF INDIAN WOMANHOOD.
+
+The position of women in the ancient Aryan civilisation was a very noble
+one. The great majority married, becoming, as Manu said, the Light of
+the Home; some took up the ascetic life, remained unmarried, and sought
+the knowledge of Brahma. The story of the Rani Damayanti, to whom her
+husband's ministers came, when they were troubled by the Raja's
+gambling, that of Gandhari, in the Council of Kings and Warrior Chiefs,
+remonstrating with her headstrong son; in later days, of Padmavati of
+Chitoor, of Mirabai of Marwar, the sweet poetess, of Tarabai of Thoda,
+the warrior, of Chand Bibi, the defender of Ahmednagar, of Ahalya Bai of
+Indore, the great Ruler--all these and countless others are well known.
+
+Only in the last two or three generations have Indian women slipped away
+from their place at their husbands' side, and left them unhelped in
+their public life. But even now they wield great influence over husband
+and son. Culture has never forsaken them, but the English education of
+their husbands and sons, with the neglect of Sanskrit and the
+Vernacular, have made a barrier between the culture of the husband and
+that of the wife, and has shut the woman out from her old sympathy with
+the larger life of men. While the interests of the husband have
+widened, those of the wife have narrowed. The materialising of the
+husband tended also, by reaction, to render the wife's religion less
+broad and wise.
+
+The wish to save their sons from the materialising results of English
+education awoke keen sympathy among Indian mothers with the movement to
+make religion an integral part of education. It was, perhaps, the first
+movement in modern days which aroused among them in all parts a keen and
+living interest.
+
+The Partition of Bengal was bitterly resented by Bengali women, and was
+another factor in the outward-turning change. When the editor of an
+Extremist newspaper was prosecuted for sedition, convicted and
+sentenced, five hundred Bengali women went to his mother to show their
+sympathy, not by condolences, but by congratulations. Such was the
+feeling of the well-born women of Bengal.
+
+Then the troubles of Indians outside India roused the ever quick
+sympathy of Indian women, and the attack in South Africa on the
+sacredness of Indian marriage drew large numbers of them out of their
+homes to protest against the wrong.
+
+The Indentured Labour question, involving the dishonour of women, again,
+moved them deeply, and even sent a deputation to the Viceroy composed of
+women.
+
+These were, perhaps, the chief outer causes; but deep in the heart of
+India's daughters arose the Mother's voice, calling on them to help Her
+to arise, and to be once more mistress in Her own household. Indian
+women, nursed on Her old literature, with its wonderful ideals of
+womanly perfection, could not remain indifferent to the great movement
+for India's liberty. And during the last few years the hidden fire, long
+burning in their hearts, fire of love to Bharatamata, fire of resentment
+against the lessened influence of the religion which they passionately
+love, instinctive dislike of the foreigner as ruling in their land, have
+caused a marvellous awakening. The strength of the Home Rule movement is
+rendered tenfold greater by the adhesion to it of large numbers of
+women, who bring to its helping the uncalculating heroism, the
+endurance, the self-sacrifice, of the feminine nature. Our League's best
+recruits are among the women of India, and the women of Madras boast
+that they marched in procession when the men were stopped, and that
+their prayers in the temples set the interned captives free. Home Rule
+has become so intertwined with religion by the prayers offered up in the
+great Southern Temples, sacred places of pilgrimage, and spreading from
+them to village temples, and also by its being preached up and down the
+country by Sadhus and Sannyasins, that it has become in the minds of the
+women and of the ever religious masses, inextricably intertwined with
+religion. That is, in this country, the surest way of winning alike the
+women of the higher classes and the men and women villagers. And that is
+why I have said that the two words, "Home Rule," have become a Mantram.
+
+THE AWAKENING OF THE MASSES.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+WHY INDIA DEMANDS HOME RULE.
+
+
+India demands Home Rule for two reasons, one essential and vital, the
+other less important but necessary: Firstly, because Freedom is the
+birthright of every Nation; secondly, because her most important
+interests are now made subservient to the interests of the British
+Empire without her consent, and her resources are not utilised for her
+greatest needs. It is enough only to mention the money spent on her
+Army, not for local defence but for Imperial purposes, as compared with
+that spent on primary education.
+
+
+I. THE VITAL REASON.
+
+What is a Nation?
+
+Self-Government is necessary to the self-respect and dignity of a
+People; Other-Government emasculates a Nation, lowers its character, and
+lessens its capacity. The wrong done by the Arms Act, which Raja Rampal
+Singh voiced in the Second Congress as a wrong which outweighed all the
+benefits of British Rule, was its weakening and debasing effect on
+Indian manhood. "We cannot," he declared, "be grateful to it for
+degrading our natures, for systematically crushing out all martial
+spirit, for converting a race of soldiers and heroes into a timid flock
+of quill-driving sheep." This was done not by the fact that a man did
+not carry arms--few carry them in England--but that men were deprived of
+the _right_ to carry them. A Nation, an individual, cannot develop his
+capacities to the utmost without liberty. And this is recognised
+everywhere except in India. As Mazzini truly said:
+
+ God has written a line of His thought over the cradle of every
+ people. That is its special mission. It cannot be cancelled; it
+ must be freely developed.
+
+For what is a Nation? It is a spark of the Divine Fire, a fragment of
+the Divine Life, outbreathed into the world, and gathering round itself
+a mass of individuals, men, women and children, whom it binds together
+into one. Its qualities, its powers, in a word, its type, depend on the
+fragment of the Divine Life embodied in it, the Life which shapes it,
+evolves it, colours it, and makes it One. The magic of Nationality is
+the feeling of oneness, and the use of Nationality is to serve the world
+in the particular way for which its type fits it. This is what Mazzini
+called "its special mission," the duty given to it by God in its
+birth-hour. Thus India had the duty of spreading the idea of Dharma,
+Persia that of Purity, Egypt that of Science, Greece that of Beauty,
+Rome that of Law. But to render its full service to Humanity it must
+develop along its own lines, and be Self-determined in its evolution. It
+must be Itself, and not Another. The whole world suffers where a
+Nationality is distorted or suppressed, before its mission to the world
+is accomplished.
+
+The Cry for Self-Rule.
+
+Hence the cry of a Nation for Freedom, for Self-Rule, is not a cry of
+mere selfishness demanding more Rights that it may enjoy more happiness.
+Even in that there is nothing wrong, for happiness means fulness of
+life, and to enjoy such fulness is a righteous claim. But the demand for
+Self-Rule is a demand for the evolution of its own nature for the
+Service of Humanity. It is a demand of the deepest Spirituality, an
+expression of the longing to give its very best to the world. Hence
+dangers cannot check it, nor threats appal, nor offerings of greater
+pleasures lure it to give up its demand for Freedom. In the adapted
+words of a Christian Scripture, it passionately cries: "What shall it
+profit a Nation if it gain the whole world and lose its own Soul? What
+shall a Nation give in exchange for its Soul?" Better hardship and
+freedom, than luxury and thraldom. This is the spirit of the Home Rule
+movement, and therefore it cannot be crushed, it cannot be destroyed, it
+is eternal and ever young. Nor can it be persuaded to exchange its
+birthright for any mess of efficiency-pottage at the hands of the
+bureaucracy.
+
+Stunting the Race.
+
+Coming closer to the daily life of the people as individuals, we see
+that the character of each man, woman and child is degraded and weakened
+by a foreign administration, and this is most keenly felt by the best
+Indians. Speaking on the employment of Indians in the Public Services,
+Gopal Krishna Gokhale said:
+
+ A kind of dwarfing or stunting of the Indian race is going on
+ under the present system. We must live all the days of our life
+ in an atmosphere of inferiority, and the tallest of us must
+ bend, in order that the exigencies of the system may be
+ satisfied. The upward impulse, if I may use such an expression,
+ which every schoolboy at Eton or Harrow may feel that he may
+ one day be a Gladstone, a Nelson, or a Wellington, and which
+ may draw forth the best efforts of which he is capable, that is
+ denied to us. The full height to which our manhood is capable
+ of rising can never be reached by us under the present system.
+ The moral elevation which every Self-governing people feel
+ cannot be felt by us. Our administrative and military talents
+ must gradually disappear owing to sheer disuse, till at last
+ our lot, as hewers of wood and drawers of water in our own
+ country, is stereotyped.
+
+The Hon. Mr. Bhupendranath Basu has spoken on similar lines:
+
+ A bureaucratic administration, conducted by an imported agency,
+ and centring all power in its hands, and undertaking all
+ responsibility, has acted as a dead weight on the Soul of
+ India, stifling in us all sense of initiative, for the lack of
+ which we are condemned, atrophying the nerves of action and,
+ what is more serious, necessarily dwarfing in us all feeling of
+ self-respect.
+
+In this connexion the warning of Lord Salisbury to Cooper's Hill
+students is significant:
+
+ No system of Government can be permanently safe where there is
+ a feeling of inferiority or of mortification affecting the
+ relations between the governing and the governed. There is
+ nothing I would more earnestly wish to impress upon all who
+ leave this country for the purpose of governing India than
+ that, if they choose to be so, they are the only enemies
+ England has to fear. They are the persons who can, if they
+ will, deal a blow of the deadliest character at the future rule
+ of England.
+
+I have ventured to urge this danger, which has increased of late years,
+in consequence of the growing self-respect of the Indians, but the
+ostrich policy is thought to be preferable in my part of the country.
+
+This stunting of the race begins with the education of the child. The
+Schools differentiate between British and Indian teachers; the Colleges
+do the same. The students see first-class Indians superseded by young
+and third-rate foreigners; the Principal of a College should be a
+foreigner; foreign history is more important than Indian; to have
+written on English villages is a qualification for teaching economics in
+India; the whole atmosphere of the School and College emphasises the
+superiority of the foreigner, even when the professors abstain from open
+assertion thereof. The Education Department controls the education
+given, and it is planned on foreign models, and its object is to serve
+foreign rather than native ends, to make docile Government servants
+rather than patriotic citizens; high spirits, courage, self-respect, are
+not encouraged, and docility is regarded as the most precious quality in
+the student; pride in country, patriotism, ambition, are looked on as
+dangerous, and English, instead of Indian, Ideals are exalted; the
+blessings of a foreign rule and the incapacity of Indians to manage
+their own affairs are constantly inculcated. What wonder that boys thus
+trained often turn out, as men, time-servers and sycophants, and,
+finding their legitimate ambitions frustrated, become selfish and care
+little for the public weal? Their own inferiority has been so driven
+into them during their most impressionable years, that they do not even
+feel what Mr. Asquith called the "intolerable degradation of a foreign
+yoke."
+
+India's Rights.
+
+It is not a question whether the rule is good or bad. German efficiency
+in Germany is far greater than English efficiency in England; the
+Germans were better fed, had more amusements and leisure, less crushing
+poverty than the English. But would any Englishman therefore desire to
+see Germans occupying all the highest positions in England? Why not?
+Because the righteous self-respect and dignity of the free man revolt
+against foreign domination, however superior. As Mr. Asquith said at the
+beginning of the War, such a condition was "inconceivable and would be
+intolerable." Why then is it the one conceivable system here in India?
+Why is it not felt by all Indians to be intolerable? It is because it
+has become a habit, bred in us from childhood, to regard the sahib-log
+as our natural superiors, and the greatest injury British rule has done
+to Indians is to deprive them of the natural instinct born in all free
+peoples, the feeling of an inherent right to Self-determination, to be
+themselves. Indian dress, Indian food, Indian ways, Indian customs, are
+all looked on as second-rate; Indian mother-tongue and Indian literature
+cannot make an educated man. Indians as well as Englishmen take it for
+granted that the natural rights of every Nation do not belong to them;
+they claim "a larger share in the government of the country," instead of
+claiming the government of their own country, and they are expected to
+feel grateful for "boons," for concessions. Britain is to say what she
+will give. The whole thing is wrong, topsy-turvy, irrational. Thank God
+that India's eyes are opening; that myriads of her people realise that
+they are men, with a man's right to freedom in his own country, a man's
+right to manage his own affairs. India is no longer on her knees for
+boons; she is on her feet for Rights. It is because I have taught this
+that the English in India misunderstand me and call me seditious; it is
+because I have taught this that I am President of this Congress to-day.
+
+This may seem strong language, because the plain truth is not usually
+put in India. But this is what every Briton feels in Britain for his own
+country, and what every Indian should feel in India for his. This is the
+Freedom for which the Allies are fighting; this is Democracy, the Spirit
+of the Age. And this is what every true Briton will feel is India's
+Right the moment India claims it for herself, as she is claiming it
+now. When this right is gained, then will the tie between India and
+Great Britain become a golden link of mutual love and service, and the
+iron chain of a foreign yoke will fall away. We shall live and work side
+by side, with no sense of distrust and dislike, working as brothers for
+common ends. And from that union shall arise the mightiest Empire, or
+rather Commonwealth, that the world has ever known, a Commonwealth that,
+in God's good time, shall put an end to War.
+
+
+II. THE SECONDARY REASONS.
+
+Tests of Efficiency.
+
+The Secondary Reasons for the present demand for Home Rule may be summed
+up in the blunt statement: "The present rule, while efficient in less
+important matters and in those which concern British interests, is
+inefficient in the greater matters on which the healthy life and
+happiness of the people depend." Looking at outer things, such as
+external order, posts and telegraphs--except where political agitators
+are concerned--main roads, railways, etc., foreign visitors, who
+expected to find a semi-savage country, hold up their hands in
+admiration. But if they saw the life of the people, the masses of
+struggling clerks trying to educate their children on Rs. 25 (28s.
+0-1/4d.) a month, the masses of labourers with one meal a day, and the
+huts in which they live, they would find cause for thought. And if the
+educated men talked freely with them, they would be surprised at their
+bitterness. Gopal Krishna Gokhale put the whole matter very plainly in
+1911:
+
+ One of the fundamental conditions of the peculiar position of
+ the British Government in this country is that it should be a
+ continuously progressive Government. I think all thinking men,
+ to whatever community they belong, will accept that. Now, I
+ suggest four tests to judge whether the Government is
+ progressive, and, further, whether it is continuously
+ progressive. The first test that I would apply is what measures
+ it adopts for the moral and material improvement of the mass of
+ the people, and under these measures I do not include those
+ appliances of modern Governments which the British Government
+ has applied in this country, because they were appliances
+ necessary for its very existence, though they have benefited
+ the people, such as the construction of Railways, the
+ introduction of Post and Telegraphs, and things of that kind.
+ By measures for the moral and material improvement of the
+ people, I mean what the Government does for education, what the
+ Government does for sanitation, what the Government does for
+ agricultural development, and so forth. That is my first test.
+ The second test that I would apply is what steps the Government
+ takes to give us a larger share in the administration of our
+ local affairs--in municipalities and local boards. My third
+ test is what voice the Government gives us in its Councils--in
+ those deliberate assemblies, where policies are considered.
+ And, lastly, we must consider how far Indians are admitted into
+ the ranks of the public service.
+
+A Change of System Needed.
+
+Those were Gokhale's tests, and Indians can supply the results of their
+knowledge and experience to answer them. But before dealing with the
+failure to meet these tests, it is necessary to state here that it is
+not a question of blaming men, or of substituting Indians for
+Englishmen, but of changing the system itself. It is a commonplace that
+the best men become corrupted by the possession of irresponsible power.
+As Bernard Houghton says: "The possession of unchecked power corrupts
+some of the finer qualities." Officials quite honestly come to believe
+that those who try to change the system are undermining the security of
+the State. They identify the State with themselves, so that criticism of
+them is seen as treason to the State. The phenomenon is well known in
+history, and it is only repeating itself in India. The same writer--I
+prefer to use his words rather than my own, for he expresses exactly my
+own views, and will not be considered to be prejudiced as I am thought
+to be--cogently remarks:
+
+ He (the official) has become an expert in reports and returns
+ and matters of routine through many years of practice. They are
+ the very woof and warp of his brain. He has no ideas, only
+ reflexes. He views with acrid disfavour untried conceptions.
+ From being constantly preoccupied with the manipulation of the
+ machine he regards its smooth working, the ordered and
+ harmonious regulation of glittering pieces of machinery, as the
+ highest service he can render to the country of his adoption.
+ He determines that his particular cog-wheel at least shall be
+ bright, smooth, silent, and with absolutely no back-lash. Not
+ unnaturally in course of time he comes to envisage the world
+ through the strait embrasure of an office window. When perforce
+ he must report on new proposals he will place in the forefront,
+ not their influence on the life and progress of the people, but
+ their convenience to the official hierarchy and the manner in
+ which they affect its authority. Like the monks of old, or the
+ squire in the typical English village, he cherishes a
+ benevolent interest in the commonalty, and is quite willing,
+ even eager, to take a general interest in their welfare, if
+ only they do not display initiative or assert themselves in
+ opposition to himself or his order. There is much in this
+ proviso. Having come to regard his own judgment as almost
+ divine, and the hierarchy of which he has the honour to form a
+ part as a sacrosanct institution, he tolerates the laity so
+ long as they labour quietly and peaceably at their vocations
+ and do not presume to inter-meddle in high matters of State.
+ That is the heinous offence. And frank criticism of official
+ acts touches a lower depth still, even _lese majeste_. For no
+ official will endure criticism from his subordinates, and the
+ public, who lie in outer darkness beyond the pale, do not in
+ his estimation rank even with his subordinates. How, then,
+ should he listen with patience when in their cavilling way they
+ insinuate that, in spite of the labours of a high-souled
+ bureaucracy, all is perhaps not for the best in the best of all
+ possible worlds--still less when they suggest reforms that had
+ never occurred even to him or to his order, and may clash with
+ his most cherished ideals? It is for the officials to govern
+ the country; they alone have been initiated into the sacred
+ mysteries; they alone understand the secret working of the
+ machine. At the utmost the laity may tender respectful and
+ humble suggestions for their consideration, but no more. As for
+ those who dare to think and act for themselves, their ignorant
+ folly is only equalled by their arrogance. It is as though a
+ handful of schoolboys were to dictate to their masters
+ alterations in the traditional time-table, or to insist on a
+ modified curriculum.... These worthy people [officials] confuse
+ manly independence with disloyalty; they cannot conceive of
+ natives except either as rebels or as timid sheep.
+
+Non-Official Anglo-Indians.
+
+The problem becomes more complicated by the existence in India of a
+small but powerful body of the same race as the higher officials; there
+are only 122,919 English-born persons in this country, while there are
+245,000,000 in the British Raj and another 70,000,000 in the Indian
+States, more or less affected by British influence. As a rule, the
+non-officials do not take any part in politics, being otherwise
+occupied; but they enter the field when any hope arises in Indian hearts
+of changes really beneficial to the Nation. John Stuart Mill observed on
+this point:
+
+ The individuals of the ruling people who resort to the foreign
+ country to make their fortunes are of all others those who most
+ need to be held under powerful restraint. They are always one
+ of the chief difficulties of the Government. Armed with the
+ prestige and filled with the scornful overbearingness of the
+ conquering Nation, they have the feelings inspired by absolute
+ power without its sense of responsibility.
+
+Similarly, Sir John Lawrence wrote:
+
+ The difficulty in the way of the Government of India acting
+ fairly in these matters is immense. If anything is done, or
+ attempted to be done, to help the natives, a general howl is
+ raised, which reverberates in England, and finds sympathy and
+ support there. I feel quite bewildered sometimes what to do.
+ Everyone is, in the abstract, for justice, moderation, and
+ suchlike excellent qualities; but when one comes to apply such
+ principles so as to affect anybody's interests, then a change
+ comes over them.
+
+Keene, speaking of the principle of treating equally all classes of the
+community, says:
+
+ The application of that maxim, however, could not be made
+ without sometimes provoking opposition among the handful of
+ white settlers in India who, even when not connected with the
+ administration, claimed a kind of class ascendancy which was
+ not only in the conditions of the country but also in the
+ nature of the case. It was perhaps natural that in a land of
+ caste the compatriots of the rulers should become--as Lord
+ Lytton said--a kind of "white Brahmanas"; and it was certain
+ that, as a matter of fact, the pride of race and the possession
+ of western civilisation created a sense of superiority, the
+ display of which was ungraceful and even dangerous, when not
+ tempered by official responsibility. This feeling had been
+ sensitive enough in the days of Lord William Bentinck, when the
+ class referred to was small in numbers and devoid of influence.
+ It was now both more numerous, and--by reason of its connection
+ with the newspapers of Calcutta and of London--it was far
+ better able to make its passion heard.
+
+During Lord Ripon's sympathetic administration the great outburst
+occurred against the Ilbert Bill in 1883. We are face to face with a
+similar phenomenon to-day, when we see the European Associations--under
+the leadership of the _Madras Mail_, the _Englishman_ of Calcutta, the
+_Pioneer of_ Allahabad, the _Civil and Military Gazette_ of Lahore, with
+their Tory and Unionist allies in the London Press and with the aid of
+retired Indian officials and non-officials in England--desperately
+resisting the Reforms now proposed. Their opposition, we know, is a
+danger to the movement towards Freedom, and even when they have failed
+to impress England--as they are evidently failing--they will try to
+minimise or smother here the reforms which a statute has embodied. The
+Minto-Morley reforms were thus robbed of their usefulness, and a similar
+attempt, if not guarded against, will be made when the Congress-League
+Scheme is used as the basis for an Act.
+
+The Re-action on England.
+
+We cannot leave out of account here the deadly harm done to England
+herself by this un-English system of rule in India. Mr. Hobson has
+pointed out:
+
+ As our free Self-Governing Colonies have furnished hope,
+ encouragement, and leading to the popular aspirations in Great
+ Britain, not merely by practical success in the art of
+ Self-Government, but by the wafting of a spirit of freedom and
+ equality, so our despotically ruled Dependencies have ever
+ served to damage the character of our people by feeding the
+ habits of snobbish subservience, the admiration of wealth and
+ rank, the corrupt survivals of the inequalities of
+ feudalism.... Cobden writing in 1860 of our Indian Empire, put
+ this pithy question: "Is it not just possible that we may
+ become corrupted at home by the reaction of arbitrary political
+ maxims in the East upon our domestic politics, just as Greece
+ and Rome were demoralised by their contact with Asia?" Not
+ merely is the reaction possible, it is inevitable. As the
+ despotic portion of our Empire, has grown in area, a large
+ number of men, trained in the temper and methods of autocracy,
+ as soldiers and civil officials in our Crown Colonies,
+ Protectorates and Indian Empire, reinforced by numbers of
+ merchants, planters, engineers, and overseers, whose lives have
+ been those of a superior caste living an artificial life
+ removed from all the healthy restraints of ordinary European
+ Society, have returned to this country, bringing back the
+ characters, sentiments and ideas imposed by this foreign
+ environment.
+
+It is a little hard on the I.C.S. that they should be foreigners here,
+and then, when they return to their native land, find that they have
+become foreigners there by the corrupting influences with which they
+are surrounded here. We import them as raw material to our own
+disadvantage, and when we export them as manufactured here, Great
+Britain and India alike suffer from their reactionary tendencies. The
+results are unsatisfactory to both sides.
+
+The First Test Applied.
+
+Let us now apply Gokhale's first test. What has the Bureaucracy done for
+"education, sanitation, agricultural improvement, and so forth"? I must
+put the facts very briefly, but they are indisputable.
+
+_Education_. The percentage to the whole population of children
+receiving education is 2.8, the percentage having risen by 0.9 since Mr.
+Gokhale moved his Education Bill six years ago. The percentage of
+children of school-going age attending school is 18.7. In 1913 the
+Government of India put the number of pupils at 4-1/2 millions; this has
+been accomplished in 63 years, reckoning from Sir Charles Wood's
+Educational Despatch in 1854, which led to the formation of the
+Education Department. In 1870 an Education Act was passed in Great
+Britain, the condition of Education in England then much resembling our
+present position; grants-in-aid in England had been given since 1833,
+chiefly to Church Schools. Between 1870 and 1881 free and compulsory
+education was established, and in 12 years the attendance rose from 43.3
+to nearly 100 per cent. There are now 6,000,000 children in the schools
+of England and Wales out of a population of 40 millions. Japan, before
+1872, had a proportion of 28 per cent. of children of school-going age in
+school, nearly 10 over our present proportion; in 24 years the
+percentage was raised to 92, and in 28 years education was free and
+compulsory. In Baroda education is free and largely compulsory and the
+percentage of boys is 100 per cent. Travancore has 81.1 per cent. of
+boys and 33.2 of girls. Mysore has 45.8 of boys and 9.7 of girls. Baroda
+spends an. 6-6 per head on school-going children, British India one
+anna. Expenditure on education advanced between 1882 and 1907 by 57
+lakhs. Land-revenue had increased by 8 crores, military expenditure by
+13 crores, civil by 8 crores, and capital outlay on railways was 15
+crores. (I am quoting G.K. Gokhale's figures.) He ironically calculated
+that, if the population did not increase, every boy would be in school
+115 years hence, and every girl in 665 years. Brother Delegates, we hope
+to do it more quickly under Home Rule. I submit that in Education the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Sanitation and Medical Relief_. The prevalence of plague, cholera, and
+above all malaria, shows the lack of sanitation alike in town and
+country. This lack is one of the causes contributing to the low average
+life-period in India--23.5 years. In England the life-period is 40
+years, in New Zealand 60. The chief difficulty in the way of the
+treatment of disease is the encouragement of the foreign system of
+medicine, especially in rural parts, and the withholding of grants from
+the indigenous. Government Hospitals, Government Dispensaries,
+Government doctors, must all be on the foreign system. Ayurvaidic and
+Unani medicines, Hospitals, Dispensaries, Physicians, are unrecognised,
+and to "cover" the latter is "infamous" conduct. Travancore gives
+grants-in-aid to 72 Vaidyashalas, at which 143,505 patients--22,000 more
+than in allopathic institutions--were treated in 1914-15 (the Report
+issued in 1917). Our Government cannot grapple with the medical needs of
+the people, yet will not allow the people's money to be spent on the
+systems they prefer. Under Home Rule the indigenous and the foreign
+systems will be treated with impartiality. I grant that the allopathic
+doctors do their utmost to supply the need, and show great
+self-sacrifice, but the need is too vast and the numbers too few.
+Efficiency on their own lines in this matter is therefore impossible for
+our bureaucratic Government; their fault lies in excluding the
+indigenous systems, which they have not condescended to examine before
+rejecting them. The result is that in sanitation and medical relief the
+Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+_Agricultural Development_. The census of 1911 gives the agricultural
+population at 218.3 millions. Its frightful poverty is a matter of
+common knowledge; its ever-increasing load of indebtedness has been
+dwelt on for at least the last thirty odd years by Sir Dinshaw E. Wacha.
+Yet the increasing debt is accompanied with increasing taxation, land
+revenue having risen, as just stated, in 25 years, by 8
+crores--80,000,000--of rupees. In addition to this there are local
+cesses, salt tax, etc. The salt tax, which presses most hardly on the
+very poor, was raised in the last budget by Rs. 9 millions. The
+inevitable result of this poverty is malnutrition, resulting in low
+vitality, lack of resistance to disease, short life-period, huge
+infantile mortality. Gopal Krishna Gokhale, no mischievous agitator,
+repeated in 1905 the figures; often quoted:
+
+ Forty millions of people, according to one great Anglo-Indian
+ authority--Sir William Hunter--pass through life with only one
+ meal a day. According to another authority--Sir Charles
+ Elliot--70 millions of people in India do not know what it is
+ to have their hunger fully satisfied even once in the whole
+ course of the year. The poverty of the people of India, thus
+ considered by itself, is truly appalling. And if this is the
+ state of things after a hundred years of your rule, you cannot
+ claim that your principal aim in India has been the promotion
+ of the interests of the Indian people.
+
+It is sometimes said: "Why harp on these figures? We know them." Our
+answer is that the fact is ever harping in the stomach of the people,
+and while it continues we cannot cease to draw attention to it. And
+Gokhale urged that "even this deplorable condition has been further
+deteriorating steadily." We have no figures on malnutrition among the
+peasantry, but in Madras City, among an equally poor urban population,
+we found that 78 per cent. of our pupils were reported, after a medical
+inspection, to be suffering from malnutrition. And the spareness of
+frame, the thinness of arms and legs, the pitiably weak grip on life,
+speak without words to the seeing eye. It needs an extraordinary lack of
+imagination not to suffer while these things are going on.
+
+The peasants' grievances are many and have been voiced year after year
+by this Congress. The Forest Laws, made by legislators inappreciative of
+village difficulties, press hardly on them, and only in a small number
+of places have Forest Panchayats been established. In the few cases in
+which the experiment has been made the results have been good, in some
+cases marvellously good. The paucity of grazing grounds for their
+cattle, the lack of green manure to feed their impoverished lands, the
+absence of fencing round forests, so that the cattle stray in when
+feeding, are impounded, and have to be redeemed, the fines and other
+punishments imposed for offences ill-understood, the want of wood for
+fuel, for tools, for repairs, the uncertain distribution of the
+available water, all these troubles are discussed in villages and in
+local Conferences. The Arms Act oppresses them, by leaving them
+defenceless against wild beasts and wild men. The union of Judicial and
+Executive functions makes justice often inaccessible, and always costly
+both in money and in time. The village officials naturally care more to
+please the Tahsildar and the Collector than the villagers, to whom they
+are in no way responsible. And factions flourish, because there is
+always a third party to whom to resort, who may be flattered if his rank
+be high, bribed if it be low, whose favour can be gained in either case
+by cringing and by subservience and tale-bearing. As regards the
+condition of agriculture in India and the poverty of the agricultural
+population, the Bureaucracy is inefficient.
+
+The application of Mr. Gokhale's first test to Indian handicrafts, to
+the strengthening of weak industries and the creation of new, to the
+care of waterways for traffic and of the coast transport shipping, the
+protection of indigo and other indigenous dyes against their German
+synthetic rivals, etc., would show similar answers. We are suffering now
+from the supineness of the Bureaucracy as regards the development of the
+resources of the country, by its careless indifference to the usurping
+by Germans of some of those resources, and even now they are pursuing a
+similar policy of _laissez faire_ towards Japanese enterprise, which,
+leaning on its own Government, is taking the place of Germany in
+shouldering Indians out of their own natural heritage.
+
+In all prosperous countries crafts are found side by-side with
+agriculture, and they lend each other mutual support. The extreme
+poverty of Ireland, and the loss of more than half its population by
+emigration, were the direct results of the destruction of its
+wool-industry by Great Britain, and the consequent throwing of the
+population entirely on the land for subsistence. A similar phenomenon
+has resulted here from a similar case, but on a far more widespread
+scale. And here, a novel and portentous change for India, "a
+considerable landless class is developing, which involves economic
+danger," as the _Imperial Gazeteer_ remarks, comparing the census
+returns of 1891 and 1901. "The ordinary agricultural labourers are
+employed on the land only during the busy seasons of the year, and in
+slack times a few are attracted to large trade-centres for temporary
+work." One recalls the influx into England of Irish labourers at harvest
+time. Professor Radkamal Mukerji has laid stress on the older conditions
+of village life. He says:
+
+ The village is still almost self-sufficing, and is in itself an
+ economic unit. The village agriculturist grows all the food
+ necessary for the inhabitants of the village. The smith makes
+ the plough-shares for the cultivator, and the few iron utensils
+ required for the household. He supplies these to the people,
+ but does not get money in return. He is recompensed by mutual
+ services from his fellow villagers. The potter supplies him
+ with pots, the weaver with cloth, and the oilman with oil. From
+ the cultivator each of these artisans receives his traditional
+ share of grain. Thus almost all the economic transactions are
+ carried on without the use of money. To the villagers money is
+ only a store of value, not a medium of exchange. When they
+ happen to be rich in money, they hoard it either in coins or
+ make ornaments made of gold and silver.
+
+These conditions are changing in consequence of the pressure of poverty
+driving the villagers to the city, where they learn to substitute the
+competition of the town for the mutual helpfulness of the village. The
+difference of feeling, the change from trustfulness to suspicion, may be
+seen by visiting villages which are in the vicinity of a town and
+comparing their villagers with those who inhabit villages in purely
+rural areas. This economic and moral deterioration can only be checked
+by the re-establishment of a healthy _and interesting_ village life, and
+this depends upon the re-establishment of the Panchayat as the unit of
+Government, a question which I deal with presently. Village industries
+would then revive and an intercommunicating network would be formed by
+Co-operative Societies. Mr. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar says in his pamphlet,
+_Co-operative Societies and Panchayats_:
+
+ The one method by which this evil [emigration to towns] can be
+ arrested and the economic and social standards of life of the
+ rural people elevated is by the inauguration of healthy
+ Panchayats in conjunction with the foundation of Co-operative
+ institutions, which will have the effect of resuscitating
+ village industries, and of creating organised social forces.
+ The Indian village, when rightly reconstructed, would be an
+ excellent foundation for well-developed co-operative industrial
+ organisation.
+
+Again:
+
+ The resuscitation of the village system has other bearings, not
+ usually considered in connection with the general subject of
+ the inauguration of the Panchayat system. One of the most
+ important of these is the regeneration of the small industries
+ of the land. Both in Europe and in India the decline of small
+ industries has gone on _pari passu_ with the decline of farming
+ on a small scale. In countries like France agriculture has
+ largely supported village industries, and small cultivators in
+ that country have turned their attention to industry as a
+ supplementary source of livelihood. The decline of village life
+ in India is not only a political, but also an economic and
+ industrial, problem. Whereas in Europe the cultural impulse has
+ travelled from the city to the village, in India the reverse
+ has been the case. The centre of social life in this country is
+ the village, and not the town. Ours was essentially the cottage
+ industry, and our artisans still work in their own huts, more
+ or less out of touch with the commercial world. Throughout the
+ world the tendency has been of late to lay considerable
+ emphasis on distributive and industrial co-operation based on a
+ system of village industries and enterprise. Herein would be
+ found the origins of the arts and crafts guilds and the Garden
+ Cities, the idea underlying all these being to inaugurate a
+ reign of Socialism and Co-operation, eradicating the entirely
+ unequal distribution of wealth amongst producers and consumers.
+ India has always been a country of small tenantry, and has
+ thereby escaped many of the evils the western Nations have
+ experienced owing to the concentration of wealth in a few
+ hands. The communistic sense in our midst, and the fundamental
+ tenets of our family life, have checked such concentration of
+ capital. This has been the cause for the non-development of
+ factory industries on a large scale.
+
+The need for these changes--to which England is returning, after full
+experience of the miseries of life in manufacturing towns--is pressing.
+
+Addressing an English audience, G.K. Gokhale summed up the general state
+of India as follows:
+
+ Your average annual income has been estimated at about L42 per
+ head. Ours, according to official estimates, is about L2 per
+ head, and according to non-official estimates, only a little
+ more than L1 per head. Your imports per head are about L13:
+ ours about 5s. per head. The total deposits in your Postal
+ Savings Bank amount to 148 million sterling, and you have in
+ addition in the Trustees' Savings Banks about 52 million
+ sterling. Our Postal Savings Bank deposits, with a population
+ seven times as large as yours, are only about 7 million
+ sterling, and even of this a little over one-tenth is held by
+ Europeans. Your total paid-up capital of joint-stock companies
+ is about 1,900 million sterling. Ours is not quite 26 million
+ sterling, and the greater part of this again is European.
+ Four-fifths of our people are dependent upon agriculture, and
+ agriculture has been for some time steadily deteriorating.
+ Indian agriculturists are too poor, and are, moreover, too
+ heavily indebted, to be able to apply any capital to land, and
+ the result is that over the greater part of India agriculture
+ is, as Sir James Caird pointed out more than twenty-five years
+ ago, only a process of exhaustion of the soil. The yield per
+ acre is steadily diminishing, being now only about 8 to 9
+ bushels an acre against about 30 bushels here in England.
+
+In all the matters which come under Gokhale's first test, the
+Bureaucracy has been and is inefficient.
+
+Give Indians a Chance.
+
+All we say in the matter is: You have not succeeded in bringing
+education, health, prosperity, to the masses of the people. Is it not
+time to give Indians a chance of doing, for their own country, work
+similar to that which Japan and other nations have done for theirs?
+Surely the claim is not unreasonable. If the Anglo-Indians say that the
+masses are their peculiar care, and that the educated classes care not
+for them, but only for place and power, then we point to the Congress,
+to the speeches and the resolutions eloquent of their love and their
+knowledge. It is not their fault that they gaze on their country's
+poverty in helpless despair. Or let Mr. Justice Rahim answer:
+
+ As for the representation of the interests of the many scores
+ of millions in India, if the claim be that they are better
+ represented by European Officials than by educated Indian
+ Officials or non-Officials, it is difficult to conceive how
+ such reckless claim has come to be urged. The inability of
+ English Officials to master the spoken language of India and
+ their habits of life and modes of thought so completely divide
+ them from the general population, that only an extremely
+ limited few, possessed with extraordinary powers of insight,
+ have ever been able to surmount the barriers. With the educated
+ Indians, on the other hand, this knowledge is instinctive, and
+ the view of religion and custom so strong in the East make
+ their knowledge and sympathy more real than is to be seen in
+ countries dominated by materialistic conceptions.
+
+And it must be remembered that it is not lack of ability which has
+brought about bureaucratic inefficiency, for British traders and
+producers have done uncommonly well for themselves in India. But a
+Bureaucracy does not trouble itself about matters of this kind; the
+Russian Bureaucracy did not concern itself with the happiness of the
+Russian masses, but with their obedience and their paying of taxes.
+Bureaucracies are the same everywhere, and therefore it is the system we
+wage war upon, not the men; we do not want to substitute Indian
+bureaucrats for British bureaucrats; we want to abolish Bureaucracy,
+Government by Civil Servants.
+
+The Other Tests Applied.
+
+I need not delay over the second, third, and fourth tests, for the
+answers _sautent aux yeux_.
+
+_The second test, Local Self-Government:_ Under Lord Mayo (1869-72) some
+attempts were made at decentralisation, called by Keene "Home Rule" (!),
+and his policy was followed on non-financial lines as well by Lord
+Ripon, who tried to infuse into what Keene calls "the germs of Home
+Rule" "the breath of life." Now, in 1917, an experimental and limited
+measure of local Home Rule is to be tried in Bengal. Though the Report
+of the Decentralisation Committee was published in 1909, we have not yet
+arrived at the universal election of non-official Chairmen. Decidedly
+inefficient is the Bureaucracy under test 2.
+
+_The third test, Voice in the Councils:_ The part played by Indian
+elected members in the Legislative Council, Madras, was lately described
+by a member as "a farce." The Supreme Legislative Council was called by
+one of its members "a glorified Debating Society." A table of
+resolutions proposed by Indian elected members, and passed or lost, was
+lately drawn up, and justified the caustic epithets. With regard to the
+Minto-Morley reforms, the Bureaucracy showed great efficiency in
+destroying the benefits intended by the Parliamentary Statute. But the
+third test shows that in giving Indians a fair voice in the Councils the
+Bureaucracy was inefficient.
+
+_The fourth test, the Admission of Indians to the Public Services:_ This
+is shown, by the Report of the Commission, not to need any destructive
+activity on the part of the Bureaucracy to prove their unwillingness to
+pass it, for the Report protects them in their privileged position.
+
+We may add to Gokhale's tests one more, which will be triumphantly
+passed, the success of the Bureaucracy in increasing the cost of
+administration. The estimates for the revenue of the coming year stand
+at L86,199,600 sterling. The expenditure is reckoned at L85,572,100
+sterling. The cost of administration stands at more than half the total
+revenue:
+
+ Civil Departments Salaries and Expenses L19,323,300
+ Civil Miscellaneous Charges 5,283,300
+ Military Services 23,165,900
+ ___________
+ L47,772,500
+ ___________
+
+The reduction of the abnormal cost of government in India is of the most
+pressing nature, but this will never be done until we win Home Rule.
+
+It will be seen that the Secondary Reasons for the demand for Home Rule
+are of the weightiest nature in themselves, and show the necessity for
+its grant if India is to escape from a poverty which threatens to lead
+to National bankruptcy, as it has already led to a short life-period and
+a high death rate, to widespread disease, and to a growing exhaustion of
+the soil. That some radical change must be brought about in the
+condition of our masses, if a Revolution of Hunger is to be averted, is
+patent to all students of history, who also know the poverty of the
+Indian masses to-day. This economic condition is due to many causes, of
+which the inevitable lack of understanding by an alien Government is
+only one. A system of government suitable to the West was forced on the
+East, destroying its own democratic and communal institutions and
+imposing bureaucratic methods which bewildered and deteriorated a people
+to whom they were strange and repellent. The result is not a matter for
+recrimination, but for change. An inappropriate system forced on an
+already highly civilised people was bound to fail. It has been rightly
+said that the poor only revolt when the misery they are enduring is
+greater than the dangers of revolt. We need Home Rule to stop the daily
+suffering of our millions from the diminishing yield of the soil and the
+decay of village industries.
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CASE FOR INDIA***
+
+
+******* This file should be named 12820.txt or 12820.zip *******
+
+
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+https://www.gutenberg.org/1/2/8/2/12820
+
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
+paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works. See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+ the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+ you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is
+ owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+ has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+ Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments
+ must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+ prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+ returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+ sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+ address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+ the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+ you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+ does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+ License. You must require such a user to return or
+ destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+ and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+ Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+ money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+ electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+ of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+ distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+ Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+ Chief Executive and Director
+ gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+ https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
diff --git a/old/old/12820.zip b/old/old/12820.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..70a3cae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/old/12820.zip
Binary files differ