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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Khasis, by P. R. T. Gurdon
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Khasis
+
+Author: P. R. T. Gurdon
+
+Release Date: June 30, 2004 [EBook #12786]
+
+Language: English with Khasi (Language spoken in N.E. India)
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KHASIS ***
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team.
+
+
+
+
+The Khasis
+
+
+
+By
+
+Major P.R.T. Gurdon, I.A.
+Deputy Commissioner Eastern Bengal and Assam
+Commission, and Superintendent of
+Ethnography in Assam.
+
+With an Introduction by
+Sir Charles Lyall, K.C.S.I.
+
+
+(Published under the orders of the Government of
+Eastern Bengal and Assam)
+
+Illustrated
+
+
+
+
+
+Preface
+
+This book is an attempt to give a systematic account of the Khasi
+people, their manners and customs, their ethnological affinities,
+their laws and institutions, their religious beliefs, their folk-lore,
+their theories as to their origin, and their language.
+
+This account would perhaps have assumed a more elaborate and ambitious
+form were it not that the author has been able to give to it only
+the scanty leisure of a busy district officer. He has been somewhat
+hampered by the fact that his work forms part of a series of official
+publications issued at the expense of the Government of Eastern Bengal
+and Assam, and that it had to be completed within a prescribed period
+of time.
+
+The author gladly takes this opportunity to record his grateful
+thanks to many kind friends who have helped him either with actual
+contributions to his material, or with not less valued suggestions
+and criticisms. The arrangement of the subjects discussed is due to
+Sir Bampfylde Fuller, lately Lieutenant-Governor of the Province,
+whose kindly interest in the Khasis will long be remembered by them
+with affectionate gratitude. The Introduction is from the accomplished
+pen of Sir Charles Lyall, to whom the author is also indebted for much
+other help and encouragement. It is now many years since Sir Charles
+Lyall served in Assam, but his continued regard for the Khasi people
+bears eloquent testimony to the attractiveness of their character, and
+to the charm which the homely beauty of their native hills exercises
+over the minds of all who have had the good fortune to know them.
+
+To Mr. N. L. Hallward thanks are due for the revision of the proof
+sheets, and to the Revd. H. P. Knapton for the large share he took in
+the preparation of the index. The section dealing with folk-lore could
+hardly have been written but for the generosity of the Revd. Doctor
+Roberts, of the Welsh Calvinistic Mission in the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills, in placing at the author's disposal his collection of the
+legends current among the people. Many others have helped, but the
+following names may be specially mentioned, viz.: Mr. J. B. Shadwell,
+Mr. S. E. Rita, the Revd. C. H. Jenkins, Mr. C. Shadwell, Mr. Dohory
+Ropmay, U Hormu Roy Diengdoh, U Rai Mohan Diengdoh, U Job Solomon,
+U Suttra Singh Bordoloi, U San Mawthoh, U Hajam Kishore Singh,
+U Nissor Singh, and U Sabor Roy.
+
+A bibliography of the Khasis, which the author has attempted to make
+as complete as possible, has been added. The coloured plates, with
+one exception, viz., that taken from a sketch by the late Colonel
+Woodthorpe, have been reproduced from the pictures of Miss Eirene
+Scott-O'Connor (Mrs. Philip Rogers). The reproductions are the work of
+Messrs W. Griggs and Sons, as are also the monochromes from photographs
+by Mrs. Muriel, Messrs. Ghosal Brothers, and the author. Lastly, the
+author wishes to express his thanks to Srijut Jagat Chandra Goswami,
+his painstaking assistant, for his care in arranging the author's
+somewhat voluminous records, and for his work generally in connection
+with this monograph.
+
+P. R. G.
+
+
+
+Bibliography
+
+
+Agricultural Bulletin No. 5 of 1898.
+Allen, B. C.--Assam Census Report, 1901.
+Allen, W. J.--Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hill Territory, 1868.
+Aymonier, Monsieur--"Le Cambodge."
+Bivar, Colonel H. S.--Administration Report on the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills District of 1876.
+Buchanan Hamilton--"Eastern India." Edited by Montgomery Martin
+Dalton, Colonel E. T.--Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal.
+Gait, E. A.--Human Sacrifices in Assam, vol. i., J.A.S.B. of 1898.
+Grierson, Doctor G. A.--"Linguistic Survey of India," vol. ii.
+Henniker, F. C.--Monograph on gold and silver wares in Assam.
+Hooker, Sir Joseph--Himalayan Journals.
+Hunter, Sir William--Statistical Account of Assam.
+Jeebon Roy, U.--_Ka Niam Khasi_
+Jenkins, The Rev. Mr.--"Life and Work in Khasia."
+_Khasi Mynta_--A monthly journal published at Shillong in the Khasi
+language.
+Kuhn, Professor E.--_Über Herkunft und Sprache der
+transgangetischen Völker_. 1883
+Kuhn, Professor E.--_Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde
+Hinterindiens_. 1889.
+Lindsay, Lord--"Lives of the Lindsays."
+Logan, J. R A--series of papers on the Ethnology of the Indo-Pacific
+Islands which appeared in the "Journal of the Indian Archipelago."
+Mackenzie, Sir Alexander.--Account of the North-Eastern Frontier
+Mills, A. J. M.--Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, 1853
+Nissor Singh, U--Hints on the study of the Khasi language.
+Nissor Singh, U--Khasi-English dictionary.
+Oldham, Thomas--On the geological structure of a portion of the Khasi
+Hills, Bengal.
+Oldham, Thomas--Geology of the Khasi Hills.
+Peal, S. E.--On some traces of the Kol-Mon-Anam in the Eastern
+Naga Hills.
+Pryse, Rev. W.--Introduction to the Khasis language, comprising a
+grammar, selections for reading, and a vocabulary.
+Records of the Eastern Bengal and Assam Secretariat.
+Roberts, The Rev. H.--Khasi grammar.
+Robinson--Assam.
+Scott, Sir George--Upper Burma Gazetteer.
+Shadwell, J. B.--Notes on the Khasis.
+Stack E.--Notes on silk in Assam.
+Waddell, Colonel--Account of the Assam tribes.J.A S.B.
+Ward, Sir William--Introduction to the Assam Land Revenue Manual.
+Weinberg, E.--Report on Excise in Assam.
+Yule, Sir Henry--Notes on the Khasi Hills and people.
+
+
+
+
+Contents
+
+
+Introduction xv-xxvii
+Section I.--General.
+
+    Habitat  1-2
+    Appearance 2-3
+    Physical and General Characteristics 3-6
+    Geographical Distribution 6-10
+    Origin 10-11
+    Affinities 11-18
+    Dress 18-21
+    Tattooing 21
+    Jewellery 22-23
+    Weapons 23-26
+
+Section II.--Domestic Life.
+
+    Occupation 26-28
+    Apiculture 28-30
+    Houses 30-33
+    Villages 33-35
+    Furniture and Household Utensils 36-38
+    Musical Instruments 38-39
+    Agriculture 39-43
+    Crops 43-48
+    Hunting 48-49
+    Fishing 49-51
+    Food 51-52
+    Drink 52-54
+    Games 54-57
+    Manufactures 57-61
+
+Section III.--Laws and Customs.
+
+    Tribal Organization 62-66
+    State Organization 66-75
+    Marriage 76-79
+    Divorce 79-81
+    Inheritance 82-85
+    Adoption 85-86
+    Tenure of Land and Laws regarding Land 86-91
+
+    Laws regarding other Property 91
+    Decision of Disputes 91-97
+    War 97-98
+    Human Sacrifices 98-104
+
+Section IV.--Religion.
+
+    General Character of Popular Beliefs 105-109
+    Ancestor Worship 109-113
+    Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities 114-116
+    Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination 116-120
+    Priesthood 120-124
+    Ceremonies and Customs attending Birth and Naming of Children
+    124-127
+    Marriage 127-132
+    Ceremonies attending Death 132-139
+    Disposal of the Dead 140-144
+    Khasi Memorial Stones 144-154
+    Festivities, Domestic and Tribal 154-157
+    Genna 158-159
+
+Section V.--Folk-Lore.
+
+    Folk-tales 160-187
+
+Section VI.--Miscellaneous.
+
+    Teknonomy 188
+    Khasi Method of Calculating Time 188-190
+    The Lynngams 190-197
+
+Section VII.--Language 198-215
+Appendices.
+
+    A--Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State 216-217
+    B--Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State 218-220
+    C--Divination by Egg-Breaking 221-222
+
+Index 223-227
+
+
+
+
+Introduction
+
+In 1908 Sir Bampfylde Fuller, then Chief Commissioner of Amman,
+proposed and the Government of India sanctioned, the preparation
+of a series of monographs on the more important tribes and castes
+of the Province, of which this volume is the first. They were to be
+undertaken by writers who had special and intimate experience of the
+races to be described, the accounts of earlier observers being at the
+same time studied and incorporated; a uniform scheme of treatment was
+laid down which was to be adhered to in each monograph, and certain
+limits of size were prescribed.
+
+Major Gurdon, the author of the following pages, who is also, as
+Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam, editor of the whole series,
+has enjoyed a long and close acquaintance with the Khasi race,
+whose institutions he has here undertaken to describe. Thoroughly
+familiar with their language, he has for three years been in charge
+as Deputy-Commissioner of the district where they dwell, continually
+moving among them, and visiting every part of the beautiful region
+which is called by their name. The administration of the Khasi and
+Jaintia Hills is an exceptionally interesting field of official
+responsibility. About half of the district, including the country
+around the capital, Shillong, is outside the limits of British India,
+consisting of a collection of small states in political relations,
+regulated by treaty with the Government of India, which enjoy almost
+complete autonomy in the management of their local affairs. In
+the remainder, called the Jaintia Hills, which became British in
+1835, it has been the wise policy of the Government to maintain
+the indigenous system of administration through officers named
+_dolois_, who preside over large areas of country with very little
+interference. All the British portion of the hills is what is called a
+"Scheduled District" under Acts XIV and XV of 1874, and legislation
+which may be inappropriate to the conditions of the people can be,
+and is, excluded from operation within it. In these circumstances the
+administration is carried on in a manner well calculated to win the
+confidence and attachment of the people, who have to hear few of the
+burdens which press upon the population elsewhere, and, with the peace
+and protection guaranteed by British rule, are able to develop their
+institutions upon indigenous lines. It is now more than forty years
+since any military operations have been necessary within the hills,
+and the advance of the district in prosperity and civilization during
+the last half-century has been very striking.
+
+The first contact between the British and the inhabitants of the
+Khasi Hills followed upon the acquisition by the East India Company,
+in consequence of the grant of the _Diwani_ of Bengal in 1765, of the
+district of Sylhet. The Khasis were our neighbours on the north of
+that district, and to the north-east was the State of Jaintia,  [1]
+ruled over by a chief of Khasi lineage, whose capital, Jaintiapur, was
+situated in the plain between the Surma river and the hills. Along this
+frontier, the Khasis, though not averse from trade, and in possession
+of the quarries which furnished the chief supply of lime to deltaic
+Bengal, were also known as troublesome marauders, whose raids were
+a terror to the inhabitants of the plains. Captain R.B. Pemberton,
+in his Report on the Eastern Frontier (1835), mentions  [2] an attack
+on Jaintia by a force under Major Henniker in 1774, supposed to have
+been made in retaliation for aggression by the Raja in Sylhet; and
+Robert Lindsay, who was Resident and Collector of Sylhet about 1778,
+has an interesting account of the hill tribes and the Raja of Jaintia
+in the lively narrative embodied in the "Lives of the Lindsays." [3]
+Lindsay, who made a large fortune by working the lime quarries and thus
+converting into cash the millions of cowries in which the land-revenue
+of Sylhet was paid, appears to have imagined that the Khasis, whom
+he calls "a tribe of independent Tartars," were in direct relations
+with China, and imported thence the silk cloths [4] which they brought
+down for sale in the Sylhet markets. A line of forts was established
+along the foot of the hills to hold the mountaineers in check, and
+a Regulation, No. 1 of 1799, was passed declaring freedom of trade
+between them and Sylhet, but prohibiting the supply to them of arms
+and ammunition, and forbidding any one to pass the Company's frontier
+towards the hills with arms in his hands.
+
+The outbreak of the first Burma War, in 1824, brought us into closer
+relations with the Raja of Jaintia, and in April of that year Mr. David
+Scott, the Governor-General's Agent on the frontier, marched through
+his territory from Sylhet to Assam, emerging at Raha on the Kalang
+river, in what is now the Nowgong district. This was the first occasion
+on which Europeans had entered the hill territory of the Khasi tribes,
+and the account of the march, quoted in Pemberton's Report, [5] is the
+earliest authentic information which we possess of the institutions
+of the Khasi race. Dr. Buchanan-Hamilton, who spent several years at
+the beginning of the 19th Century in collecting information regarding
+the people of Eastern India, during which he lived for some time
+at Goalpara in the Brahmaputra Valley, confused the Khasis with the
+Garos, and his descriptions apply only to the latter people. The name
+Garo, however, is still used by the inhabitants of Kamrup in speaking
+of their Khasi neighbours to the South, and Hamilton only followed
+the local usage. In 1826 Mr. David Scott, after the expulsion of the
+Burmese from Assam and the occupation of that province by the Company,
+entered the Khasi Hills in order to negotiate for the construction of
+a road through the territory of the Khasi Siem or Chief of Nongkhlaw,
+which should unite Sylhet with Gauhati. A treaty was concluded with
+the chief, and the construction of the road began. At Cherrapunji
+Mr. Scott built for himself a house on the plateau which, two years
+later, was acquired from the Siem by exchange for land in the plains,
+as the site of a sanitarium. [6] Everything seemed to promise well,
+when the peace was suddenly broken by an attack made, in April 1829,
+by the people of Nongkhlaw on the survey party engaged in laying
+out the road, resulting in the massacre of two British officers and
+between fifty and sixty natives. This led to a general confederacy of
+most or the neighbouring chiefs to resist the British, and a long and
+harassing war, which was not brought to a close till 1833. Cherrapunji
+then became the headquarters of the Sylhet Light Infantry, whose
+commandant was placed in political charge of the district, including
+the former dominions in the hills of the Raja of Jaintia, which he
+voluntarily relinquished in 1835 on the confiscation of his territory
+in the plains.
+
+Cherrapunji, celebrated as the place which has the greatest measured
+rainfall on the globe, became a popular station, and the discovery
+of coal there, and at several other places in the hills, attracted
+to it many visitors, some of whom published accounts of the country
+and people. The first detailed description was apparently that of the
+Rev. W. Lish, a Baptist missionary, which appeared in a missionary
+journal in 1838. In 1840 Capt. Fisher, an officer of the Survey
+Department, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
+[7] an account which showed that the leading characteristics of the
+Khasi race had already been apprehended; he mentions the prevalence of
+matriarchy or mother-kinship, notes the absence of polyandry, except
+in so far as its place was taken by facile divorce, describes the
+religion as a worship of gods of valleys and hills, draws attention to
+the system of augury used to ascertain the will of the gods, and gives
+an account of the remarkable megalithic monuments which everywhere
+stud the higher plateaus. He also recognizes the fact that the Khasis
+as a race are totally distinct from the neighbouring hill tribes. In
+1841 Mr. W. Robinson, Inspector of Schools in Assam, included an
+account of the Khasis in a volume on that province which was printed
+at Calcutta. In 1844 Lieut. Yule (afterwards Sir Henry Yule) published
+in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society [8] a much more detailed
+description of the hills and their inhabitants than had been given
+by Fisher. This formed the basis of many subsequent descriptions, the
+best known of which is the attractive account contained in the second
+volume of Sir Joseph Hooker's _Himalayan Journals_ [9] published
+in London in 1854. Sir Joseph visited Cherrapunji in June 1850,
+and stayed in the hills until the middle of the following November.
+
+Meanwhile the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Mission, originally
+located at Sylhet, had extended their operations to Cherrapunji,
+and in 1842 established a branch there. They applied themselves to
+the study of the Khasi language, for which, after a trial of the
+Bengali, they resolved to adopt the Roman character. Their system of
+expressing the sounds of Khasi has since that time continued in use,
+and after sixty years' prescription it would be difficult to make a
+change. Their Welsh nationality led them to use the vowel _y_ for the
+obscure sound represented elsewhere in India by a short _a_ (the _u_
+in the English _but_), and for the consonantal _y_ to substitute the
+vowel _i : w_ is also used as a vowel, but only in diphthongs (_aw,
+ew, iw, ow_); in other respects the system agrees fairly well with
+the standard adopted elsewhere. Primers for the study of the language
+were printed at Calcutta in 1846 and 1852, and in 1855 appeared
+the excellent "Introduction to the Khasia language, comprising a
+grammar, selections for reading, and a Khasi-English vocabulary," of
+the Rev. W. Pryse. There now exists a somewhat extensive literature
+in Khasi, both religious and secular. An exhaustive grammar, by the
+Rev. H. Roberts, was published in Trübner's series of "Simplified
+Grammars" in 1891, and there are dictionaries, English-Khasi (1875}
+and Khasi-English (1906), besides many other aids to the study of the
+language which need not be mentioned here. It is recognized by the
+Calcutta University as sufficiently cultivated to be offered for the
+examinations of that body. Two monthly periodicals are published in
+it at Shillong, to which place the headquarters of the district were
+removed from Cherrapunji in 1864, and which has been the permanent
+seat of the Assam Government since the Province was separated from
+Bengal in 1874.
+
+The isolation of the Khasi race, in the midst of a great encircling
+population all of whom belong to the Tibeto-Burman stock, and the
+remarkable features presented by their language and institutions,
+soon attracted the attention of comparative philologists and
+ethnologists. An account of their researches will be found in
+Dr. Grierson's _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. ii. Here it will
+be sufficient to mention the important work of Mr. J. R. Logan, who,
+in a series of papers published at Singapore between 1850 and 1857 in
+the _Journal of the Indian Archipelago_ (of which he was the editor),
+demonstrated the relationship which exists between the Khasis and
+certain peoples of Further India, the chief representatives of whom are
+the Mons or Talaings of Pegu and Tenasserim, the Khmers of Cambodia,
+and the majority of the inhabitants of Annam. He was even able, through
+the means of vocabularies furnished to him by the late Bishop Bigandet,
+to discover the nearest kinsmen of the Khasis in the Palaungs, a tribe
+inhabiting one of the Shan States to the north-east of Mandalay on the
+middle Salween. With the progress of research it became apparent that
+the Mon-Khmer group of Indo-China thus constituted, to which the Khasis
+belong, was in some way connected with the large linguistic family
+in the Indian Peninsula once called Kolarian, but now more generally
+known as _Munda_, who inhabit the hilly region of Chutia Nagpur
+and parts of the Satpura range in the Central Provinces. Of these
+tribes the principal are the Santhals, the Mundas, and the Korkus. In
+physical characters they differ greatly from the Indo-Chinese Khasis,
+but the points of resemblance in their languages and in some of their
+institutions cannot be denied; and the exact nature of the relation
+between them is as yet one of the unsolved problems of ethnology.
+
+The work of Logan was carried further by Prof. Ernst Kuhn, of Munich,
+who in 1888 and 1889 published important contributions to our knowledge
+of the languages and peoples of Further India. More recently our
+acquaintance with the phonology of Khasi and its relatives has been
+still further advanced by the labours of Pater W. Schmidt, of Vienna,
+whose latest work, _Die Mon-Khmer Völker, ein Bindeglied zwischen
+Völkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens_ (Braunschweig, 1906),
+has established the relationship of Khasi not only to the Mon-Khmer
+languages, but also to Nicobarese and several dialects spoken by wild
+tribes in the Malay Peninsula.
+
+There still remains much to be done before the speech of the Khasi
+nation can be considered to have been thoroughly investigated. In
+the _Linguistic Survey_ four dialects are dealt with, the standard
+literary form, founded on the language of Cherrapunji, the _Pnar_ or
+_Synteng_, of Jowai, the _War_, spoken in the valleys on the southern
+face of the hills, and the _Lyngngam_, spoken in the tract adjacent to
+the Garos on the west. Major Gurdon (p. 203) mentions a fifth, that
+of Jirang or Mynnar, spoken in the extreme north, and there may be
+others. A great desideratum for linguistic purposes is a more adequate
+method of recording sounds, and especially differences of tone, than
+that adopted for the standard speech, which though sufficient for
+practical purposes, does not accurately represent either the quantity
+or the quality of the vowels, and leaves something to be desired
+as regards the consonants (especially those only faintly sounded or
+suppressed). These things, no doubt, will come in time. The immense
+advance which has been made in education by the Khasis during the last
+half-century has enabled some among them to appreciate the interesting
+field for exploration and study which their own country and people
+afford; and there is reason to hope that with European guidance the
+work of record will progress by the agency of indigenous students.
+
+It remains to summarize briefly the principal distinctive features of
+this vigorous and sturdy race, who have preserved their independence
+and their ancestral institutions through many centuries in the face
+of the attractions offered by the alien forms of culture around them.
+
+In the first place, their social organization presents one of the
+most perfect examples still surviving of matriarchal institutions,
+carried out with a logic and thoroughness which, to those accustomed
+to regard the status and authority of the father as the foundation
+of society, are exceedingly remarkable. Not only is the mother
+the head and source, and only bond of union, of the family: in the
+most primitive part of the hills, the Synteng country, she is the
+only owner of real property, and through her alone is inheritance
+transmitted. The father has no kinship with his children, who belong
+to their mother's clan; what he earns goes to his own matriarchal
+stock, and at his death his bones are deposited in the cromlech of his
+mother's kin. In Jowai he neither lives nor eats in his wife's house,
+but visits it only after dark (p. 76). In the veneration of ancestors,
+which is the foundation of the tribal piety, the primal ancestress
+(_Ka Iawbei_) and her brother are the only persons regarded. The
+flat memorial stones set up to perpetuate the memory of the dead are
+called after the woman who represents the clan (_maw kynthei_ p. 150),
+and the standing stones ranged behind them are dedicated to the male
+kinsmen on the mother's side.
+
+In harmony with this scheme of ancestor worship, the other spirits
+to whom propitiation is offered are mainly female, though here male
+personages also figure (pp. 106-109). The powers of sickness and
+death are all female, and these are those most frequently worshipped
+(p. 107). The two protectors of the household are goddesses (p. 112),
+though with them is also revered the first father of the clan,
+_U Thawlang_.
+
+Priestesses assist at all sacrifices, and the male officiants are
+only their deputies (p. 121); in one important state, Khyrim, the
+High Priestess and actual head of the State is a woman, who combines
+in her person sacerdotal and regal functions (p. 70).
+
+The Khasi language, so far as known, is the only member of the
+Mon-Khmer family which possesses a grammatical gender, distinguishing
+all nouns as masculine and feminine; and here also the feminine
+nouns immensely preponderate (p. 206). The pronouns of the second
+(me, pha) and third person (u, ka) have separate forms for the sexes
+in the singular, but in the plural only one is used (phi, ki), and
+this is the plural form of the feminine singular.
+
+It may perhaps be ascribed to the pre-eminence accorded by the
+Khasis to the female sex that successive censuses have shown that the
+women of this race considerably exceed the men in number. According
+to the census of 1901, there are 1,118 females to every 1,000 male
+Khasis. This excess, however, is surpassed by that of the Lushais,
+1,191 to 1,000, and it may possibly be due to the greater risks to life
+encountered by the men, who venture far into the plains as traders and
+porters, while the women stay at home. Habits of intemperance, which
+are confined to the male sex, may also explain a greater mortality
+among them.
+
+It would be interesting to investigate the effect on reproduction
+of the system of matriarchy which governs Khasi family life. The
+increase of the race is very slow. In the census of 1891 there were
+enumerated only 117 children under 5 to every hundred married women
+between 15 and 40, and in 1901 this number fell to 108. It has been
+suggested that the independence of the wife, and the facilities which
+exist for divorce, lead to restrictions upon child-bearing, and thus
+keep the population stationary. The question might with advantage be
+examined at the census of 1911.
+
+The next characteristic of the Khasis which marks them out for special
+notice is their method of divination for ascertaining the causes of
+misfortune and the remedies to be applied. All forms of animistic
+religion make it their chief business to avert the wrath of the
+gods, to which calamities of all kinds--sickness, storm, murrain,
+loss of harvest--are ascribed, by some kind of propitiation; and in
+this the Khasis are not singular. But it is somewhat surprising to
+find among them the identical method of _extispicium_ which was in use
+among the Romans, as well as an analogous development in the shape of
+egg-breaking, fully described by Major Gurdon (p. 221), which seems
+to have been known to diviners in ancient Hellas. [10] This method has
+(with much else in Khasi practice) been adopted by the former subjects
+of the Khasis, the Mikirs; but it does not appear to be prevalent
+among any other of the animistic tribes within the boundaries of India.
+
+The third remarkable feature of Khasi usage is the custom, which
+prevails to this day, of setting up great memorials of rough stone,
+of the same style and character as the _menhirs_ and _cromlechs_ which
+are found in Western Europe, Northern Africa, and Western Asia. It
+is very surprising to a visitor, unprepared for the sight by previous
+information, to find himself on arrival at the plateau in the midst of
+great groups of standing and table stones exactly like those he may
+have seen in Brittany, the Channel Islands, the south of England,
+or the Western Isles. Unfortunately the great earthquake of June
+1897 overthrew many of the finest of these megalithic monuments;
+but several still remain, and of these Major Gurdon has given an
+excellent description (pp. 144 sqq.), with an explanation of the
+different forms which they assume and the objects with which they
+are erected. Other races in India besides the Khasis set up stone
+memorials; but none, perhaps, to the same extent or with the same
+systematic purpose and arrangement.
+
+In conclusion, I have only to commend this work to the consideration
+of all interested in the accurate and detailed description of primitive
+custom. I lived myself for many years among the Khasis, and endeavoured
+to find out what I could about them; but much of what Major Gurdon
+records is new to me, though the book generally agrees with what I
+was able to gather of their institutions and characteristics. It is,
+I think, an excellent example of research, and well fitted to stand
+at the head of a series which may be expected to make an important
+contribution to the data of anthropology.
+
+C. J. Lyall.
+
+_November_, 1906.
+
+
+
+
+THE KHASIS
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+General
+
+
+Habitat.
+
+The Khasis reside in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district of
+Assam. They number 176,614 souls, which total is made up of:--
+
+
+        Khasis                              107,515
+        Syntengs                             47,883
+        Christian Khasis                     17,125
+        Khasis inhabiting other districts     4,091
+
+                                            176,614
+
+
+The Khasi and Jaintia Hills district is situated between 25° 1' and 26°
+5' North Latitude, and between 90° 47' and 92° 52' East Longitude. It
+contains an area of 6,157 square miles, with a total population at
+the Census of 1901 of 202,250 souls. In addition to the Khasis there
+are some members of Bodo tribes inhabiting parts of the district.
+
+The Lynngam tribe appears to have been reckoned in 1901 as Khasi,
+there being no separate record at the last Census of these people.
+
+The district is split up into two divisions, the Khasi Hills proper
+and the Jaintia Hills. The Khasi Hills form the western portion of
+the district and the Jaintia Hills the eastern. The Khasis inhabit
+the Khasi Hills proper, and the Syntengs, or Pnars, the Jaintia
+Hills. The latter hills take their name from the Rajas of Jaintia, the
+former rulers of this part of the country, who had as their capital
+Jaintiapur, a place situated at the foot of the Jaintia Hills on the
+southern side, which now falls within the boundaries of the Sylhet
+district. The Lynngams inhabit the western portion of the Khasi Hills
+proper. A line drawn north and south through the village of Nongstoin
+may be said to form their eastern boundary, and the Kamrup and Sylhet
+districts their northern and southern boundaries, respectively. The
+people known as _Bhois_ in these hills, who are many of them really
+Mikirs, live in the low hills to the north and north-east of the
+district, the term "Bhoi" being a territorial name rather than
+tribal. The eastern boundary of the Lynngam country may be said to
+form their north-western boundary. The Wárs inhabit the precipitous
+slopes and deep valleys to the south of the district. Their country
+extends along the entire southern boundary of the district to the
+Jadukata, or Kenchi-iong, river where the Lynngam territory may be
+said to commence towards the south. There are some Hadem colonies
+in the extreme eastern portions of the Jaintia Hills. It is these
+colonies which are sometimes referred to by other writers as "Kuki
+Colonies." They are settlers from the North Cachar Sub-division of the
+Cachar district within recent years. It is possible that the title
+Hadem may have some connection with _Hidimba_, the ancient name for
+the North Cachar Hills.
+
+
+Appearance.
+
+The colour of the Khasi skin may be described as being usually
+brown, varying from dark to a light yellowish brown, according to
+locality. The complexion of the people who inhabit the uplands is of
+a somewhat lighter shade, and many of the women, especially those who
+live at Nongkrem, Laitlyngkot, Mawphlang, and other villages of the
+surrounding high plateaux possess that pretty gipsy complexion that
+is seen in the South of Europe amongst the peasants. The people of
+Cherrapunji village are specially fair. The Syntengs of the Jaintia
+Hills are darker than the Khasi uplanders. The Wárs who live in the
+low valleys are frequently more swarthy than the Khasis. The Bhois
+have the flabby-looking yellow skin of the Mikirs, and the Lynngams
+are darker than the Khakis. The Lynngams are probably the darkest
+complexioned people in the hills, and if one met them in the plains
+one would not be able to distinguish them from the ordinary Kachari or
+Rabha. The nose in the Khasi is somewhat depressed, the nostrils being
+often large and prominent. The forehead is broad and the space between
+the eyes is often considerable. The skull may be said to be almost
+brachy-cephalic, the average cephalic index of 77 Khasi subjects,
+measured by Col. Waddell and Major Hare, I.M.S., being as high as 77.3
+and 77.9, respectively. According to these data the Khasis are more
+brachy-cephalic than the Aryans, whose measurements appear in Crooke's
+tables, more brachy-cephalic than the 100 Mundas whose measurements
+appear in Risley's tables, more brachy-cephalic than the Dravidians,
+but less brachy-cephalic than the Burmans, whose measurements also
+appear in Crooke's tables. It would be interesting to compare some head
+measurements of Khasis with Japanese, but unfortunately the necessary
+data are not available in the case of the latter people. The Khasi
+head may be styled sub-brachy-cephalic. Eyes are of medium size,
+in colour black or brown. In the Jaintia Hills hazel eyes are not
+uncommon, especially amongst females. Eyelids are somewhat obliquely
+set, but not so acutely as in the Chinese and some other Mongols. Jaws
+frequently are prognathous, mouth large, with sometimes rather thick
+lips. Hair black, straight, and worn long, the hair of people who
+adopt the old style being caught up in a knot at the back. Some
+males cut the hair short with the exception of a single lock at the
+back, which is called _u niuhtrong_ or _u niuh-' iawbei_ (i.e. the
+grandmother's lock.) The forepart of the head is often shaven. It
+is quite the exception to see a beard, although the moustache is not
+infrequently worn. The Lynngams pull out the hairs of the moustache
+with the exception of a few hairs an either side of the upper lip.
+
+
+Physical and General Characteristics
+
+The Khasis are usually short in stature, with bodies well nourished,
+and the males are extremely muscular. The trunk is long in proportion
+to the rest of the body, and broad at the waist; calves are very
+highly developed. The women, when young are comely, of a buxom type,
+and, like the men, with highly-developed calves, the latter always
+being considered a beauty. The children are frequently remarkably
+pretty. Khasis carry very heavy burdens, it being the custom for the
+coolie of the country to carry a maund, or 82 lbs. weight, or even
+more occasionally, on his back, the load being fixed by means of a
+cane band which is worn across the forehead; women carry almost as
+heavy loads as the men. The coolies, both male and female, commonly
+do the journey between Cherrapunji and Shillong, or between Shillong
+and Jowai, in one day, carrying the heavy loads above mentioned. Each
+of the above journeys is some thirty miles. They carry their great
+loads of rice and salt from Therria to Cherrapunji, an ascent of about
+4,000 feet in some three to four miles, in the day. The Khasis are
+probably the best porters in the north of India, and have frequently
+been requisitioned for transport purposes on military expeditions.
+
+The people are cheerful in disposition, and are light-hearted by
+nature, and, unlike the plains people, seem to thoroughly appreciate
+a joke. It is pleasant to hear on the road down to Theriaghat from
+Cherrapunji, in the early morning the whole hillside resounding with
+the scraps of song and peals of laughter of the coolies, as they run
+nimbly down the short cuts on their way to market. The women are
+specially cheerful, and pass the time of day and bandy jokes with
+passers-by with quite an absence of reserve. The Khasis are certainly
+more industrious than the Assamese, are generally good-tempered,
+but are occasionally prone to sudden outbursts of anger, accompanied
+by violence. They are fond of music, and rapidly learn the hymn
+tunes which are taught them by the Welsh missionaries. Khasis are
+devoted to their offspring, and the women make excellent nurses for
+European children, frequently becoming much attached to their little
+charges. The people, like the Japanese, are fond of nature. A Khasi
+loves a day out in the woods, where he thoroughly enjoys himself. If
+he does not go out shooting or fishing, he is content to sit still
+and contemplate nature. He has a separate name for each of the
+commoner birds and flowers. He also has names for many butterflies
+and moths. These are traits which are not found usually in the people
+of India. He is not above manual labour, and even the Khasi clerk
+in the Government offices is quite ready to take his turn at the
+hoe in his potato garden. The men make excellent stonemasons and
+carpenters, and are ready to learn fancy carpentry and mechanical
+work. They are inveterate chewers of _supari_ and the pan leaf (when
+they can get the latter), both men, women, and children; distances in
+the interior being often measured by the number of betel-nuts that
+are usually chewed on a journey. They are not addicted usually to
+the use of opium or other intoxicating drugs. They are, however,
+hard drinkers, and consume large quantities of spirit distilled
+from rice or millet. Rice beer is also manufactured; this is used
+not only as a beverage, but also for ceremonial purposes. Spirit
+drinking is confined more to the inhabitants of the high plateaux
+and to the people of the Wár country, the Bhois and Lynngams being
+content to partake of rice beer. The Mikirs who inhabit what is
+known as the "Bhoi" country, lying to the north of the district,
+consume a good deal of opium, but it must be remembered that they
+reside in a malarious _terai_ country, and that the use of opium,
+or same other prophylactic, is probably beneficial as a preventive
+of fever. The Khasis, like other people of Indo-Chinese origin,
+are much addicted to gambling. The people, and especially those who
+inhabit the Wár country, are fond of litigation. Col. Bivar remarks,
+"As regards truthfulness the people do not excel, for they rarely
+speak the truth unless to suit their own interests." Col. Bivar might
+have confined this observation to the people who live in the larger
+centres of population, or who have been much in contact with the
+denizens of the plains. The inhabitants of the far interior are, as
+a rule, simple and straightforward people, and are quite as truthful
+and honest as peasants one meets in other countries. My impression
+is that the Khasis are not less truthful certainly than other Indian
+communities. McCosh, writing in 1837, speaks well of the Khasis. The
+following is his opinion of them:--"They are a powerful, athletic
+race of men, rather below the middle size, with a manliness of gait
+and demeanour. They are fond of their mountains, and look down with
+contempt upon the degenerate race of the plains, jealous of their
+power, brave in action, and have an aversion to falsehood."
+
+Khasis of the interior who have adopted Christianity are generally
+cleaner in their persons than the non-Christians, and their women dress
+better than the latter and have an air of self-respect about them. The
+houses in a Christian village are also far superior, especially where
+there are resident European missionaries. Khasis who have become
+Christians often take to religion with much earnestness (witness the
+recent religious revival in these hills, which is estimated by the
+Welsh missionaries to have added between 4,000 and 5,000 converts
+to Christianity), and are model Sabbatarians, it being a pleasing
+sight to see men, women, and children trooping to church on a Sunday
+dressed in their best, and with quite the Sunday expression on their
+faces one sees in England. It is a pleasure to hear the sound of the
+distant church bell on the hill-side on a Sunday evening, soon to be
+succeeded by the beautiful Welsh hymn tunes which, when wafted across
+the valleys, carry one's thoughts far away. The Welsh missionaries
+have done, and continue to do, an immense amount of good amongst these
+people. It would be an evil day for the Khasis if anything should
+occur to arrest the progress of the mission work in the Khasi Hills.
+
+
+Geographical Distribution.
+
+The Khasis inhabit the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, although there are a
+few Khasi settlers in the neighbouring plains districts. The Census
+Report of 1901 gives the following figures of Khasi residents in
+the plains:
+
+
+        Cachar                                333
+        Sylbet                              3,083
+        Goalpara                                4
+        Kamrup                                191
+        Darrong                                90
+        Nowgong                                29
+        Sibnagar                               62
+        Lakhimpur                              22
+        Lushai Hills                           77
+        North Cachar                           32
+        Naga Hills                             82
+        Garo Hills                            117
+        Manipur                                69
+
+        Total                               4,091 [11]
+
+
+The following information regarding the general aspect of the Khasi
+and Jaintia Hills district, with some additions, is derived from Sir
+William Hunter's Statistical Account of Assam. The district consists
+almost entirely of hills, only a very small portion lying in the
+plains. The slope of the hills on the southern side is very steep
+until a table-land is met with at an elevation of about 4,000 feet at
+Cherrapunji. Higher up there is another plateau at Mawphlang. This is
+the highest portion of the hills, some villages being found at as high
+an elevation as close on 6,000 feet above see level. Fifteen miles to
+the east of Mawphlang, and in the same range, is situated the civil
+station of Shillong, at an average elevation of about 4,900 feet. The
+elevation of the Shillong Peak, the highest hill in the district, is
+6,450 feet above sea level. On the northern side of the hills are two
+plateaux, one between 1,000 and 2,000 feet below the level of Shillong,
+and another at an elevation of about 2,000 feet above sea level. In
+general features all these plateaux are much alike, and consist of a
+succession of undulating downs, broken here and there by the valleys
+of the larger hill streams. In the higher ranges, where the hills have
+been denuded of forest, the country is covered with short grass, which
+becomes longer and more rank in the lower elevations. This denudation
+of forest has been largely due to the wood being used by the Khasis for
+fuel for iron smelting in days gone by. The Government, however, has
+taken steps to protect the remaining forests from further spoliation. A
+remarkable feature is the presence of numerous sacred groves situated
+generally just below the brows of the hills. In these woods are to
+be found principally oak and rhododendron trees. The fir-tree (Pinus
+Khasia) is first met with on the road from Gauhati to Shillong, at
+Umsning, at an elevation of about 2,500 feet. In the neighbourhood
+of Shillong the fir grows profusely, but the finest fir-trees are
+to be seen in the Jowai sub-division. In the vicinity of Nongpoh is
+observed the beautiful _nahor_ or _nageswar_, the iron-wood tree. The
+latter is also to be found on the southern slopes of the hills in
+the Jowai sub-division. There are some _sal_ forests to the west and
+south of Nongpoh, where the _sal_ trees are almost as large as those
+to be found in the Garo Hills. Between Shillong and Jowai there are
+forests of oak, the country being beautifully wooded. Chestnuts and
+birches are also fairly common. The low hills on the northern and
+western sides of the district are clad with dense forests of bamboo,
+of which there are many varieties. The Pandanus or screw-pine is to be
+met with on the southern slopes. Regarding the geological formation
+of the hills, I extract a few general remarks from the Physical and
+Political Geography of Assam. The Shillong plateau consists of a great
+mass of gneiss, bare on the northern border, where it is broken into
+hills, for the most part low and very irregular in outline, with
+numerous outliers in the Lower Assam Valley, even close up to the
+Himalayas. In the central region the gneiss is covered by transition
+or sub-metamorphic rocks, consisting of a strong band of quartzites
+overlying a mass of earthy schists. In the very centre of the range,
+where the table-land attains its highest elevation, great masses of
+intrusive diorite and granite occur; and the latter is found in dykes
+piercing the gneiss and sub-metamorphic series throughout the southern
+half of the boundary of the plains. To the south, in contact with
+the gneiss and sub-metamorphics is a great volcanic outburst of trap,
+which is stratified, and is brought to the surface with the general
+rise of elevation along the face of the hills between Shella and
+Theriaghat south of Cherrapunji. This has been described as the "Sylhet
+trap." South of the main axis of this metamorphic and volcanic mass are
+to be found strata of two well defined series: (1) the cretaceous,
+and (2) nummulitic. The cretaceous contains several important
+coalfields. The nummulitic series, which overlies the cretaceous,
+attains a thickness of 900 feet in the Theria river, consisting of
+alternating strata of compact limestones and sandstones. It is at
+the exposure of these rocks on their downward dip from the edge of
+the plateau that are situated the extensive limestone quarries of
+the Khasi Hills. There are numerous limestone caves and underground
+water-courses on the southern face of the hills. This series contains
+coal-beds, e.g. the Cherrafield and that at Lakadong in the Jaintia
+Hills. Some description of the remarkable Kyllang Rock may not be out
+of place. Sir Joseph Hooker describes it as a dome of red granite,
+5,400 feet above sea level, accessible from the north and east, but
+almost perpendicular to the southward where the slope is 80° for 600
+feet. The elevation is said by Hooker to be 400 feet above the mean
+level of the surrounding ridges and 700 feet above the bottom of
+the valleys. The south or steepest side is encumbered with enormous
+detached blocks, while the north is clothed with forests containing
+red tree-rhododendrons and oaks. Hooker says that on its skirts grows
+a "white bushy rhododendron" which he found nowhere else. There is,
+however, a specimen of it now in the Shillong Lake garden. Numerous
+orchids are to be found in the Kyllang wood, notably a beautiful white
+one, called by the Khasis _u'tiw kyllang synrai_, which blooms in the
+autumn. The view from the top of the rock is very extensive, especially
+towards the north, where a magnificent panorama of the Himalayas is
+obtained in the autumn. The most remarkable phenomenon of any kind in
+the country is undoubtedly the enormous quantity of rain which falls
+at Cherrapunji. [12] Practically the whole of the rainfall occurs in
+the rains, i.e. from May to October. The remainder of the district is
+less rainy. The climate of the central plateau of the Shillong range
+is very salubrious, but the low hills in parts of the district are
+malarious. The effect of the different climates can at once be seen
+by examining the physique of the inhabitants. The Khasis who live
+in the high central plateaux are exceptionally healthy and strong,
+but those who live in the unhealthy "Bhoi country" to the north, and
+in the Lynngam portion to the west of the district, are often stunted
+and sickly. Not so, however, the Wárs who live on the southern slopes,
+for although their country is very hot at certain times of the year, it
+does not appear to be abnormally unhealthy except in certain villages,
+such as Shella, Borpunji, Umniuh, and in Narpuh in the Jaintia Hills.
+
+
+Origin.
+
+The origin of the Khasis is a very vexed question. Although it is
+probable that the Khasis have inhabited their present abode for at
+any rate a considerable period, there seems to be a fairly general
+belief amongst them that they originally came from elsewhere. The
+Rev. H. Roberts, in the introduction to his Khasi Grammar, states that
+"tradition, such as it is, connects them politically with the Burmese,
+to whose king they were up to a comparatively recent date rendering
+homage, by sending him an annual tribute in the shape of an axe,
+as an emblem merely of submission." Another tradition points out the
+north as the direction from which they migrated, and Sylhet as the
+terminus of their wanderings, from which they were ultimately driven
+back into their present hill fastnesses by a great flood, after a
+more or less peaceful occupation of that district. It was on the
+occasion of this great flood, the legend runs, that the Khasi lost
+the art of writing, the Khasi losing his book whilst he was swimming
+at the time of this flood, whereas the Bengali managed to preserve
+his. Owing to the Khasis having possessed no written character before
+the advent of the Welsh missionaries there are no histories as is the
+case with the Ahoms of the Assam Valley, and therefore no record of
+their journeys. Mr. Shadwell, the oldest living authority we have on
+the Khasis, and one who has been in close touch with the people for
+more than half a century, mentions a tradition amongst them that they
+originally came into Assam from Burma via the Patkoi range, having
+followed the route of one of the Burmese invasions. Mr. Shadwell has
+heard them mention the name Patkoi as a hill they met with on their
+journey. All this sort of thing is, however, inexpressibly vague. In
+the chapter dealing with "Affinities" have been given some reasons for
+supposing that the Khasis and other tribes of the Mon-Anam family,
+originally occupied a large portion of the Indian continent. Where
+the actual cradle of the Mon-Anam race was, is as impossible to
+state, as it is to fix upon the exact tract of country from which
+the Aryans sprang. With reference to the Khasi branch of the Mon-Anam
+family, it would seem reasonable to suppose that if they are not the
+autochthons of a portion of the hills on the southern bank of the
+Brahmaputra, and if they migrated to Assam from some other country,
+it is not unlikely that they followed the direction of the different
+irruptions of foreign peoples into Assam of which we have authentic
+data, i.e. from south-east to north-west, as was the case with the
+Ahom invaders of Assam who invaded Assam from their settlements in the
+Shan States via the Patkoi range, the different Burmese invasions,
+the movements of the Khamtis and, again, the Singphos, from the
+country to the east of the Hukong Valley. Whether the first cousins
+of the Khasis, the Mons, moved to their present abode from China,
+whether they are the aborigines of the portion of Burma they at
+present occupy, or were one of the races "of Turanian origin" who,
+as Forbes thinks, originally occupied the valley of the Ganges before
+the Aryan invasion, must be left to others more qualified than myself
+to determine. Further, it is difficult to clear up the mystery of
+the survival, in an isolated position, of people like the Ho-Mundas,
+whose language and certain customs exhibit points of similarity with
+those of the Khasis, in close proximity to the Dravidian tribes and
+at a great distance from the Khasis, there being no people who exhibit
+similar characteristics inhabiting countries situated in between; but
+we can, I think, reasonably suppose that the Khasis are an offshoot
+of the Mon people of Further India in the light of the historical
+fact I have quoted, i.e. that the movements of races into Assam
+have usually, although not invariably, taken place from the east,
+and not from the west. The tendency for outside people to move into
+Assam from the east still continues.
+
+
+Affinities.
+
+The late Mr. S. E. Peal, F.R.G.S., in an interesting and suggestive
+paper published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
+in 1896, drew attention to certain illustrations of "singular
+shoulder-headed celts," found only in the Malay Peninsula till
+the year 1875, when they were also discovered in Chota Nagpur, and
+figured in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for June of
+that year. These "celts" are, as the name implies, ancient stone
+implements. Mr. Peal goes on to state the interesting fact that
+when he was at Ledo and Tikak, Naga villages, east of Makum, on the
+south-east frontier of the Lakhimpur district of Assam, in 1895,
+he found iron implements, miniature hoes, used by the Nagas, of a
+similar shape to the "shoulder-headed celts" which had been found in
+the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur. Now the peculiarly shaped Khasi
+hoe or _mo-khiw_, a sketch of which is given, with its far projecting
+shoulders, is merely an enlarged edition of the Naga hoe described
+by Peal, and may therefore be regarded as a modern representative
+in iron, although on an enlarged scale, of the "shoulder-headed
+celts." Another interesting point is that, according to Forbes, the
+Burmese name for these stone celts is _mo-gyo_. Now the Khasi name
+for the hoe is _mo-khiw_. The similarity between the two words seems
+very strong. Forbes says the name _mo-gyo_ in Burmese means "cloud
+or sky chain," which he interprets "thunderbolt," the popular belief
+there, as in other countries, being that these palaeolithic implements
+fell from heaven. Although the Khasi name _mo-khiw_ has no connection
+whatsoever with aerolites, it is a singular coincidence that the name
+for the Khasi hoe of the present day should almost exactly correspond
+with the Burmese name for the palaeolithic implement found in Burma and
+the Malay Peninsula, and when it is remembered that these stone celts
+are of a different shape from that of the stone implements which have
+been found in India (with the exception of Chota Nagpur), there would
+seem to be some grounds for believing that the Khasis are connected
+with people who inhabited the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur at the
+time of the Stone Age. [13] That these people were what Logan calls
+the Mon-Anam, may possibly be the case. Mr. Peal goes on to state,
+"the discovery is interesting for other reasons, it possibly amounts
+to a demonstration that Logan (who it is believed was the first to
+draw attention to the points of resemblance between the languages of
+the Mon-Anam or Mon-Khmêr and those of the Mundas and the Khasis), was
+correct in assuming that at one time the Mon-Anam races and influence
+extended from the Vindyas all over the Ganges Basin, even over Assam,
+the northern border of the Ultra Indian Peninsula." Mr. Peal then
+remarks that the Eastern Nagas of the Tirap, Namstik, and Sonkap group
+"are strikingly like them (i.e. the Mon-Anam races), in many respects,
+the women being particularly robust, with pale colour and at times
+rosy cheeks." The interesting statement follows that the men wear the
+Khasi-Mikir sleeveless coat. Under the heading of dress this will be
+found described as a garment which leaves the neck and arms bare, with
+a fringe at the bottom and with a row of tassels across the chest, the
+coat being fastened by frogs in front. It is a garment of a distinctive
+character and cannot be mistaken; it used to be worn largely by the
+Khasis, and is still used extensively by the Syntengs and Lynngams
+and by the Mikirs, and that it should have been found amongst these
+Eastern Nagas is certainly remarkable. It is to be regretted that the
+investigations of the Ethnographical Survey, as at present conducted,
+have not extended to these Eastern Nagas, who inhabit tracts either
+outside British territory or in very remote places on its confines,
+so that we are at present unable to state whether any of these
+tribes possess other points of affinity, as regards social customs,
+with the Khasis, but it will be noticed in the chapter dealing with
+memorial stones that some of the Naga tribes are in the habit of
+erecting monoliths somewhat similar in character to those of the
+Khasis, and that the Mikirs (who wear the Khasi sleeveless coat),
+erect memorial stones exactly similar to those of the Khasis. The
+evidence seems to suggest a theory that the Mon-Anam race, including
+of course the Khasis, occupied at one time a much larger area in the
+mountainous country to the south of the Brahmaputra in Assam than it
+does at present. Further references will be found to this point in the
+section dealing with memorial stones. The fact that the Ho-Mundas of
+Chota Nagpur also erect memorial stones and that they possess death
+customs very similar to those of the Khasis, has also been noticed
+in the same chapter. We have, therefore, the following points of
+similarity as regards customs between the Khasis on the one hand,
+certain Eastern Naga tribes, the Mikirs, and the ancient inhabitants
+of the Malay Peninsula on the other:--
+
+(a) Peculiarly shaped hoe, i.e. the hoe with far projecting shoulders
+
+    1. Khasis.
+    2. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
+    3. The ancient inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula.
+    4. The ancient inhabitants of Chota Nagpur (the Ho-Mundas?).
+
+(b) Sleeveless coat
+
+    1. Khasis.
+    2. Mikirs.
+    3. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
+
+(c) Memorial stones
+
+    1. Khasis.
+    2. Mikirs.
+    3. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
+    4. Ho-Mundas of Chota Nagpur.
+
+I wish to draw no definite conclusions from the above facts, but they
+are certainly worth considering with reference to Logan's theory
+as stated by Peal; the theory being based on Logan's philological
+inquiries. Thanks to the labours of Grierson, Logan, and Kuhn in
+the linguistic field, we know that the languages of the Mon-Khmêr
+group in Burma and the Malay Peninsula are intimately connected with
+Khasi. I say, intimately, advisedly, for not only are roots of words
+seen to be similar, but the order of the words in the sentence is
+found to be the same, indicating that both these people think in
+the same order when wishing to express themselves by speech. There
+are also syntactical agreements. We may take it as finally proved
+by Dr. Grierson and Professor Kuhn that the Mon-Khmêr, Palaung,
+Wa, and Khasi languages are closely connected. In the section of the
+Monograph which deals with language some striking similarities between
+the languages of these tribes will be pointed out. We have not so far
+been able to discover social customs common to the Palaungs and the
+Khasis; this is probably due to the conversion of the Palaungs to
+Buddhism, the change in the religion of the people having possibly
+caused the abandonment of the primitive customs of the tribe. In a
+few years' time, if the progressive rate of conversions of Khasis to
+Christianity continues, probably the greater number of the Khasi social
+customs will have disappeared and others will have taken their place,
+so that it cannot be argued that because no manifest social customs
+can now be found common to the Khasis and the Palaungs, there is no
+connection between these two tribes. The strong linguistic affinity
+between these two peoples and the wild _Was_ of Burma points to an
+intimate connection between all three in the past. As knowledge of
+the habits of the wild _Was_ improves, it is quite possible that
+social customs of this tribe may be found to be held in common with
+the Khasis. With regard to social affinities it will be interesting
+to note the Palaung folk-tale of the origin of their Sawbwa, which is
+reproduced in Sir George Scott's Upper Burma Gazetteer. The Sawbwa,
+it is related, is descended from the Naga Princess Thusandi who
+lived in the _Nat_ tank on the Mongok hills and who laid three eggs,
+from one of which was born the ancestor of the Palaung Sawbwa. Here
+we see how the Palaung regards the egg, and it is noteworthy that
+the Khasis lay great stress on its potency in divination for the
+purposes of religious sacrifices, and that at death it is placed on
+the stomach of the deceased and is afterwards broken at the funeral
+pyre. Amongst some of the tribes of the Malay Archipelago also the
+_Gaji-Guru_ or medicine-man "can see from the yolk of an egg, broken
+whilst sacramentally counting from one to seven, from what illness
+a man is suffering and what has caused it." Here we have an almost
+exactly parallel case to the Khasi custom of egg-breaking.
+
+In the Palaung folk-tale above referred to the importance of the egg
+in the eyes of Palaung is demonstrated, and we know how the Khasi
+regards it. But the folk-tale is also important as suggesting that
+the ancient people of Pagan were originally serpent-worshippers,
+i.e. Nágás, and it is interesting to note that the Rumai or Palaung
+women of the present day "wear a dress which is like the skin of
+the Naga (snake)." Is it possible that the Khasi superstition of the
+_thlen_, or serpent demon, and its worship, an account of which will
+be found under the heading of "Human Sacrifices" in the Monograph,
+has anything to do with the ancient snake-worship of the people of
+Pagan, and also of the ancient inhabitants of Naga-Dwipa, and that
+amongst the wild _Was_ the custom of head-hunting may have taken the
+place of the Khasi human sacrifices to the _thlen_?
+
+Notwithstanding that Sir George Scott says the story has very Burman
+characteristics, the Palaung folk-tale is further interesting in
+that it speaks of the Sawbwa of the Palaungs being descended from a
+_princess_. This might be a suggestion of the matriarchate.
+
+It can well be imagined how important a matter it is also, in the light
+of Grierson's and Kuhn's linguistic conclusions, to ascertain whether
+any of the Mon-Khmêr people in Anam and Cambodia and neighbouring
+countries possess social customs in common with the Khasis. In case
+it may be possible for French and Siamese ethnologists in Further
+India to follow up these inquiries at some subsequent date, it may
+be stated that information regarding social customs is required with
+reference to the people who speak the following languages in Anam and
+Cambodia and Cochin China which belong to the Mon-Khmêr group--_Suk,
+Stieng, Bahnar, Anamese, Khamen-Boran, Xong, Samre, Khmu_, and _Lamet_.
+
+Notwithstanding our failure up till now to find any patent and direct
+social customs in common between the Khasis and the Palaungs, I am
+in hopes that we may yet discover some such affinities. Mr. Lowis,
+the Superintendent of Ethnography in Burma, states that there is no
+vestige of the matriarchal system among the Palaungs; but there is the
+folk-tale I have quoted above. In matters of succession, inheritance,
+&c., the Palaungs, Mr. Lowis, says, profess to follow the Shans,
+whose customs in this regard have a Buddhistic basis. The Palaungs are
+devout Buddhists, and, like the Burmans and Shans, bury their lay dead,
+whereas the Khasis invariably burn. There is nothing in the shape
+of memorial stones amongst the Palaungs. _Primâ facie_ these appear
+to be points of differentiation between the Palaungs and the Khasis;
+but they should not, as has already been stated, be regarded as proof
+positive that the tribes are not connected, and it is possible that
+under the influence of Buddhism the Palaungs may have almost entirely
+abandoned their ancient customs, like the Christian Khasis.
+
+Having noticed some similarities as regards birth customs, as
+described in Dr. Frazer's "Golden Bough," between the Khasis and
+certain inhabitants of the Dutch East Indies, I wrote to the Dutch
+authorities in Batavia requesting certain further information. My
+application was treated with the greatest courtesy, and I am indebted
+to the kindness of the President, his secretary, and Mr. C. M. Pleyte,
+Lecturer of Indonesian Ethnology at the Gymnasium of William III.,
+at Batavia, for some interesting as well as valuable information. With
+reference to possible Malay influence in the countries inhabited by the
+people who speak the Mon-Khmêr group of languages in Further India, it
+was thought desirable to ascertain whether any of the people inhabiting
+the Dutch East Indies possessed anything in common with the Khasis, who
+also belong to the Mon-Khmêr group. There are, according to Mr. Pleyte,
+pure matriarchal customs to be found amongst the Minangkabe Malays
+inhabiting the Padang uplands and adjacent countries, in Sumatra,
+in Agam, the fifty Kotas, and Tanah Datar, more or less mixed with
+patriarchal institutions; they are equally followed by the tribes
+inhabiting parts of Korinchi and other places. The apparently strong
+survival of the matriarchate in parts of the island of Sumatra,
+as compared with this corresponding most characteristic feature
+of the Khasis, is a point for consideration. Mr. Pleyte goes on
+to state "regarding ancestor-worship, it may be said that this
+is found everywhere throughout the whole Archipelago; even the
+tribes that have already adopted Islam, venerate the spirits of
+their departed." The same might be said of some of the Khasis who
+have accepted Christianity, and much more of the Japanese. I would
+here refer the reader to the chapter on "Ancestor-worship." In the
+Southern Moluccas the placenta is mixed with ashes, placed in a pot,
+and hung on a tree; a similar custom is observed in Mandeling, on
+the west coast of Sumatra. This is a custom universally observed
+amongst the Khasis at births. Teknonomy to some extent prevails
+amongst some of these Malay tribes as with the Khasis. It will be
+seen from the above notes that there are some interesting points
+of affinity between the Khasis and some of the Malay tribes, and if
+we add that the Khasis are decidedly Malay in appearance, we cannot
+but wonder whether the Malays have any connection not only with the
+Mon-Khmêr family, but also with the Khasis, with the Ho-Mundas, and
+with the Naga tribes mentioned by Mr. Peal in his interesting paper
+published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, already
+referred to. We will study the strong linguistic affinities between
+these peoples in the section which deals with language.
+
+M. Aymonier in "Le Cambodge" mentions the matriarchate as having been
+prevalent apparently amongst the primitive races of Cambodia, and
+notes that the ancient Chinese writers spoke of Queens in Fou-nan
+(Cambodia). If the Khmêrs were the ancient people of Cambodia,
+here we have an important landmark in common between them and the
+Khasis. M. Aymonier goes on to speak of priestesses, and the Cambodian
+taboo, _tam_ or _trenam_, which Mr. Lowis, the Superintendent of
+Ethnography in Burma, suggests may be akin to the Khasi _sang_.
+
+
+Dress.
+
+Dress may be divided into two divisions, ancient and modern. It will
+be convenient to take the former division first. The Khasi males
+of the interior wear the sleeveless coat or _jymphong_, which is a
+garment leaving the neck and arms bare, with a fringe at the bottom,
+and with a row of tassels across the chest; it is fastened by frogs
+in front. This coat, however, may be said to be going out of fashion
+in the Khasi Hills, its place being taken by coats of European pattern
+in the more civilized centres and by all sorts of nondescript garments
+in the interior. The sleeveless coat, however, is still worn by many
+Syntengs in the interior and by the Bhois and Lynngams. The men in the
+Khasi Hills wear a cap with ear-flaps. The elderly men, or other men
+when smartness is desired, wear a white turban, which is fairly large
+and is well tied on the head. Males in the Siemship of Nongstoin and
+in the North-Western corner of the district wear knitted worsted caps
+which are often of a red colour. These are sold at Nongstoin market
+at about 8 or 9 annas each. They are brought to Nongstoin by traders
+from the Synteng country, and from Shillong, where they are knitted
+generally by Synteng women. A small cloth is worn round the waist
+and between the legs, one end of which hangs down in front like a
+small apron. The Syntengs wear a somewhat differently shaped cap,
+having no ear-flaps and with a high-peaked crown. Both Khasi and
+Synteng caps are generally of black cloth, having, as often as not,
+a thick coating of grease. The old-fashioned Khasi female's dress,
+which is that worn by people of the cultivator class of the present
+day, is the following:--Next to the skin is worn a garment called _ka
+jympien_, which is a piece of cloth wound round the body and fastened
+at the loins with a kind of cloth belt, and which hangs down from
+the waist to the knee or a little above it. Over this is worn a long
+piece of cloth, sometimes of muga silk, called _ka jainsem_. This is
+not worn like the Assamese _mekhela_ or Bengali _sari_, for it hangs
+loosely from the shoulders down to a little above the ankles, and is
+not caught in at the waist--in fact, Khasi women have no waist. It
+is kept in position by knotting it over both the shoulders. Over
+the _jainsem_ another garment called _ka jain kup_ is worn. This is
+thrown over the shoulders like a cloak, the two ends being knotted in
+front, it hangs loosely down the back and sides to the ankles. It is
+frequently of some gay colour, the fashion in Mawkhar and Cherrapunji
+being some pretty shade of French gray or maroon. Over the head and
+shoulders is worn a wrapper called _ka tap-moh-khlieh_. This, again,
+is frequently of some bright colour, but is often white. There is a
+fold in the _jainsem_ which serves as a pocket for keeping odds and
+ends. Khasi women in cold weather wear gaiters which are often long
+stockings without feet, or, in the case of the poor, pieces of cloth
+wound round the legs like putties, or cloth gaiters. I have seen women
+at Nongstoin wearing gaiters of leaves. It was explained to me that
+these were worn to keep off the leeches. The Khasi women might almost
+be said to be excessively clothed--they wear the cloak in such a way
+as to hide entirely the graceful contours of the figure. The women
+are infinitely more decently clothed than Bengali coolie women, for
+instance; but their dress cannot be described as becoming or graceful,
+although they show taste as regards the blending of colours in their
+different garments.
+
+The dress of the Synteng women is a little different. With them the
+_jain khrywang_ takes the place of the Khasi _jainsem_, and is worn by
+them in the following manner:--One of the two ends is passed under one
+armpit and its two corners are knotted on the opposite shoulder. The
+other end is then wound round the body and fastened at the waist,
+from which it hangs half way down the calf. Over this they wear a
+sort of apron, generally of _muga_ silk. They have the cloak and the
+head-wrapper just the same as the Khasi women. The Synteng striped
+cloth may be observed in the picture of the Synteng girl in the
+plate. Khasi women on festive occasions, such as the annual Nongkrem
+puja, do not cover the head. The hair is then decked with jewellery
+or with flowers; but on all ordinary occasions Khasi women cover the
+head. Wár women, however, often have their heads uncovered.
+
+_Modern dress_.--The up-to-date Khasi male wears knickerbockers
+made by a tailor, stockings, and boots; also a tailor-made coat
+and waistcoat, a collar without a tie, and a cloth peaked cap. The
+young lady of fashion dons a chemise, also often a short coat of
+cloth or velvet, stockings, and smart shoes. Of course she wears
+the _jainsem_ and cloak, but occasionally she may be seen without
+the latter when the weather is warm. It should be mentioned that the
+Khasi males are seldom seen without a haversack in which betel-nut,
+lime, and other odds and ends are kept; and the female has her purse,
+which, however, is not visible, being concealed within the folds of
+her lower garment. The haversack of the men is of cloth in the high
+plateau and in the Bhoi country, but it is of knitted fibre in the
+Wár country. The Syntengs have a cloth bag, which they call _ka muna_.
+
+The Wár men dress very much the same as the neighbouring Sylheti
+Hindus. The Wár women, especially the Shella women, wear very
+pretty yellow and red checked and striped cloths. The cloak is not
+so frequently worn as amongst Khasis, except in cold weather. The
+Lynngam dress is very similar to that of the neighbouring Garos. The
+males wear the sleeveless coat, or _phong marong_, of cotton striped
+red and blue, red and white, or blue and white, fastened in the same
+manner as the Khasi coat and with tassels. A small cloth, generally
+red or blue, is tied between the legs, one end of it being allowed
+to hang down, as with the Khasis, like an apron in front. A round
+cap is commonly worn; but the elderly men and people of importance
+wear turbans. The females wear short cloths of cotton striped red
+and blue, the cloth reaching just above the knee, like the Garos;
+married women wear no upper clothing, except in winter, when a red or
+blue cotton cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders. The women
+wear a profusion of blue bead necklaces and brass earrings like the
+Garos. Unmarried girls wear a cloth tightly tied round the figure,
+similar to that worn by the Kacharis. A bag of cloth for odds and
+ends is carried by the men slung across the shoulder. It should be
+mentioned that even in ancient times great people amongst the Khasis,
+like Siems, wore waist-cloths, and people of lees consequence on great
+occasions, such as dances. The use of waist-cloths among the Khasis
+is on the increase, especially among those who live in Shillong and
+the neighbouring villages and in Jowai and Cherrapunji.
+
+
+Tattooing.
+
+None of the Khasis tattoo; the only people in the hills who tattoo
+are certain tribes of the Bhoi country which are really Mikir. These
+tattoo females on the forehead when they attain the age of puberty,
+a straight horizontal line being drawn from the parting of the hair
+down the forehead and nose. The line is one-eighth to one-quarter
+of an inch broad. The Lynngams occasionally tattoo a ring round the
+wrist of females.
+
+
+
+Jewellery.
+
+The Khasis, as a people, may be said to be fond of jewellery. The
+women are specially partial to gold and coral bead necklaces. The
+beads are round and large, and are usually unornamented with filigree
+or other work. The coral is imported from Calcutta. The gold bead is
+not solid, but a hollow sphere filled with lac. These necklaces are
+worn by men as well as women, especially on gala occasions. Some of
+the necklaces are comparatively valuable, e.g. that in the possession
+of the Mylliem Siem family. The gold and coral beads are prepared
+locally by Khasi as well as by foreign goldsmiths. The latter derive
+considerable profits from the trade. The Assam Census Report of
+1901 shows 133 goldsmiths in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district,
+but does not distinguish between Khasis and foreigners. There are
+Khasi goldsmiths to be found in Mawkhar, Cherrapunji, Mawlai, and
+other villages. Sylheti goldsmiths are, however, more largely employed
+than Khasi in Mawsynram and certain other places on the south side of
+the hills. In Mr. Henniker's monograph on "gold and silver wares of
+Assam" it is stated that the goldsmiths of Karimganj in Sylhet make
+specially for Khasis certain articles of jewellery, such as men's and
+women's earrings, &c. An article of jewellery which is believed to be
+peculiar to the Khasis is the silver or gold crown. This crown is worn
+by the young women at dances, such as the annual Nongkrem dance. An
+illustration of one will be seen by referring to the plate. These
+crowns are circlets of silver or gold ornamented with filigree
+work. There is a peak or, strictly speaking, a spike at the back,
+called _u'tiew-lasubon_, which stands up some six inches above the
+crown. There are long ropes or tassels of silver hanging from the crown
+down the back. Earrings are worn both by men and women. The former
+affect a pattern peculiar to themselves, viz. large gold pendants of
+a circular or oval shape. Women wear different patterns of earrings,
+according to locality. An ornament which I believe is also peculiar to
+the Khasis is the _rupa-tylli_, or silver collar. This is a broad flat
+silver collar which is allowed to hang down over the neck in front,
+and which is secured by a fastening behind. Silver chains are worn
+by men as well as by women. The men wear them round the waist like
+a belt, and the women hang them round their necks, the chains being
+allowed to depend as low as the waist. Bracelets are worn by women;
+these are either of gold or of silver. The Lynngam males wear bead
+necklaces, the beads being sometimes of cornelian gathered from the
+beds of the local hill streams, and sometimes of glass obtained from
+the plains markets of Damra and Moiskhola. The cornelian necklaces are
+much prized by the Lynngams, and are called by them _'pieng blei_,
+or gods' necklaces. Like the Garos, the Lynngams wear as many brass
+earrings as possible, the lobes of the ears of the females being
+frequently greatly distended by their weight. These earrings are made
+out of brass wire obtained from the plains markets. The Lynngams wear
+silver armlets above the elbow and also on the wrists. It is only a
+man who has given a great feast who can wear silver armlets above the
+elbows. These armlets are taken off as a sign of mourning, but never
+on ordinary occasions. The Lynngams do not wear Khasi jewellery, but
+jewellery of a pattern to be seen in the Garo Hills. A distinctive
+feature of the Lynngam women is the very large number of blue bead
+necklaces they wear. They put on such a large number as to give
+them almost the appearance of wearing horse collars. These beads are
+obtained from the plains markets, and are of glass. Further detailed
+information regarding this subject can be obtained from Mr. Henniker's
+monograph, which contains a good plate illustrating the different
+articles of jewellery.
+
+
+Weapons.
+
+The weapons of the Khasis are swords, spears, bows and arrows, and a
+circular shield which was used formerly for purposes of defence. The
+swords are usually of wrought iron, occasionally of steel, and are
+forged in the local smithies. The Khasi sword is of considerable
+length, and possesses the peculiarity of not having a handle of
+different material from that which is used for the blade. In the Khasi
+sword the handle is never made of wood or bone, or of anything except
+iron or steel, the result being that the sword is most awkward to hold,
+and could never have been of much use as a weapon of offence.
+
+The same spear is used for thrusting and casting. The spear is not
+decorated with wool or hair like the spears of the Naga tribes, but it
+is nevertheless a serviceable weapon, and would be formidable in the
+hand of a resolute man at close quarters. The length of the spear is
+about 6 1/2 feet. The shaft is generally of bamboo, although sometimes
+of ordinary wood. The spear heads are forged in the local smithies.
+
+The Khasi weapon _par excellence_ is the bow. Although no "Robin
+Hoods," the Khasis are very fair archers, and they use the bow largely
+for hunting. The Khasi bow (_ka ryntieh_) is of bamboo, and is about 5
+feet in height. The longest bow in use is said to be about the height
+of a man, the average height amongst the Khasis being about about 5
+feet 2 inches to 5 feet 4 inches. The bowstring is of split bamboo,
+the bamboos that are used being _u spit, u shken_, and _u siej-lieh_.
+
+The arrows (_ki khnam_) are of two kinds: (_a_) the barbed-headed
+(_ki pliang_), and (_b_) the plain-headed (_sop_). Both are made
+out of bamboo. The first kind is used for hunting, the latter
+for archery matches only. Archery may be styled the Khasi
+national game. A description of Khasi archery will be found
+under the heading "Games." The feathers of the following birds
+are used for arrows:--Vultures, geese, cranes, cormorants, and
+hornbills. Arrow-heads are made of iron or steel, and are forged
+locally. The distance a Khasi arrow will carry, shot from the ordinary
+bow by a man of medium strength, is 150 to 180 yards. The Khasi shield
+is circular in shape, of hide, and studded with brass or silver. In
+former days shields of rhinoceros hide are said to have been used,
+but nowadays buffalo skin is used. The shields would stop an arrow
+or turn aside a spear or sword thrust. The present-day shield is used
+merely for purposes of display.
+
+Before the advent of the British into the hills the Khasis are said
+to have been acquainted with the art of manufacturing gunpowder,
+which was prepared in the neighbourhood of Mawsanram, Kynchi, and
+Cherra. The gunpowder used to be manufactured of saltpetre, sulphur,
+and charcoal, the three ingredients being pounded together in a
+mortar. The Jaintia Rajas possessed cannon, two specimens of which
+are still to be seen at Jaintiapur. Their dimensions are as follows:--
+
+Length, 9 feet; circumference in the middle, 3 feet 2 inches; diameter
+of the bore 3 inches. There are some old cannon also at Lyngkyrdem
+and at Kyndiar in the Khyrim State, of the same description as
+above. These cannons were captured from the Jaintia Raja by the Siem
+of Nongkrem. No specimens of the cannon ball used are unfortunately
+available. There are also small mortars, specimens of which are to
+be seen in the house of the Siem of Mylliem.
+
+The weapons of the Syntengs are the same as those of the Khasis,
+although some of them are called by different names. At Nartiang I saw
+an old Khasi gun, which the people say was fired from the shoulder. I
+also saw a mortar of the same pattern as the one described amongst
+the Khasi weapons.
+
+The Wár and Lynngam weapons are also the same, but with different
+names. The only weapons used by the Bhois (Mikirs) are the spear
+and bill-hook for cutting down jungle. Butler, writing of the
+Mikirs 1854, says, "Unlike any other hill tribes of whom we have
+any knowledge, the Mikirs seem devoid of anything approaching to a
+martial spirit. They are a quiet, industrious, race of cultivators,
+and the only weapons used by them are the spear and _da_ hand-bill
+for cutting down jungle. It is said, after an attempt to revolt from
+the Assamese rule, they were made to forswear the use of arms, which
+is the cause of the present generation having no predilection for war."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Domestic Life
+
+
+Occupation.
+
+The greater proportion of the population subsists by
+cultivation. Cultivation of rice may be divided under two headings,
+high land or dry cultivation and low land or wet cultivation. The
+total number of persons who subsist by agriculture generally in the
+hills, is given is the last Census Report as 154,907, but the term
+agriculture includes the cultivation of the potato, the orange,
+betel-nut and _pán_. A full description of the different forms
+of agriculture will be given under the heading "Agriculture." A
+considerable number of Khasis earn their livelihood as porters,
+carrying potatoes to the markets on the Sylhet side of the district,
+from whence the crop is conveyed by means of country boats to the
+different places of call of river-steamers in the Surma Valley,
+the steamers carrying the potatoes to Calcutta. Potatoes are also
+largely carried to Shillong by porters, where the tuber is readily
+bought by Marwari merchants, who load it in carts to be conveyed by
+road to Gauhati, from which station it is again shipped to Calcutta
+and Upper Assam. Many persons are also employed in carrying rice
+up the hill from Theria to Cherrapunji, Shillong, and on to other
+places. Salt is also carried by porters by this route. Many Khasis,
+both male and female, live by daily labour in this way, earning as much
+as eight annas, and six annas a day, respectively. The Census Report
+of 1901 shows some 14,000 "general labourers" in the district, the
+greater number of whom are porters and coolies, both male and female,
+employed on road work and on building. In Shillong the Government
+Offices and the printing press give employment to a certain number
+of Khasis. There is also a fair demand for Khasi domestic servants,
+both among the Europeans and the Bengali and Assamese clerks who are
+employed at the headquarters of the Administration. The manufacture of
+country spirit gives employment to a considerable number of persons,
+most of whom are females. At a recent census of the country stills
+in the district, undertaken by the district officials, the number
+of stills has been found to be 1,530. There must be at least one
+person employed at each still, so that the number of distillers is
+probably not less than 2,000, possibly more. The spirit is distilled
+both for home consumption and for purposes of sale, in some villages
+almost entirely for sale. In, the Jaintia Hills stock-breeding and
+dealing in cattle provides occupation for 1,295 people, according
+to the last census. The cattle are reared in the Jaintia Hills and
+are driven down to the plains when they reach the age of maturity,
+where they find a ready market amongst the Sylhetis. Cattle are also
+driven into Shillong for sale from the Jaintia Hills. Another place
+for rearing cattle is the Siemship of Nongkhlaw, where there is good
+pasturage in the neighbourhood of Mairang. These cattle are either
+sold in Shillong or find their way to the Kamrup district by the old
+Nongkhlaw road. Cattle-breeding is an industry which is capable of
+expansion in these hills. There are a few carpenters to be found in
+Shillong and its neighbourhood. The Khasis are said by Col. Waddell
+to be unacquainted with the art of weaving; but the fact that a
+considerable weaving industry exists amongst the Khyrwang villages
+of the Syntengs, and at Mynso and Suhtnga, has been overlooked by
+him. The Khyrwangs weave a special pattern of cotton and silk cloth,
+striped red and white. In Mynso and Suhtnga similar cloths are woven,
+also the sleeveless coat. In former days this industry is said to have
+been considerable, but it has been displaced to a large extent of late
+years by Manchester piece goods. The number of weavers returned at the
+last census in the district was 533. The Khasis and Mikirs of the low
+country, or Bhois as they are called, weave cotton cloths which they
+dye with the leaves of a plant called _u noli_. This is perhaps the
+wild indigo, or _ram_, of the Shan settlers in the Assam Valley. The
+weavers are almost always females. An important means of subsistence
+is road and building work; a considerable number of coolies, both male
+and female, are employed under Government, practically throughout the
+year, in this manner, the males earning on an average 8 annas and the
+females 6 annas a day. Col Bivar writes that in 1875 the wages for
+ordinary male labourers were 4 to 8 annas a day, and for females 21/2
+to 4 annas, so that the wages rates have almost doubled in the last
+thirty years. Contractors, however, often manage to obtain daily labour
+at lower rates than those paid by Government. Stonemasons and skilled
+labourers are able to get higher rates. It is easier to obtain coolies
+in the Khasi than in the Jaintia Hills, where a large proportion of
+the population is employed in cultivation. The Khasis are excellent
+labourers, and cheerful and willing, but they at once resent bad
+treatment, and are then intractable and hard to manage. Khasis are
+averse to working in the plains in the hot-weather months.
+
+
+Apiculture.
+
+I am indebted to Mr. Rita for the following remarks on apiculture in
+the Khasi and Jaintia Hills.
+
+There are two kinds of indigenous bees in the Khasi Hills: one
+domesticated, called _u ngap_ (_apis Indica_), and the other _u
+lywai_, which is never domesticated, and is very pugnacious; its
+hives are difficult of access, being always located in very high
+cliffs. A few hives of a third class of bee are now-a-days to be
+found in and around the station of Shillong, i.e. the Italian. This
+bee was imported into the hills by Messrs. Dobbie and Rita, and the
+species became propagated in the following manner. The bees had been
+just established in a hive, where they had constructed a brood comb,
+when the hive was robbed by some Khasis for the sake of the _larvæ_
+it contained, which they wished to consume as food; but the queen bee
+escaped and established other colonies, one of which was afterwards
+captured by Mr. Rita, the others establishing themselves at places in
+the neighbourhood. The hive used by the Khasis is of a very primitive
+description. It is usually a hollow piece of wood, about 2 1/2 to 3
+ft. in length and 10 or 12 in. in diameter. A small door is placed at
+each end of the log, one for the bees to go in and out, and the other
+for the removal of the honey when wanted. The honey-combs are broken
+and the honey is extracted by squeezing the comb with the hand. Wax is
+obtained by placing the comb in boiling water and allowing it to cool,
+when the wax floats to the surface. The Khasis do not systematically
+tend their bees, as they do not understand how to prevent swarming,
+and as the Khasi bee is a prolific swarmer, hives become weak very soon
+and a new hive has to be started from a captured natural swarm. The
+villages in which bees are regularly kept to any large extent in the
+Khasi and Jaintia Hills are Thied-dieng, Mawphoo, Nongwar, Mawlong,
+Pynter, Tyrna, and Kongthong, but most of the Wár villagers rear bees
+and sell the honey at the neighbouring markets. The collection of
+the honey of the wild bee, or _u lywai_, is a hazardous occupation,
+the services of some six or seven persons being required, as the combs
+of this bee are generally built in the crevices of precipitous rocks,
+and sometimes weigh more than half a maund each. When such hives are
+discovered the bees are driven out by the smoke of a smouldering fire
+lit at the foot of the rock below the hive. Two or three men get to the
+top of the precipice, leaving two or three of their companions at the
+base. One of the men on the top of the rock is then lowered down in
+a sling tied to a strong rope, which is made fast by his companions
+above to a tree or boulder. The man in the sling is supplied with
+material to light a torch which gives out a thick smoke, with the
+aid of which the bees are expelled. The man then cuts out the comb,
+which he places in a leather bucket or bag, which, when filled, he
+lowers down to the persons in waiting at the foot of the rock. The
+wild honey may be distinguished from that of the domestic bee by being
+of a reddish colour. Honey from the last-mentioned bee is gathered
+twice or thrice in the year, once in the autumn and once or twice in
+the spring; that gathered in early spring is not so matured as that
+collected in autumn. The flora of the Khasi Hills being so numerous,
+there is no necessity for providing bees with artificial food. The
+bees are generally able to obtain their sustenance from clover,
+anemonies, "golden rod," bush honeysuckle, and numerous shrubs such
+as andromeda, daphne, &c., which abound about Shillong. There seem
+to be facilities for apiculture on a large scale in these hills, and
+certainly the honey which is brought round by the Khasis for sale in
+Shillong is excellent, the flavour being quite as good as that of
+English honey. Under "Miscellaneous Customs connected with Death"
+will be found a reference to the statement that the dead bodies of
+Siems used to be embalmed in honey. The existence of the custom is
+generally denied by Khasis, but its former prevalence is probable,
+as several trustworthy authors have quoted it.
+
+
+Houses.
+
+The houses of the people are cleaner than might be supposed after
+taking into consideration the dirtiness of the clothes and persons
+of those who inhabit them. They are as a rule substantial thatched
+cottages with plank or stone walls, and raised on a plinth some 2 to
+3 ft. from the ground. The only window is a small opening on one side
+of the house, which admits but a dim light into the smoke-begrimed
+interior. The beams are so low that it is impossible for a person of
+ordinary stature to stand erect within. The fire is always burning
+on an earthen or stone hearth in the centre. There is no chimney, the
+smoke finding its exit as best it can. The firewood is placed to dry
+on a swinging frame above the hearth. In the porch are stacked fuel and
+odds and ends. The pigs and calves are generally kept in little houses
+just outside the main building. The Khasi house is oval-shaped, and is
+divided into three rooms, a porch, a centre room, and a retiring-room.
+
+In olden days the Khasis considered nails _sang_, or taboo, and
+only used a certain kind of timber for the fender which surrounds
+the hearth; but they are not so particular now-a-days. In Mawkhar,
+Cherrapunji, and other large villages, the walls of houses are
+generally of stone. In Cherrapunji the houses are frequently large,
+but the largest house I have seen in the hills is that of the Doloi
+of Suhtnga in the Jaintia Hills which measures 74 ft. in length. The
+house of the Siem Priestess at Smit in the Khasi Hills is another
+large one, being 61 ft. long by 30 ft. broad. In front of the Khasi
+house is a little space fenced in on two sides, but open towards the
+village street. The Syntengs plaster the space in front of the house
+with red earth and cow-dung, this custom being probably a remnant
+of Hindu influences. The Khasis have some peculiar customs when they
+build a new house. When the house is completed they perform a ceremony,
+_kynjoh-hka-skain_, when they tie three pieces of dried fish to the
+ridge pole of the house and then jump up and try to pull them down
+again. Or they kill a pig, cut a piece of the flesh with the skin
+attached, and fix it to the ridge pole, and then endeavour to dislodge
+it. The Syntengs at Nartiang worship _U Biskurom_ (Biswakarma) and _Ka
+Siem Synshar_ when a house is completed, two fowls being sacrificed,
+one to the former, the other to the latter. The feathers of the fowls
+are affixed to the centre post of the house, which must be of _u
+dieng sning_, a variety of the Khasi oak. The worship of a Hindu god
+(Biswakarma), the architect of the Hindu gods, alongside the Khasi
+deity _Ka Siem Synshar_, is interesting, and may be explained by
+the fact that Nartiang was at one time the summer capital of the
+kings of Jaintia, who were Hindus latterly and disseminated Hindu
+customs largely amongst the Syntengs. Mr. Rita says that amongst the
+Syntengs, a house, the walls of which have been plastered with mud,
+is a sign that the householder has an enemy. The plastering no doubt
+is executed as a preventive of fire, arson in these hills being a
+common form of revenge.
+
+Amongst the Khasis, when a daughter leaves her mother's house and
+builds a house in the mother's compound, it is considered _sang_,
+or taboo, for the daughter's house to be built on the right-hand side
+of the mother's house, it should be built either on the left hand or
+at the back of the mother's house.
+
+In Nongstoin it is customary to worship a deity called _u'lei
+lap_ (Khasi, _u phan_), by nailing up branches of the Khasi oak,
+interspersed with jaw-bones of cattle and the feathers of fowls,
+to the principal post, which must be of _u dieng sning_. The Siem
+priestess of the Nongkrem State at Smit and the ladies of the Siem
+family perform a ceremonial dance before a large post of oak in the
+midst of the Siem priestesses' house on the occasion of the annual
+goat-killing ceremony. This oak post is furnished according to custom
+by the _lyngskor_ or official spokesman of the Siem's Durbar. Another
+post of oak in this house is furnished by the people of the State.
+
+The houses of the well-to-do Khasis of the present day in Mawkhar and
+Cherrapunji are built after the modern style with iron roofs, chimneys,
+glass windows and doors. In Jowai the well-to-do traders have excellent
+houses of the European pattern, which are as comfortable as many
+of the European subordinates' quarters in Shillong. Some up-to-date
+families in Shillong and at Cherra allow themselves muslin curtains
+and European furniture.
+
+The houses of the Pnar-Wárs are peculiar. The roof, which is thatched
+with the leaves of a palm called _u tynriew_, is hog-backed and the
+eaves come down almost to the ground. There are three rooms in the
+War as in the Khasi house, although called by different names in the
+Wár dialect. The hearth is in the centre room. The houses are built
+flush with the ground and are made of bamboos. In the Wár villages of
+Nongjri and Umniuh there are small houses erected in the compounds of
+the ordinary dwelling-houses called _ieng ksuid_ (spirit houses). In
+these houses offerings to the spirits of departed family ancestors
+are placed at intervals, this practice being very similar to the more
+ancient form of Shintoism. In some Wár villages there are also separate
+bachelors' quarters. This custom is in accordance with that of the Naga
+tribes. There is no such custom amongst the Khasi Uplanders. The Wár
+houses are similar to those of the Pnar Wárs, except that a portion of
+the house is generally built on a platform, the main house resting on
+the hill-side and the portion on the platform projecting therefrom, the
+object being to obtain more space, the area for houses in the village
+sites being often limited owing to the steepness of the hill-sides.
+
+The Bhoi and Lynngam houses are practically similar, and may be
+described together. They are generally built on fairly high platforms
+of bamboo, are frequently 30 to 40 ft. in length, and are divided into
+various compartments in order to suit the needs of the family. The
+hearth, which is of earth, is in the centre room. There is a platform
+at the back of the Lynngam house, and in front of the Bhoi house,
+used for drying paddy, spreading chillies, &c., and for sitting on
+when the day's work is done. In order to ascend to a Bhoi house, yon
+have to climb up a notched pole. The Bhois sacrifice a he-goat and
+a fowl to _Rèk-ànglong_ (Khasi, _Ramiew iing_), the household god,
+when they build a new house.
+
+
+Villages.
+
+Unlike the Nagas and Kukis, the Khasis do not build their villages on
+the extreme summits of hills, but a little below the tops, generally in
+small depressions; in order to obtain some protection from the strong
+winds and storms which prevail in these hills at certain times of the
+year. According to the late U Jeebon Roy, it is _sang_, or taboo, to
+the Khasis to build a house on the last eminence of a range of hills,
+this custom having perhaps arisen owing to the necessity of locating
+villages with reference to their defence against an enemy. Khasis
+build their houses fairly close together, but not as close as houses
+in the Bhoi and Lynngam villages. Khasis seldom change the sites of
+their villages, to which they are very much attached, where, as a
+rule, the family tombs are standing and the _máwbynna_ or memorial
+stones. In many villages stone cromlechs and memorial stones are
+to be seen which from their appearance show that the villages have
+been there for many generations. During the Jaintia rebellion the
+village of Jowai was almost entirely destroyed, but as soon as the
+rebellion was over the people returned to the old site and rebuilt
+their village. Similarly, after the earthquake, the ancient village
+sites were not abandoned in many cases, but the people rebuilt their
+houses in their former positions, although in Shillong and Cherrapunji
+they rebuilt the walls of the houses of wooden materials instead of
+stone. There is no such thing as a specially reserved area in the
+village for the Siem and the nobility, all the people, rich or poor,
+living together in one village, their houses being scattered about
+indiscriminately. To the democratic Khasi the ides of the Siem living
+apart from his people would be repugnant. In the vicinity of the Khasi
+village, often just below the brow of the hill to the leeward side,
+are to be seen dark woods of oak and other trees. These are the sacred
+groves. Here the villagers worship _U ryngkew U basa_, the tutelary
+deity of the village. These groves are taboo, and it is an offence to
+cut trees therein for any purpose other than for performing funeral
+obsequies. The groves are generally not more than a few hundred yards
+away from the villages. The villages of the Syntengs are similar in
+character to those of the Khasis. The Wár villages nestle on the
+hill-sides of the southern border, and are to be seen peeping out
+from the green foliage with which the southern slopes are clad. In the
+vicinity of, and actually up to the houses, in the Wár villages, are
+to be observed large groves of areca-nut, often twined with the _pan_
+creeper, and of plantain trees, which much enhance the beauty of the
+scene. Looking at a Wár village from a distance, a darker shade of
+green is seen; this denotes the limits of the extensive groves where
+the justly celebrated Khasi orange is grown, which is the source of
+so much profit to these people. The houses in the Wár villages are
+generally closer together than those of the Khasis, probably owing to
+apace being limited, and to the villages being located on the slopes
+of hills. Generally up the narrow village street, and from house
+to house, there are rough steep stone steps, the upper portion of
+a village being frequently situated at as high an elevation as 200
+to 300 ft. above the lower. In a convenient spot in a Wár village
+a clear space is to be seen neatly swept and kept free from weeds,
+and surrounded with a stone wall, where the village tribunals sit,
+and the elders meet in solemn conclave. Dances also are held here on
+festive occasions. At Nongjri village there is a fine rubber tree,
+under whose hollow trunk there are certain sacred stones where the
+priest performs the village ceremonies.
+
+The Bhoi and Lynngam villages are built in small clearings in
+the forest, the houses are close together and are built often in
+parallel lines, a fairly broad space being reserved between the
+lines of houses to serve as a street. One misses the pretty gardens
+of the Wár villages, for Bhois and Lynngams attempt nothing of the
+sort, probably because, unlike the Khasi, a Bhoi or Lynngam village
+never remains more than two or three years in one spot; generally the
+villages of these people are in the vicinity of the forest clearings,
+sometimes actually in the midst of them, more especially when the
+latter are situated in places where jungle is dense, and there is fear
+of attacks from wild animals. In the Lynngam village is to be seen a
+high bamboo platform some 20 to 30 ft. from the ground, built in the
+midst of the village, where the elders sit and gossip in the evening.
+
+All the villages, Khasi, Wár, Lynngam and Bhoi, swarm with pigs,
+which run about the villages unchecked. The pigs feed on all kinds
+of filth, and in addition are fed upon the wort and spent wash of the
+brewings of country spirit, of rice beer, the latter being carefully
+collected and poured into wooden troughs. The pigs are of the usual
+black description seen in India. They thrive greatly in the Khasi
+villages, and frequently attain extreme obesity.
+
+In the Khasi villages of the high plateaux are often nowadays potato
+gardens, the latter being carefully protected from the inroads of pigs,
+calves, and goats by dry dikes surmounted by hedges.
+
+I noticed an interesting custom at a Bhoi village in Nongpoh of
+barricading the path leading to the village from the forest with
+bamboo palisading and bamboo _chevaux de frise_ to keep out the demon
+of cholera. In the middle of the barricade there was a wooden door
+over which was nailed the skull of a monkey which had been sacrificed
+to this demon, which is, as amongst the Syntengs, called _khlam_.
+
+
+Furniture and Household Utensils.
+
+As in the case of houses, so with reference to furniture, the influence
+of civilization shows many changes. The Khasi of the present day who
+lives in Mawkhar [14] has a comfortable house regularly divided up
+into rooms in the European style with even some European articles
+of furniture, but owing probably to the influence of the women,
+he still possesses several of the articles of furniture which are
+to be met with in the houses of those who still observe the old
+style of living. Let us take the furniture of the kitchen to begin
+with. Above the hearth is slung by ropes of cane a swinging wooden
+framework blackened with the smoke of years, upon which are spread
+the faggots of resinous fir-wood used for kindling the fire. Above
+this again is a wooden framework fixed on to the beams of the house,
+upon which all sorts of odds and ends are kept. Around the fire
+are to be seen small wooden stools, upon which the members of the
+household sit. Up-to-date Khasis have cane chairs, but the women of
+the family, true to the conservative instincts of the sex, prefer
+the humble stool to sit upon. Well-to-do Khasis nowadays have, in
+addition to the ordinary cooking vessels made of iron and earthenware,
+a number of brass utensils. The writer has seen in a Khasi house in
+Mawkhar brass drinking vessels of the pattern used in Orissa, of the
+description used in Manipur, and of the kind which is in vogue in
+Sylhet. The ordinary cultivator, however, uses a waterpot made from
+a gourd hollowed out for keeping water and liquor in, and drinks
+from a bamboo cylinder. Plates, or more properly speaking dishes,
+are of several kinds in the houses of the rich, the two larger ones
+being styled _ka pliang kynthei_ (female) and _ka pliang shynrang_
+(male). Needless to say, the first mentioned is a larger utensil than
+the latter. The ordinary waterpots, _u khiew phiang kynthei_ and _u
+khiew phiang shynrang_, are made of brass, the former being a size
+larger and having a wider mouth than the latter. The pot for cooking
+vegetables is made of iron. Another utensil is made of earthenware;
+this is the ordinary cooking pot used in the houses of the poor. Brass
+spoons of different sizes are used for stirring the contents of the
+different cooking utensils, also a wooden spoon.
+
+In the sleeping-rooms of the well-to-do there are wooden beds
+with mattresses and sheets and pillows, clothes being hung upon
+clothes-racks, which in one house visited were of the same pattern
+as the English "towel horse." The ordinary cultivator and his wife
+sleep on mats made of plaited bamboo, which are spread on the bare
+boards of the house. There are various kinds of mats to be met with
+in the Khasi houses made of plaited cane, of a kind of reed, and of
+plaited bamboo. The best kind of mat is prepared from cane. In all
+Khasi houses are to be seen _ki knup_, or rain shields, of different
+sizes and sometimes of somewhat different shapes. The large shield of
+Cherrapunji is used as a protection from rain. Those of Maharam and
+Mawiang are each of a peculiar pattern. Smaller shields are used as
+protections from the sun or merely for show, and there are specially
+small sizes for children. Then there are the different kinds of baskets
+(_ki khoh_) which are carried on the back, slung across the forehead
+by a cane head-strap. These, again, are of different sizes. They
+are, however, always of the same conical shape, being round and
+broad-mouthed at the top and gradually tapering to a point at the
+bottom. A bamboo cover is used to protect the contents of the basket
+from rain. There is a special kind of basket made of cane or bamboo
+with a cover, which is used for carrying articles on a journey. These
+baskets, again, are of different sizes, the largest and best that the
+writer has seen being manufactured at Rambrai, in the south-western
+portion of the hills. Paddy is husked in a wooden mortar by means of
+a heavy wooden pestle. These are to be seen all over the hills. The
+work of husking paddy is performed by the women. A bamboo sieve is
+sometimes used for sifting the husked rise, a winnowing fan being
+applied to separate the husk. The cleaned rice is exposed to the
+sun in a bamboo tray. Paddy is stored in a separate store-house in
+large circular bamboo receptacles. These hold sometimes as much as
+30 maunds [15] of grain. Large baskets are also used for keeping
+paddy in. In every Khasi house is to be found the net bag which is
+made out of pineapple fibre, or of _u stein_, the Assamese _riha_
+(Boehmeria nivea). These bags are of two sizes, the larger one for
+keeping cowries id, the cowrie in former days having been used instead
+of current coin in these hills, the smaller far the ever necessary
+betel-nut. _Pán_ leaves are kept in a bamboo tube, and tobacco leaves
+in a smaller one. Lime, for eating with betel-nut, is kept in a metal
+box, sometimes of silver, which is made in two separate parts held
+together by a chain. The box is called _ka shanam_, and is used all
+over the hills. This box is also used for divination purposes, one end
+of it being held in the hand, and the other, by means of the chain,
+being allowed to swing like a pendulum. An explanation of this method
+of divination will be found in the paragraph dealing with divination.
+
+There is also a pair of squeezers used by the old and toothless for
+breaking up betel-nut. In the houses of the well-to-do is to be seen
+the ordinary hubble-bubble of India. Outside the houses of cultivators
+are wooden troughs hollowed out of the trunks of trees, which are used
+either as drinking troughs for cattle or for feeding pigs. A special
+set of utensils is used for manufacturing liquor. The Synteng and
+Wár articles of furniture and utensils are the same as those of the
+Khasis, with different names, a remark which applies also to those of
+the Bhois and Lynngams. Both the latter, however, use leaves as plates,
+the Bhoi using the wild plantain and the Lynngam a large leaf called
+_ka 'la mariong_. The leaves are thrown away after eating, fresh leaves
+being gathered for each meal. The Lynngams use a quilt (_ka syllar_)
+made out of the bark of a tree of the same name as a bed covering. This
+tree is perhaps the same as the Garo _simpak_. In the Bhoi and Lynngam
+houses the swinging shelf for keeping firewood is not to be seen, nor
+is the latter to be found amongst the submontane Bodo tribes in Assam.
+
+
+Musical Instruments.
+
+The Khasis have not many musical instruments, and those that they
+possess, with one or two exceptions, are of very much the same
+description as those of the Assamese. There are several kinds of drums,
+viz. _ka nákrá_, which is a large kettledrum made of wood having the
+head covered with deerskin; _ka ksing_, which is a cylindrically-shaped
+drum rather smaller than the Assamese _dhol_ (_ka ksing kynthei_ takes
+its name from the fact that this drum is beaten when women, _kynthei_,
+dance), _ka padiah_, a small drum with a handle made of wood; _katasa_,
+a small circular drum. Khasi drums are nearly always made of wood,
+not of metal, like the drums to be seen in the monasteries of Upper
+Assam, or of earthenware, as in Lower Assam.
+
+_Ka duitara_ is a guitar with _muga_ silk strings, which is played
+with a little wooden key held in the hand. _Ka maryngod_ is an
+instrument much the same as the last, but is played with a bow like
+a violin. _Ka marynthing_ is a kind of guitar with one string, played
+with the finger.
+
+_Ka tángmuri_ is a wooden pipe, which is played like a flageolet. _Ka
+kynsháw_, or _shákuriaw_, are cymbals made of bell metal; _ka sháráti_,
+or _ka shingwiang_, is a kind of flute made of bamboo. This instrument
+is played at cremation ceremonies, and when the bones and ashes of a
+clan are collected and placed in the family tomb, or _máwbah_. This
+flute is not played on ordinary occasions. In the folk-lore portion
+of the Monograph will be found a tale regarding it. There are other
+kinds of flutes which are played on ordinary occasions. The Wárs of
+the twenty-five villages in the Khyrim State make a sort of harp out
+of reed, which is called _ka 'sing ding phong_. The Khasis also play
+a Jews' Harp (_ka mieng_), which is made of bamboo.
+
+
+Agriculture.
+
+The Khasis are industrious cultivators, although they are behindhand
+in some of their methods of cultivation, (e.g. their failure to adopt
+the use of the plough in the greater portion of the district); they
+are thoroughly aware of the uses of manures. Their system of turning
+the sods, allowing them to dry, then burning them, and raking the
+ashes over the soil, is much in advance of any system of natural
+manuring to be seen elsewhere in the Province. The Khasis use the
+following agricultural implements:--A large hoe (_mokhíw heh_),
+an axe for felling trees (_u sdie_), a large _da_ for felling trees
+(_ka wait lynngam_), two kinds of bill-hooks (_ka wáit prat_ and _ka
+wáit khmut_), a sickle (_ka ráshi_), a plough in parts of the Jaintia
+Hills (_ka lyngkor_), also a harrow (_ka iuh moi_). In dealing with
+agriculture, the lands of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be divided
+into the following classes:--(_a_) Forest land, (_b_) wet paddy land
+called _háli_ or _pynthor_, (_c_) high grass land or _ka ri lúm_ or
+_ka ri phlang_, (d) homestead land (_ka 'dew kypér_). Forest lands
+are cleared by the process known as _jhuming_, the trees being felled
+early in the winter and allowed to lie till January or February,
+when fire is applied, logs of wood being placed at intervals of a
+few feet to prevent as far as possible the ashes being blown away by
+the wind. The lands are not hoed, nor treated any further, paddy and
+millet being sown broadcast, and the seeds of root crops, as well as
+of maize and Job's tears, being dibbled into the ground by means of
+small hoes. No manure, beyond the wood ashes above mentioned, is used
+on this class of land; there is no irrigation, and no other system of
+watering is resorted to. The seeds are sown generally when the first
+rain falls. This style of cultivation, or _jhum_, is largely resorted
+to by the people inhabiting the eastern and southern portions of the
+Jaintia Hills, e.g. the Bhois and Lalungs, the Lynngams and Garos
+of the western tracts of the district. Wet paddy land (_hali_ or
+_pynthor_) is, as the name implies, the land where the kind of paddy
+which requires a great deal of water is grown. The bottoms of valleys
+are divided up into little compartments by means of fairly high banks
+corresponding to the Assamese _alis_, and the water is let in at will
+into these compartments by means of skilfully contrived irrigation
+channels, sometimes a mile or more in length. The soil is made into
+a thick paste in the Jaintia Hills by means of the plough, and in the
+Khasi Hills through the agency of the hoe. Droves of cattle also are
+driven repeatedly over the paddy-fields until the mud has acquired
+the right consistency. The seed is then sown broadcast in the wet
+mud. It is not sown first in a seedling bed and then transplanted,
+as in Assam and Bengal. When the plants have grown to a height of
+about four inches, water is let in again; then comes the weeding,
+which has to be done several times. When the crop is ripe, the ears
+are cut with a sickle (_ka rashi_) generally, so as to leave almost
+the entire stalk, and are left is different parts of the field. A
+peculiarity about the Lynngam and the Khasis and Mikirs of the low
+hills, or Bhois as they are called, is that they reckon it _sang_,
+or taboo, to use the sickle. They reap their grain by pulling the
+ear through the hand. The sheaves, after they are dry, are collected
+and thrashed out on the spot, either by beating them against a stone
+(_shoh kba_), or by men and women treading them out (_iuh kba_). Cattle
+are not used for treading out the grain. The grain is then collected
+and placed in large bamboo receptacles (_ki thiar_). The paddy-fields
+are not manured. The Khasis, when cultivating high lands, select a
+clayey soil if they can. In the early part of the winter the sods are
+turned over with the hoe, and they are exposed to the action of the
+atmosphere for a period of about two months. When the sods are dry,
+they are placed in piles, which are generally in rows in the fields,
+and by means of ignited bunches of dry grass within the piles a
+slow fire is kept up, the piles of sods being gradually reduced to
+ashes. This is the "paring and burning process" used in England. The
+ashes so obtained are then carefully raked over the field. Sometimes
+other manure is also applied, but not when paddy is cultivated. The
+soil is now fit to receive the seed, either high-land paddy, millet,
+Job's tears, or other crops, as the case may be. The homestead lands
+are plentifully manured, and consequently, with attention, produce
+good crops. They are cultivated with the hoe.
+
+The cultivation of oranges in the southern portion of the district
+ranks equally in importance with that of the potato in the
+northern. The orange, which is known in Calcutta as the Chhatak or
+Sylhet orange, comes from the warm southern slopes of the hills in
+this district, where it is cultivated on an extensive scale. Although
+oranges do best when there is considerable heat, they have been known
+to do well as high as 3,000 ft.; but the usual limit of elevation
+for the growth of oranges in this district is probably about 1,000 to
+1,500 ft. The orange of the Khasi Hills has always been famous for its
+excellence, and Sir George Birdwood, in his introduction to the "First
+Letter Book of the East India Company," page 36, refers to the orange
+and lemon of Garhwál, Sikkim, and Khasia as having been carried by Arab
+traders into Syria, "whence the Crusaders helped to gradually propagate
+them throughout Southern Europe." Therefore, whereas the potato was
+imported, the orange would appear to be indigenous in these hills.
+
+_Nurseries_.--The seeds are collected and dried by being exposed to the
+sun. In the spring nurseries we prepared, the ground being thoroughly
+hoed and the soil pulverized as far as possible. The nursery is walled
+with stones. The seeds are then sown, a thin top layer of earth being
+applied. The nurseries are regularly watered, and are covered up with
+layers of leaves to ensure, as far as possible, the retention of the
+necessary moisture. When the plants are 3 or 4 in. high, they are
+transplanted to another and larger nursery, the soil of which has
+been previously well prepared for the reception of the young plants.
+
+An orangery is prepared in the following manner:--
+
+The shrubs, weeds and small trees are cut down, leaving only the
+big trees for the purpose of shade. The plants from the nurseries
+are planted from 6 ft. to 9 ft. apart. When they have become young
+trees, many of the branches of the sheltering trees mentioned above
+are lopped off, so as to admit the necessary amount of sunlight
+to the young orange trees. As the orange trees increase in size,
+the sheltering trees are gradually felled. The orchard requires
+clearing of jungle once in spring and once in autumn. The Khasis do
+not manure their orange trees, nor do they dig about and expose the
+roots. The price of orange plants is from 75 to 100 plants per rupee
+for plants from 1 to 2 ft. in height, and from fifty to seventy-five
+plants per rupee for plants from 2 to 5 ft. in height. Orange trees
+bear fruit when from five to eight years old in ordinary soils. In
+very fertile soils they sometimes bear after four years. A full-grown
+tree yields annually as many as 1,000 oranges, but a larger number
+is not unknown. The larger portion of the produce is exported from
+the district to the plains, and to fruit markets at the foot of the
+hills such as Theria, Mawdon, and Phali-Bazar, on the Shella river,
+whence it finds its way to the Calcutta and Eastern Bengal markets.
+
+Potatoes are raised on all classes of land, except _hali_, or wet paddy
+land. When the land has been properly levelled and hoed, drains are
+dug about the field. A cultivator (generally a female), with a basket
+of seed potatoes on her back and with a small hoe in her right hand,
+digs holes and with the left hand drops two seed-potatoes into each
+hole. The holes are about 6 in. in diameter, 6 in. deep, and from
+6 to 9 in. apart from one another. Another woman, with a load of
+manure in a basket on her back, throws a little manure over the seed
+in the hole, and then covers both up with earth. After the plants
+have attained the height of about 6 in., they are earthed up. When
+the leaves turn yellow, it is a sign that the potatoes are ripe. The
+different kinds of sweet potatoes grown and the yam and another kind
+of esculent root--_u sohphlang_ (_femingia vestita Benth_.) will be
+noticed under the head of "Crops."
+
+The Khasis possess very few agricultural sayings and proverbs, but
+the following may be quoted as examples:--
+
+(1) _Wat ju ai thung jingthung ne bet symbai ha uba sniew kti_.
+
+Do not allow plants to be planted or seeds to be sown by one who has
+a bad hand.
+
+As elsewhere, there is a belief amongst the Khasis that some people's
+touch as regards agriculture is unlucky.
+
+(2) _Thung dieng ne bet symbai haba ngen bnai, ym haba shai u bnai_.
+
+Plant trees or sow seeds not when the moon is waxing, but when it is
+on the wane.
+
+(3) _Wei la saw bha ka bneng sepngi jan miet phin sa ioh jingrang
+lashai_.
+
+A red sky in the west in the evening is the sign of fine weather
+to-morrow.
+
+Cf. our English proverb "a red sky in the morning is a shepherd's
+warning, a red sky at night is a shepherd's delight."
+
+
+Crops.
+
+The varieties of rice found in the Khasi Hills are divided into two
+main classes, one grown as a dry crop on high lands, and the other
+raised in valleys and hollows which are artificially irrigated from
+hill streams. The lowland rice is more productive than that grown
+on high lands, the average per acre of the former, according to
+the agricultural bulletin, as ascertained from the results of 817
+experimental crop cuttings carried out during the fifteen years
+preceding the year 1898, being 11.7 maunds of paddy per acre,
+as against an average of 9.4 maunds per acre (resulting from 667
+cuttings made during the same period) for the latter. [16] The average
+out-turn of both kinds is extremely poor, as compared with that of any
+description of rice grown in the plains. The rice grown in the hills
+is said by the Agricultural Department to be of inferior quality, the
+grain when cleaned being of a red colour, and extremely coarse. The
+cultivation of potatoes is practically confined to the Khasi Hills,
+there being little or none in the Jaintia Hills. The normal out-turn of
+the summer crop sown in February and harvested in June is reported by
+the Agricultural Department to be five times the quantity of seed used,
+and that of the winter crop, sown in August and September on the land
+from which the summer crop has been taken, and harvested in December,
+twice the quantity of seed. The winter crop is raised chiefly for
+the purpose of obtaining seed for the spring sowings, as it is found
+difficult to keep potatoes from the summer crop in good condition till
+the following spring. The usual quantity of seed used to the acre at
+each sowing is about 9 maunds, so that the gross out-turn of an acre
+of land cultivated with potatoes during the year may be taken at 63
+maunds, and the net out-turn, after deducting the quantity of seed
+used, at 45 maunds. The above estimate of the Agricultural Department
+rests chiefly on the statements of the cultivators, and has not been
+adequately tested by experiment.
+
+Since the appearance of the potato disease in 1885-86 there has been
+a great decrease in the area under potato cultivation. In 1881-82
+the exports of potatoes from the district were as high as 126,981
+maunds. From 1886-87 the exports began annually to decrease until in
+1895-96 the very low figure of 8,296 maunds was reached. The figures
+of export for the last nine years are as follows:--
+
+
+        1896-97     16,726 maunds
+        1897-98      7,805 maunds
+        1898-99      9,272 maunds
+        1899-00      5,422 maunds
+        1900-01     29,142 maunds
+        1901-02     38,251 maunds
+        1902-03     36,047 maunds
+        1903-04     50,990 maunds
+
+
+It will be seen that in the three years following the earthquake of
+1897 the exports fell very low indeed. Since 1901 the trade has been
+steadily recovering, and the exports of 1904 reached half a lakh
+of maunds.
+
+It will be observed that there has been some improvement, but the
+exports are still not half what they were in 1881-82. There are
+two kinds of sweet potatoes grown in the district, the Garo potato
+(_u phan Karo_), which appears to have been introduced from the Garo
+Hills, and _u phan sawlia_, the latter being distinguished from the
+Garo potato by its having a red skin, the Garo potato possessing a
+white skin. These kinds of potato are planted on all classes of land
+except _hali_, they do best on jhumed and homestead lands. The yam
+proper (_u phan shynreh_) is also largely grown. The small plant
+with an edible root called by the Khasis _u sohphang_ (_flemingia
+vestita Benth_.), is also largely grown. The roots of the plant after
+being peeled are eaten raw by the Khasis. As far as we know, this
+esculent is not cultivated in the adjoining hill districts. Job's
+tears (_coix lachryma-Jobi_) [17] are extensively grown, and are
+planted frequently with the _sohphlang_ mentioned above. This cereal
+forms a substitute for rice amongst the poorer cultivators. Maize or
+Indian corn (_u riew hadem_) is grown frequently, thriving best on
+homestead land, and requires heavy manuring; it is grown in rotation
+with potatoes. Next in importance to rice comes the millet (_u krai_),
+as a staple of food amongst the Khasis. There are three varieties
+of millets generally to be seen in the Khasi Hills:--_u 'rai-soh_
+(_setaria Italica_), _u 'rai-shan_ (_Paspalum sanguinale_), and
+_u 'rai-truh_ (_Eleusine coracana_). _U 'rai-shan_ is cultivated
+in rotation with the potato, _u 'rai-soh_ and _u 'rai-truh_ are
+generally cultivated on jhumed land, where they thrive well. Millet
+is sometimes used instead of rice in the manufacture of spirit by the
+Khasis; _u rymbai-ja_ (_phaseolus calcaratus_), and _u rymbai ktung_
+(_glycine soja_) are beans which are cultivated occasionally: Khasis
+highly prize the fruit of the plantain, which they give to infants
+mashed up. The following are the best known varieties:--_Ka kait khún,
+ka kait siem, ka kait kulbuit, ka kait bamon, ka kait shyieng_.
+
+The most important crop on the southern side of the hills is the
+orange, which has already been referred to in the paragraph dealing
+with agriculture.
+
+The oranges are sold by the _spah_ or 100, which is not a 100
+literally, but somewhat over 3,000 oranges. Different places have
+different _spahs_. At Phali Hat, on the Bogapani River, the _spah_
+is computed as follows:--
+
+
+        1 Hali      = 4 oranges.
+        8 Halis     = 1 Bhar.
+        100 Bhars   = shi spah (one hundred) = 3200 oranges.
+
+
+At Shella the computation is slightly different, being as follows:--
+
+
+        1 Gai               = 6 oranges.
+        5 Gais + 2 oranges  = 32 oranges.
+        4 Bhars = 1 hola    = 128 oranges
+        27 holas + 2 bhars  = shi spah (100) = 3,520 oranges.
+
+
+By another method of calculation the _spah_ consists of 3,240 oranges.
+
+The price per _spah_ varies from about 10 rupees in good years to
+Rs. 40, when the orange harvest has been a poor one.
+
+The lime is also cultivated, not separately, but along with the
+orange. The lime can be grown with success at a higher altitude than
+the orange. There is extensive betel-nut and _pán_ cultivation on the
+southern slopes of the hills. The betel-nut tree is cultivated in the
+same manner as in the plains, except that the trees are planted nearer
+to one another. The trees bear when eight to ten years old. A portion
+of the crop is sold just after it has been plucked; this is called _u
+'wáí kháw_, and is for winter consumption. The remainder of the crop
+is kept in large baskets, which are placed in tanks containing water,
+the baskets being completely immersed. This kind of betel-nut is
+called _u 'wáí um_. The Khasis, like the Assamese; prefer the fresh
+betel-nut. They do not relish the dry _supári_ so much.
+
+The principal _pán_ gardens are on the south side of the hills, _pán_
+not being grown on the northern slopes, except in the neighbourhood
+of Jirang. The _pán_ creepers are raised from cuttings, the latter
+being planted close to the trees up which they are to be trained. The
+creeper is manured with leaf mould. The plant is watered by means of
+small bamboo aqueducts which are constructed along the hill-sides,
+the water being conducted along them often considerable distances. As
+in the plains, the leaves of the _pán_ creeper are collected throughout
+the year.
+
+The bay leaf (_'la tyrpád_, or _tezpát_) is classified in the
+_Agricultural Bulletin_ as _Cinnamomum tamala_, and there is a note
+in the column of remarks that "this tree, as well as one or two
+others of the same genus, yields two distinct products, _tezpát_
+(bay leaf) and cinnamon bark." The bay leaf is gathered for export
+from the extensive gardens in Maharam, Malaisohmat, Mawsynram, and
+other Khasi States. The plants are raised from seed, although there
+are no regular nurseries, the young seedlings being transplanted from
+the jungle, where they have germinated, to regular gardens. Bay leaf
+gardens are cleared of jungle and weeds periodically; otherwise no
+care is taken of them. The leaf-gathering season is from November to
+March. The leaves are allowed to dry for a day or two in the sun,
+and then packed in large baskets for export. The gathering of bay
+leaf begins when the trees are about four years old.
+
+The following are the other minor crops which are grown in the Khasi
+and Jaintia Hills:--
+
+Pineapples, turmeric, ginger, pumpkins and gourds, the egg plant,
+chillies, sesamum, and a little sugar-cane. The arum [18] (_ka shiriw_)
+is also extensively grown in the hills, and forms one of the principal
+articles of food amongst the poorer classes; it is generally raised in
+rotation with potatoes, or is planted along with Job's tears. The stem
+of the arum is sometimes used as a vegetable, also for feeding pigs.
+
+In the Jowai Sub-Division, notably at Nartiang, there are fairly good
+mangoes, which are more free from worms than those grown in the plains
+of Assam.
+
+The Bhois and Lynngams cultivate lac. They plant _arhar dal, u landoo_,
+in their fields, and rear the lac insect on this plant. Last year the
+price of lac at Gauhati and Palasbari markets rose as high as Rs. 50
+per maund of 82 lbs., it is said, but the price at the outlying
+markets of Singra and Boko was about Rs. 30. The price of lac has
+risen a good deal of late years. Formerly the price was about Rs. 15 to
+Rs. 20 a maund. The lac trade in the Jaintia Hills and in the southern
+portion of the Khyrim State is a valuable one. The profits, however,
+go largely to middle-men, who in the Jaintia Hills are Syntengs from
+Jowai, who give out advances to the Bhoi cultivators on the condition
+that they will be repaid in lac. The Marwari merchants from the plains
+attend all the plains markets which are frequented by the hill-men,
+and buy up the lac and export it to Calcutta. The whole of the lac
+is of the kind known as stick lac.
+
+
+Hunting.
+
+The weapons used by the Khasis for hunting are bows and arrows,
+the latter with barbed iron heads, and spears which are used both
+for casting and thrusting. Before proceeding on a hunting expedition
+the hunters break eggs, in order to ascertain whether they will be
+successful or not, and to which jungle they should proceed. Offerings
+are also made to certain village deities, e.g. _U. Ryngkew, u Basa_,
+and _u Basa ki mrád_. A lucky day having been selected and the deities
+propitiated, the hunters start with a number of dogs trained to the
+chase, the latter being held on leashes by a party of men called _ki
+nongai-ksew_. When the dogs have picked up the scent some hunters
+are placed as "stops" (_ki ktem_), at points of vantage in the
+jungle, and the drive commences with loud shouts from the hunters,
+the same being continued until the object of the chase breaks into
+the open. The man who draws the first blood is called u _nongsiat_,
+and the second man who scores a hit _u nongban_. These two men get
+larger shares of the flesh than the others. The _nongsiat_ obtains
+the lower half of the body of the animal, thighs and feet excepted,
+called _ka tdong_, and the _nongban_ one of the forequarters called
+_ka tabla_. The other hunters obtain a string of flesh each, and each
+hound gets a string of flesh to itself. These hunting parties pursue
+deer sometimes for many miles, and are indefatigable in the chase, the
+latter lasting occasionally more than one day. In the Jaintia Hills,
+at the end of the chase, the quarry is carried to the house of the
+_nongsiat_, where a _puja_ is performed to some local deity, before
+the flesh is distributed. At Shangpung, when a tiger or a mithan is
+killed, the head is cut off, and is carried in triumph to a hill in
+the neighbourhood where there is a _duwan_, or altar, at the foot
+of an oak tree (_dieng sning_). The head is displayed on the altar,
+and worship offered to _u 'lei lyngdoh_, the God of the doloiship.
+
+The Khasis make use of an ingenious species of spring gun for killing
+game, the spring gun being laid alongside a deer path in the jungle. A
+string stretched across the path, when touched, releases a bolt and
+spring, which latter impels a bamboo arrow with great force across
+the path. This spring gun is called _ka riam siat_. A pit-fall, with
+bamboo spikes at the bottom, is called _u 'liw lep_, and a trap of the
+pattern of the ordinary leopard trap is called _ka riam slung_. A noose
+attached to a long rope laid in a deer run is named _riam syrwiah_.
+
+There is also _ka riam pap_, the principle of which is that an animal
+is attracted by a bait to walk on to a platform; the platform sinks
+under the weight of the animal, and a bolt is released which brings
+down a heavy roof from above weighted with stones, which crush the
+animal to death.
+
+There are several means employed in snaring birds; one of the most
+common is to smear pieces of bamboo with the gum of the jack-tree,
+the former being tied to the branches of some wild fruit tree, upon
+which, when the fruit is ripe, the birds light and are caught by the
+bird lime. This is called _ka riam thit_. Another is a kind of spring
+bow made of bamboo which is laid on the ground in marshy places,
+such as are frequented by snipe and woodcock. This form of snare
+is unfortunately most common. A third is a cage into which birds
+are lured by means of a bait, the cage being hidden in the grass,
+and the entrance being so contrived that the birds can hop in but
+not out again. This is called _ka riam sim_.
+
+
+Fishing.
+
+Although there are some Khasis who fish with rod and line, it
+may be said that the national method of fishing is to poison the
+streams. Khasis, except the Wárs and the people of Shella, unlike
+the Assamese and Bengalis, do not fish with nets, nor do they use the
+bamboo-work device known by the Assamese as _pala_ (pala) and _jakai_
+(jakaaii). The method of fish-poisoning of the Khasis is the same
+as that described by Soppitt in his account of the tribes inhabiting
+North Cachar. The following is a description of how Khasis poison fish
+in the western portion of the district; it may be taken as a sample
+of the whole. A large quantity of the bark of the tree _ka mynta_ and
+the creeper _u khariew_ is first brought to the river-side to a place
+on the stream a little above the pool which it is proposed to poison,
+where it is thoroughly beaten with sticks till the juice exudes and
+flows into the water, the juice being of a milky white colour. In a
+few minutes the fish begin to rise and splash about, and, becoming
+stupefied, allow themselves to be caught in the shallows. If the
+beating of the bark has been well carried out, many of the fish soon
+die and after a time float on the surface of the water. A large number
+of Khasis stand on the banks armed with bamboo scoops shaped like
+small landing nets, to catch the fish, and fish traps (_ki khowar_)
+Assamese _khoká_ (khookaa) are laid between the stones in the rapids
+to secure any fish that may escape the fishing party. Another fish
+poison is the berry _u soh lew_, the juice of which is beaten out in
+the same manner as described above.
+
+Soppitt says, certain fish do not appear to be susceptible to the
+poison, and not nearly the destruction takes place that is popularly
+supposed. The mahseer and the carp family generally do not suffer
+much, whereas, on the other hand, the river shark, the _bagh mas_ of
+the Bengalis, is killed in large numbers. It is impossible, however,
+in the opinion of the writer, that the mahseer fry, which abound in
+these hill rivers in the spring and early summer months, can escape
+being destroyed in great numbers when the streams are frequently
+poisoned. In the neighbourhood of lime quarries and other large works
+where dynamite is used for blasting, this explosive is sometimes
+employed for killing fish. The practice, however, has been strictly
+prohibited, and there have been some cases in which the offenders
+have been punished in the courts. Fish-poisoning is bad enough, but
+dynamiting is still worse, as with an effective cartridge all the
+fish within a certain area are killed, none escape. When poisons are
+used, however, some fish are not affected by them, and others are
+only stupefied for the time being and afterwards recover.
+
+
+Food.
+
+The Khasi and Syntengs ordinarily take two meals a day, one in
+the early morning and the other in the evening, but labourers and
+others who have to work hard in the open take a midday meal as well,
+consisting of cold boiled rice wrapped in a leaf (_ka já-song_),
+cakes (_ki kpu_) and a tuberous root (_u sohphlang_) which is eaten
+raw. They are fond of all kinds of meat, especially pork and beef,
+although some of the Syntengs, owing to Hindu influence, abstain from
+eating the latter. Unlike the neighbouring Naga, Garo and Kuki tribes,
+the Khasis abstain from the flesh of the dog. Both Bivar and Shadwell
+say the reason why the Khasis do not eat the flesh of the dog is
+because he is in a certain sense a sacred animal amongst them. There
+is a Khasi folk-tale relating how the dog came to be regarded as
+the friend of man. It is, however, quite possible that the Khasis
+may never have eaten the flesh of the dog from remote times, and it
+is nothing extraordinary that the Khasis should differ in a detail
+of diet from the neighbouring Thibeto-Burman tribes which are so
+dissimilar to them in many respects. The Khasis, except some of the
+Christian community and some of the people of the Mawkhar, do not use
+milk, butter, or ghee as articles of food. In this respect they do
+not differ from the Kacharis and Rabhas of the plains or the Garos
+of the hills. The Mongolian race in its millions as a rule does not
+use milk for food, although the Tibetans and some of the Turcoman
+tribes are exceptions. Before fowls or animals are killed for food,
+prayers must be said, and rice sprinkled on the body of the animal. The
+staple food of the Khasis is rice and dried fish. When rice cannot
+be obtained or is scarce, millet or Job's tears are used instead. The
+latter are boiled, and a sort of porridge is obtained, which is eaten
+either hot or cold according to fancy. Khasis eat the flesh of nearly
+all wild animals, they also eat field rats and one kind of monkey
+(_u shrih_). The Syntengs and Lynngams are fond of tadpoles, and the
+Khasis consider a curry made from a kind of green frog, called _ka
+japieh_, a _bonne bouche_. They, however, do not eat ordinary frogs
+(_jakoid_). The Khasis of Mariao, Maharam, Nongstoin and some other
+Siemships eat the hairy caterpillar, _u'ñiang phlang_.
+
+A staple food which must not be forgotten is the inner portion of
+the bark of the sago palm tree, _ka tlái_, which grows wild in the
+forest and attains a large size. The tree is felled and the outer bark
+removed, the soft inner part is cut into slices, dried in the sun,
+pounded in a mortar and then passed through a fine bamboo sieve. A
+reddish flour is obtained, of sweet taste, which is boiled with
+rice. This flour is said to make good cakes and puddings.
+
+Although the Khasis are such varied feeders, there are some clans
+amongst them which are prohibited by the ordinance of _sang_, or taboo,
+from eating certain articles. The following are some instances:--
+
+The Cherra Siem family cannot eat dried fish (_'khá-piah_); the
+Siem of Mylliem must not eat the gourd (_u patháw_); a fish called
+_ka'khá-lani_ is taboo to some of the _Siem-lih_ class. Some of the
+Wár people must not eat _ka ktung_ (preserved fish), and the clan
+_'khar-um-núid_ in Khyrim is debarred from the pleasure of partaking
+of pork. The flesh of the sow is _sang_ to the _'dkhar_ clan, although
+that of the male pig may be eaten.
+
+
+Drink.
+
+The Khasis are in the habit of regularly drinking considerable
+quantities either of a spirit distilled from rice or millet (_ka'iad
+pudka_), or of rice-beer, which is of two kinds (1) _ka'iad hiar_,
+(2) _ka'iad um_. Both of these are made from rice and, in some places,
+from millet, and the root of a plant called _u khawiang_. _Ka'iad hiar_
+is made by boiling the rice or millet. It is then taken out and spread
+over a mat, and, when it cools, fragments of the yeast (_u khawiang_)
+are sprinkled over it. After this it is placed in a basket, which
+is put in a wooden bowl. The basket is covered tightly with a cloth
+so as to be air-tight, and it is allowed to remain in this condition
+for a couple of days, during which time the liquor has oozed out into
+the bowl. To make _ka'iad um_ the material, the rice or millet from
+which the _ka'iad hiar_ was brewed, is made use of. It is placed in
+a large earthen pot and allowed to remain there for about five days
+to ferment, after which the liquor is strained off. _Ka'iad hiar_ is
+said to be stronger than _ka'iad um_. The former is used frequently by
+distillers of country spirit for mixing with the wort so as to set up
+fermentation. The people of the high plateaux generally prefer rice
+spirit, and the Wárs of the southern slopes of the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills customarily partake of it also. The Khasis of the western hills,
+e.g. of the Nongstoin Siemship, and the Lynngams, Bhois, Lalungs,
+and Hadems almost invariably drink rice-beer, but the Syntengs, like
+the Khasi uplanders, drink rice-spirit. Rice-beer (_ka'iad um_) is
+a necessary article for practically all Khasi and Synteng religious
+ceremonies of importance, it being the custom for the officiating
+priest to pour out libations of liquor from a hollow gourd (_u klong_)
+to the gods on these occasions. As there is no Excise in the district,
+except within a five-mile radius of Shillong, liquor of both the
+above descriptions can be possessed and sold without restriction.
+
+According to some Khasi traditions the Khasis in ancient times used
+not to drink spirits, but confined themselves to rice-beer. It is
+only in the last couple of generations that the habit of drinking
+spirits has crept in, according to them. From Khasi accounts, the
+use of spirits is on the increase, but there is no means of testing
+these statements. There can be no doubt, however, that at the present
+time a very large amount of spirit is manufactured and consumed in
+the district. The spirit is distilled both for home consumption and
+for purposes of sale; in some villages, e.g. Mawlai and Marbisu,
+near Shillong, where there are fifty-nine and forty-nine stills
+respectively, there being a still almost in every house. Mawlai
+village supplies a great deal of the spirit which is drunk in Shillong,
+and from Marbisu spirit is carried for sale to various parts of the
+hills. Other large distilling centres are Cherrapunji, with forty-seven
+stills; Jowai, with thirty-one stills; Laitkynsew, with fifty-four
+stills; Nongwar, thirty-one stills; and Rangthang, thirty-seven stills.
+
+From what has been stated above some idea may be gathered how very
+large the number of stills in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills is. I am
+not in a position to state with any degree of accuracy what is the
+amount of spirit manufactured or consumed in the year, but it is very
+considerable. The out-turn of a Khasi still has been reckoned at from
+four to eight bottles per day. From this estimate, and the fact that
+there are 1,530 stills in the district, it may be roughly calculated
+what is the consumption annually. Practically the whole of the spirit
+is consumed within the district. The liquor which is manufactured is
+far stronger than the spirit distilled in the ordinary out-stills in
+the plains. It has been stated by an expert analyst that the Khasi
+spirit contains 60 to 80 per cent. of proof spirit, and that it
+possesses "an exceptionally nice flavour and taste." The usual price
+at which it is sold is 4 to 6 annas a quart bottle, a second quality
+being sometimes sold for 3 annas. It will be seen that the liquor is
+exceedingly cheap. A Khasi in the villages of the interior can get
+drunk for 2 annas, [19] or a quarter of an ordinary coolie's daily
+wage. Drunkenness prevails on every market day at Cherrapunji, Jowai,
+and other large háts, and on occasions when there are gatherings of
+the people for various purposes. This cheap but strong spirit is
+demoralizing the people, and some restriction of its use would be
+welcomed by many. In the Khasi Welsh Methodist Church abstention from
+liquor is made a condition of Church membership, but the vast number
+of stills and the facilities with which liquor can be obtained are a
+constant source of temptation to the Christian community, and cause
+many defections.
+
+
+Games.
+
+The Khasis have many games, but their principal game is archery, this
+may be said to be the national game, and is a very popular form of
+recreation amongst them, the sport being indulged in from about the
+beginning of January to the end of May each year. The following is
+a description of a Khasi archery meeting, for the details of which
+I am largely indebted to U Job Solomon. By way of introduction it
+should be stated that the Khasis opine that arrow-shooting originated
+at the beginning of creation. The Khasi Eve (_Ka-mei-ka-nong-hukum_)
+had two sons to whom she taught the toxophilite art, at the same time
+she warned them never to lose their tempers over the game. At the
+present day villages have regular archery meetings, the men of one
+village challenging those of another. There are men on both sides
+called _nong khan khnam_ (lit., he who stops the arrow). This man,
+by uttering spells, and reciting the shortcomings of the opposite
+side, is supposed to possess the power of preventing the arrows of the
+opposing party hitting the mark. These men also, to some extent, may be
+said to perform the duties of umpires. They may be styled umpires for
+the sake of convenience in this account. Before the match commences
+conditions are laid down by the umpires of both sides, such as (_a_)
+the day on which the contest is to take place; (_b_) the place of the
+meeting; (_c_) the number of arrows to be shot by each archer; (_d_)
+the distinguishing marks to be given to the arrows of either side;
+(_e_) the amounts of the stakes on each side; (_f_) the number of
+times the competitors are to shoot on the day of the archery meeting,
+and many other conditions too numerous to mention here. The targets are
+generally small bundles of grass called "_u skum_," about 1 ft. long
+by 4 in. in diameter, fastened on a small pole. Sometimes targets are
+made from the root of a plant called _ka soh pdung_. The distances
+from the point where the marksmen stand to the targets are some 40 to
+50 yards. Each side has its own target, the different targets being
+placed in a line, and the competitors taking up their positions in
+a straight line at right angles to the line of fire, and facing the
+targets; each side in turn then shoots at its own target. Early in
+the morning of the day fixed for the contest the umpire of each side
+sits in front of his target with a hollow bamboo full of water in
+his hand, the bows and arrows being laid on the ground alongside the
+targets. The umpire then repeats all the conditions of the contest,
+invokes the aid of the primeval woman (_ka mei ka nong hukum_)
+aforesaid, goes through certain incantations freely referring to the
+many faults of the opposite side, and pours water at intervals from
+the bamboo in front of the target. This business lasts about two
+hours. Then they exhort the competitors of their respective sides,
+and the match commences amidst loud shouts. Every time there is a
+hit there are loud cheers, the competitors leaping high into the air,
+the umpires muttering their incantations all the while. At the end of
+each turn the number of hits are counted by representatives of both
+sides. At the close of the day the side with the greatest number of
+hits wins the match, the successful party returning home, dancing
+and shouting. The young women admirers of both sides assemble, and
+dispense refreshments to the competitors, taking a keen interest in
+the proceedings withal. Frequently large wagers are made on either
+side. In the _Khadar Blang_ portion of the Nongkrem State as much as
+Rs. 500 are occasionally wagered on either side. In Jowai the practice
+is also to bet a lump sum, the amount being raised by subscription
+from amongst the competitors. More usual bets are, however, about
+one anna a head. The _nong khang khnam_ and the men who prepare the
+targets receive presents from their respective sides. The Khasi bow
+carries a considerable distance, an arrow shot over 180 yards being
+within the personal knowledge of the writer. It is believed that Khasi
+bows wielded by experts carry up to 200 yards. The average range may
+be said, however, to be 150 to 180 yards.
+
+Yule mentions peg-top spinning amongst Khasi children as being
+indigenous and not an importation, but Bivar thinks that the game is
+of foreign introduction. I am, however, inclined to agree with Yule
+that peg-top spinning is indigenous, inasmuch as this game could not
+have been copied from the Sylhetis or the Assamese of the plains,
+who do not indulge in it. As the British had only recently established
+themselves in the hills when Yule wrote, they would scarcely have had
+time or opportunity to introduce an English children's game. Khasi
+children also play a kind of "hop Scotch" (_khyndat mala shito_ and
+_ia tiet hile_), and Yule writes, "Another of their recreations is
+an old acquaintance also, which we are surprised to meet with in the
+Far East. A very tall thick bamboo is planted in the ground, and well
+oiled. A silver ornament, or a few rupees placed at the top, reward
+the successful climber." A leg of mutton, or a piece of pork fixed
+at the top of this pole would render the pastime identical with the
+"greasy-pole" climbing of English villages. The following are some
+other Khasi games:--
+
+Wrestling; two persons grasping each other's hands with the fingers
+interlocked, and then trying to push one another down; tug-of-war with
+a piece of stick, the two combatants placing their feet one against
+the other; butting at one another like bulls, and trying to upset
+each other (_ia tur masi_); long jump; high jump; blind-man's buff;
+flying kites; pitching cowries into a hole in the ground; a game like
+marbles, only played with round pebbles, and others.
+
+
+Manufactures.
+
+The manufactures of the Khasis are few in number, and do not seem
+to show any tendency to increase. On the contrary, two of the most
+important industries, the smelting of iron ore and the forging of
+iron implements therefrom, and the cotton-spinning industries at
+Mynso and Suhtnga, show signs of dying out. Ploughshares and hoes
+and bill-hooks can now be obtained more cheaply from the plains than
+from the forges in the hills, and Manchester piece goods are largely
+taking the place of cloths of local manufacture. The iron industry
+in former days was an important one, and there is abundant evidence
+that the workings were on a considerable scale, e.g. at Nongkrem
+and Laitlyngkot, in the shape of large granite boulders which have
+fallen to the ground from the sides of the hills owing to the softer
+rock which filled the interstices between the boulders having been
+worked out by the ironworkers, their process being to dig out the
+softer ferruginous rock, and then extract the iron ore from it by
+means of washing. The softer rock having been removed, the heavier
+portions fell by their own weight, and rolled down to the bottom of
+the slopes, the result being the great number of boulders to be seen
+near the sites of these workings.
+
+Colonel Lister, writing in 1853, estimated that 20,000 maunds of iron
+were exported from the hills in the shape of hoes to the Assam Valley,
+and in lumps of pig iron to the Surma Valley, where it was used by
+boat-builders for clamps. Nowadays the smelting of iron is carried
+on in very few places. There are still smelting-houses at Nongkrem
+and Nongsprung, but these are practically the only places left where
+smelting of iron ore goes on: there are many forges where rough iron
+brought from the plains is melted down and forged into billhooks and
+hoes. Messrs. Yule and Cracroft have described the native process
+of smelting iron, and it is only necessary to refer to their papers
+if information is required on the subject. Yule's account is a very
+full one, and is to be found at page 853, vol. xi. part ii. of the
+Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The system pursued, both in
+the extraction and in the subsequent smelting of the ore, is the same
+at the present day as that described by Yule. Dr. Oldham, writing in
+1863, says, "The quality of this Khasi iron is excellent for all such
+purposes as Swedish iron is now used for. The impurity of the blooms
+(or masses of the metal in a molten state), however, as they are sent
+to market, is a great objection to its use, and the waste consequent
+thereon renders it expensive. It would also form steel or wootz (Indian
+steel) of excellent quality. I have no doubt that the manufacture
+could be greatly improved and possibly extended." Dr. Oldham, however,
+goes on to remark that the manufacture of iron could not be very much
+extended, owing to the scanty dissemination of the ore in the rocks,
+and the consequent high cost of obtaining it. At present the want
+of any permanent supply of water prevents the natives from working
+for more than a few days during the year, whilst the rains are heavy,
+and they can readily obtain sufficient force of water for the washing
+of the ore from its matrix. The export of iron in any form from the
+district has now almost died out, only a few hoes being brought down by
+the Khasis from Laitdom, in Khadsawphra, to the Burdwar and Palasbari
+markets in the Kamrup District of the Assam Valley. Iron of English
+manufacture has, of course, much cheapened the market, but probably
+the fact that the parts of the country in the neighbourhood of the
+rocks which contain the metal have been denuded completely of timber,
+charcoal being necessary for smelting, has affected the production
+almost as much as the presence of cheap iron in the market.
+
+
+Manufacture of Eri Silk Cloths and Cotton Cloths in the Jaintia Hills.
+
+The number of weavers in the district at the last Census was 533. This
+number in the Census Report is ascribed to the cotton industry, no
+mention being made of weavers of silk. The spinning of Eri silk thread,
+and weaving it into cloths is, however, a fairly considerable industry
+amongst the Khyrwang and Nongtung villages of the Jaintia Hills. The
+Nongtungs and Khyrwangs rear their own Eri worms, and spin the silk
+from the cocoons. The late Mr. Stack, in his admirable note on silk
+in Assam, says, "Throughout the whole range of the southern hills,
+from the Mikir country, Eri thread is in great request for weaving
+those striped cloths, in which the mountaineers delight," but this
+observation should have been confined to the Jaintia Hills portion of
+this district, the Khasis not weaving themselves either in silk or
+cotton. The Khasis obtain their silk cloths from the Assam Valley,
+and from the Nongtung or Khyrwang villages in Jaintia. The latter
+villages have given the name to the striped cloth, _ka jáin Khyrwang_,
+which is almost invariably worn by the Syntengs. Mr. Stack has given
+in detail a description of the silk industry in Assam, and it is not
+therefore necessary to go over the same ground here. The Khyrwang
+cloth is red and white, mauve and white, or chocolate and white,
+the cloth being worn by both men and women. The Khyrwang cloths vary
+in price from Rs. 5 to Rs. 25, according to size and texture. These
+cloths are the handiwork of women alone, and a woman working every
+day regularly will take six months to manufacture a cloth valued at
+Rs. 25; but, as a rule, in the leisurely manner in which they work,
+it takes a year to complete it.
+
+
+
+Cotton Cloths.
+
+In the Jaintia Hills at Mynso cotton is spun into thread, and weaving
+is carried on there, but on a limited scale. The Mynso people weave
+the small strips of cloth worn by the men to serve the purpose of the
+Assamese _lengti_ or Hindi _languti_. In Suhtnga the people import
+cotton thread from Mynso and weave the (_ingki_) or sleeveless coat,
+peculiar to the district; these coats are dyed red and blue. The dark
+blue or black dye is obtained from the leaf of a plant called _u sybu_,
+which Mr. Rita has classified as _strobilanthus hoeditolius_, which
+grows in the gardens round the homesteads. The leaves are dried,
+then reduced to powder, mixed with hot water, and the skeins of
+thread are steeped in the liquid. The colour is permanent. The red
+dye is obtained from the mixture of the dry bark of two shrubs,
+_ka lapyndong_ (_symplocos racemosa_, Roxb.), and _ka 'larnong_
+(_morinda-tinctoria_, Roxb.), the latter being the same as the Assamese
+(aacukaa.th) _áchukáth_. The bark is dried, then pounded, and the two
+sorts are mixed together and made into a paste with hot water. The
+skeins are steeped in this mixture for twenty-four hours, then taken
+out and divided, and again steeped for another twenty-four hours. The
+Lalungs and Bhois and Lynngams all weave cotton cloths, which are
+generally dyed blue, sometimes striped blue and red. The Wárs weave
+cotton cloths which are dyed red and yellow, the cloths being woven in
+checks. Mr. Darrah remarks that the cotton grown in the Jaintia Hills
+is said to be the best cotton produced in the province. Its thread
+can be more closely woven than that of other kinds. This statement,
+however, is not borne out by Mr. Allen, writing in 1858, who says
+that the cotton is of inferior quality, the staple being short and
+woolly. The cotton cloths woven by the Bhois are called _spua_.
+
+
+Pottery.
+
+The Census Report of 1901 gave the number of persons who are supported
+by the manufacture of pottery at 54 only. Pottery is manufactured
+at one place only in the Jaintia Hills, Larnai. The Larnai potters
+make many of the earthen pots to be found in the Khasi houses called
+_khiew ranei_, or sometimes _khiew Larnai_. Mr. Gait says, "These
+potters use two kinds of clay mixed; one is of a dark blue colour,
+_'dew-iong_, and the other of a greyish colour, _'dew khluid_. These
+clays seem to correspond closely with the _kumár máti_ and _hira máti_
+of the Brahmaputra Valley."
+
+The clay at Larnai is well beaten out upon a hide, or upon a flat
+disc of wood; the women fashion the pots by hand, they do not use
+the potter's wheel. The pots are sun-dried and then fired. They are
+painted black with an infusion of a bark called _sohliya_. The Larnai
+potters also make flower-pots which are sold in Shillong at from 2
+annas to 4 annas each, the price of the ordinary pot or _khiew ranei_
+varying from 2 pice to 4 annas each. A water-pot (_khiew um_) is
+also fashioned, which is sometimes used in the manufacture of liquor,
+price 4 annas to 6 annas each.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Laws and Customs
+
+
+Tribal Organization.
+
+The inhabitants of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be said to
+be divided into the following sections:--Khasi, Synteng or Pnar,
+Wár, Bhoi, and Lynngam. These divisions represent collections of
+people inhabiting several tracts of country and speaking dialects
+which, although often deriving their origin from the Khasi roots,
+are frequently so dissimilar to the standard language as to be
+almost unrecognizable. The above sections may be sub-divided as
+follows:--The Khasis into the inhabitants of the central high plateau,
+Cherra and Nongstoin, Maharam, Mario, Nongkhlaw, and the neighbouring
+Siemships. The Syntengs or Pnars may be divided as follows:--Into
+Syntengs proper, Nongtungs and Kharwangs; the Wárs into Wár proper,
+and Wár Pnar; the Bhois into Jinthongs, Mynris, Ryngkhongs, and the
+Khasi-Bhois, i.e. Khasis who inhabit the low country to the north
+of the district, which is called generally the "Bhoi." The Lynngams
+are a separate division. They must not be confused with the Dkos or
+Hanas who are Garos. It must, however, be remembered that the Jinthong,
+Mynri, and Ryngkhong Sub-divisions of the Bhoi division are not Khasi,
+but Mikir, i.e. they belong to the Bodo or Bara group. The Lynngams
+are half Khasis and half Garos, and the Dkos or Hanas are Garos who
+observe the Khasi custom of erecting memorial stones. The above tribes
+and sub-tribes are not strictly endogamous, nor are they strictly
+exogamous, but they are more endogamous than exogamous; for instance,
+Syntengs more often marry Syntengs than Khasis, and _vice versâ_, and
+it would be usually considered derogatory for a Khasi of the Uplands
+to marry a Bhoi or Wár woman, and a disgrace to marry a Lynngam. These
+divisions are subdivided into a number of septs, taking Mr. Risley's
+definition of "sept" as being the largest exogamous division of the
+tribe. It will, however, be more convenient to speak of these septs
+as "clans," the word "clan" having been used in other parts of this
+Monograph and by other writers.
+
+Many of the clans trace their descent from ancestresses or _kiaw_
+(grandmothers), who are styled _ki Iawbei-Tynrai_, lit. grandmothers
+of the root (i.e. the root of the tree of the clan). In some of the
+clans, the name of this ancestress survives; take as instances the
+Mylliem-ngap and Mylliem-pdah clans of the Khyrim State, the names
+of the ancestresses of the clans being _ka ngap_ (honey, i.e. the
+sweet one), and _ka pdah_ respectively. This tribal ancestress,
+as will be seen in the paragraph of the monograph dealing with
+ancestor-worship, is greatly reverenced, in fact, she may almost be
+said to be deified. The descendants of one ancestress of the clan,
+_Ka Iawbei Tynrai_, are called _shi kur_ or one clan. We then come
+to the division of the _kpoh_ or sub-clan, all the descendants of one
+great grandmother (_ka Iawbei Tymmen_), being styled _shi kpoh_. The
+next division is the _iing_ (lit. house) or family. It is almost
+invariably the case that the grandmother, her daughters and the
+daughter's children, live together under one roof, the grandmother
+during her life-time being the head of the house. The grandmother is
+styled _ka Iawbei Khynraw_, or the young grandmother, to distinguish
+her from the other two grandmothers, _ka Iawbei-tynrai_ and _ka
+Iawbei-tymmen_ who have been mentioned above. The young grandmother,
+her daughters and their children are said to belong to _shi iing_,
+one house, the word _iing_ in this instance possessing amongst the
+Khasis the same significance as the English word _family_.
+
+We will now see how the Khasi clan (_kur_ or _jaid_) grew out of the
+Khasi family (_iing_). Let us take the example of the great Diengdoh
+clan of Cherra. Disregarding the myth that the Diengdohs are descended
+from a mermaid, it may be stated that there seems to be a fairly
+general belief amongst the Diengdohs that their first ancestress or
+_kiaw_ came from the country beyond the Kopili river (some go so far
+as to say that she came from the Assam Valley), to the Jaintia Hills,
+where she found a husband. Legend relates that it was one of the
+peculiarities of this woman that she was able to accommodate herself
+in an earthen jar or _lalu_, which fact gave rise to the name _Lalu_
+by which she and her children were called by the Syntengs. The family
+prospered during the time when a powerful chief of the Malngiang clan
+held sway in the Jaintia Hills. On the death of this king a civil
+war arose, and the _Lalu_ family, together with many others, beat a
+retreat across the river Kopili. Here they lived in prosperity for
+some generations until a plague arose and carried off the whole family
+except one female, called _Ka Iaw-Iaw_, who became the sole owner
+of the family wealth. Many desired to marry her for her possessions,
+and it was owing to their importunities that she fled to Jowai to the
+house of a _lyngdoh_ or priest. The _lyngdoh_, under pressure from
+his wife, tried to sell Ka Iaw-Iaw as a slave, but no one would offer
+more than 20 _cowries_ for her (_shi-bdi_); this decided the _lyngdoh_
+to keep her. Out of gratitude for this kindness, Ka Iaw-Iaw brought
+her wealth from beyond the Kopili to the _lyngdoh's_ house, when the
+son of the _lyngdoh_ was given her in marriage. They lived happily for
+some time, when some adventurers from beyond the Kopili came to Jowai
+with the intention of carrying off this rich bride. The _lyngdoh_,
+however, received warning of their intent, arranged for the escape of
+Ka Iaw-Iaw, and they fled to Sohphohkynrum, a place near Nongkrem in
+the Khasi Hills, where she established a village. Here Ka Iaw-Iaw was
+called _Ka Iaw-shibdi_, because she paid every man who was engaged
+by her in founding a market there 20 cowries (_shi-bdi_) per day for
+their labours. Here also she is credited with having first introduced
+the art of smelting iron, and she is said to have made various iron
+implements which she exported to the plains. She is also said to have
+kept a huge herd of pigs which she fed in a large trough hollowed out
+of a _diengdoh_ tree; it is to this fact that the Diengdoh clan owes
+its name. After _Ka Iaw-shibdi_ and her children had lived for some
+years in prosperity at Sohphohkynrum, they were attacked by the Swarga
+Raja (the Ahom King), U long Raja (probably the Raja of Jaintia), and
+the Assamese Barphukan. They fled to a place called Lyndiangumthli,
+near Lyngkyrdem. Finding this place unsuitable as a home, the family
+split up into four divisions. One division returned to Jowai, where
+it increased and multiplied and afterwards grew into the Lalu clan,
+another went to Nongkhlaw and became the Diengdoh Kylla clan; another
+went to Mawiong and formed what is now known as the Pariong clan;
+the fourth, after some vicissitudes of fortune, went to Rangjyrteh and
+Cherra, at which place it established the powerful Diengdohbah clan,
+and became afterwards one of the chief _mantri_ or minister clans of
+this state. I have quoted the history of the origin of the Diengdoh
+clan at some length, to show what I consider to be an example of
+the Khasi conceptions of how the clan was formed, i.e. from a common
+ancestress, all of the clans having traditions more or less of descent
+from some particular _Kiaw_ or ancestress. This story moreover is
+remarkable as pointing to a Khasi migration from beyond the Kopili
+river to their present abode. The clans of the present day are
+nothing more or less than overgrown families, they are bound together
+by the religious tie of ancestor-worship in common, and of a common
+tribal sepulchre, except in cases of clans which have, owing to their
+size, spit up into several sub-divisions, like the Diengdoh clan;
+such sub-divisions possessing their own cromlechs. Ancestor-worship
+in common and tribal sepulchres in common seem to indicate that the
+original unit was the family and not the tribe, for there would be no
+reason for the members of a clan to worship the same household gods
+and to deposit the remains of the clan members in the same tomb unless
+there was some strong tie, such as that of consanguinity, binding them
+together. It has been already mentioned that each of these clans is
+strictly exogamous; this again supports the family origin theory. A
+Khasi can commit no greater sin than to marry within the tribe. Some
+of the clans are prohibited moreover from intermarriage with other
+clans, because of such clans being of common descent. If the titles
+(see Appendix) are carefully examined, it will be seen that some of
+them bear the names of animals, such as the _Shrieh_ or monkey clan,
+the _Tham_ or crab clan, or of trees, such as the Diengdoh clan
+(already referred to). The members of these clans do not apparently
+regard the animals or natural objects, from which they derive their
+names, as totems, inasmuch as they do not abstain from killing, eating
+or utilizing them. The names of these objects are connected generally
+with some story, concerning the history of the clan, but there is no
+evidence to show that the clans-folk ever regarded the above animals
+or objects as their tribal totems. If the lists of the Khyrim and
+Cherra clans are examined, it will be seen what a large number bear
+the name of _Dkhar_ or its abbreviation _'Khar_. The word _dkhar_
+is that applied by a Khasi to an inhabitant of the plains. We come
+across names such as _'khar-mukhi, khar sowali_, the first word being
+an abbreviation of _dkhar_, and _mukhi_ being the common Bengali name
+which occurs in Chandra Mukhi, Surjya Mukhi, &c. Sowali (_chowali_)
+is the common Assamese word for a girl. The ancestresses of these
+tribes were plains women, carried off, no doubt, in the raids made
+by the Khasis over the border into Assam and Sylhet. The word _Jong_
+in the list of tribes is a Synteng synonym of _kur_ or _jaid_, and the
+Wár word _khong_, which will often be found in the names of the tribes
+of the twenty-five villages of the Khyrim State, is merely a corruption
+of _jong_ or _iong_, the Synteng word for clan. Let us now see how the
+State or Khasi Siemship was formed out of a collection of these clans,
+how these clans obtained political powers, how some clans became more
+powerful than others, and how a Khasi King or Siem is appointed.
+
+
+State Organization.
+
+We have studied in the preceding chapter the formation of the clan
+from the family, and how the former established villages. Let us
+now turn to the constitution of the Khasi State, which, it will be
+seen, has been formed, in more than one instance, by the voluntary
+association of villages, or groups of villages. The head of the Khasi
+State is the Siem or chief. A Khasi state is a limited monarchy,
+the Siem's powers being much circumscribed. According to custom,
+he can perform no act of any importance without first consulting and
+obtaining the approval of his durbar, upon which the state _mantris_
+sit. This durbar must not be confused with the electoral durbar which
+will be referred to later. It is an executive council over which the
+Siem presides, and also possesses judicial powers (for a description
+of a judicial durbar, see page 91 of the monograph). The form of
+summons to appear before this durbar used to be a knotted piece of
+string or cane, the number of knots denoting the degrees of urgency
+of the summons, not a piece of pork, as one writer has said. Pork is
+a luxury which is not usually distributed gratis. The Siem manages the
+State business through his _mantris_, although it is true that in some
+States the members of the Siem family have been allowed a considerable
+share of the State management. This latter arrangement is, however,
+a departure from the ordinary rule in the Siemships, and is regarded
+as unconstitutional. In some States there are village headmen, styled
+Sirdars, who settle cases, collect labour, and assess and receive
+for the chief the _pynsuk_, which may be literally translated as
+"gratification." In Nongstoin there is an official styled _lyngskor_,
+who is the superior of a number of village sirdars, and who acts
+as the Siem's deputy-governor. In the Khasi Hills there is no land
+revenue, nor are there any tithes or other imposts levied upon the
+cultivator's produce. The land, to a great extent, is the property of
+the different clans and villages, although in some instances there are
+estates owned by private persons. The chief is entitled to receive the
+income that arises from what are known as the _raj_ or State lands
+only. All that the Siem usually receives from his people in the way
+of direct revenue is the State subscription, or _pynsuk_, mentioned
+above. Even this is supposed to be a voluntary contribution, and it
+is not demanded in some States. This tax is nominally a collection
+to meet the expenses of the State ceremonies, but is really a means
+of increasing the chief's private income. The contribution varies in
+amount according to the means of the villagers. The Siem's principal
+source of income, however, in all the Khasi States is the toll
+(_khrong_), which he takes from those who sell at the markets in his
+territory. As the Khasis are great traders these tolls are often
+at the larger markets fairly valuable. The chief raises no excise
+revenue, the manufacture of both fermented and distilled liquor
+being subject to no fiscal restrictions whatsoever. In a few States
+the Siems are commencing to levy registration fees, but the amounts
+are insignificant. Judicial fines are divided between the chief and
+the members of the durbar. In some States the Siems' incomes amount
+to a few hundreds a year only. Generally speaking, the Khasi chiefs
+are necessarily a very impecunious set of persons, and many of them
+are indebted to, comparatively speaking, large amounts. The Siem is
+appointed from the Siem family, there being such a family in each
+of the fifteen Khasi States. The most important States are Khyrim,
+Mylliem, Cherra, Nongstoin, and Nongkhlaw. There are a few other petty
+States presided over by Lyngdohs, Sirdars, or Wahadadars. A fact which
+is of universal application is, that heirship to the Siemship lies
+through the female side. The customary line of succession is uniform
+in all cases, except in Khyrim, save that in some instances cousins
+rank with brothers, or are preferred to grand-nephews, instead of
+being postponed to them. The difference between the rule of succession
+and the rule of inheritance to real property should be noted. In the
+former case the sons of the eldest uterine sister inherit in order of
+priority of birth, although it is true that this rule has sometimes
+been disregarded. In cases of succession to realty, however, the
+inheritance goes to the youngest daughter of the deceased's mother, and
+after her to her youngest daughter. In successions to the Siemships,
+in the absence of male heirs from the eldest sister, the succession
+passes, by what has been aptly described as the "knight's move," to
+the male children of the next eldest sister. In Khyrim the custom of
+succession is peculiar, there being a High Priestess, and heirship
+being limited to her male relatives. Generally speaking, it would
+appear that succession was originally controlled by a small electoral
+body constituted of the heads (_lyngdohs_), of certain priestly clans,
+who, it is presumed, exercised their authority to reject candidates,
+when necessary, mainly on religious grounds. There has, however,
+been a distinct tendency towards the broadening of the elective
+basic. In the large State of Khyrim the number of the electoral body
+has been greatly increased by the inclusion of the representative
+headmen of certain dominant but non-priestly clans (_mantris_). In
+other States the Council has been widened by the addition to it of
+village headmen (_sirdars_), or the chief superintendents (_basans_)
+of the village markets, tolls from which constitute the chief item
+in the public receipts of these States. A further step towards the
+recognition of the public will in the nomination of a Siem has been
+the introduction of popular elections, at which all the adult males
+vote. Such popular elections were very greatly due to the views held
+by Colonel Bivar who was Deputy-Commissioner of the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills from 1865 to 1877. These elections have been, in many States,
+an innovation which is hardly in accord with public sentiment, and in
+many cases the voters have done no more than confirm the selection
+of a special electoral body. It is, however, clear that the idea of
+popular elections is not one with which the people are unfamiliar,
+e.g. in Langrim State, where all the adult males customarily vote
+at an election of a Siem. Popular election has also customary in the
+Nobosohpoh and Bhowal States, in cases where a special electoral body
+has been unable to agree upon a nomination, and also in Nongspung,
+if a Council of five _lyngdohs_, which has in this State authority
+to declare who is the rightful heir, but not to disqualify him,
+cannot come to an unanimous decision. The Siems are appointed by an
+assembly, or _durbar_, which will be described later. The chiefs,
+having been thus chosen by the _durbar_, which is supposed by the
+people to be an institution of Divine origin, are styled, _ki Siem u
+blei_, or Siems of God. In most States the Siem is the religious as
+well as the secular head, e.g. in the Cherra State, where the Siem
+is also _lyngdoh_. In Khyrim State the Siem has sacerdotal duties to
+perform at different religious ceremonies, especially at the time of
+the annual Nongkrem dance. It is the custom for the Siem to consult
+the auspices with the soothsayers for the good of the State. The Siem
+in matters judicial acts as a judge, the whole body of the _durbar_
+being the jury. In olden days the Siem marched to war at the head of
+his army. It is not customary to recognize an heir-apparent, and the
+young men of the Siem family pursue the ordinary avocations of a Khasi,
+not comporting themselves in the least like scions of royalty. In
+quite recent years there have been instances of Siems having been
+summoned, like the Roman Cincinnatus, from quite humble positions,
+to undertake the duties of chief. We will now turn to an examination
+of the systems in the different Siemships. In the Kyrim or Nongkrem
+State there is a spiritual head, i.e. a High Priestess, _Ka Siem Sad_,
+who is responsible for the due performance of the State religious
+ceremonies, although, as already stated, the Siem also performs some
+of these duties. The temporal power here is delegated by the High
+Priestess to a Siem, who is her son or her nephew, or occasionally some
+more distant male descendant. It is the duty of an official called
+a _lyngskor_, who is the official spokesman of the Siem's _durbar_,
+to propose a new Siem to the six _lyngdohs_, or priests, and to the
+heads of the twenty-four _mantri_ clans. The latter then decide in
+_durbar_ whether the proposed Siem should be appointed. In the event
+of their disapproving of the _lyngskor's_ nominations they proceed
+to elect another Siem. The High Priestess is appointed by the above
+electors, the order of succession to the post wing as follows:--She
+is succeeded by her eldest surviving daughter; failing daughters,
+by the eldest daughter of her eldest daughter; failing daughters of
+her eldest daughter; by the eldest daughter of her second daughter,
+and so on. If there are no daughters or grand-daughters, as above,
+she is succeeded by her eldest sister. In the absence of sisters, she
+is succeeded by the eldest daughter of her mother's eldest sister, and
+so on. In this State the tradition runs that the first High Priestess
+was Ka Pah Syntiew, i.e. the flower-lured one. Ka Pah Syntiew was a
+beautiful maiden who had as her abode a cave at Marai, near Nongkrem,
+whence she was enticed by a man of the Mylliem-ngap clan by means of
+a flower. She was taken by him to be his bride, and she became not
+only the first High Priestess, but also the mother of the Siems of
+Nongkrem. [20] In Nongkrem the electors may disqualify the first,
+or any, heir to the Siemship for sufficient reason according to the
+Khasi religion and custom, such as bad character, physical disability,
+change of religion, etc. If the first heir be disqualified, the next
+in order must be appointed Siem, unless he be disqualified, and so
+on. In this State there are six divisions, each of which is known as
+a _raj_. In each _raj_ there is a _durbar_, to which are submitted
+for approval the elections of the heads of the _mantri_ clans. These
+elections are subject to the approval of the Siem. The Siem, sitting
+with the _durbar_ of the _raj_ concerned, may dismiss a _lyngdoh,
+lyngskor_, or _mantri_, for bad conduct, or on account of physical
+disability, in which case another _lyngdoh_, _lyngskor_, or _mantri_
+would be appointed, as stated above. The Mylliem State originally
+formed a portion of the Nongkrem State, but owing to a quarrel between
+one of the Siems and his nephew there was a partition. In this State
+the electors are the heads of five _mantri_ clans, eleven _matabors_,
+or heads of clans, and certain _basans_, and other heads of clans. A
+majority of the electors is sufficient for the election of a Siem. A
+Siem is succeeded by the eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such
+brothers, by the eldest of his sisters' sons; failing such nephews,
+by the eldest of the sons of his sisters daughters; failing such
+grandnephews, by the eldest of the sons of his mother's sisters; and,
+failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on
+the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree
+of relationship having prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as
+above, he would be succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in
+the absence of such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters' daughters:
+failing such nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters'
+daughters; failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters
+of his mother's sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest
+of his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins,
+those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female
+Siem would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on. As in the Khyrim
+State, the first, or any other subsequent heir, may be disqualified
+by the electors for sufficient reason. An elector is succeeded by the
+eldest of his brothers; failing brothers, by the eldest of the sons
+of his sisters, and so on. An elector can be dismissed by the Siem,
+but only for good cause and with the consent of his _durbar_.
+
+In the Nongstoin State there is a tradition that the first Siem
+originally came from Simsong [21] Durgapur. The name, Sushong
+Durgapur, of the place at the foot of the Garo Hills in the Mymensing
+district, may be a corruption of the former. The Siems are supposed
+to be descended from a stag, possibly a relic of totemism in this
+family. In this State there is a large electoral durbar consisting
+of 2 _mantris_, 31 _lyngdohs_, 25 _sirdars_, 1 _lyngskor_, and 1
+_basan_. The _lyndohs_ are the heads of the priestly clans, by whom
+they are chosen. The sirdars of villages are appointed by the Siem in
+conjunction with the adult males of the different villages. There are
+two _lyngskors_ and two _basans_ in the State, but one _lyngskor_
+and one _basan_ only at present are members of the durbar which
+nominates the Siem. A _lyngskor_ is the Siem's agent for the purpose
+of governing a collection of villages. He is appointed by the Siem
+with the consent of the adult males of the villages which he is to
+supervise. The Siem family of Nongkhlaw, or Khadsawphra, is believed
+to have been founded by a Synteng of the name of U Shajer, who left
+the Jowai hills with his sister, Ka Shaphlong, because she had failed
+to obtain her share of the family property in Jaintia. This man is
+said to have purchased certain lands in Bardwar in Kamrup. Apparently
+he did not obtain possession of this estate, for he came up into the
+Khasi Hills, and finding there certain villages without a ruler, he,
+at the wish of the _lyngdohs_ of these villages, consolidated them
+into a state over which he ruled as a Siem. He was succeeded by his
+sister's son, U Syntiew who further extended his territories until
+he obtained possession of other villages. U Syntiew is said to have
+delegated a portion of his powers to his two sisters, Ka Jem and Ka
+Sanglar, who ruled at Sohiong and Nongkhlaw respectively. Succeeding
+rulers further extended the Nongkhlaw territory. In 1829, U Tirut
+Singh rebelled against the East India Company and carried on for
+four years a successful guerilla warfare. He was finally captured,
+and was imprisoned for life by the British Government. According to
+the statement of Raja Kine Singh, it would seem that formerly the
+heads of five clans had the right to appoint the Siem, i.e. the
+heads of 3 _lyngdoh_ clans and of the Jaid Dykhar, and Diengdoh
+clans. In the Cherra State the electors are the male adults of the
+State, who are represented on the State durbar by the _mantris_ of
+the 12 aristocratic clans, known as the _khadar kur_, and certain
+representative elders. This State is divided for electoral purposes
+into the following divisions:--
+
+I. Cherra, or Sohra, consisting of 8 villages, inclusive of Cherra,
+which is the capital. These villages return the heads of the 12 tribes,
+as well as 5 elders, as their representativee on the electoral durbar.
+
+II. The "five" villages, or 5 tribes. This division now consists of
+17 villages, which return 5 representative elders.
+
+III. The "twelve" villages, comprising now 38 villages, which return
+12 representative elders.
+
+IV. The "four" villages, comprising now 5 villages, which return
+4 elders.
+
+V. The "sixteen" villages, which return 6 representative elders.
+
+VI. Three villages, which return 3 and 4 sirdars and 2 elders
+respectively.
+
+In this State it is the custom for a Siem to cremate the body of his
+predecessor. Unless he performs the cremation ceremony, he is not
+considered to be Siem according to the Khasi religion. U Hajon Manik
+Siem failed to cremate the body of his predecessor, U Ram Singh whose
+remains still repose in a wooden coffin which is kept in the house
+of the Siem family. The remains of Siems in this state are preserved
+by a peculiar process of embalming which will be found described
+elsewhere in this monograph. U Hajan Manik died not long ago, and
+his body also is awaiting cremation. U Ram Singh's remains, however,
+have been awaiting the funeral pyre for more than thirty years; but
+arrangements are being made by the present Siam U Roba Singh for the
+cremation ceremony. The cremation of Siems in the state is attended
+by a very great deal of expense, a large amount of money being spent
+on the feasting which then takes place. The Maharam State was ruled
+until 1875 by two Siems, called, respectively, the "white" and the
+"black" Siems. In this State originally there were five _lyngdohs_ who
+appointed the Siems, but as in certain other States the number of the
+electors has been expanded by the inclusion of _mantris_, _sirdars_,
+and _basans_. The electors now number seventy-two persons. There
+is much the same state of things in the Mariaw Siemship as regards
+the electorate. In Rambrai, on a vacancy occurring in the Siemship,
+three _lyngdohs_ and two _mantris_ assemble and decide who is to
+be Siem. They then summon the sirdars of villages to meet them in
+_durbar_ and obtain the approval of the latter to their nomination. If
+the sirdars do not approve, the combined durbar than decides who is
+to become Siem. In Nongspung there is a tradition that two sisters,
+Ka Jah and Ka Jem, came to the village of Nongspung, which was then
+ruled by two _lyngdohs_, and that the latter, having ascertained that
+the two sisters were of royal birth, married them. They then travelled
+to other villages and obtained the consent of the _lyngdohs_ of these
+villages to the formation of all their villages into a State, of which
+Nongspung became the capital, and over which U Sngi Shaflong, the son
+of Ka Jem, was appointed Siem by the five principal _lyngdohs_. After
+some generations the lyngdoh of Mairang with his villages became
+subject to the Siem of Nongkhlaw, an event which finds mention in the
+annals of the Nongkhlaw State as the conquest of the territory of the
+"Black" Siem of Nongspung. Another _lyngdoh_ was appointed in place
+of the one whose territory had been thus annexed.
+
+In the Mawiong State the ancient custom was that six _basans_ appointed
+the Siem, subject to the approval of the people of the Siemship. In
+the Nobosohpoh State there are two Siem families, the "Black" and the
+"White" from either of which it has apparently been the custom for the
+people to select a Siem, as they wished. In Mawsynram the electors of
+the Siem are the heads of the four principal clans in the State. On
+a recent occasion, the electors being equally divided regarding the
+appointment of a Siem, it was necessary to appeal to the people of
+the State. In Langrin there are, as in Maharam and Nobosohpoh, two
+main branches of the Siem family, i.e. the "Black" and the "White"
+Siems. Here there is no special electoral body; all the adults of
+the state have the right to vote at the election of a Siem. In Bhawal
+State Siems are appointed by the heads of eight clans whose decision
+is apparently final, provided that it is unanimous. In Malai-Sohmat
+a bare majority of the heads of six clans would be sufficient for
+the election of a Siem. Presumably both in Bhawal and Malai-Sohmat,
+if the electors were equally divided, there would be an appeal to the
+people. Mention has been made above of States over which _lyngdohs_
+possess temporal as well as spiritual powers. The States of Sobiong,
+Mawphlang, and Lyniong may be quoted as examples. Here the _lyngdoh_
+is elected from the _lyngdoh_ clan by all the adult males of the
+state. Some small States, such as Maodon and Pomsanngut, are presided
+over by Sirdars, a name which has probably been introduced during the
+British era of supremacy in these hills. The Sirdar is elected by the
+adult males of the State. In Mawlong there are a Sirdar, a _lyngdoh_,
+and a _doloi_ who govern the State. These two latter officials
+are elected by the people as in the case of Sirdars. In the Shella
+Confederacy there are four officials who are styled _Wahadadars_, the
+name being probably a corruption of the Persian _'uhda-dar_. [22] These
+officials are elected for periods of three years each by the people.
+
+The Jaintia Hills, which are British territory, are divided up into
+twenty doloiships, the doloi being an officer elected by the people,
+the Government reserving the right of approval or the reverse to the
+doloi's appointment. The dolois, under the rules for the administration
+of justice in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, as well as the Sirdars
+of the British villages in the Khasi Hills, possess certain judicial
+powers. They are assisted by officials known as _pators, basans_, and
+_sangots_ in the performance of their duties. This administration,
+on the whole, works well, and its success shows the wisdom of the
+Government in having made use of the indigenous agency it found to
+hand when the Jaintia territory was annexed. In the Jaintia Hills
+there are also three Sirdarships, the office being filled by election
+as in the case of dolois.
+
+In conclusion it should be stated that it has been attempted here to
+give but a brief _résumé_ of the Khasi political system as it exists
+at the present time. The above account of the procedure at elections is
+based on existing usage. The procedure should not, however, be regarded
+as stereotyped, for it will no doubt be open to such revision as may
+on occasion be suggested by the legitimate evolution of tribal customs.
+
+
+
+Marriage.
+
+It is proposed in this section to consider marriage from its social
+side, the religious aspect thereof being reserved for another
+paragraph. The most remarkable feature of the Khasi marriage
+is that it is usual for the husband to live with his wife in his
+mother-in-law's house, and not for him to take his bride home, as is
+the case in other communities. This arrangement amongst the Khasis
+is no doubt due to the prevalence of the matriarchate. As long as the
+wife lives in her mother's house, all her earnings go to her mother,
+who expends them on the maintenance of the family. Amongst the Khasis,
+after one or two children are born, and if a married couple get on
+well together, the husband frequently removes his wife and family to
+a house of his own, and from the time the wife leaves her mother's
+house she and her husband pool their earnings, which are expended
+for the support of the family. Amongst the Syntengs, however, and the
+people of Maoshai, the case is different, for with them the husband
+does not go and live in his mother-in-law's house, he only visits her
+there. In Jowai some people admitted to me that the husband came to
+his mother-in-law's house only after dark, and that he did not eat,
+smoke, or even partake of betel-nut there, the idea being that because
+none of his earnings go to support this house, therefore it is not
+etiquette for him to partake of food or other refreshment there. If a
+Synteng house is visited, it is unusual to find the husbands of any
+of the married daughters there, although the sons of the family may
+be seen in the house when they have returned from work. Generally
+in the day-time you will find in a Synteng dwelling an old crone,
+who is the grandmother, or even the great-grandmother, of the family,
+also grandchildren or great-grandchildren; but the husbands of the
+married daughters are not there. The Syntengs seem to have more closely
+preserved the customs of the matriarchate than the Khasis, and the
+Syntengs claim that their _niam_ or religious ceremonies are purer,
+i.e. that they more closely correspond to what they were in ancient
+times than those of the Khasis. Amongst the Syntengs, occasionally,
+a widow is allowed to keep her husband's bones after his death,
+on condition that she does not remarry; the idea being that as
+long as the bones remain in the widow's keeping, the spirit of her
+husband is still with her. On this account many wives who revere
+their husband's memories, and who do not contemplate remarriage,
+purposely keep the bones for a long time. If a widow marries, even
+after the customary taboo period of one year, whilst her deceased
+husband's bones are still in her keeping, she is generally looked down
+upon. Her children in such a case perform the ceremony of handing over
+the bones of their father to his clan in a building specially erected
+for the purpose. The widow cannot enter therein, or even go near it,
+whilst the ceremony is proceeding, no matter whether the _jing sang_,
+or the price for removing the taboo after a husband's death, has been
+paid to the husband's clan or not. There is no evidence to show that
+polyandry ever existed amongst the Khasis. Unlike the Thibetans,
+the Khasi women seem to have contented themselves always with one
+husband, at any rate with one at a time. Certainly at the present
+day they are monandrists. Polygamy does not exist amongst the Khasis;
+such a practice would naturally not be in vogue amongst a people who
+observe the matriarchate. There are instances, however, of men having
+wives other than those they have regularly married, and in the Wár
+country children by such wives enjoy rights to their father's acquired
+property equally with the children by the legally married wife. As
+the clans are strictly exogamous, a Khasi cannot take a wife from
+his own clan; to do this would entail the most disastrous religious,
+as well as social consequences. For to marry within the clan is the
+greatest sin a Khasi can commit, and would cause excommunication
+by his kinsfolk and the refusal of funeral ceremonies at death,
+and his bones would not be allowed a resting-place in the sepulchre
+of the clan. To give a list of all the Khasi exogamous clans would
+perhaps serve no useful purpose, but I have prepared from information,
+kindly furnished me by the Siems of Khyrim and Cherrapunji, a list
+of the clans in those States which will be found in Appendices A and
+B. These will suffice as examples. It will be seen from the Cherra
+list that the different divisions of the Diengdoh clan, viz. Lalu,
+Diengdoh-bah, Diengdoh-kylla, are prohibited from intermarriage;
+this is due to those branches of the clan being descended from a
+common ancestress. There are other instances of clans being connected
+with one another, such connection being called by the Khasis _iateh
+kur_. Whenever such connection exists, intermarriage is strictly
+prohibited, and is considered to be _sang_. There is no custom of
+hypergamy. A Khasi cannot marry his maternal uncle's daughter during
+the lifetime of the maternal uncle. This is probably due to the fact
+that the maternal uncle, or _kni_, in a Khasi household is regarded
+more in the light of a father than of an uncle. His children, however,
+would belong to the clan of his wife, and there would, therefore, in
+ordinary cases be no bar to the nephew marrying one of them. Marriage
+with the daughters of a father's sister is not allowed during the
+lifetime of the father, but after the latter's death there is no
+religious ban, although such unions are looked upon with disfavour by
+the Khasis. In the Wár country, however, such marriages are totally
+prohibited. A Khasi cannot marry two sisters, but he can marry his
+deceased wife's sister after the expiry of one year from the wife's
+death, on payment of _jing sang_ (price of _sang_, or taboo) to
+the wife's clan. A Khasi cannot marry the daughter of his father's
+brother, she is his _para kha_ (lit. birth sister). Similarly he
+cannot marry the daughter of his father's paternal uncle. He can,
+however, marry the daughter of his mother's brother, provided that
+the brother is dead. This somewhat paradoxical state of affairs
+is explained by the fact that the children of the mother's brother
+belong to a different clan to that of the mother, i.e. to the mother's
+brother's wife's clan. The Khasi, Synteng, Wár, and Lynngam divisions
+are not strictly endogamous groups, and there is nothing to prevent
+intermarriage between them. For instance, it has been the custom in
+the Nongkhlaw Siem family to obtain husbands for the princesses of
+the state from the Wár country. There is no custom amongst the Khasis
+of two men exchanging daughters, i.e. each marrying his son to the
+other's daughter. Notwithstanding the existence of the matriarchate,
+and the fact that all ancestral property is vested in the mother,
+it would be a mistake to suppose that the father is a nobody in the
+Khasi house. It is true that the _kni_, or mother's elder brother,
+is the head of the house, but the father is the executive head of
+the new home, where, after children have been born to him, his wife
+and children live with him. It is he who faces the dangers of the
+jungles, and risks his life for wife and children. In his wife's clan
+he occupies a very high place, he is second to none but _u kni_, the
+maternal uncle, while in his own family circle a father and husband is
+nearer to his children and his wife than _u kni_. The Khasi saying is,
+"_u kpa uba lah ban iai, u kni uba tang ha ka iap ka im_," which may
+be translated freely as, "the father bears the heat and burden of the
+day, the maternal uncle only comes when it is a question of life or
+death." The Khasi father is revered not only when living, but also
+after death as _U Thawlang_, and special ceremonies are performed to
+propitiate his shade. Further remarks on the subject of marriage will
+be found in the Section which deals with religion.
+
+
+Divorce.
+
+Divorce amongst the Khasis is common, and may occur for a variety of
+reasons, such as adultery, barrenness, incompatibility of temperament,
+&c. The rule amongst the Khasis is that both parties must agree,
+but amongst the Wárs, especially the people of Shella, the party who
+divorces the other without his or her consent must pay compensation,
+which is called _ka mynrain_, or _ka thnem_. Amongst the Khasis
+it is not the custom to enforce restitution of conjugal rights;
+as a rule, when husband and wife cannot live together amicably,
+they agree to divorce one another; but occasionally it happens that
+either the husband or the wife will not agree to a divorce. Usually
+the husband would be willing to live with his wife; but when the
+latter consents neither to live with her husband nor to accept a
+divorce, a difficult situation arises, and it is in the event of such
+a contingency happening that the necessity of assessing _ka mynrain_,
+or _ka thnem_ (compensation), occurs. The latter is computed by the
+village elders. Parties who have been divorced cannot afterwards
+remarry one another, but they are at liberty to marry into other
+families. A woman cannot be divorced during pregnancy. The following
+description of the divorce ceremony is taken from U Jeebon Roy's note
+on the Khasi religion. If the marriage has been celebrated according
+to the _pynhiar synjat_ rite, a _ksiang_ (go-between) is necessary
+on each side, also the _kni_, or maternal uncles of the parties,
+to witness the divorce. In other cases the presence of the _ksiang_
+is unnecessary, but some acquaintances and friends as well as the
+relatives on both sides should witness the ceremony. The husband and
+the wife each bring five cowries (_sbài_), or, more commonly nowadays,
+five pice. The wife gives her five cowries or pice to her husband, who
+places them with his, and then returns the five cowries or coins to his
+wife, together with his own five. The wife then returns the ten shells
+or coins to the husband who throws them on the ground. A crier (_u nong
+pyria shnong_) then goes round the village to proclaim the divorce,
+using the following words:--"Kaw--hear, oh villagers, that U----,
+and K---- have become separated in the presence of the elders. Hei:
+thou, oh, young man, canst go and make love to Ka---- for she is now
+unmarried (_khynraw_), and thou, oh, spinster, canst make love to
+U----. Hei! there is no let or hindrance from henceforth." Among the
+Khasis divorce must be by mutual consent, and the ceremony must take
+place in the open air. Until the divorce ceremony has been performed as
+above described, neither husband nor wife can marry again, but after
+it has taken place, either can remarry, but not within the family of
+the divorced husband or wife. In the event of a husband or wife being
+absent for a long period, say ten years, without any communication
+having been received from either of them, a divorce ceremony is
+performed by the relatives on his or her behalf. It is stated by U
+Jeebon Roy [23] that the rule of monogamy is not so strict for the
+husband as it is for the wife, he can contract an informal alliance
+with another woman, the only prohibition being that she must not belong
+to the original wife's village. Such a wife is called _ka tynga tuk_,
+literally, stolen wife, in contradistinction to the legally married
+wife (_ka tynga trai_). The children by the unmarried wife are called
+_ki khum kliar_ (children from the top). By children from the top,
+is understood to mean children from the branches not from the root
+(_trai_) of the tree. Such children cannot claim ancestral property,
+except in the Wár country. In the event of a divorce the mother is
+always allowed the custody of the children. Divorces amongst both
+Khasis and Syntengs are of common occurrence, the result being that
+the children in many cases are ignorant of even the names of their
+fathers. For the mother, on the other hand, the children cherish a
+very strong affection, all their sympathies and affections binding
+them closely to the mother's kin. Divorce amongst the Syntengs,
+though resting on the same principle as that of the Khasis, differs
+in detail, and must be described separately. It is as follows:--In
+the first place it is not necessary for both husband and wife
+to be consenting parties, as is the case with the Khasis. In the
+Nongkhlih doloiship divorce takes place before the relatives of the
+parties. The man has to give eight annas as a sign of the divorce,
+and clothes worth Rs. 3/- or Rs. 5/- to the wife. There is a similar
+custom in the Suhtnga and Amwi doloiships. In the Jowai doloiship
+the divorce takes place in the presence of a village official called
+_U basan_. The husband or the wife gives the _basan_ an eight anna
+piece, the latter gives this either to the wife or to the husband,
+as the case may be. The _basan's_ share of the eight annas is two
+pice, the remainder being spent on liquor. The _basan_ is entitled
+to a further fee of one anna from the man. If a wife does not agree
+to accept divorce, she is entitled to receive two pieces of cloth
+from the husband to the value of Rs. 3/-. This compensation is called
+_thnem_. The divorce then takes place. If a wife wishes to divorce her
+husband, and the latter is unwilling, before she can obtain divorce,
+she must pay _thnem_ to the value of the whole amount the husband has
+spent on her and her children during the marriage. Divorce customs
+in Nartiang and Nongjinghi doloiships are much the same, only the
+amounts tendered by the parties and that of compensation differing.
+
+In conclusion it should be stated that the great drawback attaching to
+divorce in ordinary communities, i.e. the effect that it has on the
+lives of the children of the marriage, does not apply to the Khasis,
+for with them the children always live with their mother and their
+mother's family, which latter would be bound to maintain them in the
+event of a divorce.
+
+
+
+Inheritance.
+
+The Khasi and Synteng laws of inheritance are practically the same,
+although in some of the doloiships in the Jaintia Hills there are
+some slight differences. The War law of inheritance differs greatly
+from that of the Khasis, and the customs of the Bhois or Mikirs,
+who inhabit the Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, are totally
+different from those of the Khasis, thereby supplying another link in
+the chain of evidence in support of the conclusion that the Bhois, or,
+more correctly speaking, the Mikirs, are of Bodo origin, and not Khasi
+or Mon-Anam. The Lynngams follow the Khasi law of inheritance. It will
+be convenient to describe the Khasi law first, and then to pass on to
+the special customs in vogue in the different doloiships in the Jaintia
+Hills, and, finally, to describe the Wár, Bhoi and Lynngam customs.
+
+The Khasi saying is, "_long jaid na loa kynthei_" (from the woman
+sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent; count from
+the mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters,
+who are the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as _shi
+kpoh_, which, being literally translated, is one womb; i.e. the
+issue of one womb. The man is nobody. If he is a brother, _u kur_,
+a brother being taken to mean an uterine brother, or a cousin-german,
+he will be lost to the family or clan directly he marries. If he be a
+husband, he is looked upon merely as a _u shong kha_, a begetter. In
+some of the War villages a newly married man is spoken of by the
+bride's family as, "_u khun ki briew_," some one else's son. It is,
+perhaps, somewhat of a paradox under the circumstances that wives
+should address their husbands as "_kynrad_," or lord. There is,
+however, no gainsaying the fact that the husband, at least in theory,
+is a stranger in his wife's home, and it is certain that he can take
+no part in the rites and ceremonies of his wife's family, and that
+his ashes after death can find no place within the wife's family
+tomb, except, in certain cases, amongst the Syntengs. Further, the
+ceremonial religion amongst Khasis, especially that of the home,
+is in the hands of the women. It is, therefore, perhaps not to be
+wondered at, considering the important status assigned to women by
+the Khasis, that women should inherit the property and not men. The
+rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter "holds" the
+religion, "_ka bat ka niam_." Her house is called, "_ka iing seng_"
+and it is here that the members of the family assemble to witness
+her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is, therefore, the
+largest share of the family property, because it is she whose duty
+it is to perform the family ceremonies, and propitiate the family
+ancestors. The other daughters, however, on their mother's death
+are entitled, each of them; to a share of their mother's property,
+although the youngest daughter gets the lion's share, e.g. the family
+jewellery, and the family house, and the greater part of what it
+contains. The youngest daughter cannot dispose of the house without
+the unanimous consent of her sisters. If the youngest daughter dies,
+she is succeeded by the next youngest daughter, and so on. All the
+daughters are bound to repair the house of the youngest daughter free
+of cost. In the event of the youngest daughter changing her religion,
+or committing an act of _sang_, or taboo, she loses her position
+in the family, and is succeeded, by her next youngest sister, as
+in the case of a death. Failing daughters, inheritance would pass
+by the "knight's move" to the sister's youngest daughter, who would
+be succeeded by her youngest daughter, and so on. Failing sister's
+daughters succession would revert to the mother's sisters and their
+female descendants. In the Jaintia Hills the inheritance of all real
+property passes from mother to youngest daughter. No man in the
+uplands of the Jaintia Hills can possess landed property, unless
+it is self-acquired property. In the Jaintia Hills, if a man dies
+and leaves acquired property, his heir will be his mother, if alive,
+excluding wife, sons, and daughters. If the wife, however, undertakes
+not to re-marry, she will inherit half of her husband's property,
+which at her death will descend to her youngest daughter by him.
+
+Amongst Khasis all property which has been acquired by a man before
+marriage is considered to belong to his mother; indeed it may be
+said to belong to the man's _kur_, or clan, such property being
+called by Khasis, "_ka mai iing kur_" (the earnings of the house
+of the clan). After marriage, if there are children, the case is
+different, provided that the property has been acquired by the man
+after marriage. Here the wife and children would inherit the acquired
+property, the youngest daughter obtaining the largest share of such
+property on the death of the wife. If there were no daughter, the
+acquired property would be equally divided amongst the sons.
+
+The following examples of the Synteng law of inheritance are taken from
+the exhaustive diaries recorded by the late Mr. Heath, who was for
+some years Sub-Divisional Officer of Jowai. In the Nongkli doloiship
+ancestral land passes from mother to her youngest daughter; again,
+if a youngest daughter who has so acquired dies, the next youngest
+in point of age succeeds. Should such direct female succession
+fail, the family tree has to be looked up for the nearest branch,
+in which the youngest female, or her youngest female descendant,
+succeeds. Thus, respecting ancestral land, the youngest daughter, or
+youngest female descendant of youngest female heir, is virtually heir
+to entailed property. If a woman dies leaving acquired property, her
+youngest daughter or youngest granddaughter of that youngest daughter
+succeeds to all. In default, next youngest daughter, and so on. In
+default of daughters, the youngest son inherits. A man can hardly,
+in any circumstances, possess ancestral land; his property must
+almost necessarily be self-acquired. If a man dies leaving acquired
+property, his heir will be his mother, if alive, excluding wife, sons,
+and daughters. If the wife undertakes, however, not to marry again,
+she will get half, which will descend to her youngest daughter by
+her deceased husband. The mother, who thus gets the whole or half of
+her son's property, leaves it to her youngest daughter, or youngest
+daughter of that daughter, and so on, as described above in the ease of
+a woman leaving ancestral or acquired property. If there is no mother,
+the man's youngest sister stands next heir with the same right as
+her mother. If there is no mother or sister, then the sister's female
+descendants stand in the man's mother's place. If there are none of
+these, then the man's youngest daughter succeeds to all. Ancestral
+property cannot be alienated without the consent of all the heirs in
+the entail. A gift of self-acquired property to any amount can be made
+by a donor during his lifetime. Acquired property cannot, however,
+be left by will out of the course sanctioned by custom. In the Amwi
+doloiship a widow who consents to pay the costs of her husband's
+funeral, provided she agrees not to re-marry, inherits half of her
+husband's acquired property.
+
+In the Wár country the children inherit both ancestral and acquired
+property in equal shares, both males and females, with the exception
+that the youngest daughter is given something in addition to her
+share, although not such a large share of the property as amongst
+the Khasis. Amongst the Mikir-Bhois, i.e. the Mikirs who inhabit the
+Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, the law of inheritance is totally
+different from that of the Khasis, for males succeed to all property,
+whether ancestral or acquired. Thus, if a man dies, leaving son,
+mother, wife, and daughters, the son takes all. If there are several
+sons, they divide. If there are no sons, the property goes to the
+nearest male heir. If a woman dies, leaving husband and children,
+the husband takes all. If the husband is dead, and there are sons and
+daughters, the former inherit. The great difference in the custom of
+inheritance between Khasis and Bhois is, as I have already pointed out,
+part of the evidence that these people are of different origin.
+
+The Lynngam law of inheritance is the same as that of the Khasis. The
+youngest daughter obtains the largest share of the ancestral property,
+the remainder being divided between the remaining daughters. The sons
+do not get any share. The rule is also said to apply with regard to
+acquired property.
+
+
+Adoption.
+
+Both Khasis and Syntengs observe a custom known as _'rap iing_ (an
+abbreviation for _ia rap iing_, literally, to help the house). This is
+practically adoption. If in a family the female members have died out,
+the male members of the family are allowed by custom to call (_khot_)
+a girl from some other family, to act as _ka'rap iing_, and to perform
+the family religious ceremonies, and therefore to inherit the family
+ancestral property. The female so introduced into the family then takes
+her place as _ka khun khadduh_, or youngest daughter, and becomes the
+head of the house (_ka trai iing_). The adoption of a female obviates
+the family dying out (_iap duh_), which to the Khasi is a very serious
+matter, inasmuch as there will then be no one qualified to place
+the bones of its members within the family tomb (_ka ba thep shieng
+mawbah_), and to perform the requisite funeral ceremonies. Amongst
+the Khasis no particular ceremonies are performed at the time of
+adoption; but some of the Syntengs observe a religious ceremony which
+consists largely of a feast to the clans-folk, at which liquor, rice,
+dried fish, and ginger are partaken of. Before the feast commences,
+each clansman is provided with a small gourd (_u klong_) filled with
+liquor, a little of the latter is then thrown on the ground from the
+gourd, and the following words are uttered:--"Oh, God! oh, Lord! oh,
+ruling king Biskurom, now the _pynrap iing_ ceremony is about to be
+performed, let the ceremony be propitious, and let males and females
+(of the clan) increase in numbers, so that the clan may become great,
+and respected, and that intelligent male members may spring up." No
+such ceremony is, however, observed, it is understood, in the Nartiang
+and Raliang doloiships.
+
+In the case of a family being _iap duh_ (extinct), the family property,
+according to Khasi custom, passes to the Siem. Therefore it is to
+the interest of the members of families to adopt a female, when
+such necessity arises. As there is no religious ceremony which is
+compulsory to the Khasis on the occasion of an adoption, perhaps we
+are almost justified in concluding that in former times the adoption
+custom did not exist, more especially as the Khasis possess a special
+word, _iap duh_, for describing a family the females of which have
+all died out; and it is admittedly the custom for the Siem to succeed
+to the property of such a family. The Synteng custom of _'rap iing_
+may have been borrowed from the Hindus, when the Rajas of Jaintia
+became converts to that religion.
+
+
+Tenure of Land and Laws Regarding Land.
+
+Land in the Khasi Hills proper, i.e. land in the high plateau, is
+held somewhat differently from land in the Jaintia Hills and the Wár
+country; it will be necessary to describe the land tenures and laws
+regarding land of each of these divisions separately. As land is always
+jhumed by the Bhois and Lynngams from year to year, customs regarding
+land with these people are naturally very simple. Taking land in the
+high plateau of the Khasi Hills first:--The lands are classified under
+two main divisions, (_a_) public and (_b_) private lands. The following
+are the different descriptions of lands in the first division:--
+
+_Ka ri Raj_, or _ka ri Siem_, which are Siem's, or Crown lands. These
+lands are intended for the support of the Siem family, they cannot be
+alienated. The Siems are, however, precluded by custom from levying a
+land tax on persons who cultivate such lands, the relation of landlord
+and tenant between the latter and their chiefs being unknown.
+
+_Ka ri Lyngdoh_.--These lands are for the support of the Lyngdohs
+or priests of the State. In some Siemships, as in Mawiang Siemship,
+paddy is grown on these lands from which rice is obtained for the
+State pujas.
+
+_Ri shnong_, or village lands.--These lands are set apart to provide
+a supply of firewood, thatching grass, &c., and are the property
+of the village. The inhabitants of other villages are not allowed
+to enjoy the produce of such lands. Such lands can be cultivated by
+ryots of the village, but the latter possess only occupancy rights,
+and cannot transfer them.
+
+_Ki 'lawkyntang_.--These are sacred groves, situated generally near
+the summit of hills, composed of oak and rhododendron trees, which
+are held sacred (_kyntang_), it being an offence, or _sang_, for any
+one to cut timber in the grove, except for cremation purposes. These
+groves are the property of the villages.
+
+(_b_.) Private Lands. These may he subdivided into _ri-kur_ or lands
+which are the property of the clan, and _ri kynti_, family, or acquired
+landed property. In the Khasi Hills proper a very large proportion,
+certainly of the high lands, is the property of the clan; for instance,
+the high lands at Laitkor; which are the property of the Khar kungor
+and Kur kulang clans, whose ancestors the large memorial stones close
+to the Laitkor road commemorate, also the lands of the Thang khiew
+clan, and many others. It has been explained, in a previous paragraph,
+how the clan grew out of the family. The clan lands originally, when
+population was sparse, were owned by families, but as the members
+of the family increased and a clan was formed, the lands became
+the property of the clan instead of the family. Such clan lands are
+properly demarcated by stone boundary marks. The manager of the clan
+lands is the _kni_ (maternal uncle of the youngest daughter of the
+main family, or branch of the clan), whose house "_ka iing khadduh_,"
+or last house, is the place for performing all the religious ceremonies
+of the clan, and is also called _ka iing seng_. All the members of
+the clan are, however, entitled to share in the produce of any of
+the clan lands they may cultivate. No clan lands can be alienated
+without the consent of a durbar of the whole clan.
+
+_Ri kynti_ are private lands which have been either acquired by a
+man or woman individually, or, in the case of a woman, inherited
+from her mother; such lands must he entirely distinguished from
+the lands of the clan. In portions of the Jaintia Hills, if a man
+purchases a piece of land, at his death it passes to his mother, to
+the exclusion of his children; but in the Khasi Hills nowadays a man
+may leave such lands, provided they were acquired after marriage,
+either formally by will, or informally, to his children for their
+support. In land customs as well as other customs the Syntengs seem to
+preserve more closely than the Khasis what are probably the ancient
+usages of the race. It must be clearly understood, however, that all
+land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of entail,
+by which property descends from the mother to the youngest daughter,
+and again from the latter to her youngest daughter. Ancestral landed
+property must therefore be always owned by women. The male members
+of the family may cultivate such lands, but they must carry all the
+produce to the house of their mother, who will divide it amongst
+the members of the family. Daughters, other than youngest daughters,
+are entitled to maintenance from the produce of such family lands.
+
+In the Jaintia Hills lands are classified as follows:--
+
+
+Hali Lands or Irrigated Paddy Lands.
+
+(1) _Raj_ lands, which used to be the property of the Raja of
+Jaintiapur, now the property of Government, which are assessed to
+land revenue.
+
+(2) Service lands, which are lands given rent free to dolois, pators,
+and other officers who carry on the administration.
+
+(3) Village puja lands, being land the occupants of which pay rent
+to the doloi or lyngdoh, which are set apart in each village for
+purposes of worship. These lands are not assessed to revenue.
+
+(4) Private lands held by individuals and which have been transferred
+from time to time by mortgage sale or otherwise at the will of the
+owner. These lands are not assessed to revenue.
+
+High lands are sub-divided into (1) Private lands, held like _hali_
+private lands. (2) Unclaimed land, or Government Waste.
+
+Up till now the Government has not assessed revenue on the high
+lands which are its own property. Surveys have been made from time
+to time of the Government _Raj hali_ lands in the Jaintia Hills,
+but the maps require bringing up to date. The revenue on such lands
+is assessed at an uniform rate, viz. at 10 annas a bigha, and the
+leases have been issued so as to expire contemporaneously. A list
+of service lands of dolois and others, showing the number of plots
+held by each official and their approximate total area in bighas,
+is kept in the Deputy Commissioner's Office. Puja lands are plots
+of lands set apart entirely for the support of the lyngdohs and
+other persons who perform the pujas of the doloiships. These lands
+are generally leased out by the dolois, but in some doloiships they
+are under the management of the lyngdohs. The occupants of the puja
+lands have either to present annually sacrificial animals or objects,
+e.g. bulls, goats, fowls, or pigs, rice, liquor, &c., or make a
+payment in cash. In the War country in the Jaintia Hills, orange,
+_pán_, and betel-nut gardens, are held as private property except
+in a few villages where there are some Raj _pán_ gardens which have
+been assessed to land revenue at the same rates as Government _hali_
+lands. The various gardens are distinguishable by means of boundary
+stones or stone cairns, by prominent trees on the boundary lines,
+or by natural boundaries such as streams.
+
+In the Wár country to the West of Cherra, notably the country between
+the heights of Laitkynsew and the plains, considerable portions of
+the hill-sides are the property of communities known as _sengs_. A
+_seng_ may be defined as a collection of families sprung from some
+common ancestress or ancestor. As an instance of these _sengs_ I may
+describe the community known as the _lai seng_ which owns land in the
+neighbourhood of Laitkynsew, the area owned being known as the "_ri
+lai seng_," or land of the three clans. These clans are descended from
+three men, U Kynta, U Nabein, and U Tangrai, it being remarkable that
+in this case descent is traced originally from male ancestors and not
+from females. The three ancestors are said to have owned a large tract
+of land, and they had as their abode the village of Laitmawria close to
+Laitkynsew; but owing to an epidemic, or some such cause, they deserted
+the village of Laitmawria and went with their families to live in some
+of the surrounding Wár villages, viz. in Tyrna, Nongkroh, Nongwar,
+Mastoh, and Mawlong. The descendants of the three men above-mentioned
+possess a genealogical table, showing their descent from the original
+three founders of the _sengs_. They claim a large tract of country
+lying to the south and south-east of the Laitkynsew plateau, containing
+not only orange gardens, but also valuable lime quarries. There are
+other _seng_ communities also in the neighbourhood, e.g. the _hinriew
+phew seng_, or sixty _sengs_, who put forward claims to other tracts
+of land. The boundaries of the _ri lai seng_ are identifiable on the
+ground. The business of the _seng_ community is managed by a durbar,
+an elder or other influential person being chosen as president.
+
+In the country of the Lynngams the crop belongs to the person who
+cultivates it, but the land belongs to the _kur_ or family. The
+Lynngam villages; like those in the Khasi Siemships, do not pay any
+rent to the Siem. If outsiders cultivate within the areas set apart
+for the different Lynngam villages, all of them, including women,
+have to pay eight annas each to the people of the village in whose
+circle they cultivate. There is usually a mutual understanding between
+inhabitants of Lynngam villages, that certain tracts of land belong
+to the respective villages; sometimes, however, there are disputes
+regarding those lands between the different villages. Such disputes are
+settled by the Lynngam Sirdars of villages or by the Sirdars sitting
+with the two Lyngskors of the Siemship. If the disputes cannot be
+settled by these officials to the satisfaction of the parties, the
+latter are taken by the Lyngskors and Sirdars to the Siem of Nongstoin,
+who tries the case with the aid of the State mantris.
+
+
+Laws Regarding Other Property.
+
+There is no separate law applying to personal property, as opposed
+to real property, amongst the Khasis.
+
+
+Decisions of Disputes.
+
+
+Khasi Courts of Judicature.
+
+In the first place a complaint is made before the Siem or chief,
+against a certain party or parties. The facts and circumstances
+of the ease, are then detailed before the chief and his headmen,
+the ostensible object being to attempt to bring about a compromise
+between the parties. If no reconciliation can be effected, a crier
+(_u nong pyrta shnong_), or in the Jaintia Hills a _sangot_, is
+sent out to proclaim at the top of his voice the durbar which is to
+assemble the following evening. He proceeds to cry the durbar in the
+evening when all the inhabitants have returned to the village from
+their usual daily pursuits. With a loud premonitory yell the crier
+makes use of the following formula [24]:--
+
+"_Kaw!_ thou, a fellow-villager; thou, a fellow-creature; thou, an
+old man; thou, who art grown up; thou, who art young; thou, a boy;
+thou, a child; thou, an infant; thou; who art little; thou, who art
+great. _Hei!_ because there is a contest. _Hei!_ for to cause to
+sit together. _Hei!_ for to cause to deliberate. _Hei!_ for to give
+intelligence together. _Hei!_ about to assemble in durbar. _Hei!_
+for to listen attentively. _Hei!_ ye are forbidden. _Hei!_ ye
+are stopped to draw water then, not to cut firewood then; _Hei!_
+to go as coolies then; _Hei!_ to go to work then; _Hei!_ to go a
+journey then; _Hei!_ to descend to the valley then; _Hei!_ he who
+has a pouch. _Hei!_ he who has a bag. _Hei!_ now come forth. _Hei!_
+now appear. _Hei!_ the hearing then is to be all in company. _Hei!_
+the listening attentively then is to be all together. _Hei!_ for his
+own king. _Hei!_ for his own lord, lest destruction has come; lest
+wearing away has overtaken _us_. _Kaw!_ come forth now fellow mates."
+
+This proclamation is called _khang shnong_, and by it all are stopped
+from going anywhere from the village the following day. Anybody who
+disregards the prohibition is liable to fine. The following day,
+towards evening, all the grown-up males of the village assemble at
+the durbar ground, the site of which is marked in some villages by
+rows of flat stones, arranged in an irregular circle, upon which the
+durbaris sit. The proceedings are opened by one of the headmen, who
+makes a long speech; then others follow, touching upon all sorts of
+irrelevant matters, but throwing out hints, now and then, bearing on
+the subject of accusation. By degrees the debate waxes warmer, and the
+parties get nearer the point. Then the complainant and the defendant
+each of them throw down on the ground a turban, or a bag containing
+betul and _pán_, lime, &c., in front of the durbar. These are regarded
+as the pledges of the respective parties and their representatives
+in the suit; they receive the name of _mamla_ (hence the Khasi term
+_ar liang mamla_ for the two contending parties in the suit). There
+are pleaders on both aides called _'riw said_, who address the durbar
+in lengthy speeches, the Siem being the judge and the whole body of
+the durbar the jury. Witnesses are examined by the parties; in former
+times they were sworn on a pinch of salt placed on a sword. The most
+sacred and most binding foam of oath, however, is sworn on _u klong_
+(a hollow gourd containing liquor). As, however, the latter form of
+oath is regarded by the Khasis as a most serious ordeal, it will be
+described separately. The durbar sometimes goes on for several days. At
+length the finding of the durbar is taken, after the Siem has summed
+up, and sentence is pronounced, which generally consists of a fine
+in money, almost always accompanied by an order to the losing party
+to present a pig. The pig is supposed to be sacrificed to a goddess,
+_Ka 'lei synshar_, i.e. the goddess of the State, but it is invariably
+eaten by the Siem and the members of the durbar. The Siem then calls
+out "_kumta mo khynraw_" (is it not so, young people?) The members of
+the durbar then reply, "_haoid kumta khein khynraw_" (yes, it is so,
+young ones). Sentences of fine are more often resorted to than other
+punishments nowadays, probably because very few of the Siems possess
+jails for the reception of criminals. The condemned one in a criminal
+case frequently serves his time by working for the Siem as a menial
+servant. The above description, which is based on the account given
+by the Rev. W. Lewis, with some modifications, may be taken as the
+usual form of procedure of the Khasi durbar.
+
+Under the heading of decision of disputes we may perhaps give a short
+description of some of the punishments which were inflicted by the
+Siems and their durbars in criminal cases in ancient times. Murder
+was punishable by beating the culprit to death with clubs (_ki tangon
+ki lymban_). The killing, however, of a _nong shoh noh_, i.e. a man
+who seeks for human victims to sacrifice to the monster, _u thlen_,
+is not considered murder, even now by the Khasis, and the slayer of
+the _nong shoh noh_ only has to inform the Siem and deposit Rs. 5,
+and one pig in the Siem's court. The slaying of a robber also is
+dealt with in like manner.
+
+The punishment of adultery was imprisonment for life (_ka sah dain
+mur_), or a fine of Rs. 1,100, and one pig (_ka khadwei spah wei
+doh_). Whether such a heavy fine was ever paid is perhaps doubtful,
+and probably some other form of punishment was substituted for it. A
+husband finding his wife and a man in _flagrante delicto_ could,
+as under the law of the ancients, kill both adulterer and adulteress
+without punishment for murder. He was, however, bound to deposit Rs. 5,
+and the conventional pig in the Siem's durbar. The punishment for rape
+(_kaba khniot tynga_) was imprisonment for life in the case of the
+woman being married, and a heavy fine and one pig if the woman was a
+spinster. Arson was punishable with imprisonment for life, or a heavy
+fine. The punishment for causing people to be possessed by devils
+(_ka ba ai-ksuid briew_) was exile (_pyrangkang par_); but if a person
+so possessed died, the sorcerer was hurled down a precipice (_pynnoh
+khongpong_). The punishment for robbery and theft was the stocks (_ka
+pyndait diengsong_), the imposition of fetters, or a punishment known
+as _kaba s'ang sohmynken_, by which the culprit was compelled to sit
+on a bamboo platform under which chillies were burnt. The result of
+such torture can be better imagined than described. Incest, or _sang_,
+which amongst the Khasis means cohabiting with a member of a man's or
+woman's own clan, was punishable with exile or a fine of Rs. 550/-
+and one pig. It is believed by the Khasis that the evils resultant
+from incestuous connection are very great; the following are some of
+them: being struck by lightning, being killed by a tiger, dying in
+childbirth, &c.
+
+
+Decision of Cases by Ordeal.
+
+
+Water Ordeal.
+
+In ancient times the Khasis used to decide certain cases by means
+of water ordeal (_ka ngam um_). Yule, writing in 1844, mentions a
+water ordeal, and one of my Khasi friends remembers to have seen one
+during his boyhood. There were two kinds of such ordeals. The first,
+called _ka ngam ksih_, was as follows:--The two disputants in a case
+would each of them fix a spear under water in some deep pool. They
+would then dive and catch hold of the spear. The man who remained
+longest under water without returning to the surface was adjudged
+by the Siem and durbar to have won the case. Colonel Maxwell, late
+Superintendent of the Manipur State, witnessed a similar ordeal in
+the Manipur State in the year 1903, when two Manipuris dived to the
+bottom of a river and held on to stones, the result being that one man,
+who remained under water in the most determined way, was very nearly
+drowned. Amongst the Khasis sometimes the supporters of the contending
+parties used to compel the divers to remain under water by holding
+them down with their spears. Another form of trial was to place two
+pots, each of them containing a piece of gold and a piece of silver
+wrapped up in cloths, in shallow water. The two contending parties
+were then directed to plunge their hands into the water and take up,
+each of them, one of the packets. The party who brought up a piece
+of gold was adjudged the victor. If both parties brought up either
+gold or silver, then the case was amicably settled by the Durbar,
+and if it was a land case, the land was equally divided between the
+parties. No instances of trial of cases by such ordeals have come
+to notice of late years. Yule, referring to water ordeals, says:
+"I have been told that it was lawful to use the services of practised
+attorneys in this mode of trial; so that long-winded lawyers have as
+decided a preference in these regions as they have elsewhere."
+
+
+Ordeal by U Klong, or by U Klong U Khnam, in the Wár Country.
+
+Of all the ordeals these are the most dreaded by the Khasis. They
+believe that if a person swears falsely by _u klong_ or _u klong u
+khnam_, he will die or, if he represents his family (i.e. wife and
+children) or his clan (_kur_), that his family and his clan will die
+out. Siems, Wahadadars, Lyngdohs, &c., do not order litigants, or even
+propose to them, to have their cases decided by this ordeal, fearing
+to incur blame for choosing it, owing to possible evil consequence
+thereafter to the parties. One of the parties must propose and the
+other must accept the ordeal, of their own accord and in open Court
+or Durbar. A gourd (_u klong_) containing fermented rice (_ka sohpoh_)
+is provided, and a feathered arrow with a barbed iron head is planted
+in the fermented rice. The following is the procedure:--
+
+The person who wishes to take the oath brings a gourd of fermented
+rice, or a gourd with an arrow stuck in it, as the case may be,
+and makes it over to the judge, or a deputy appointed by such judge
+for this duty. The latter, before returning it to him, invokes the
+goddess as follows:--
+
+"Come down, and bear witness, thou goddess who reignest above
+and below, who createst man, who placest him (on earth), who
+judgest the right and the wrong, who givest him being and stature,
+(i.e.) life. Thou goddess of the State, thou goddess of the place,
+who preservest the village, who preservest the State, come down and
+judge. If this man's cause be unrighteous, then shall he lose his
+stature (being), he shall lose his age (life), he shall lose his clan,
+he shall lose his wife and children; only the posts of his house shall
+remain, only the walls of his house shall remain, only the small posts
+and the stones of the fireplace shall remain; he shall be afflicted
+with colic, he shall be racked with excruciating pains, he shall fall
+on the piercing arrow, he shall fall on the lacerating arrow, his
+dead body shall be carried off by kites, it shall be carried off by
+the crows, his family and his clan shall not find it; he shall become
+a dog, he shall become a cat, he shall creep in dung, he shall creep
+in urine, and he shall receive punishment at thy hands, oh, goddess,
+and at the hands of man. If, on the other hand, his cause be righteous
+(lit. _lada u kren hok_) he shall be well, he shall be prosperous,
+he shall live long, he shall live to be an elder, he shall rise to be
+a defender and preserver of his clan, he shall be a master of tens
+and a master of hundreds (immensely rich), and all the world shall
+see it. Hear, oh, goddess, thou who judgest." (The whole of this
+invocation is uttered while a libation is poured out from _u klong_.)
+
+_U klong_ is next invoked as follows:--
+
+"Thou, _u klong_, with whose assistance--according to our religion
+and our custom, a man when he is born into the world is named--hear
+and judge. If he speaks falsely (his cause be false), his name shall
+be cut off (by thee) and he shall surely die."
+
+The fermented rice is then invoked as follows:--
+
+"Thou yeast, thou charcoal, thou rice of the plough, thou rice of
+the yoke, thou, too, hear and judge. If he speaks falsely, eat off
+his tongue, eat away his mouth."
+
+The arrow is lastly invoked as follows:--
+
+"Thou piercing and lacerating arrow, as thou hast been ordained by the
+goddess, who creates man, who appoints man to occupy a pre-eminent
+place in war and in controversy, do thou hear and judge. If he
+(i.e. the man taking the oath) speaks falsely, let him fall upon thee,
+let him be cut and be torn, and let him be afflicted with shooting and
+pricking pains." The man then takes _u klong_ or, _u klong u khnam_,
+and holds it on his head, and while in that posture utters the same
+invocation. _U klong_ is then made over to the judge (the Siem or
+the Sirdar as the case may be, &c.).
+
+The person who undergoes the above ordeal wins the case, the production
+of evidence being unnecessary.
+
+
+War.
+
+Although the Khasis, unlike the Nagas, the Garos, the wild Was of
+Burma, the Dayaks of Borneo, and other head-hunting tribes, cannot be
+said to have indulged in head-hunting in ancient times, as far as we
+know, merely for the sake of collecting heads as trophies, there seems
+to be some reference to a custom of head-hunting in a description of
+the worship of the god _u Syngkai Bámon_, one of the principal gods of
+war amongst the Khasis. This god is described in one of the folk tales
+(I have obtained it through the kindness of Dr. Roberts, the Welsh
+missionary at Cherrapunji) as being the deity who gives the heads of
+the enemy to the successful warriors. To this god, as well as to _Ka
+Rám Shandi_, they offer a cock. Before sacrifice the warriors dance
+round an altar, upon which are placed a plume of cock's feathers (_u
+thuia_), a sword, a shield, a bow, an arrow, a quiver, _pán_ leaves,
+and flowers. After the cock has been sacrificed, they fix its head on
+the point of a sword and shout three times. The fixing of the cock's
+head on the point of a sword is said to have been symbolical of the
+fixing of the human head of an enemy killed in battle, on the top
+of the _soh-lang_ tree. Mr. Shadwell, of Cherrapunji, whose memory
+carries him back to the time when the British first occupied the Khasi
+Hills, has a recollection of a Khasi dance at Cherra, round an altar,
+upon which the heads of some _Dykhars_, or plains people, killed in a
+frontier raid had been placed. The Khasis used to sacrifice to a number
+of other gods also for success in battle. An interesting feature of
+the ancient combats between the people of different Siemships was
+the challenge. When the respective armies had arrived at a little
+distance from one another, they used to stop to hear each other shout
+the _'tien-Blei_, or challenge, to the other side. This custom was
+called _pyrta 'tien-Blei_, or shouting out the challenge. From the
+records available of the military operations of the Khasis against
+the British, the former appear to have relied principally on bows
+and arrows, ambushes and surprises, when they fought against us at
+the time of our first occupation of the hills. During the Jaintia
+rebellion firearms were used, to some extent, by the Syntengs. The
+military records do not, however, disclose any peculiar battle customs
+as having been prevalent amongst those hill people then. Both Khasis
+and Syntengs seem to have fought much in the same manner as other
+savage hill-men have fought against a foe armed with superior weapons.
+
+
+Human Sacrifices.
+
+
+The Thlen Superstition.
+
+There is a superstition among the Khasis concerning _U thlen_,
+a gigantic snake which requires to be appeased by the sacrifice
+of human victims, and for whose sake murders have even in fairly
+recent times been committed. The following account, the substance
+of which appeared in the _Assam Gazette_, in August, 1882, but to
+which considerable additions have been made, will illustrate this
+interesting superstition:--"The tradition is that there was once
+in a cave near Cherrapunji, [25] a gigantic snake, or _thlen_, who
+committed great havoc among men and animals. At last, one man, bolder
+than his fellows, took with him a herd of goats, and set himself down
+by the cave, and offered them one by one to the _thlen_. By degrees
+the monster became friendly, and learnt to open his mouth at a word
+from the man, to receive the lump of flesh which was then thrown
+in. When confidence was thoroughly established, the man, acting under
+the advice of a god called _U Suid-noh_, [26] (who has as his abode
+a grove near Sohrarim), having heated a lump of iron red hot in a
+furnace, induced the snake, at the usual signal, to open his mouth,
+and then threw in the red-hot lump, and so killed him. He proceeded
+to cut up the body, and sent pieces in every direction, with orders
+that the people were to eat them. Wherever the order was obeyed, the
+country became free of the _thlen_, but one small piece remained which
+no one would eat, and from this sprang a multitude of _thlens_, which
+infest the residents of Cherra and its neighbourhood. When a _thlen_
+takes up its abode in a family there is no means of getting rid of it,
+though it occasionally leaves of its own accord, and often follows
+family property that is given away or sold. The _thlen_ attaches
+itself to property, and brings prosperity and wealth to the owners,
+but on the condition that it is supplied with blood. Its craving
+comes on at uncertain intervals, and manifests itself by sickness,
+by misadventure, or by increasing poverty befalling the family that
+owns the property. It can only be appeased by the murder of a human
+being." The murderer cuts off the tips of the hair of the victim
+with silver scissors, also the finger nails, and extracts from the
+nostril a little blood caught in a bamboo tube, and offers these to
+the _thlen_. The murderer, who is called _u nongshohnoh_, literally,
+"the beater," before he sets out on his unholy mission, drinks a
+special kind of liquor called, _ka 'iad tang-shi-snem_. (literally,
+liquor which has been kept for a year). This liquor, it is thought,
+gives the murderer courage, and the power of selecting suitable victims
+for the _thlen_. The _nongshohnoh_ then sets out armed with a short
+club, with which to slay the victim, hence his name _nongshohnoh_,
+i.e. one who beats; for it is forbidden to kill a victim on these
+occasions with any weapon made of iron, inasmuch as iron was the
+metal which proved fatal to the _thlen_. He also takes the pair of
+silver scissors above mentioned, a silver lancet to pierce the inside
+of the nostrils of the deceased, and a small bamboo or cylinder to
+receive the blood drawn therefrom. The _nongshohnoh_ also provides
+himself with rice called "_u 'khaw tyndep_," i.e. rice mixed with
+turmeric after certain incantations have taken place. The murderer
+throws a little of this rice over his intended victim, the effect of
+which is to stupefy the latter, who then falls an easy prey to the
+_nongshohnoh_. It is not, however, always possible to kill the victim
+outright for various reasons, and then the _nongshohnoh_ resorts to the
+following subterfuge:--He cuts off a little of the hair, or the hem
+of the garment, of a victim, and offers these up to the _thlen_. The
+effect of cutting off the hair or the hem of the garment of a person
+by a _nongshohnoh_, to offer up to the _thlen_, is disastrous to the
+unfortunate victim, who soon falls ill, and gradually wastes away and
+dies. The _nongshohnoh_ also sometimes contents himself with merely
+throwing stones at the victim, or with knocking at the door of his
+house at night, and then returns home, and, after invoking the _thlen_,
+informs the master that he has tried his best to secure him a prey,
+but has been unsuccessful. This is thought to appease the _thlen_
+for a time, but the demon does not remain inactive long, and soon
+manifests his displeasure for the failure of his keeper to supply
+him with human blood, by causing one of the latter's family to fall
+sick. The _thlen_ has the power of reducing himself to the size of
+a thread, which renders it convenient for the _nong-ri thlen_, or
+_thlen_ keeper, to place him for safety in an earthen pot, or in a
+basket which is kept in some secure place in the house. When the time
+for making an offering to the _thlen_ comes, an hour is selected,
+generally at dead of night, costly cloths are spread on the floor
+of the house of the _thlen_ keeper, all the doors are opened, and a
+brass plate is laid on the ground in which is deposited the blood,
+or the hair, or a piece of the cloth of the victim. All the family
+then gathers round, and an elderly member commences to beat a small
+drum, and invokes the _thlen_, saying, "_ko kni ko kpa_ (oh, maternal
+uncle, father), come out, here is some food for you; we have done
+everything we could to satisfy you, and now we have been successful;
+give us thy blessing, that we may attain health and prosperity." The
+_thlen_ then crawls out from its hiding-place and commences to expand,
+and when it has attained its full serpent shape, it comes near the
+plate and remains expectant. The spirit of the victim then appears,
+and stands on the plate, laughing. The _thlen_ begins to swallow the
+figure, commencing at its feet, the victim laughing the while. By
+degrees the whole figure is disposed of by the boa constrictor. If
+the spirit be that of a person from whom the hair, or a piece of his
+or her cloth, has been cut, directly the _thlen_ has swallowed the
+spirit, the person expires. Many families in these hills are known,
+or suspected, to be keepers of a _thlen_, and are dreaded or avoided
+in consequence. This superstition is deep-rooted amongst these people,
+and even nowadays, in places like Shillong or Cherrapunji, Khasis
+are afraid to walk alone after dark, for fear of being attacked by
+a _nongshohnoh_. In order to drive away the _thlen_ from a house
+or family all the money, ornaments, and property of that house or
+family must be thrown away, as is the case with persons possessed
+by the demon _Ka Taroh_, in the Jaintia Hills. None dare touch any
+of the property, for fear that the _thlen_ should follow it. It is
+believed that a _thlen_ can never enter the Siem's or chief's clan,
+or the Siem's house; it follows, therefore, that the property of the
+_thlen_ keeper can be appropriated by the Siem. A Mohammedan servant,
+not long ago in Shillong, fell a victim to the charms of a Khasi girl,
+and went to live with her. He told the following story to one of his
+fellow-servants, which may be set down here to show that the _thlen_
+superstition is by no means dying out. In the course of his married
+life he came to know that the mother of his Khasi wife kept in the
+house what he called a _bhut_ (devil). He asked his wife many, many
+times to allow him to see the _bhut_, but she was obdurate; however,
+after a long time, and after extracting many promises from him not
+to tell, she confided to him the secret, and took him to the corner
+of the house, and showed him a little box in which was coiled a tiny
+snake, like the hair spring of a watch. She passed her hands over it,
+and it grew in size, till at last it became a huge cobra, with hood
+erected. The husband, terrified, begged his wife to lay the spirit. She
+passed her hands down its body, and it gradually shrank within its box.
+
+It may be stated that the greater number of the Khasis, especially in
+certain Siemships, viz. Cherra, Nongkrem, and Mylliem, still regard
+the _thlen_, and the persons who are thought to keep _thlens_, with the
+very greatest awe, and that they will not utter even the names of the
+latter for fear some ill may befall them. The superstition is probably
+of very ancient origin, and it is possible that the Khasi sacrifices
+to the _thlen_ demon may be connected with the primæval serpent-worship
+which characterized the Cambodians, which Forbes says was "undoubtedly
+the earliest religion of the Mons." But it must be remembered that
+snake-worship is of very ancient origin, not only in Further India,
+but also in the nearer peninsula, where the serpent race or Nagas,
+who may have given their name to the town of Nagpur, were long held
+in superstitious reverence. Mr. Gait, in the Journal of the Asiatic
+Society of Bengal, vol. i. of 1898, gives some account of the human
+sacrifices of the Jaintias or Syntengs. He writes as follows:--
+
+"It appears that human sacrifices were offered annually on the _Sandhi_
+day in the month of Ashwin (Sukla paksha) at the sacred _pitha_, in
+the Faljur pargana. They were also occasionally offered at the shrine
+of Jainteswari, at Nijpat, i.e. at Jaintiapur, the capital of the
+country. As stated in the _Haft Iqlim_ to have been the case in Koch
+Behar, so also in Jaintia, persons frequently voluntarily came forward
+as victims. This they generally did by appearing before the Raja on
+the last day of Shravan, and declaring that the goddess had called
+them. After due inquiry, if the would-be victim, or _Bhoge khaora_,
+were deemed suitable, it was customary for the Raja to present him
+with a golden anklet, and to give him permission to live as he chose,
+and to do whatever be pleased, compensation for any damage done by
+him being paid from the royal treasury. But this enjoyment of these
+privileges was very short. On the Navami day of the Durga Puja, the
+_Bhoge khaora_, after bathing and purifying himself, was dressed in
+new attire, daubed with red sandal-wood and vermilion, and bedecked
+with garlands. Thus arrayed, the victim sat on a raised dais in front
+of the goddess, and spent some time in meditation (_japa_), and in
+uttering mantras. Having done this, he made a sign with his finger,
+and the executioner, after uttering the usual sacrificial mantras,
+cut off his head, which was placed before the goddess on a golden
+plate. The lungs were cooked and eaten by such _Kandra Yogis_ as
+were present, and it is said that the royal family partook of a small
+quantity of rice cooked in the blood of the victim. The ceremony was
+usually witnessed by large crowds of spectators from all parts of
+the Jaintia pardganas.
+
+"Sometimes the supply of voluntary victims fell short, or victims
+were needed for some special sacrifice promised in the event of some
+desired occurrence, such as the birth of a son, coming to pass. On
+such occasions, emissaries were sent to kidnap strangers from outside
+the Jaintia Raj, and it was this practice that eventually led to the
+annexation of the country by the British. In 1821, an attempt was made
+to kidnap a native of Sylhet proper, and while the agents employed
+were punished, the Raja was warned not to allow such an atrocity to
+occur again. Eleven years later, however, four British subjects were
+kidnapped in the Nowgong district, and taken to Jaintia. Three of
+them were actually sacrificed, but the fourth escaped, and reported
+the matter to the authorities. The Raja of Jaintia was called on to
+deliver up the culprits, but he failed to do so, and his dominions
+were in consequence annexed in 1835."
+
+There seems to be an idea generally prevalent that the Raja of Jaintia,
+owing to his conversion to Hinduism, and especially owing to his
+having become a devotee of the goddess Kali, took to sacrificing human
+victims; but I find that human victims were formerly sacrificed by
+the Jaintias to the Kopili River, which the Jaintias worshipped as a
+goddess. Two persons were sacrificed every year to the Kopili in the
+months _U' naiwing_ and _U' nai prah_ (November and December). They
+were first taken to the _hat_ Mawahai or Shang-pung market, where
+they were allowed to take any eatables they wished. Then they were
+conducted to Sumer, and thence to Ka Ieu Ksih, where a stone on the
+bank of a small river which falls into the Kopili is pointed out as
+having been the place where the victims were sacrificed to the Kopili
+river goddess. Others say that the sacrificial stone was situated on
+the bank of the Kopili River itself. A special clan in the Raliang
+doloiship used to carry out the executions. It seems probable that
+the practice of sacrificing human victims in Jaintia was of long
+standing, and was originally unconnected with Hinduism, although
+when the Royal family became converts to Hinduism, the goddess Kali
+may easily have taken the place of the Kopili River goddess. Many of
+the Syntengs regard the River Kopili to this day with superstitions
+reverence. Some of these people will not cross the river at all,
+others can do so after having performed a sacrifice with goats and
+fowls. Any traveller who wishes to cross the river must leave behind
+him the rice which he has taken for the journey, and any other food
+supplies he may have brought with him. This superstition often results
+in serious inconvenience to travellers between the Jaintia Hills and
+North Cachar, unless they have arranged for another batch of coolies
+to meet them on the Cachar side of the River Kopili, for the Synteng
+coolies throw down their loads at the river side, and nothing will
+induce them to cross the river. The Kopili is propitiated by pujas
+in many parts of the Jaintia Hills, and at Nartiang a tank where
+sacrifices are regularly performed is called Ka Umkoi Kopili.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+Religion
+
+
+General Character of Popular Beliefs.
+
+The Khasis have a vague belief in a God the Creator, _U Blei
+Nong-thaw_, although this deity, owing, no doubt, to the influences of
+the matriarchate, is frequently given the attribute of the feminine
+gender, cf., _Ka lei Synshar_. The Khasis cannot, however, be said
+to worship the Supreme God, although it is true that they sometimes
+invoke him when sacrificing and in times of trouble. The religion of
+the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather,
+the propitiation of spirits both good and evil on certain occasions,
+principally in times of trouble. The propitiation of these spirits
+is carried out either by priests (_lyngdohs_), or by old men well
+versed in the arts of necromancy, and as the _lyngdoh_ or wise man
+deals with good as well as evil spirits, and, as often as not, with
+the good spirits of ancestors, the propitiation of these spirits
+may be said to partake of the nature of Shamanism. A very prominent
+feature of the Khasi beliefs is the propitiation of ancestors; but
+this will be described separately. There is a vague belief amongst
+the Khasi of a future state. It is believed that the spirits of the
+dead, whose funeral ceremonies have been duly performed, go to the
+house or garden of God, where there are groves of betel-nut trees;
+hence the expression for the departed, _uba bam kwai ha iing u blei_
+(he who is eating betel-nut in God's house), the idea of supreme
+happiness to the Khasi being to eat betel-nut uninterruptedly. The
+spirits of those whose funeral ceremonies have not been duly performed
+are believed to take the forms of animals, birds, or insects, and to
+roam on this earth; but this idea of transmigration of souls has been
+probably borrowed from the Hindus. Bivar writes that although the
+ideas of a Godhead are not clearly grasped, yet a supreme creator
+is acknowledged, and that the following is the tradition relating
+to the creation of man. "God in the beginning having created man,
+placed him on the earth, but on returning to look at him, found he
+had been destroyed by the evil spirit. This happened a second time,
+whereupon the Deity created first a dog, then a man; and the dog,
+who kept watch, prevented the devil from destroying the man, and the
+work of the Deity was thus preserved." The Khasis, apparently, do not
+believe in punishment after death, at least there is no idea of hell,
+although the spirits of those who have died under the ban of _sang_
+remain uneasy, being obliged to wander about the earth in different
+forms, as noted above. The spirits worshipped by the Khasis are many in
+number; those of the Syntengs being specially numerous. The particular
+spirit to be propitiated is ascertained; by egg-breaking. The offering
+acceptable to the spirit is similarly ascertained and is then made. If
+the particular sacrifice does not produce the result desired, a fowl
+is sacrificed; the entrails being then examined, an augury is drawn,
+and the sacrifice begins afresh. As the process of egg-breaking is
+believed to be peculiar [27] to the Khasis amongst the Assam hill
+tribes, a separate description of it is given in the Appendix. It
+should be remarked that the Khasis never symbolise their gods by
+means of images, their worship being offered to the spirit only. The
+following are some of the principal spirits worshipped by the Khasis
+and Syntengs, omitting the spirits of deceased ancestors such as _Ka
+Iawobi, u Thawlang_ and _u Suidnia_, which will be described under
+the heading of ancestor-worship.
+
+_U'lei muluk_--the god of the State, who is propitiated yearly by
+the sacrifice of a goat and a cock.
+
+_U'lei umtong_--the god of water, used for drinking and cooking
+purposes. This god is similarly propitiated once a year so that the
+water supply may remain pure.
+
+_U lei longspah_--the god of wealth. This god is propitiated with a
+view to obtaining increased prosperity.
+
+_U Ryngkew_, or _u Basa shnong_, is the tutelary deity of the
+village. This godling is propitiated by sacrifices whenever they are
+thought to
+be necessary.
+
+_U Phan u kyrpad_ is a similar godling to the above.
+
+Then follows a list of minor deities, or, rather, evil spirits,
+e.g. _Ka Rih_, the malarial fever devil; _ka Khlam_, the demon
+of cholera; _ka Duba_, the fever devil which is said to haunt the
+neighbourhood of Theriaghat.
+
+Bivar says "the Khasi religion may be thus briefly defined as forms
+used to cure diseases and to avert misfortunes, by ascertaining
+the name of the demon, as the author of the evil, and the kind of
+sacrifice necessary to appease it." We may accept this description
+as substantially correct. In the Jaintia Hills there is a peculiar
+superstition regarding a she devil, called "_ka Taroh_" which is
+supposed to cause delirium in cases of fever. When such cases occur,
+it is believed that "_ka Taroh_" has caused them, and inquiries are
+made by means of breaking eggs to find out in whose person the demon
+has obtained a lodgment; or sometimes the sick person is asked to
+reveal this. When in either of these ways the name of the person
+possessed by "_ka Taroh_" is known, the sick person is taken to the
+house of the possessed, and ashes and bits of broken pots are cast into
+the enclosure, after which, if the sick person recovers, the party
+indicated is denounced as possessed by the demon; but if the patient
+dies, it is concluded that the person possessed has not been properly
+ascertained. If people are satisfied that some one is really possessed,
+they denounce the person, who is then out-casted. The only way for him
+to regain his position is to exorcise the demon by divesting himself
+of all his property. He pulls down his house, burns the materials,
+his clothes, and all his other worldly goods. Lands, flocks, and
+herds are sold, the money realized by the sale being thrown away. No
+one dares touch this money, for fear he should become possessed by
+_ka Taroh_, it will be observed that, as in the case of the _thlen_,
+the demon is believed to follow the property.
+
+Mr. Jenkins, in his interesting little work on "Life and Work in
+Khasia," gives a slightly different account of the superstition,
+in that he states that it is the sick person who is possessed by _ka
+Taroh_. The above belief is perhaps a Synteng development of the Khasi
+_thlen_ superstition. In the Jaintia Hills "the small-pox" is believed
+to be a goddess, and is reverenced accordingly. Syntengs regard it as
+an honour to have had small-pox, calling the marks left by the disease
+the "kiss of the goddess"; the more violent the attack and the deeper
+the marks, the more highly honoured is the person affected. Mr. Jenkins
+says, "When the goddess has entered a house, and smitten any person or
+persons with this disease, a trough of clean water is placed outside
+the door, in order that every one before entering may wash their feet
+therein, the house being considered sacred." Mr. Rita mentions cases
+of women washing their hair in water used by a small-pox patient, in
+order that they may contract the disease, and women have been known
+actually to bring their little children into the house of a small-pox
+patient, in order that they may become infested and thus receive the
+kiss of the goddess. It is possible that the Syntengs, who were for
+some time under Hindu influences; may in their ignorance have adopted
+this degraded form of worship of the Hindu goddess, "Sitala Devi,"
+who is adored as a divine mother under different names by Hindus all
+over India, cf., her name _mari-amman_, or mother of death, in the
+South of India, and the name Ai, mother, of the Assamese.
+
+In the Khasi Hills the god of small-pox is known under the name of
+_u Siem ñiang thylliew_. He is not, however, appeased in any way,
+the people calling on two other spirits, _Thynrei_ and _Sapa_,
+to whom a fowl or a goat is offered. This section cannot be closed
+without some reference to the household gods of the Syntengs. The
+legend is that in ancient times there came a woman "from the end of
+heaven to the borders of the country of _u Truh_" (the country of the
+plains people at a distance from the foot of the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills). The name of the woman was Ka Taben, and she was accompanied
+by her children. She offered herself to _u Dkhar_, the plains man,
+as a household goddess, but he rejected her. She then went to the
+Khasis; who were ploughing their fields, and offered to help them
+with their cultivation. The Khasis also refused her, saying they
+were capable of managing their own cultivation, and at the same time
+told her to go to the country of the Bhois and Syntengs, i.e. the
+Jaintia Hills. Acting on this advice, she went to the village of
+Nongphyllud in the Jaintia Hills, where the people again turned a
+deaf ear to her. She proceeded to Mulagula village in Jaintia, at
+the foot of the Jaintia Hills, and ascended from thence to Rymbai,
+where she met a man who conducted her to the house of the Siem, who
+consented that she and her children should live with him. Ka Taben then
+apportioned to her children various duties in the house of the Siem
+as follows:--Ka Rasong was to look after the young unmarried folk,
+and was to supervise their daily labour and to prosper their trading
+operations at the markets. Next Ka Rasong was given a place at the foot
+of the king post, _trai rishot_, and her duty was to befriend young
+men in battle. Then came _Ka Longkhuinruid_, alias _ka Thab-bulong_,
+who said, "There are no more rooms in the house for my occupation,
+so I will go and live in the forest, and him who turns not his coat
+when I meet him I will make mad." Finally came _U Lamsymphud_, who
+elected to live with his youngest sister inside the house.
+
+There are special sacrifices offered to these household deities. The
+leaves of the _sning_, or Khasi oak, are wrapped round the post of the
+house, and, a fowl is sacrificed and other formalities are observed
+which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The legend of the
+arrival of Ka Taben with her children in the Synteng country from
+a distant clime is interesting in that it perhaps indicates the
+possibility of the migration of these people, i.e. the Syntengs,
+in ancient times from some distant place to their present abode.
+
+
+Ancestor-worship.
+
+The Khasis not only revere the memories of deceased ancestors, but they
+adore them by means of offerings, which are sometimes periodical, and
+sometimes made when thought necessary, as in times of trouble. These
+offerings take the shape of articles of food which are theoretically
+partaken of by the shades of the deceased ancestors, the idea of
+making such offerings being very similar to that of the Hindus when
+they offer the "_pinda_," or cake, to nine generations of ancestors,
+i.e. to propitiate the shades of the departed, and to obtain their help
+thereby. U Hormu Rai Diengdoh writes that, "the real religious demand"
+amongst the Khasis is the _ai bam_, or giving of food to the spirits
+of deceased ancestors, in order that the latter may aid the living
+members of the clan with their help; and bless them. To honour dead
+ancestors is the duty of every Khasi, and he who wilfully neglects
+this duty it is believed, will neither receive their help, nor be
+defended from the influence of the numerous spirits of evil in which
+the Khasis believe. Amongst the Syntengs, a few days after depositing
+the bones in the ancestral tomb, the ceremony of feeding the spirits
+of the dead is performed: At this ceremony there are some families
+which give two pigs for each person of the family who is dead, and
+there are some who give one. The pigs are taken to the _iing-seng_,
+or puja house of the clan. Presumably, pigs are usually offered to
+the shades only of those members of the family whose remains have been
+recently deposited in the clan cromlech. In the chapter dealing with
+memorial stones the reader will notice how many of them are erected
+to the memory of deceased ancestors, and how they bear the names of
+such ancestors, e.g. _Ka Iawbei_ (the first grandmother), _U Suidnia_,
+or _U kni rangbah_ (the first maternal uncle). It was the custom in
+former days to make offerings of food upon the flat table-stones to
+the spirits of the deceased ancestors, and this is still the case
+in places in the interior of the district. This practice, however,
+may be said to be largely dying out, it being now commonly the custom
+to make the offerings in the house, either annually, or at times when
+it is thought necessary to invoke the aid of the departed. Such acts
+of devotion may well be said to partake of the nature of worship. As
+has been the case in other countries, and amongst other people, it
+is possible that the Khasi gods of today are merely the spirits of
+glorified deceased ancestors transfigured, as has happened with some
+of the gods of the Shinto Pantheon of Japan. It may be interesting to
+note that the ancient Shinto cult of Japan possesses some features
+in common with the ancestor-worship of the Khasis. Take the funeral
+ceremonies. With both people we find the dead laid out in the house,
+food placed before the corpse; and the funeral ceremonies taking
+place, accompanied by music and dancing. Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, in
+an interesting book on Japan, writes "that in ancient times the
+Japanese performed ceremonies at regular intervals at the tombs of
+deceased members of the family, and food and drink were then served
+to the spirits;" this is exactly what the Khasis used to do at their
+*cenotaphs. This, apparently, was the practice in Japan before the
+"spirit tablet" had been introduced from China, when the worship of
+the ancestors was transferred from the tomb to the home. We have
+an exactly similar instance of evolution amongst the Khasis of
+the present day, i.e. the transfer of the ancestor cult from the
+flat table-stones erected in honour of deceased ancestors to the
+home. Last, but not least, is the idea common to both people, that no
+family or clan can prosper which does not duly perform the worship of
+deceased ancestors; this, as Hearn puts it, is "the fundamental idea
+underlying every persistent ancestor-worship; i.e. that the welfare of
+the living depends upon the welfare of the dead." The "Khasi Mynta,"
+in an interesting article, notes some further points of resemblance
+between the methods of ancestor-worship adopted by the two people. The
+following instances may be quoted. Amongst the Japanese the spirits
+of those who fall in battle are said to help their fellow-warriors
+who are still fighting. The "Khasi Mynta" quotes a similar belief
+as having existed amongst the Khasis in former days. The remains of
+Japanese warriors who die in battle are said to be reverently taken to
+the warrior's home at the first opportunity. The Khasis do likewise,
+the clothing in default of the ashes of Khasi transport coolies, who
+were employed on military expeditions on the North-Eastern Frontier,
+having been carried home by the survivors to present to the dead men's
+relations, who then performed the ceremonies prescribed by custom
+for those who have died violent or unnatural deaths. Of all deceased
+ancestors the Khasis revere _Ka Iawbei_ the most, the word _Iawbei_
+being made up of _'iaw_, short for _kiaw_ (grandmother), and _bei_,
+mother. _Ka Iawbei_ is the primeval ancestress of the clan. She is
+to the Khasis what the "tribal mother" was to old Celtic and Teutonic
+genealogists, and we have an interesting parallel to the reverence of
+the Khasis for _Ka Iawbei_ in the Celtic goddess Brigit, the tribal
+mother of the Brigantes. Later on, like _Ka Iawbei_, she was canonized,
+and became St. Bridget. [28]
+
+The greater number of the flat table-stones we see in front of
+the standing monoliths in these hills are erected in honour of _Ka
+Iawbei_. In former times, it was the custom to offer food to her on
+these stones. In cases of family quarrels, or dissensions amongst the
+members of the same clan, which it is desired to bring to a peaceful
+settlement, it is customary to perform a sacrifice to the first mother,
+"_Ka Iawbei_." They first of all take an augury by breaking eggs,
+and if it appears from the broken egg-shells that _Ka Iawbei_ is
+offended, they offer to her a cotton cloth, and sacrifice a hen. On
+these occasions incantations are muttered, and a small drum, called,
+"_Ka 'sing ding dong_," is beaten. It is not unlikely that the Khasi
+household deities, _Ka lei iing_ and _Ka ksaw ka jirngam_, to whom
+pujas are offered for the welfare of the house, are also _Ka Iawbei_
+in disguise. Notwithstanding the strong influence of the matriarchate,
+we find that _U Thawlang_, the first father and the husband of _Ka
+Iawbei_, is also revered. To him on occasions of domestic trouble
+a cock is sacrificed, and a _jymphong_, or sleeveless coat is
+offered. This puja is called _kaba tap Thawlang_, i.e. covering
+the grandfather. The following incantation to _U Thawlang_ is then
+chanted:--"Oh, father Thawlang, who hast enabled me to be born, who
+hast given me my stature and my life, I have wronged thee, oh father,
+be not offended, for I have given thee a pledge and a sign, i.e. a red
+and white sleeveless coat. Do not deliver me into the power of (the
+goddess of) illness, I have offered thee the propitiatory cock that
+thou mayest carry me in thine arms, and that I may be aware of thee,
+my father, Thawlang." We see clearly from the above prayer that the
+Khasi idea is that the spirit of the deceased male ancestor is capable
+of being in a position to help his descendant in times of trouble. The
+same thought underlies the extreme reverence with which _Ka Iawbei_
+is regarded. Thus we see a striking point of resemblance between
+the Khasi ancestor-worship and the ancient Shinto cult of Japan, as
+described by Mr. Lafcadio Hearn. _U Suid-Nia_, or _u Kni Rangbah_, the
+first maternal uncle, i.e. the elder brother of _Ka Iawbei_, is also
+much revered. It will also be noticed under the heading of memorial
+stones that the great central upright monolith of the _máwbynna_,
+or memorial stones, is erected in his honour. The influence of the
+_kni_, or mother's elder brother, in the Khasi family is very great,
+for it is he who is the manager on behalf of the mother, his position
+in the Khasi family being very similar to that of the _karta_ in the
+Hindu joint family. It is on this account that he is so much revered,
+and is honoured with a stone which is larger than the other up-right
+memorial stones after death. It will be seen in the article dealing
+with "the disposal of the dead," that at Cherra, on the occasion of
+the bestowal of the ashes in the cinerarium of the clan, a part of
+the attendant ceremonies consists of the preparation of two effigies
+called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_, intended to represent _Ka Iawbei_
+(the first mother) and U Suid-Nia (the first maternal uncle). The
+Wárs of Nongjri have a custom peculiar to themselves. They erect
+small thatched houses in their compounds, which they call _iing
+ksuid_. When they worship their ancestors they deposit offerings of
+food in these houses, the idea being that the ancestors will feed on
+the offerings. These Wárs do not erect memorial stones, nor do they
+collect the ashes of the clan in a common sepulchre; they deposit
+the ashes in circular cineraria, each family, or _iing_, possessing
+one. It should further be noted with reference to the Khasi custom of
+_ai bam_, or giving food to the spirits of deceased ancestors, that
+Dr. Frazer, in his "Golden Bough," has mentioned numerous instances
+of firstfruits being offered to the spirits of deceased ancestors
+by the tribes inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. (See pages 462-463
+of the "Golden Bough.") Some other points of similarity in customs
+have already been noticed between the Khasis and certain Malay tribes.
+
+
+
+Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities.
+
+In the Khasi Hills, especially on the southern side, there are numerous
+rivers, sometimes of considerable size, which find their way to the
+Sylhet plains through very deep valleys, the rivers flowing through
+narrow channels flanked by beetling cliffs which rise to considerable
+altitudes. The scenery in the neighbourhood of these beautiful rivers
+is of the most romantic description, and the traveller might imagine
+himself in Switzerland were it not for the absence of the snowy
+ranges. Of such a description is the scenery on the banks of the
+river Kenchiyong, the Jádukátá [29] or Punatit of the plains. It is
+in the bed of the river, a few miles below Rilang, that there is the
+curiously-arched cavity in the rock which resembles an upturned boat,
+which the Khasis call _Ka lieng blei_ (the god's boat), and the plains
+people Basbanya's ship. Near to this, on the opposite side of the
+river, there is a rock bearing a Persian inscription, but so defaced
+by the action of the water as to be impossible to decipher. Like other
+inhabitants of mountainous countries, the Khasis reverence the spirits
+of fell and fall, and propitiate them with offerings at stated times. A
+brief description of the ceremonies which are performed at Rilang,
+on the occasion when the annual fishing in the river Punatit takes
+place, may be of interest. The three Siems of Nongstoin, Langrin,
+and Nobosohpoh each sacrifice a goat to _Ka blei sam um_ (the goddess
+of the river) before the boatmen can cast in their nets. In former
+times they say the passage up the river was obstructed by the goddess,
+who took the form of an immense crocodile; but she was propitiated
+by the gift of a goat, and the boatmen were then allowed to pass up
+the river in their boats. Hence it became necessary for the owners of
+the fishery to sacrifice annually a goat each to the goddess. At the
+time of my visit each Siem's party erected an altar in the bed of the
+river, in the midst of which a bough of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_)
+was planted. The goats were then decapitated, it being considered an
+essential that the head should be severed with one blow. As soon as
+the head was cut off there was a rush on the part of the sacrificers
+to see in which direction the head faced. If the head faced towards
+the north or west, it was considered an evil omen; if it faced towards
+the south or east, a good omen. The east is a lucky quarter amongst
+the Assamese also. The people ended up the proceedings by giving a
+long-drawn-out, deep-toned chant, or _kynhoi_. Immediately after the
+ceremony was concluded hundreds of boats shot out from the numerous
+creeks, where they had been lying, and fished the river all night,
+the result being an immense haul, to the delight of the Lynngams,
+who were seen next morning roasting the fish whole on bamboo stakes,
+after which they consumed them, the entrails being eaten with great
+gusto. Such is the worship of the goddess of the Punatit.
+
+Similar pujas take place among the people of Wár-ding (the valley of
+fire) before they fish in the Khai-mara river and elsewhere in the
+Khasi Hills. In the Jaintia Hills there is the Synteng-worship of the
+Kopili river, which used to be accompanied by human sacrifices, as
+has been mentioned above, pp. 102-104. The Myntang river, a tributary
+of the Kopili, must also be annually appeased by the sacrifice of a
+he-goat. Numerous hills also are worshipped, or rather the spirits
+which are said to inhabit them. One of the best known hill godlings
+is the deity who is thought to inhabit the little wood close to the
+summit of the Shillong Peak. This deity is said to have been discovered
+by a man named "U Shillong" who gave his name to the Shillong Peak,
+and indirectly to our beautiful hill station. The Siems of Mylliem
+and Nongkrem reverence _U'lei Shillong_, and there are certain clans
+who perform periodical sacrifices to this god. Probably the origin
+of the superstitious reverence with which U'lei Shillong is held by
+the Siems of Nongkrem and Mylliem is that their fabled ancestress
+"Ka Pah Syntiew," of whom an account will be found in the folk-lore
+section, took her origin from a rock not far from the Shillong Peak
+in the Nongkrem direction.
+
+Rableng Hill, which is within full view of the Shillong Peak in an
+easterly direction, is also said to be the abode of a minor god who
+is periodically propitiated by the members of the Máwthoh clan of
+the Khyrim State with a he-goat and a cock. Apparently no special
+puja is performed to U Kyllang (the Kyllang Rock) nowadays.
+
+The picturesque hill of Symper, which rises abruptly from the plain
+in the Siemship of Maharam, is visible for many miles. It is in shape
+not unlike the Kyllang. Symper is said to be the abode of a god called
+"U Symper." There is a folk-tale that Kyllang and Symper fought a great
+battle, and that the numerous holes in the rocks at the base of the
+Symper hill are evidences of their strife. At the base of Symper there
+is a great cave, where many cattle find shelter in rainy weather. The
+people of Mawsynram propitiate the god of Symper in cases of sickness
+by sacrificing a he-goat or a bull. Symper, like _U'lei Shillong_,
+is one of the minor deities of the Khasis.
+
+Close to Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, there is a small hill called
+"_u lúm pyddieng blai lyngdoh_," where sacrifices are offered on an
+altar at seed time, and when the corn comes into ear. This altar used
+to be overshadowed by a large oak tree. The tree is now dead.
+
+The Wárs of Nongjri worship "_u'lei lyngdoh_" the tutelary deity of the
+village, under the spreading roots of a large rubber tree which gives
+its name to this village Nongjri. This village worhsip is performed
+by a village priest (_lyngdoh_) at stated intervals, or whenever it
+is considered necessary. There are numerous other instances of hills
+and rivers being regarded as the abode of godlings, but those quoted
+above are sufficient for purposes of illustration.
+
+
+Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination.
+
+The Khasis, as has been explained already, worship numerous gods and
+goddesses. These gods and goddesses are supposed to exercise good
+or evil influence over human beings according to whether they are
+propitiated with sacrifice or not. They are even supposed to possess
+the power of life and death, over men and women, subject to the control
+of _u Blei Nongtháw_, God the Creator. Thus illness, for example, is
+thought to be caused by one or more of the spirits on account of some
+act or omission and health can only be restored by the due propitiation
+of the offended spirits. In order to ascertain which is the offended
+spirit, a system of divination by means of cowries, breaking eggs,
+or examining the entrails of animals and birds, was instituted. The
+Khasi method of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of animals
+and birds may be compared with that of the Roman _haruspex_. Some
+description of these modes of divination has been given at the end
+of this chapter. The Khasi religion has been described by Bivar as
+"demon worship, or a jumble of enchantments muttered by priests who
+are sorcerers." But even a religion which is thus unflatteringly
+described is based on the cardinal doctrines of sin and sacrifice
+for sin. Tradition amongst the Khasis states that in the beginning
+(_mynnyngkong ka sngi_) there was no sin, heaven and earth were near
+each other, and man had direct intercourse with God. How man fell into
+sin is not stated, but it is certain that he did fall. Experts at "egg
+healing" never forget to repeat the formula "_nga briéw nga la pop_"
+(I man have sinned). The cock then appears as a mediator between God
+and man. The cook is styled, "_u khún ka blei uba kit ryndang ba shah
+ryndang na ka bynta jong nga u briéw_," i.e. the son of god who lays
+down his neck (life) for me man. The use of the feminine _ka blei_
+is no doubt due to matriarchal influences. There is another prayer in
+which the Khasis say, "_ap jutang me u blei ieng rangbah me u briéw_"
+(oh god do not forget the covenant arise oh man). The idea is that
+man has fallen into sins of omission and commission (_ka pop, ka lain
+ka let_) but that God is nevertheless expected to spare him, and to
+accept a substitute for him according to the covenant (_jutang_). By
+this covenant God is supposed to have accepted in exchange the
+cock as a substitute for man. How the cock came to occupy such an
+important position, tradition is vague and self-conflicting. The
+fact remains that the covenant of the cock is the foundation of the
+Khasi religion. It is of interest to mention that amongst the Ahoms
+the tradition is that Khunlung and Khunlái brought down from heaven
+the _kái-chán-mung_, [30] or pair of heavenly fowls, and that to
+this day the sacrifice of the fowl is considered by the Deodhais,
+or priest-soothsayers of the Ahoms, a most important feature of the
+ancient Ahom ritual. But amongst the Ahoms there is the difference
+that auguries are obtained, not from the entrails, but by examining
+the legs of the fowls. The Ahoms are Shans belonging to the Tai branch,
+another great division of the Indo-Chinese group of the human race.
+
+The covenant of the cock as thus explained shows the importance of this
+sacrifice to the Khasis. The large intestine of a fowl has two pea-like
+protuberances, one close to the other. One is symbolically called
+_u blei_ or god, and the other is styled _u briéw_ or man, they are
+connected by a thin membrane. Directly the bird has been disembowelled
+the sacrificer throws a few grains of rice on the entrails and then
+watches their convulsive movements. If the portion of the entrail
+called _u blei_ moves towards that portion which represents man, it
+is considered proof positive that the god has heard the prayer of the
+sacrificer, but if the movement proceeds in the opposite direction,
+then the reverse is the case and the omen is bad. If the entrails are
+full and healthy, having no spots (_brai_), or blood marks (_thung_),
+and if the membrane between the two protuberances has not been
+fractured, these are favourable signs. If the intestines are empty,
+wrinkled, or spotted, and the membrane mentioned above is fractured,
+these are bad signs. Auguries also are drawn by examining the livers,
+the lungs and spleens and gall bladders of pigs, goats and cattle. If
+the liver of a pig is healthy and without spot, the augury is good;
+if the reverse, it is bad. The spleen must not be unduly distended,
+otherwise the omen is unfavourable and the gall bladder must not
+be over full. Invocations to deduce omens from the appearance of
+the entrails are quoted on page 11 of Col. Bivar's Report. From the
+first invocation quoted by him it appears that the method of drawing
+the augury from the fowl differs slightly in detail from that which
+has been described to me by certain Khasis, but both descriptions
+agree in the main, and the slight dissimilarity in detail may be due
+to the methods of obtaining auguries varying slightly in different
+localities. Divination by breaking eggs and by other means, although
+not strictly sacrifice with the Khasis, partakes of the nature of a
+religious ceremony. Such divinations are of almost every-day occurrence
+in a Khasi house, and always precede sacrifices. The Khasis, moreover,
+do nothing of what they consider to be of even the least importance
+without breaking eggs. When a Khasi builds a new house, or before
+he proceeds on a journey, he always breaks eggs to see whether the
+building or the journey will be lucky or not. The description of
+egg-breaking given by Shadwell in his account of the Khasis is not
+altogether correct. A detailed description of this method of divination
+will be found in Appendix C. The description can be depended upon,
+as it is the result of my personal observations of egg-breaking on
+several occasions. A board of the shape shown in the diagram (Appendix
+C) is placed on the ground, the egg-breakers' position being that
+indicated in the diagram. After the egg has been smeared with red
+earth, it is thrown violently down and the contents and the fragments
+of egg-shell fall on the board. Auguries are drawn from the positions
+of the fragments of shell on the board, and from the fact of their
+lying with the inner sides facing upwards or downwards. Another method
+of egg-breaking is for the diviner to wrap up the egg in a plantain
+leaf with the point uppermost, or merely to hold the egg in his hand
+in this position without wrapping it up, and then to press another
+egg down upon it. If the end of the egg so pressed breaks at once,
+this is a good sign, but if it remains unbroken, the egg has a god
+in it, and the omen is bad.
+
+A common method of divination is by means of the _shanam_, or
+lime-case. The diviner holds the lime-case by the end of its chain,
+and addresses the god. He then asks the lime-case a question, and if
+it swings, this is supposed to be an answer in the affirmative; if
+it does not move, this is a negative reply. This seems to be a very
+simple trick, for the diviner can impart movement to the lime-case by
+means of the hand. A similar way of consulting the oracle is by the
+bow, which is held in the hand by the middle of the string. A simple
+method of divining is by means of cowries or grains of rice. The
+diviner plunges his hand into a bag or basket after asking the god a
+question. If the number of cowries or grains of rice comes out odd,
+the omen is good; if it comes out even, the reverse is the case. The
+Khasi word for consulting the omens is khan, and a diviner is called
+a _nongkhan_. Another method of obtaining omens is by dropping two
+leaves into a pool of water or on a stone, the position of the leaves
+as they fall, either right side uppermost or upside down, signifying
+good or evil as the case may be; this is called _khan-sla_.
+
+
+Priesthood.
+
+The Khasi priest is usually called _Lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_; he is
+always appointed from the lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word
+_lyngdoh_ is said by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be
+_lang_ = together and _doh_ = flesh. A _lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_, is
+one who collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh for the purpose of
+sacrificing. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is
+doubtful, owing to the absence in the word _lyngdoh_ of the prefix
+_nong_ which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides _lyngdohs_
+there are persons called _soh-blei_ or _soh-sla_, who may also be said
+to be priests. The Khasis, unlike the Hindus, have no _purohit_ or
+priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of
+the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through
+the agency of the _kni_, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently
+well versed in the details of sacrifices, and in the art of obtaining
+auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from
+family and clan sacrifices, there are the sacrifices for the good
+of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it
+is the duty of the _lyngdoh_ to perform. He may be said to be the
+priest of the communal religion, although he has certain duties in
+connection with offences committed against the social law of marriage,
+and with regard to the casting out of evil spirits from houses which
+may be thought to be infested with them. The _lyngdohs_ of the Khasis
+may be likened to the Roman _pontifices_. In the different Khasi
+States there is, as a rule, more than one _lyngdoh_; sometimes there
+is quite a number of such priests, as in Nongkrem where there is a
+_lyngdoh_ for each _raj_ or division of the state. There are a few
+Khasi States where the priest altogether takes the place of the Siem,
+and rules the community with the help of his elders in addition to
+performing the usual spiritual offices. The duties of _lyngdohs_,
+their methods of sacrificing, and the gods to whom they sacrifice,
+vary in the different Siemships, but there is one point in which we
+find agreement everywhere, i.e. that the _lyngdoh_ must be assisted at
+the time of performing sacrifices by a female priestess, called _ka
+soh-blei, ka soh-sla_, or simply _ka lyngdoh_. This female collects
+all the _puja_ articles and places them ready to the _lyngdoh's_
+hand at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when
+sacrificing. The female _soh-blei_ is without doubt a survival of the
+time when, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for
+the performance of all religious ceremonies. Another such survival is
+the High Priestess of Nongkrem, who still has many religious duties
+to perform; not only so, but she is the actual head of the State in
+this Siemship, although she delegates her temporal powers to one of
+her sons or nephews, who thus becomes Siem. A similar survival of the
+ancient matriarchal religious system is the _Siem sad_, or priestess,
+at Mawsynram, who, on the appointment of a new Siem or chief, has
+to assist at certain sacrifices. Here we may compare Karl Pearson's
+remark, when dealing with matriarchal customs, that "according to the
+evidence of Roman historians, not only the seers but the sacrificers
+among the early Teutons were women." The duties of the _lyngdohs_,
+as regards communal worship, consist chiefly of sacrificing at times
+of epidemics of cholera, and such-like visitations of sickness (_jing
+iap khlam_). In the Khyrim State there is a goddess of each _raj_,
+or division, of the state, to whom sacrifices are offered on such
+occasions. To the goddess are sacrificed a goat and hen, powdered rice
+(_u kpu_), and a gourd of fermented liquor; the leaves of the _dieng
+sning_, or Khasi oak, are also used at this ceremony. The _lyngdoh_
+is assisted by a priestess called _ka soh-sla_, who is his mother, or
+his sister, or niece, or some other maternal relation. It is the duty
+of the priestess to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without
+her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place. Sacrifices are also
+performed by the _lyngdoh_ to _u Lei Lyngdoh_, alias _u Ryngkew_. This
+used to be the tutelary deity in times of war, but in less troublous
+times the Khasi _lyngdoh_ sacrifices to him for success in tribal or
+State litigation. A pig and a cock, with the usual accessories, are
+sacrificed by the _lyngdoh_ to this god. As in the case of sacrifices
+to _Ka lei Raj_, the services of a priestess are indispensable.
+
+A _lyngdoh_ is a _lyngdoh_ for life. When a _lyngdoh_ dies and
+his successor is appointed, certain rather elaborate ceremonies
+are observed in the Nongkrem _raj_ of the Khyrim State. The funeral
+ceremonies of the old _lyngdoh_ having been completed, the _lyngdoh_
+clan appoints his successor. The latter then, after performing his
+ablutions, proceeds, accompanied by the assembled members of the
+_lyngdoh_ clan, to the top of the Shillong Peak. The _lyngdoh_ and his
+clansmen advance along the road dancing, this dancing being carried
+on all the way from the _lyngdoh's_ house to the Shillong Peak. All
+are clad in the distinctive Khasi dancing dress. Having reached the
+Peak, they pick the leaves of a tree called _ka 'la phiah_, which
+they spread on the ground. A goat and a cock are then sacrificed,
+the new _lyngdoh_ acting as the sacrificer. There are the usual
+accessories, including branches of the Khasi _sning_ or oak. Nine
+portions (_dykhot_) are cut from different parts of the victims and
+are offered to the god of the Shillong Peak, _U lei Shillong_. The
+_lyngdoh_ and his companions then perform obeisance three times
+to the god, and the _lyngdoh_ walks backwards some paces. The puja
+is then over, and they return dancing to the _lyngdoh's_ house. On
+another day the _lyngdoh_ performs a puja to _u lei Lyngdoh_, alias
+_u Ramjah_. Undoubtedly the most interesting feature of the ceremonies
+on these occasions is the dancing. This dancing is carried out by the
+_lyngdoh_ and his companions armed with sword and shield, a fly-flap
+made of goat's hair (_symphiah_) being also sometimes held in one hand,
+a quiver of arrows being slung on the back, and a plume of black and
+white cocks' feathers (_u thuya_) fixed in the turban. The dance is
+executed in a regular figure, the dancers advancing and retiring in
+an orderly and methodical manner, and finally clashing their swords
+together in mock combat. The dance of the present day is not unlikely
+the survival of a war dance of ancient times. The _lyngdohs_ say they
+dance in honour of _U lei Lyngdoh_, to whom such dances are thought
+to be pleasing. The dance of the _lyngdohs_ on these occasions may be
+compared with that of the Roman _salii_, who, in the month of March,
+performed a war dance in honour of Mars.
+
+The above and other similar sacrifices to the gods of the State
+or divisions of the State may be said to be the communal religious
+duties of the _lyngdohs_. The duties of _lyngdohs_ with reference to
+private persons may now be mentioned. When it is found that any two
+people have made an incestuous marriage, that is to say a marriage
+within the exogamous group of the _kur_, or clan, the parties at
+fault are taken before the _lyngdoh_ by their clansmen, who request
+him to sacrifice in order to ward off the injurious effects of the
+_sang_, or taboo, of such a connection from the kinsfolk. On this
+occasion a pig is sacrificed to _u'lei lyngdoh_ and a goat to _ka
+lei long raj_. The parties at fault are then outcasted. As mentioned
+in another place, the sin of incest admits of no expiation for the
+offenders themselves. In the Khyrim State, it is said by the _lyngdohs_
+themselves, although not by the Siem or the myntries, that they are
+the reversionary legatees of all the persons who die without leaving
+female heirs (_iap duh_). In other Siemships such property passes to
+the Siem. The _lyngdoh_ of Nongkrem can also take possession of the
+property of persons who have been found to harbour an evil spirit
+(_jingbih_) in their houses. It appears that in such cases the house
+and furniture are burnt, as in the case of the _Taroh_ superstition
+in the Jaintia Hills, the _lyngdoh_, however, taking possession of
+jewellery or anything else of value. The only practical service the
+_lyngdoh_ renders in return is to build the afflicted person a new
+house; unless, indeed, we take into account the casting forth of the
+devil by the _lyngdoh_. Mr. Jenkins, of Shangpung, in the Jaintia
+Hills, writes: "Such is the belief of the people in the evil spirits,
+that they are completely under the influence of the priests and spend
+large sums of money in order to secure their favour. They live in
+constant dread lest by the least transgression or omission they should
+offend these avaricious men and so bring upon themselves the wrath
+of the demons." The influence of the _lyngdohs_ over the people in
+the Jaintia Hills seems to be stronger than in the Khasi Hills. For
+instance, it came to my notice in Raliang that crops cannot be cut
+until the _lyngdoh_ has seem them, in other words, until the _lyngdoh_
+has claimed and obtained his share of the produce. In many places,
+however, in the Khasi Hills the _lyngdoh_ is much discredited, owing,
+no doubt, to the advance of Christianity and education.
+
+
+Ceremonies and Customs Attending Birth and Naming of Children.
+
+The Khasi birth ceremonies and customs are as follows:--When a child
+is born the umbilical cord is cut by a sharp splinter of bamboo;
+no knife can be used on this occasion. The Mundas of Chota Nagpur
+similarly taboo a metal instrument for this purpose. The child is then
+bathed in hot water from a red earthen pot. The placenta is carefully
+preserved in an earthen vessel in the house till after the naming
+ceremony has taken place. When the umbilical cord, after being tied,
+falls off, a puja is performed with eggs to certain water deities
+(_ka blei sam-um_ and _ka niangriang_), [31] also to a forest spirit
+(_u'suid bri_ or _u'suid khláw_). The naming ceremony of the child
+is performed the next morning after the birth. Certain females are
+invited to come and pound rice in a mortar into flour. The flour when
+ready is placed on a bamboo winnower (_u prah_). Fermented rice is
+mixed with water and is placed in a gourd. Some powdered turmeric
+is also provided, and is kept ready in a plantain leaf, also five
+pieces of _'kha piah_, or dried fish. The earthen pot containing the
+placenta is then placed in the _nongpei_, or centre room of the house,
+If the child is a male, they place near him a bow and three arrows
+(the implements of a Khasi warrior); if a female, a _da_ and _u star_,
+or cane head-strap for carrying burdens. An elderly man, who knows how
+to perform the naming puja, which is called by the Khasis "_kaba jer
+khun_," places a plantain-leaf on the floor and sprinkles some water
+on it. He takes the gourd in his hand and calls a god to witness. The
+people assembled then mention a number of names for the child, and
+ask the man who is performing the puja to repeat them. This he does,
+and at the same time pours a little liquor from the gourd on to the
+ground. As he goes on pouring, the liquor by degrees becomes exhausted,
+and finally only a few drops remain. The name at the repeating of
+which the hot drop of liquor remains adhering to the spout of the
+gourd is the name selected for the child. Then the puja performer
+invokes the god to grant good luck to the child. The father takes the
+pot containing the placenta, after having previously placed rice flour
+and fermented rice therein, and waves it three times over the child,
+and then walks out with it through the main entrance of the house and
+hangs up the pot to a tree outside the village. When he returns from
+this duty, before he re-enters the house, another throws water over
+the father's feet. The father, being thus cleansed, enters, and holds
+the rice flour to his mouth three times. Two people then, holding the
+dried fish by their two ends, break them in two. The powdered turmeric
+mixed with rice flour and water is applied to the right foot of the
+father, the mother and the child receiving the same treatment. The
+friends and relations are then anointed, the turmeric being applied,
+however, to their left feet. The bow, arrows, _da_, and _u star_ are
+carefully placed inside the inner surface of the thatch on the roof,
+and the ceremony is over. Rice flour is then distributed to all who
+are present, and the male adults are given liquor to drink. After
+two or three months the ears of the child are bored and ear-rings are
+inserted. These ear-rings are called, _ki shashkor iawbei_ (i.e. the
+ear-rings of the great-grandmother). Mr. Jenkins mentions that the
+naming ceremony amongst the Syntengs is performed by the "eldest aunt,"
+presumably on the mother's side. A basket of eggs is placed in the
+centre of the room, and before the ceremony begins one egg has to
+be broken. Then the aunt of the child takes two sticks, and, raising
+them to her shoulder, lets them fall to the ground. Before they fall
+she shouts, "What name do you give the child?" The name is mentioned,
+and if, on falling upon the ground, one stick crosses the other, it
+is a proof that the name has won the approval of the spirit. If the
+sticks do not fall in this position, another egg is broken and another
+name is chosen, and the sticks are dropped as before until they fall
+in the required position, when it is understood by the performers
+that the name is a good one. Mr. Jenkins was informed by a young man
+"who had renounced heathenism" that some of the more cunning women
+cross the sticks before lifting them, and that when they do this they
+invariably fall crossed to the ground. "They thus save their eggs, save
+time and trouble, get the name they desire for the child. . . ." It
+is noteworthy that the Khasis consider it necessary to preserve the
+placenta until the ceremony of naming the child is over, and that
+the pot containing the placenta is waved over the head of the child
+before it is removed and hung up in a tree.
+
+Dr. Fraser, at page 53 _et seq_. of the "Golden Bough," when dealing
+with the subject of sympathetic magic, refers to the navel string
+and the placenta as parts which are commonly believed amongst certain
+people to remain in sympathetic union with the body after the physical
+connection has been severed, and it is interesting to note that in
+the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta
+is mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women,
+each of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a peculiar kind
+(_citrus hystrix_). The women carry the swords for the purpose of
+frightening the evil spirits, otherwise the latter might get hold of
+the placenta and make the child sick. Mr. C. M. Pleyte, Lecturer on
+Indonesian Ethnology, at the Gymnasium William III at Batavia, who has
+most courteously furnished me with some interesting information on this
+subject, states that it is especially in the Southern Moluccas that the
+placenta is mixed with ashes and hung in a tree. Wider spread is the
+custom of placing the after-birth on a small bamboo raft in a river
+"in order that it may be caught by crocodiles, incarnations of the
+ancestors, who will guard it till the person to whom it has belonged
+dies. Then the soul of the placenta is once more united with that of
+the dead man, and together they go to the realms of the dead. During
+lifetime the connection between men and their placentas is never
+withdrawn." The Khasis, although they cannot explain the meaning of
+the presence of the placenta at the naming ceremony, and the care with
+which they remove it and hang it up in a tree, are probably really
+actuated by the same sentiments as the inhabitants of the Southern
+Moluccas, i.e. they believe that there is, as Dr. Fraser puts it,
+a sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection with
+the child has been severed. There is no fixed period of _sang_, or
+taboo, after a birth, but the parents of the child are prohibited
+by custom from crossing a stream or washing their clothes until the
+navel-string falls off, for fear that the child should be attacked
+by the demons of the hills and the vales.
+
+The Wár birth customs are substantially the same as those of the
+Khasis, but there is the difference that a Wár family after a birth
+is _sang_, or, taboo, for seven days, whereas amongst the Khasis the
+only prohibition is that the parents must not cross a stream or wash
+their clothes until they have propitiated the spirits. A twin birth is
+_sang_, or taboo. The Khasis argue that as there is but one _Ka Iawbei_
+(first ancestress), and one _U Tháwlang_ (first ancestor), so one
+child, either male or female, should be born at a time. A twin birth
+is accordingly regarded as a visitation from God for some _sang_, or
+transgression, committed by some member of the clan. When the twins are
+of opposite sexes the _sang_ is considered to be extremely serious, the
+Khasi idea being that defilement has taken place within the womb. The
+case is treated as one of _shong kur_, or marriage within the clan,
+and the bones of the twins cannot be placed in the sepulchre of the
+clan. There are no special birth customs amongst the Lynngams.
+
+There is no trace of the _couvade_ amongst the Khasis.
+
+
+Marriage.
+
+We now come to consider marriage amongst the Khasis from a religious
+point of view. Shadwell has said that marriage amongst the Khasis
+"is purely a civil contract." This statement is not correct, for
+there is an elaborate religious ceremony at which God the creator,
+_U'lei thaw briew man briew_, the god or goddess of the State, _U_ or
+_ka'lei Synshar_, and, what is probably more important, the ancestress
+and ancestor of the clan, _Ka Iawbei-tymmen_ and _U Thawlang_, are
+invoked. There are three marriage ceremonies prevalent amongst the
+Khasis, which are (_a_) _Pynhiarsynjat_, (_b_) _Lamdoh_ and (_c_)
+_Iadih-kiad_, respectively. The first and second forms above mentioned
+are considered the more respectable; the last-named is resorted to
+by the very poor who cannot afford the greater expense entailed by
+the first two ceremonies.
+
+_Preliminaries_.--A young man of marriageable age, say between
+seventeen or eighteen years of age and twenty-five, fixes upon a girl
+of, say between thirteen and eighteen years, as likely to become
+a fitting partner; probably he has been acquainted with the young
+woman for some time before, and is on more or less easy terms of
+intimacy with her. He mentions the name of the girl to his parents,
+and uncles and aunts in the house, and they agree or disagree, as
+the case may be. Sometimes marriages are arranged by the parents of
+the young people themselves. Having agreed regarding the fitness of
+the bride, the young man's parents send a male representative of the
+family, or in some cases a man unconnected with the family, to arrange
+matters with the parents of the bride. The latter then ascertain their
+daughter's wishes. According to the late U Jeeban Roy, the daughters
+nearly always agree, it is very seldom that it is necessary to bring
+any pressure to bear. The parents then investigate whether there is any
+_sang_, or taboo, such as clan relationship, between the young woman
+and her intended, in the way of the marriage. If there is found to be
+no such hindrance, they fix a date for finally arranging the marriage
+(_ban ia kut ktien_.) On the day appointed the bride's family consult
+the auspices by breaking eggs and examining fowls' entrails. If the
+omens are favourable, well and good. Should they be unfavourable, they
+abandon the marriage project. There is a strong prejudice against a
+marriage taking place under unfavourable auspices, the belief being
+that such an union will be childless, that the bride will die an
+untimely death, or that poverty will ensue. Given favourable auspices,
+the parents fix a day for the marriage. It was formerly the custom for
+the bridegroom to provide himself beforehand with a ring, usually of
+silver, but, amongst the rich, of gold, which is called _ka synjat_
+(hence the name of the marriage ceremony _pynhiar-synjat_), and for
+the bride to provide herself with a similar ring. The bridegroom
+used to place his ring upon the bride's finger, and the bride
+used to place her ring upon the bridegroom's finger; it is however
+believed that this custom is rare nowadays. On the marriage day a
+man is selected from the party of the bridegroom called _u ksiang_,
+or go-between. The bridegroom then sets out with this man and a
+number of followers, clothed in clean garments and wearing either
+white or red pagris (a black pagri not being considered a fitting
+head-dress on this occasion), to the house of the bride, where a
+feast has been prepared, and fermented rice-beer (_ka-kiad-hiar_)
+in gourds (_klong_) placed ready. The bride, her female attendants,
+and her mother and aunts have collected in the meantime, dressed in
+their best, wearing their jewellery, and with their heads uncovered,
+for it is not thought proper for the females to cover their heads
+on the marriage day. On the side of the bride, also, a _ksiang_
+(go-between) has been appointed, and it is his duty to manage all
+the business of the marriage on behalf of her family. Some young men
+of the bride's party go to meet the bridegroom's contingent by way
+of doing them honour. When they have reached the bride's house, the
+_ksiang_ of the bridegroom enters first, followed by the bridegroom,
+and after him the bridegroom's party. The _ksiang_ then hands over
+the bridegroom to the maternal uncle (_kni_) of the bride, or to the
+bride's father. Either of the latter then provides the bridegroom
+with a seat next the bride. The bride and bridegroom exchange bags
+of betel-nut, and where the custom of investiture of the ring is in
+vogue, these tokens are interchanged. The _ksiangs_ of the bridegroom
+and bride recite the marriage contract in lengthy formulae, which
+may be found on pages 6, 7, 8 of the late U Jeebon Roy's interesting
+notes on the Khasi religion. The two _ksiangs_ then take up, each of
+them, a gourd containing fermented liquor from the gourd provided by
+the contracting party, and give them to an old man who is versed in
+sacrificial lore, who solemnly mixes the contents together. Three dried
+fish are produced, and are placed on the floor of the house. The priest
+thus appointed then solemnly adjures the gods in the following words:--
+
+_Hei_, oh god from above; oh god from below; oh _'lei synshar_;
+oh god who hast created man; as thou hast ordained this marriage,
+the ring has been given this day; thou wilt know; thou wilt hear;
+from the clear firmament above that . . . . have been married
+this day. Thou wilt bless them; thou wilt grant them prosperity;
+thou wilt show them the way; thou wilt show them the road, that
+they may be well, that they may obtain dwellings and houses, that
+they may prosper, that they may obtain rice and fish, that they
+may possess hundreds and thousands; thus, oh god." The priest then
+pours liquor on the ground three times from the gourd, counting "one,
+two, three." He then continues the invocation thus, "_Hei_, thou, oh
+mother; oh grandmother; oh maternal uncle; oh father: oh _Suid-nia_;
+oh younger grandmother; oh elder grandmother; oh younger grandfather;
+oh elder grandfather. As the flesh has fallen (on the floor, i.e. the
+feast has been prepared), the ring has been put on, the three strips of
+flesh are ready (alluding to the three dried fish already mentioned),
+you will all of you (ancestors) give ear, you will continue giving
+strength and spirit (i.e. to the married pair) that they may be well"
+(and so on, as written in the first invocation). He then pours out the
+liquor three times as before. He then adjures the Siem, the elders,
+and all the people who do not belong to either of the two clans, and
+pours out liquor three times as before. The three pieces of dried fish
+are first placed on the _tympan_, the high rack above the fire-place,
+then removed and tied to the ridge-pole of the house, amidst shouts
+of _Ho, hoi, hoi, hoi_. The poor then sacrifice a fowl, and the rich
+a pig without blemish (_uba tlem_), to _u Suid nia_ and _ka Iaw-bei_
+(the spirits of deceased ancestors of the family), and present them
+with _dykhot_, or pieces of flesh. Two or three days afterwards,
+the bride, accompanied by her female relatives, pays a visit to the
+bridegroom at his house, and after this they go and come as they like
+to one another's houses. After two or three children have been born,
+they take down the pieces of dried fish from the roof and sacrifice
+two pigs, one on behalf of the husband and another on behalf of the
+wife. Then they say there can be no possible _sang_, and husband
+and wife use each other's things and pool their earnings, and if the
+husband has a house of his own, the wife can go and live with him;
+this, however, is not the custom amongst many of the Syntengs, who more
+strictly observe the principles of the matriarchate. The cost of the
+marriage ceremonies amongst Khasis, Syntengs and Wárs, may be put down
+at between Rs. 50 and Rs. 200 according to the position of the parties.
+
+
+Lamdoh Ceremony.
+
+This ceremony is identical with that of _Pynhiar synjat_, except that
+the bride and bridegroom do not interchange rings, and that there is
+no sacrifice of the pig. The parties merely buy some pig's flesh and
+perform a puja with a small portion of the flesh of the legs of the
+animal. Amongst the poor, fish sometimes takes the place of pork at the
+_Iadih-kiad_ ceremony. The latter consists of a drinking bout mingled
+with muttered sentences by a _nongkinia_ (sacrificer), the invocations
+and prayers being the same as at the _Pynhiar synjat_. The _Lamdoh_
+and _Iadih-kiad_ ceremonies take the place of the more elaborate
+_Pynhiar synjat_ in most places now-a-days.
+
+
+Lynngam Marriages.
+
+The ritual observed at these marriages is described as under:--First
+of all a proposal is made in the following manner. A _ksiang_, or
+go-between, is sent, with the brother of the girl for whom a husband
+is required, to the house of the father of the young man (not to the
+house of the mother as is the case with the Khasis). If the proposal is
+accepted, the father of the young man kills a pig, and gives a feast
+to the people of the village of his father-in-law elect; also to the
+go-between and the _borang_ (brother of the bride). The father of the
+bride then gives a similar feast. A sum of Rs. 1 each is given as a
+present to the go-between by the fathers of the bride and bridegroom,
+and the father of the bride pays from Rs. 5 to Rs. 15 to the father of
+the bridegroom. Further feasting ensues at the house of the father of
+the bride. The go-betweens then sacrifice a pig and two fowls at the
+house of the bridegroom, and afterwards perform the same sacrifice at
+the house of the bride. At the house of the bride, after the fowls and
+the pig have been sacrificed, the go-between, after drinking liquor
+himself, pours out some on the floor of the house and then gives some
+to the bride and bridegroom to drink. The killing of the fowls, the
+sacrifice of the pig, and the libation of liquor are essentials at
+a Lynngam marriage. The sacrifice of the fowls is also an essential
+feature of a Garo marriage. The Lynngams, unlike the Garos, do not
+observe which way the beaks of the fowls turn when they are thrown
+on the ground after being sacrificed. The Lynngams, like the Khasis,
+take auguries from the entrails of the fowls and the pig. After these
+ceremonies are over, the Lynngam pair are allowed to cohabit. The
+cost of an ordinary Lynngam marriage is from Rs. 30 to Rs. 40. The
+marriage system in vogue among the Lynngams may be described as a
+mixture of the Khasi and Garo customs. As has already been stated,
+the Lynngams are a mongrel breed of Khasis and Garos.
+
+
+Ceremonies Attending Death.
+
+The death customs of the Khasis are not only very elaborate, but
+possess a significance of their own, it is; therefore, necessary to
+describe them in detail; they are as follows:--
+
+A member of the family bends down towards the ear of the apparently
+deceased person and calls him or her by name three times, to make
+sure that death has occurred. If no answer comes, the family laments,
+for it is then concluded that the person is really dead. The body is
+then bathed in warm water from three earthen pots and is reverently
+laid on a mat (_japung_), where it is dressed in white cloth,
+a peculiar feature of the dressing being that the waist-cloth and
+turban are folded from left to right, and not from right to left, as
+in the case of the living. An egg called _u'leng kpoh_ is placed on
+the stomach of the deceased, and nine fried grains, of _riw hadem_,
+or Indian corn, are tied round the head with a string. The rich place
+ear-rings in the ears and other jewellery on the body of the deceased,
+it being necessary that this jewellery should be specially made for
+the occasion, and they deck the corpse with valuable cloths. A cock,
+_u'iar krad lynti_ (literally the cock that scratches the way), is
+sacrificed, the idea being that a cock will scratch a path for the
+spirit to the next world. A sacrifice of a bull, or of a cow in case
+the deceased is a woman, (_u_ or _ka masi pynsum_,) follows. Portions
+of the left leg of the fowl and the lower part of the jaw of the
+bull or cow are kept, to be placed afterwards in the _mawshieng_,
+or bone, receptacle. A small basket (_ka shang_) is hung up over
+the head of the corpse, the basket containing pieces (_dykhot_) of
+the sacrificed animals. A dish containing eatables, and betel-nut,
+and a jar of water are placed near the head of the corpse by way
+of offering refreshment to the spirit of the departed. The food is
+given each morning and evening that the corpse remains in the house;
+this is called _ái ja miet ja step_. Each night the corpse remains
+in the house guns are fired, drums are beaten and flutes (_sháráti_)
+are played. It is a noteworthy custom that the body is not retained
+in the house for an even number of nights, the usual time being
+three nights. If it is intended to burn the body on a masonry pyre
+(_jingthang_), a bull (_u masi kynroh_) is sacrificed. If the body is
+placed in a coffin (_ka shyngoid_), a pig named _u'niang shyngoid_
+is sacrificed, and if it is intended to adorn the pyre with flags,
+a fowl called a _u'iar kait_ is sacrificed. On the day of the funeral
+procession pigs are sacrificed by the relatives and friends of the
+deceased; those who cannot afford pigs bring liquor (_ka'iad rong_),
+a small portion of which they pour on the funeral pyre. The coffin is
+laid on a bamboo bier (_ka krong_.), money being placed close to the
+corpse, so that the spirit of the deceased may possess the wherewithal
+to buy food on its journey. Cotton, or, in the case of the rich, silk
+cloths are tied cross-ways over the bier, if the deceased is a male,
+and in the form of a parallelogram, if it is a female. Before lifting
+the bier a handful of rice and water from a jar are thrown outside,
+and a goat (_u'lang sait ksuid_) is sacrificed. These are purificatory
+ceremonies. The funeral procession then forms up and slowly passes
+along the way to the plaintive music of flutes (_sharati_) and the
+beating of drums. At intervals, in the case of the rich, salutes from
+guns are fired. Copper coins are also scattered along the route. On
+nearing the pyre the dead body is exposed to view, and the pieces
+of flesh of the sacrificial animals, which are with the corpse,
+are thrown away. They make ready three baked loaves (_ki kpu_), an
+egg, the lower jar-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
+the left leg of the fowl (_u'iar krad lynti_), a jar of water,
+eatables in a dish, and a bow and three arrows. A goat is then
+sacrificed, _u'lang mawkjat_. The corpse is laid on the pyre, inside
+the coffin, if one is used, with the head to the west and the feet
+to the east. Logs of wood are placed around the body, and the egg,
+"_u'leng kpeh_," is broken, not over the stomach of the deceased,
+as has been sometimes supposed, but by being thrown on the pyre
+in the direction of the feet of the corpse. Fire in applied to the
+pyre, first by the _kur_, or members of the clan, and then by the
+children, if any, of the deceased. Another fowl, "_u'iar padat_,"
+is sacrificed, its blood being smeared round the pyre three times,
+and across the corpse three times. The bier is then broken to pieces,
+the cloths having been removed from it previously. The eatables and
+the jaw-bones of the sacrificial animals are then placed at the head
+of the pyre. After the fowl (_u'iar padat_) has been sacrificed,
+the three arrows already mentioned are shot from the bow, one to
+the north, another to the south, and the third to the east. These
+arrows are called _ki'nam tympem_. It is, perhaps, significant that
+the arrows which are shot at death despond in numbers with those
+which are used at the time of the birth ceremony. When the fire
+has blazed up, another goat, "_u'lang dholia_," is sacrificed. In
+some cases all the clothes of the deceased are burnt with the body,
+in others the clothes are merely held over the fire and then taken
+away, after which they can be used (this is only in the case of poor
+persons). Before leaving the burning-place the relatives and friends
+of the deceased place betel-nuts on the pyre and bid farewell to the
+deceased, saying "_Khublei khie leit bam kwai sha iing u Blei ho_"
+(good-bye, go and eat betel-nut in the house of god). When the body has
+been thoroughly burnt, the fire is extinguished with water, and the
+uncalcined bones are collected by the relatives in three trips. The
+collectors ace not allowed to turn back and pick up a bone which has
+been forgotten in any one of these trips. The bones thus collected are
+carefully wrapped in a piece of white cloth by the female relatives,
+and an old member of the family throws on the ground some powdered rice
+from a leaf, at the same time adjuring the spirit of the deceased not
+to trouble the _kur_, or the family, as the funeral ceremonies have
+been duly performed. The party then sets out to the bone repository,
+or _mawshieng_. In front walks one who strews along the line of route
+leaves of the tree known by the Khasis as _diang shit_ (the berries of
+which are need for fishing with), and grains of rice, all the way from
+the pyre to the cairn. If any stream has to be crossed, a rough bridge
+is made of branches and grass. This trail of leaves and the bridges are
+intended to guide the spirit of the deceased to the cairn. The person
+who carries the bones is not allowed to turn round, or to the right,
+or to the left, but must proceed straight to the cairn. On reaching
+it, a _nongknia_, or sacrificer, washes the bones three times and
+then places them in an earthen pot, tying up the mouth with a white
+cloth. Then, having taken three pieces of the hard yolk of an egg,
+three loaves of bread, the leg of the fowl, "_u'iar krad lynti_,"
+and the lower jaw-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
+he places them inside the cairn and shuts the door. Eatables and
+betel-nut are then placed on the top of the cairn. Early next morning
+the relatives and friends go to the cairn with fresh food and water,
+and look about for new foot-prints, the idea being that from these
+foot-prints they can foretell future events. This they do until the
+third night after the cremation. During these three nights the front
+door of the house formerly occupied by the deceased is never closed,
+it being thought that the spirit may wish to return and visit its
+earthly abode. The whole family is moreover _sang_, or taboo, during
+this period, and no manner of work can be done. When the three nights
+are over, it is called the _lait ia_, i.e. the days (of mourning) are
+passed, and three eggs are broken to ascertain what was the cause of
+the death. After this the family goes to bathe, and the clothes and
+mats in the house are washed. When this has been done, the taboo is
+removed and the family can go to work. After a month a pig or a fowl
+is sacrificed, the ceremony being called "_ai bam lait bnai_." It will
+be observed that three seems to be the lucky number throughout these
+funeral ceremonies. The number seems to bear a similar significance
+in other matters of Khasi ritual, e.g. the pouring out of libations,
+which is always done three times.
+
+It is _sang_ or taboo for a Khasi widow to re-marry within one year
+from the death of her husband, there is a similar prohibition for a
+husband re-marrying; but such _sang_ can be got over by the payment of
+a fine to the clan of the deceased. After the expiration of one year
+the fine is reduced in amount. Khasi widows do not as a rule re-marry,
+according to U Jeebon Roy, unless they have no female children,
+in which case the clan urges them to re-marry, so that the chain of
+inheritance may not be broken, inheritance amongst the Khasis always
+passing in the female line.
+
+
+Customs in Connection with Deaths by Violence or Accident.
+
+These customs are interesting enough to deserve a separate description;
+they are as follows:--
+
+If a man dies by the sword, before his body can be burnt, a sacrifice
+of a black hen must be offered to _Ka Tyrut_, the goddess of death. The
+bones are then placed in a stone cairn. Again they are removed, and,
+after eggs have been broken, are taken to a river bank and there
+washed. If there is no river at hand, a tank is dug for the purpose,
+which is called _umkoi_. There are various such _umkois_ in different
+parts of the district, e.g. near Raliang and Nartiang. A sacrifice
+of a goat is offered to the god _U Syngkai Bamon_, and a sow to _Ka
+Ramshandi_, both of whom are evil deities. Another sow is sacrificed
+to _Ka Tyrut_. After this the bones are placed in another newly-built
+cairn. The ceremony of placing the bones in one and then removing
+them to another cairn is usually performed three times; but unless
+the auspices, as deduced from the eggs, are favourable, the relatives
+must go on sacrificing and removing the bones until they are so. These
+ceremonies having been completed, they erect a flat table-stone, or
+_mawkynthei_, for the ghost of the departed to sit upon, and return
+home, where they propitiate their ancestors with offerings of food. In
+the case of the murdered victims of the _thlen_ superstition the same
+ceremonies are observed. For people who have died by drowning, or been
+killed by wild animals, and for women who have died in childbirth,
+similar pujas are offered, except that a sacrifice to _U Syngkai Bamon_
+does not take place. In the case of one who has died at a distance from
+his home, e.g. in a foreign country, whose body has not been burnt
+in accordance with custom, and whose bones have not been collected,
+the members of his clan, or his children, take three or five seeds or
+cowries (_sbai_) to a place where three roads meet. Here they summon
+the spirit of the departed in a loud voice, and throw up the seeds
+or cowries into the air, and when they fall to the ground they say,
+"_to alle noh ba ngin sa lum sa kynshew noh ia phi_," come now we
+will collect you (the idea being that the seeds represent the bones
+of the deceased). Having collected the seeds, they place them on
+a bier and perform the service for the dead just in the same way
+as if a real dead body were to hand. If possible a portion of the
+dead person's clothes should be burnt with the seeds in the bier,
+and it is with this view that the coats or cloths of Khasi coolies,
+who die when employed as porters on military expeditions at a distance
+from their homes, are brought back by their friends to give to the
+relatives. If a person, dies of cholera, small-pox, or other such
+infectious or contagious disease, the body is buried, but is dug up
+again and burnt with all the customary rites when fear of infection
+or contagion is over. In parts of the district upright stones called
+_maw-umkoi_ are erected along the line of route when the remains of
+a person who has met with an accidental death are brought home. This
+is stated to be the case in the Rambrai Siemship.
+
+
+Miscellaneous Customs in Connection with Death.
+
+In Nongjri, a large village in the Wár Country, the dead body is
+placed on a bier near the door of the house, a turban being tied
+about the head, the face being left bare and turned towards the
+door. In some of the Shella villages a second cremation is performed,
+in which a bamboo frame-work represents the corpse. This second
+cremation takes place when the body has been disposed of without the
+requisite ceremonies. The bones and ashes of the dead in Shella are
+in some cases kept in a cavity hollowed out of a post erected for
+the purpose. The bones and ashes find a temporary resting-place here,
+but are afterwards removed to a cromlech.
+
+At Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, the head of the corpse is shaved,
+but a tuft of hair in the middle of the head is left; this is called
+(_u'niuh Iawbei_), the great grandmother's lock. At Nartiang betel-nut,
+which has been chewed by one of the mourners is put into the mouth
+of the corpse, also cooked rice. There is a similar custom prevalent
+amongst the Khyrwangs. The Nongtungs, in the Jaintia Hills, keep dead
+bodies sometimes as long as a month, until the _phur_ or ceremonial
+dance has been performed. Hence they are called Nong-tung, or
+"stinkers." Amongst the Lynngams the dead body is kept for sometimes
+three or four months, or up to the time when a bull can be procured
+for a feast to the villagers. This feast is an essential, and,
+cattle being scarce in the Lynngam country, there is often great
+delay in disposing of the body. Lynngam villages at such a time are
+best avoided. The Lynngams of Nongsohbar bury the unburnt bones of the
+deceased within the village, and in front of the house occupied by the
+deceased when alive; the bones being placed in a hole in the ground,
+over which is laid a stone, a bamboo mat being nailed over the stone. A
+bamboo fence three or four feet high is erected round the grave. Other
+Lynngams bury the uncalcined bones and ashes in a gourd in the jungle
+near the burning-place. On their way home, the members of the clan of
+the deceased who have come from other villages to witness the funeral
+obsequies, put up a stone on the path in honour of the deceased, a
+turban being tied round the top of the stone. The Garos or Dkos, who
+live at the foot of the hills on the Kamrup border, and are called by
+the Assamese _Hana_ (spear-men), erect memorial stones in honour of the
+deceased, the lower jaw-bones of sacrificial animals and other articles
+being hung on the stones. The stones are also swathed in cloths, and
+turbans are tied round the tops. The death customs of the Lynngams,
+and, indeed, other customs also, are partly Khasi and partly Garo,
+it being difficult to say that the Lynngams are more Khasi than Garo,
+or more Garo than Khasi in this respect; their language, however; has
+been found by Dr. Grierson to be a corruption of Khasi. In Nongstoin,
+Mawlih, and Mariaw villages, the inhabitants of which profess to be
+Khasis, the bones and ashes of the deceased are not collected and
+placed in repositories, as at Cherrapunji. At Mariaw and Nongstoin
+a large wooden coffin is used, painted white, with ornamentations on
+the outside, and standing on four legs. This coffin is not burnt on
+the funeral pyre. In the family of the chiefs of Cherra, the body
+of a deceased Siem is subjected to the following process:--It is
+wrapped in a cloth and placed in the hollowed-out trunk of a tree,
+_ka-shyngoid_, there being a small hole with a plug at the bottom of
+this receptacle. Spirit is then poured into the _shyngoid_ until the
+whole body is immersed, the liquor being allowed to stand for three
+days. After the body has been thus steeped, the liquor is allowed to
+run out, and the body is washed with warm water, after which it is
+allowed to dry for a day. Then a quantity of lime-juice is poured
+in, the latter being obtained from the fresh fruit of the lime
+(_u soh jew_). The body is thus exposed to a process of pickling,
+which continues until the whole is thoroughly dry and becomes like
+that of a mummy. It is then placed in a coffin, which is kept in
+the house of the Siem family until it is time to perform the funeral
+obsequies. These ceremonies entail a very large amount of expense,
+and it sometimes happens that they cannot be completed for some years
+after the death of a Siem. The body of a deceased Siem according
+to the Cherra custom should be burnt by his successor otherwise the
+latter is not Siem according to the Khasi religion. The last Siem of
+Cherra, U Hajon Manik, did not perform the funeral obsequies of his
+predecessor U Ram Singh, and it is stated that many of his subjects
+did not regard him as Siem, according to the Khasi religion, in
+consequence. There are at the present time the corpses of two Siems
+of Cherra which have been preserved in the manner described above,
+awaiting cremation. The first Siem, U Ram Singh, died as far back as
+1875, and the second, U Hajon Manik, died in 1901.
+
+Sir Joseph Hooker and other authorities have stated that the
+bodies of deceased Siems of Cherra used to be embalmed in honey,
+and an amusing story is told regarding the necessity of exercising
+caution in purchasing honey from Cherra (honey being plentiful in
+this neighbourhood), except in the comb, for fear of honey which
+has been used for embalming purposes being passed off on the unwary
+purchaser. But the members of the Siem family and the old residents
+deny that honey is used for this purpose nowadays, possibly in the
+interests of the trade. It is, however, not unlikely that honey
+was so utilized in days gone by, as it is a well-known agent for
+embalming. The bodies of priests in Burmah are said to be embalmed
+in honey, _vide_ Yule's "Embassy to Ava."
+
+
+
+The Disposal of the Dead.
+
+The collection of the uncalcined bones and ashes of the deceased
+members of the clan and their bestowal in the _mawbah_, or great
+_cinerarium_ of the clan, is without doubt the most important
+religious ceremony that the Khasis perform. That this ceremony is now
+but seldom celebrated, is due partly to the difficulty that exists
+in obtaining general agreement amongst the members of the clans,
+and partly to the considerable expense it entails. The information
+I have obtained regarding the ceremony, although differing to some
+extent in detail from that recorded by the late U Jeebon Roy, agrees
+with the latter's account as regards the main facts. The information
+may now be set down as follows. By way of premise it may be stated
+that the bones and ashes of the deceased are kept after cremation in
+small stone cairns, or _mawshieng_. From these small cairns the bones
+and ashes are removed to larger bone repositories called _mawphew_,
+each branch of a clan possessing a repository of its own. The ceremony
+attending the removal of the bones and ashes from the small cairns
+to the larger repository, or _mawphew_, and the ceremony attached
+to the removal of these remains from the _mawphew_ to the sepulchre
+of the clan are practically the same, except that when the bones are
+removed to the _mawphew_, no female dancing takes place. First of all,
+the members of the various branches of the clan collect the bones
+from the different subsidiary repositories, when a ceremony called
+"_khot ia u lor u kap_," which it is not necessary to describe here,
+is performed. The bones of the deceased males and females are kept
+separately, and preparations are made to bring them to the sepulchre
+of the clan. Before, however, anything further can be done, it must be
+ascertained that the members of the clan are at peace with one another
+and no differences exist. If all differences are settled, a sacrificer
+offers up a prayer that the sins of the clans-folk may be forgiven,
+and then breaks eggs and sacrifices a cock to ascertain which will be
+a propitious day for depositing the bones in the sepulchre. A lucky
+day having been thus ascertained, the bones and ashes are brought to
+the _iing seng_, or clan puja-house, the bones of males and females
+being kept in separate bundles wrapped in white cloth, two women of
+the clan reverently carrying them in their arms, bidding the bundles
+of hones to their breasts. One female carries the bones of the males
+and the other those of the females. In front of these women walks an
+old man who scatters along the way leaves of the _dieng-shit_ tree
+and grains of rice, and when it is necessary to cross any stream or
+river, he ties a thread from one side of the bank to the other, this
+is for the spirit of the departed to cross the water. Sometimes _u'nam
+tohrih_, a kind of long grass, is used instead of thread for the above
+purpose. On arrival at the clan puja-house, the bones of the males
+are laid on one bed and those of the females on another, the beds
+being bedecked with rich hangings. A cock, _u'iar kradlynti_ (lit.:
+"the cock which scratches the way"), is sacrificed, this sacrifice
+being considered by the Khasis to be of peculiar significance. A pig,
+a cock, and a bull are then sacrificed, and portions of the above are
+offered to the spirits of the deceased. These offerings are known by
+the name of ai-bam, and are placed in a basket which is hung up in the
+house, together with the left thigh of the fowl and the lower jaw-bone
+of the bullock. A dance is performed that night, first in the house
+by two women, one belonging to the clan and the other an outsider,
+and afterwards in a specially prepared place outside the house called
+"_lympung_." The _sharati_, or flute, which is played at funerals
+is sounded, drums are beaten, and bombs are exploded. This dancing
+lasts from one to nine days, the limit being always an uneven number
+of days. At Cherra two effigies called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_
+are prepared and dressed up; the former is intended to represent
+_Ka Iawbei_, the first ancestress, and the other _U Suidnia_, the
+first maternal uncle of the clan. These effigies are held in the
+hands of the dancers. In the meantime two lines of upright stones
+consisting of three each, with a table-stone in front of each line,
+have been set up. These are called _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_, and are
+intended to serve as resting-places for the spirits of the dead on
+their way to the tomb of the clan. These stones are generally not
+more than three feet in height, and must not be confounded with the
+larger stones or _mawbynna_. On the night before it is proposed to
+deposit the bones, a ceremony called "_Beh-tympew_" is performed,
+which consists of driving out the devils from the house, so that
+they may not interfere with the peace of the spirits of the departed
+whilst they rest in the house, and on their journey to the tomb. All
+the men after they have performed this ceremony are given a drink
+of rice-beer known as _'iad nonglieh_. Another cock is sacrificed,
+and a small bamboo ladder of three rungs is prepared for the use of
+the spirits when climbing into the tomb. Rice is then thrown outside
+the door. The next morning they perform further sacrifices, which need
+not be detailed here, and let loose a bull whose horns have been cased
+in silver. They dig two shallow tanks called _umkoi_, into which is
+poured water supposed to possess the virtue of purifying the bones
+of any deceased clansmen who have died violent or unnatural deaths,
+or at places far away from their homes, where it was not possible to
+perform their funeral ceremonies according to custom. Three vertical
+stones are also erected, called _maw umkoi_. A bamboo with a white
+flag, and a plantain tree are set up; to the bamboo are attached three
+bamboo rings (_kyrwoh_), which are supposed to act as summonses to
+the spirits of the departed who have not received the benefits of
+a proper funeral ceremony. It may be explained that this ring of
+bamboo or cane is the form of summons used by the Khasi chiefs to
+their subjects when they wish to call them before them. Then a cock,
+_u'iar umkoi_, is sacrificed as a vicarious victim to bear the sins of
+the departed. When the procession reaches the _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_
+(the upright stones which have been erected), a goat called _u'lang
+mawlynti_ is sacrificed. Then a bamboo is fixed to the centre one of
+the three upright stones, to which is attached the lower jaw-bone
+of one of the cattle sacrificed in the puja-house; this is called
+_u masi mawlynti_. A special ceremony called _ka-lyngka-pongrei_
+is then performed for those of the clan who have died childless. We
+now come to the actual ceremony of placing the bones in the tomb of
+the clan. Having arrived at the tomb, the bones are washed three
+times in a dish (this is a Cherra custom). In Mawshai, the bones
+are exposed to the heat of a fire kindled on a small _jingthang_, or
+burning-platform. The stone door of the _cinerarium_ is then opened,
+and the bones of the females are placed in an earthen pot inside
+the tomb close to the wall which is farthest away from the door, the
+bones of the males being deposited in a pot inside the tomb nearest
+the door. Some clans keep the pot containing the bones of the males on
+the right, and the vessel containing those of the females on the left
+hand. Then offerings of food and libations of liquor are offered to
+the ancestors on a stone in front of the tomb. The males them perform
+a ceremonial dance with swords and shields, three times, and the door
+of the sepulchre is closed, a flag being fixed to the tomb. All the
+clansfolk then depart except three men. One of these sacrifices a
+cock (_iar-tanding_) in front of the tomb, a second sits behind the
+sacrificer, holding three firebrands, and a third sits behind the
+tomb. The man with the firebrands shakes them about, and then crows
+like a cock three times. The man behind the tomb listens attentively
+for any fancied noise within it, the superstition being that if
+the ceremonies detailed above have not been properly performed, the
+whole tomb will quake. If the three watchers are satisfied that there
+is no commotion within the tomb, then all is well, and they return
+and report the result to the clanspeople. This ceremony is called
+_tanding_, or the fire test. Next morning the woman who is the head
+of the _iing-seng_, or puja-house, distributes to all those who have
+taken part in these sacrifices the hinder portions of the sacrificial
+animals. She then blesses one by one the assembled clansfolk. The
+latter are not permitted by custom to go to work until after three
+days from the time of the ceremony; the third day being called _ka
+sngi lait ia_. The ceremony described above is a symbolical one. The
+massive stone sepulchre is regarded as a symbol of a secure place of
+rest for the departed spirits. If the spirits of the dead are not,
+however, appeased by the due performance of the ceremonies attending
+the bestowal of the remains in the clan _cinerarium_, it is believed
+that they roam about and haunt their relations on earth, and plague
+them with various misfortunes. It may be interesting to note here,
+that Mr. Moberly, the Superintendent of Ethnography in Bengal,
+reports that the ashes of deceased Hos, after being sprinkled with
+water by means of peepul branches, we collected, dried, and placed
+in a new earthen pot, and kept in the house until the day of burial,
+which may take place, as with the Khasis, long afterwards. The bones
+are buried in the village under a large slab of stone (cf. the Khasi
+stone _cinerarium_), and a monolith is erected outside the village
+to commemorate the deceased.
+
+
+Khasi Memorial Stones.
+
+Probably one of the first objects which strikes the eye of a visitor to
+the Khasi Hills is the very large number of monoliths, table-stones,
+and cromlechs that are to be met with almost everywhere in that
+country. Yule, Dalton, and other writers have incidentally referred
+to them, but, as far as is known at present, no attempt has been
+made to explain in any detail what is the peculiar significance
+of these objects to the Khasis. These stones are rightly styled
+memorial stones; _kynmaw_, literally, "to mark with a stone," is the
+word in the Khasi language for "to remember" The memorial stone,
+in the ordinary sense of the word, is a memorial to the dead; but
+we have such names of places in these hills as _Maomluh_, the salt
+stone (the eating of salt off the blade of a sword being one of the
+Khasi forms of oath), _Maosmai_, the oath stone, _Maophlang_, the
+grassy stone, and others. To commemorate with a stone an important
+event has been a constant custom amongst many people in many places,
+and the erection of grave-stones, to mark the spot where the remains
+of the dead are buried, is an almost universal practice amongst the
+Western nations, as indeed amongst some of the Eastern also. But the
+Khasi menhirs are no more gravestones, in the sense of marking the
+place where the remains of the dead lie, than some of the memorials
+of Westminster Abbey and other fanes; the Khasi stones are cenotaphs,
+the remains of the dead being carefully preserved in stone sepulchres,
+which are often some distance apart from the memorial stones. It is
+proposed to treat this subject under the following heading:--
+
+(1) A general description of the memorial stones in the Khasi
+Hills, showing, that they are very similar in shape to monoliths,
+table-stones, or cromlechs in other parts of the world and of India.
+
+(2) A comparison between Khasi memorial stones and those of the
+Ho-Mundas, the stones near Belgaum, those of the Mikirs, the monoliths
+at Willong in the Manipur Hills, and the Dimapur monoliths.
+
+(3) The meaning of the stones.
+
+(4) The method of their erection.
+
+With regard to the first heading, the stones may be divided, into
+(_a_) menhirs, or vertical stones; (_b_) table-stones, or dolmens,
+and (_c_) stone cromlechs, or cairns, which serve the purpose of
+cineraria. Taking the different stones in order, the menhirs are
+large upright stones varying in height from 2 or 3 ft. to 12 or
+14 ft., but in exceptional instances rising to a more considerable
+elevation, the great monolith at Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, being
+27 ft. high, and 2 1/2 ft. thick. A photograph of this stone has been
+included. These menhirs are erected all in one line which nearly always
+consists of an uneven number of stones. Three is the commonest number
+of menhirs, but five together are frequently to be found, and there are
+some instances of seven stones; at Laitkor nine stones are standing,
+an illustration of which will be found in this book. The stones are
+of hewn gneiss granite, or sandstone, to be met with in many places
+in these hills. They are rough hewn, and generally taper gradually to
+their tops, which are sometimes neatly rounded off. The tallest stone
+is usually in the middle, and is occasionally ornamented with a small
+stone, through the middle of which a hole has beam drilled so that
+it may fit on the top of the other. At Nongkrem there is a centre
+stone with a regularly carved top, evidently intended to represent
+the head of a man. At Umstow, some two miles from Cherrapunji by
+the cart road, stood two rows of fine monoliths, each row five in
+number, and standing on either side of the old bridle road. All of
+these stones except one were thrown down by the earthquake shock of
+June, 1897. The centre stone, or _mawkni_, of one of these rows was
+surmounted by a carved stone covering shaped like a hat, but having
+a rim with indented edges, the intention being evidently to represent
+a crown. This stone crown was riveted to the top of the large centre
+stone. All the stones, including the _mawkynthei_, or dolmen, have
+been very neatly hewn. They appear to be of granite. Stones with top
+coverings or carved heads are however rare. In front of the line
+of menhirs is a large flat table-stone resting on stone supports,
+the top of the uppermost plane being some 2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the
+ground; this flat stone is sometimes as much as a foot or more
+thick. The largest table-stones are to be seen at Nartiang, in the
+Jaintia Hills, and Laitlyngkot in the Khasi Hills. The Laitlyngkot
+stone measures 28 1/2 by 13 3/4 ft., and that at Nartiang 16 1/2 by
+14 3/4 ft. The Laitlyngkot stone is 1 ft. 8 in. thick. Sometimes two
+table-stones are found parallel to one another. The table-stones are
+always placed towards the centre of the group, generally in front
+of the great central menhir. These groups of stones are usually
+situated alongside roads, or close to well-known lines of route,
+where they readily attract the attention of passers-by. They do not
+necessarily face in any particular direction, but are to be found
+fronting all points of the compass. There is nothing therefore to show
+that they were erected so as to face the direction of the sun-rise,
+or of any particular planet's. We will now pass on to the numerous
+stone cromlechs which are to be found, frequently in proximity to the
+menhirs and table-stones. These stone cromlechs contain the bones of
+the dead, and the menhirs and table-stones are intimately connected
+with them, inasmuch as memorial stones to deceased ancestors are
+erected when the ceremony of depositing bones in the _cineraria_
+has been completed. The _cineraria_ are built of blocks of stone,
+sometimes on stone platforms, and sometimes resting on the ground. They
+are frequently of considerable size. The cromlech is opened by removing
+one of the heavy stone slabs in front. There are no windows such as
+are to be seen in some of the illustrations of dolmens or cromlechs
+in France and Circassia in Waring's book of "Stone Monuments, Tumuli,
+and Ornaments of Remote Ages," probably because the Khasi idea was to
+confine the spirits and not allow them to escape from the tomb and
+haunt the living. The cromlechs are generally square or oblong, but
+are sometimes circular in shape also. Let us now compare the Khasi
+menhirs with some to be found in other parts of the world. In Lord
+Avebury's "Prehistoric Times" Fergusson's work, and Waring's collection
+of plates of stone monuments, there are numerous illustrations of
+menhirs and dolmens to be found in other parts of the world, which
+may be said to resemble those of the Khasis in appearance, but this
+is by no means a matter for surprise, for, given like conditions,
+amongst primitive peoples, totally unconnected with one another as
+regards race, and living in countries far remote from one another,
+the results, i.e. the erection of stones as memorials of important
+persons, or events, are probably the same all the world over. Waring
+in his book gives an illustration of several lines of stone monuments
+with two table-stones, either in front or in rear according to the
+position of the photographer or draftsman in taking the picture,
+which would appear to be very similar to the lines of menhirs we
+find in the Khasi Hills. In plate XLII, fig. 6, of Waring's book, are
+the lines of stones to which I refer. They may be said to be almost
+exactly similar to the lines of Khasi memorial stones, except that
+the stones depicted by Waring have circles or ovals painted on them,
+which are said to signify that certain sacrifices of animals have
+been performed. Now the Khasis perform such sacrifices; but they
+do not mark their performance thus on the stones. Fergusson on page
+447 of his "Rude Stone Monuments" apparently refers to these stones,
+which are near Belgaum in the Bombay Presidency, and he is of
+opinion that "they were dedicated or vowed to the spirits of deceased
+ancestors"; further it is stated that these stones are always in uneven
+numbers, a striking point of similarity to the Khasi stones. We know,
+for a fact, that the Khasi memorial stones were dedicated to the
+same objects as those of the Belgaum stones, i.e. to the worship
+of ancestors; so that we have not only similarity in appearance,
+in confirmation, and invariable unevenness of number, but identity
+of purpose, if Fergusson's conclusion is correct. It is, however,
+a far cry from Shillong to Belgaum, and it may, perhaps, be thought
+more reasonable if we look for stones nearer at hand. Bradley Birt
+in his interesting book on Chota Nagpur has given a photograph of
+certain Ho memorial stones, which would appear to resemble greatly the
+Khasi menhirs, and if his photograph is carefully examined, it will
+be seen that there are in rear of the stones what would seem to be
+stone cairns, very similar in appearance to the Khasi _cineraria_. The
+funeral ceremonies of the Hos as described by Bradley Birt, viz. the
+cremation of the body, the collection of the ashes, their consignment
+to a grave, and the offering of food to the spirit of the deceased,
+are similar to those of the Khasis. Although not wishing to lay too
+much stress on what may be merely a coincidence, I think that the
+above similarity in death customs is well worth considering with
+regard to the view, based on linguistic affinity, that the Khasis
+and the Ho-Mundas were originally descended from a common stock,
+i.e. the Mon-Khmêr or Mon-Anam family, as has been postulated by Logan.
+
+But there are other tribes in Assam which erect memorial stones,
+e.g. the Mikirs and certain Naga tribes. The Mikirs erect memorial
+stones in a line, the taller stone being sometimes in the centre, as
+in the case of the Khasi memorial stones. Such stones are set up by
+the Mikirs only in memory of important personages, such as _mauzadars_
+or leading _gaonburas_ (village headmen). Besides the standing stones
+(_long-chong_), a flat stone (_long pak_) is also erected in honour
+of the deceased. I understand that the Mikir stones, like the Khasi,
+are mere cenotaphs, the ashes of deceased Mikirs being left at the
+burning places which are generally by the sides of rivers, and the
+memorial stones not being necessarily anywhere near the burning
+grounds. Unlike the Khasis, the Mikirs do not collect and carefully
+keep the bones in stone cairns. Before erecting memorial stones,
+they dig a small tank, cf. the Khasi custom of digging similar tanks
+(_um-koi_), before erecting memorial stones (_maw umkoi_), to those
+of the clan who have died unnatural deaths. As with the Khasis,
+feasts and entertainments are given when the stones of the Mikirs are
+erected: but they need not necessarily consist of uneven numbers, it
+appears. It is possible that the Mikirs may have obtained the custom
+of erecting memorial stones from their near neighbours, the Khasis.
+
+Then there is the interesting collection of stones at Willong in
+the Manipur Naga Hills, for a description of which I am indebted
+to the kindness of Colonel Maxwell, the late Political Agent and
+Superintendent of the State. It is said that about 300 or 400 years ago
+these stones were erected by the rich men of the village as memorials
+(probably to deceased ancestors). It is the custom of the Willong
+village that any person who wishes to erect such a stone should, with
+the members of his family, abstain from food; but liquor and ginger
+are allowed to them. Having chosen what he thinks is a suitable stone,
+the Naga cuts off a flake of it, returns home, and sleeps on it with a
+view to dreaming of the stone. If his dreams are favourable, he brings
+it in, otherwise not. From the day of the selection of the stone,
+until it is brought in and erected, he must fast. Women are taboo to
+him for the space of one year from the date of its erection. The custom
+of erecting memorial stones is not therefore peculiar to the Khasis
+amongst the hill tribes in Assam. An incidental reference should,
+I think, be made to the interesting carved monoliths at Dimapur,
+regarding the meaning of which there has been so much doubt. These
+Dimapur stones are remarkably similar in shape to the carved wooden
+_kima_ posts of the Garos, another hill tribe speaking a language
+which is undoubtedly connected with the great Boro group of languages
+in North Eastern India. The Garo _kima_ posts, like the Khasi stones,
+are erected to commemorate deceased ancestors. Some of the other
+Naga tribes, besides the Willong Nagas, are in the habit of erecting
+what are called _genna_ stones, a description of which will, we hope,
+be given in a subsequent Naga monograph. The object of the erection
+of such stones is certainly to show reverence to the memories of
+deceased ancestors amongst the Khasis, and Garos, and not improbably
+among the Nagas also.
+
+It is only with the very greatest difficulty that it has been
+possible to obtain any intelligible information regarding the Khasi
+monoliths. Whether through feelings of delicacy in revealing the
+secrets of their religious system to a foreigner, or through ignorance
+or apathy (there being but few Khasis nowadays who observe the ancient
+ritual), it has been no easy task to extract information from people
+about these stones. As far as my information goes at present, I am
+inclined to classify the stones as follows:--
+
+(_a_) _Mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, the stones which are erected to
+serve as seats for the spirits of departed clansfolk on their way to
+the tomb of the clan, i.e. when their remains are carried by their
+relations to the clan cromlech (see the section entitled "The Disposal
+of the Dead").
+
+(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, which are stones erected to commemorate
+a parent or some other near relation.
+
+(_c_) _Maw-umkoi_, which are put up to mark the position of tanks
+or _umkoi_, the water of which is supposed to cleanse the ashes and
+bones of those who have died unnatural deaths.
+
+(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or flat table-stones, often accompanied
+by vertical stones, which are placed in the market places and by
+the side of roads to serve as seats for weary travellers. Taking
+the above main divisions seriatim, _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, may be
+described as follows. These generally consist of three upright stones,
+the tallest being in the centre, and a flat table-stone being placed
+in front. There are, however, some clans which erect more than three
+upright stones, as _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_. As already stated, the
+clansfolk used to erect these stones, _mawlynti_ (the stone of the
+way), or _mawkjat_ (the stone of the leg), at each place at which
+they halted for the night on their way to deposit the bones of their
+deceased maternal relations in the clan sepulchre, or _mawbah_. The
+stones are called _mawkjat_, or stones of the leg, because it is
+supposed that the spirits of the departed sit and rest their limbs
+on the flat table-stones. The upright stones are not as a rule more
+than 3 or 4 ft high, and are not massive like the great _mawbynna_,
+or memorial stones. They are to be found in great numbers all along
+the roads or paths which lead to the clan cromlechs. These stones,
+unlike the _mawbynna_, have no names.
+
+(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, are erected to commemorate deceased
+parents or deceased ancestors, and consist of 3, 5, 7, 9, or even,
+in an exceptional case, 11, upright stones with flat table-stones in
+front. The upright stones are called _maw-shynrang_, or male stones,
+and the flat table-stones _maw-kynthei_, or female stones. Turning
+to the plate of the Laitkor stones, it will be observed that
+there are nine upright stones, and one large flat table-stone in
+front. Counting from right to left, stone No. 5 is called u maw
+_kni_, or the maternal uncle's stone; and the stones to the right and
+left of it, _ki maw pyrsa ki para_, i.e. the stones of the maternal
+brothers and nephews. The table-stone is called _ka Iawbei tynrai_,
+or _ka Iawbei tymmen_, literally the grandmother of the root, or
+the old grandmother, in contradistinction to _ka_ _Iawbei khynraw_,
+or _ka Iawbei kpoh_ (the grandmother of the family, or branch of the
+family). It frequently happens that there are two flat table-stones
+in front of the upright stones, the one on the left being _ka Iawbei
+tynrai_, or the first ancestress, and the one on the right _ka Iawbei
+longkpoh_, the grandmother of the branch of the clan to, which the
+memorialists belong, or _ka Iawbei khynraw_, the young grandmother,
+i.e. the grandmother of the actual family to which the memorialists
+belong. In olden days it used to be the custom for the clanspeople
+to place offerings of food on the flat table-stones for the shades
+of the departed ancestors, and this is sometimes the case still;
+but now it is more frequently the custom to make these offerings in
+the _iing-seng_, or clan puja-house. The flat table-stones are some
+2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the ground, and it is difficult to resist the
+impression that they were originally sacrificial stones, i.e. that
+animals or even human beings were actually sacrificed upon them. In
+connection with this theory I would refer to the interesting folk-tale
+about the Kopili river. It is here related that in olden days human
+victims were sacrificed to the Kopili goddess on the flat table-stone
+(_maw-kynthei_) at a place called _Iew Ksih_, close to the Kopili
+river. A careful search has been made for this stone, with the
+result that a flat table-stone has been found near the above village,
+where goats are still annually sacrificed to the Kopili. The _doloi_
+reports that this is an ancient custom. None can remember, however,
+having heard that human victims were ever sacrificed there. Yet I do
+not think it at all unlikely that this is the stone, locally called
+_Mynlep_, which is referred to in the folk-tale. At Jaintiapur and
+Nartiang, both of which places were the headquarters of the kings of
+Jaintia, there are very large table-stones. We know for a fact that
+human sacrifices used to take place at Jaintiapur. Is it possible
+that human beings were immolated on these table-stones? It would be
+unsafe to base any conclusion on the solitary folk-tale about the
+_Iew Ksih_ table-stone; but the tale certainly furnishes food for
+reflection. The Khasis borrowed their religious customs largely
+from the Synteng inhabitants of Jaintia, and it is possible that
+they may have obtained the custom of erecting the table-stones from
+the Syntengs also, and that the latter were originally used by both
+of them for sacrificing human victims. Sometimes, immediately on
+either side of the _mawkni_, or large central stone, there are two
+much smaller stones called _mawksing_, or the stone of the drum,
+and _mawkait_, the stone of the plantain; the drum being used in all
+religious ceremonies by the Khasis, and the plantain relating to their
+custom of feeding young children on plantains. The _mawnan_ must be
+described separately from the _mawbynna_, because they differ from
+them in an important particular, i.e. that the former may be erected
+to commemorate the father, while the latter are set up to perpetuate
+the memory of the ancestors on the female side of the family. _Mawnam_
+consist of three upright stones and one flat table-stone in front. The
+large central stone is called _u maw thawlang_, or the stone of the
+father, and the upright stones on either side are meant to represent
+the father's brothers or nephews. The flat table-stone is _ka Iawbei_,
+i.e. the grandmother of the father, not the first grandmother of the
+clan, as in the case of the _mawbynna_.
+
+(_c_) The _maw umkoi_ have already been described. They use erected
+to mark the sites of purificatory tanks, which have been dug so that
+the remains of deceased persons may be cleansed from the impurities
+attending an unnatural death, and to counteract the adverse influence
+upon the clan of _Ka Tyrut_, or the goddess of death. These stones
+are sometimes called _mawtyrut_.
+
+(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or stones upon which weary travellers sit, are
+to be found alongside all the principal lines of communication in the
+district. It may serve as an example of these stones to describe the
+very interesting collection of stones at Nartiang _hát_, or market. A
+reference is invited to the plate which gives a representation of some
+of the Nartiang stones. The great height of the upright stone will at
+once be seen; it is 27 ft. in height and 2 1/2 ft. thick. This stone is
+the largest erect stone in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills at the present
+day, and is a very fine specimen. The upright stones and the flat
+table-stones at Nartiang are called "_ki maw jong Siem_." There is
+no separate designation for each of them. These stones are popularly
+supposed to have been erected long ago by two men, U Lah Laskor and U
+Mar Phalyngki, to commemorate the establishment of Nartiang market,
+which is called Iew Mawlong. "Laskor" is the Synteng equivalent of
+the Khasi _lyngskor_, or prime minister. "Mar" is a Synteng word
+meaning a giant, the idea amongst the people being that in the olden
+days there were giants in the land who performed marvellous feats of
+strength, e.g. the erection of the megalithic remains at Nartiang
+and elsewhere. A puja is performed upon a great flat stone by the
+_doloi_ and his officers in honour of the founders of the market,
+but no animals are sacrificed, rice and _rynsi_ (balls of rice) only
+being offered. In the days of the Jaintia kings only the Raja could
+sit upon the great flat stone; hence the name _maw jong Siem_ (or
+Siem's stone). The great upright stone is said to have been brought
+by U Lah Laskor and a great number of people from Suriang, a place
+near Nartiang. With reference to the Nartiang stones I would refer
+to my theory, formulated above, that they were originally connected
+with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that at Nartiang there is
+a bridge constructed out of a single stone, which is also said to have
+been set in position by U Lah Laskor. Near Suhtnga there is a group of
+stones, said to have been originally thirty in number, together with
+_maw shongthait_, or stones to seat the weary, which were erected
+to the memory of a woman, Ka Kampatwat, who in generations past
+is alleged to have had no less than _thirty_ husbands. The lady is
+not supposed to have been polyandrous, nor nine-lived, but to have
+divorced one husband after another. As she probably established a
+record for divorce, her descendants afterwards commemorated her in
+the manner described. There is another very large atone at Nongkeeh,
+which unfortunately fell to the ground in the great earthquake shock
+of 1897. This stone must have stood over 20 ft. above the ground. It
+is called _u mawkni Siem_, the stone of the Siem's maternal uncle,
+and it used to form the central stone, or _mawkni_, of a line of
+stones. These stones belong to the clan of the _basans_ of Nongkseh,
+which furnishes the _sohblei_, or head sacrificer, of the Siems of
+Khyrim. The stones at Mawsmai; which in ancient days used to be the
+headquarters of a Siem, are some of the best carved in the hills. At
+Mawrongjong, in the Jaintia sub-division, is a stone upon which a
+figure, evidently of a Hindu god, has been carved, without doubt
+after the erection of the stone. Here we have a striking parallel
+case to the painted and carved menhir near Tregastel in Brittany,
+upon which has been carved the representation of a crucifix. There are
+also some carved stones near Nartiang (said to represent two women)
+called _mawthawdur briew_.
+
+The Khasis say that these great stones were brought sometimes from
+considerable distances. After being hewn, the stones were laid on a
+large, wooden trolley and dragged across country by means of ropes of
+cane, of which plenty can be bad from the War country on the southern
+side of the district, and then placed in position by means of ropes and
+levers. It seems little short of marvellous that these stones, which
+sometimes weighed many tons, were placed in position by such primitive
+means, especially when we consider the great trouble there was to
+re-erect one of the fallen stones at Stonehenge lately. Nowadays only
+comparatively small stones are erected, which are generally hewn and
+erected on the spot, so that there is no necessity for any conveyance.
+
+In conclusion, it may be remarked that the subject of the Khasi
+monoliths is in reality a large one, on which a great deal could
+be written, but owing to considerations of space it has been found
+necessary to compress the account within its present limits.
+
+
+Festivities, Domestic and Tribal.
+
+Dancing forms the principal part of all the Khasi festivities, and
+is an important adjunct of some of their religious ceremonies. One
+of the greatest festivals in the Khasi Hills is the Nongkrem dance;
+it may be said to be as important an event to the Khasis as the _Beh
+dieng-khlam_ festivities are to the Syntengs.
+
+The Nongkrem dance is really part of what is known as the _pom-blang_,
+or goat-killing ceremony, performed by the Siem of Khyrim (or
+Nongkrem)) with the aid of his _soh-blei_ (high priest) and the various
+_lyngdohs_ (or priests) to Ka Blei Synshar (the ruling goddess),
+that the crops may prosper and that there may be a successful era in
+store for the people of the State. The goddess on this occasion may be
+regarded as a Khasi Demeter, although no mysteries form part of her
+services as at the Grecian Eleusis. The Nongkrem ceremony and dance
+(now held at Smit) take place in the late spring, generally in the
+month of May. A lucky day having been fixed; the Siem sends a ring of
+cane (_kyrwoh_) by way of a summons to the people of every village in
+the State, at the same time informing them of the date of the puja and
+requesting them to attend with their offerings, consisting of goats
+and different articles of food. In the meantime various pujas have
+been taking place in the house of _Ka Siem Sad_, the Siem priestess,
+which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The more interesting
+points only will be mentioned. A fortnight before the puja and dance
+at Smit the _soh-blei_, or high priest, pours out libations of liquor
+in the _kyram-blang_, or place where the sacrificial goats are kept,
+and in front of the great post (of _dieng sning_, or Khasi oak),
+in the house of the Siem priestess. Dancing then takes place in
+front of the post. Later on the Siem, with the high priest and
+other attendant priests, walks with extremely slow gait to a small
+hill where a stone altar has been prepared, and sacrifices a cock
+in honour of _u'lei Shillong_, or the god of the Shillong Peak. A
+silver dish with powdered rice, liquor in a gourd, (_ka'iad um_),
+betel-nut, and some leaves of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_), are also
+necessary adjuncts of the puja. A goat is then sacrificed, and the
+sacrifice is followed by a dance of twenty two men armed with swords
+and shields and chowries (fly-flaps). Having danced before the altar,
+the party returns to the house of the Siem priestess and executes
+another dance in the great courtyard. The Siem and certain selected
+persons dance in front of the _rishot blei_, or holy post of Khasi oak
+inside the house of the Siam priestess, the dancers being entertained
+with dried fish and ginger. Then follows the great dance of girls and
+men in front of her house. The girls dance in the centre, taking such
+tiny steps, that the lifting of their feet from the ground is hardly
+perceptible, the arms held down to the sides and the eyes demurely
+downcast. It is on this occasion that they wear the peculiar silver
+(and sometimes gold) crowns illustrated in the plate. The hair is
+worn tied in a knot behind the head, but with a long tail hanging
+down the back. Rich silk cloths are worn by the girls, who present
+the appearance of being, if anything, over-clothed, or, as Yule
+aptly puts it, of "perfect parallelograms." They wear a profusion
+of gold and coral bead necklaces, silver and gold chains, bracelets,
+ear-rings of gold, and any other jewellery they can lay hands on. Not
+only is the whole of the family jewellery, requisitioned by the fair
+_débutante_ (it is only the unmarried who dance), but she borrows
+from her friends. The men dance round the outside of the circle,
+waving fly-flaps, and prancing (often nowadays, wearing huge boots)
+with ungainly strides. The music necessary for the dance consists of
+_tangmuri_ (pipes), drums, and cymbals. This is _ka shad kynthei_,
+or the dance of the women. Then there _is ka shad mastieh_, or the
+dance of the men, who are gaily dressed, wearing plumes of black and
+white cock's feathers (_u thuiyah_) and hold swords and shields. After
+gyrating for some time, two men at a time rapidly approach one another
+and clash their swords together in mock combat. They then retire,
+and, after again revolving for a period, repeat the process; then
+other couples follow and take their place. This goes on, until the
+dancers get tired or are told to stop.
+
+The above description, may be taken as applicable to all the Khasi
+dances. Dancing forms part of the ceremony of placing the ashes in the
+sepulchre of the clan. Dancing also forms a part of certain ceremonies
+performed at market for the prosperity of the State and for the good
+of trade.
+
+When I was at Mawsynram, at the time of the appointment of a Siem,
+I witnessed a very pretty dance called _ka shad lymmoh_, performed
+by men who held the leafy branches of trees in their hands. This
+is most effective. Then followed a dance of some forty young girls,
+very well dressed, covered with the usual gold and coral beads and
+silver chains, and wearing the silver crown, or _pansngiat_. The young
+women danced with great spirit, and with an absence of all shyness,
+but still with the greatest decorum. Many of the women, spectators
+as well as dancers, were observed to be without the usual _tap moh
+khlih_, or head-cloth, the absence of which is always a sign amongst
+the Khasi women of merry-making. There were women from the Wár country,
+wearing their picturesque dress amongst whom was the wife of the Siem
+of Bohwal with her little daughter. The dance was a pretty sight,
+and I have seldom seen such evidence of unaffected happiness as was
+exhibited by the people on this occasion. Dancing may be described
+as one of the characteristic features of Khasi life.
+
+The Synteng _Beh-diang-khlam_ festival takes place annually at Jowai
+and elsewhere in the Jaintia Hills in the deep water moon month (_u
+Jyllieu_, or June). _Khlam_ is the Khasi word for plague or pestilence
+and _beh-dieng_ signifies to drive away with sticks. The festival
+may be described as follows:--The males rise betimes on the day fixed
+and beat the roof with sticks, calling upon the plague-demon to leave
+the house. Having done this, later on in the day they go down to the
+stream where the goddess "Aitan" dwells. Then poles of great length,
+which have been newly cut, are held across the stream. The people
+jump on the poles and try to break them; when they succeed in doing
+so, a great shout is given. After all these poles have been broken,
+a very large pole is fixed across the stream. The people then divide
+themselves into two parties, and contend for the possession of the
+tree. The contest, however, is a good-humoured one, and although many
+buffets are given and received, these are not regarded seriously,
+and there are seldom any fights. Col. Bivar says the contending
+villagers in their excitement, sometimes relapse into a state of almost
+complete nudity. The party which succeeds in obtaining possession of
+the post is supposed to gain health and prosperity during the coming
+year. Col. Bivar remarks that the origin of this so-called ceremony is
+said to be that the god of thunder, "_u'lei pyrthat_," and Ka Aitan,
+the goddess of the stream, enjoined its performance. Many innovations,
+however, have crept in. People disguise themselves as giants and
+wild beasts, they also parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers,
+peacocks, &c. Dancing is carried on with enthusiasm by the males,
+the girls, clad in their best attire, remaining on-lookers. Before
+the meeting breaks up the males play a sort of game of hockey with
+wooden balls.
+
+
+
+Genna
+
+The word _genna_ is one in common use amongst the Naga tribes. It seems
+to be a matter of doubt whether the word belongs to any of the numerous
+languages or dialects spoken by these tribes; but for our purposes
+it may be taken to mean taboo. The Khasi word _sang_, which implies
+an interdiction either religious or social from doing any particular
+thing, might have been employed; but as the word _genna_ is so commonly
+used when speaking of taboos amongst the hill tribes of this province,
+I have thought fit to employ it here. The word _genna_, or taboo,
+may be held to include the Khasi _sang_. Taboos amongst the Khasis,
+Wars and Lynngams may be divided into two sections; (_a_) general, and
+(_b_) special. Instances of general taboo have not been found amongst
+the Khasis, but the following taboo called _Ka sang kla_ amongst the
+Wár villages of Sohbar and Nongjri is peculiar, and therefore worthy
+of description. Its chief peculiarity is that during the time the
+_sang kla_ continues, the inhabitants of these two villages are not
+allowed to associate with foreigners. This _genna_ takes place twice
+a year, in the months of June and November, and lasts for a month each
+time. During the _genna_ foreigners are not allowed to stay the night
+in these two villages, and the villagers must not sleep the night
+outside their villages. If they do not return home for the night,
+they are subjected to a fine. There is a prohibition against eating,
+smoking, or chewing betel-nut with foreigners during the period. The
+above is the only instance of general taboo that I have been able to
+find amongst the Wárs, but in the Lynngam villages there is a taboo on
+all outsiders at the time of the village pujas. Such a taboo amongst
+the Lynngams is not to be wondered at, as they have probably imbibed
+the notion from their Garo mothers, intermarriages between Lynngams
+and Garos being common. The Garos, like other Thibeto-Burmans, have
+numerous taboos. There are numerous instances of special taboos
+among the Khasis. _Kaba shong sang_, or marrying within the _kur_
+or clan, is the most important taboo of all, and is regarded as the
+most serious offence a Khasi can commit. It admits of no expiation,
+and the bones and ashes of the offender cannot be placed in the
+family tomb. There are special taboos for certain clans, of which
+the following are some examples. The clan Nongtathiang cannot eat
+the lemon, the Khar-umnuid clan must abstain from pork, the Cherra
+Siem family cannot eat dried fish, and the Siem family of Mylliem
+taboo the pumpkin. Possibly these taboos may be relics of totemism
+amongst these communities. The following are some of the other taboos,
+although some of them are but lightly regarded now-a-days.
+
+(i.) To build a house with stone walls on all four sides.
+
+(ii.) To use nails in building a house.
+
+(iii.) To use more than one kind of timber in building the hearth.
+
+(iv.) To build a house with resinous timber. Only the Siem family
+can use such timber.
+
+(v.) To cut trees from a sacred forest.
+
+(vi.) To take or give anything with the left hand.
+
+(vii.) To step over any one's body.
+
+(viii.) To kill any animal or bird without first throwing rice over
+its body. . .
+
+(ix.) To drink the milk of a cow or goat.
+
+(x.) To talk with any one, except with one of a man's or woman's
+fellow-workers, when the thrashing of paddy is going on.
+
+There are the following special taboos for pregnant women.
+
+(_a_) To Accompany a funeral procession.
+
+(_b_) To finish any sewing she may have commenced before she became
+_enceinte_. There is a similar prohibition regarding the finishing
+of the plaiting of wicker baskets.
+
+(_c_) It is _sang_ for the husband of a pregnant woman to thatch the
+ridge of the house at such a time, or to fix a handle to an axe or
+a _dao_.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Folk-Tales, Traditions and Superstitions
+
+
+Folk-Tales.
+
+The Khasis possess a considerable amount of folk-lore. The tales which
+will be found reproduced in the original Khasi have been obtained from
+a collection which was in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Roberts,
+of Cherrapunji, who very kindly placed it at my disposal. The
+translations are by U Nissor Singh, Sub-Inspector of Schools, and
+the author of a Khasi English Dictionary as well as certain other
+educational works in that language. Dr. Roberts's collections would
+fill a book; so I have selected only a few of what I consider typical
+tales. At the instance of Sir Charles Lyall, I have given the Khasi
+and English side by side. The stories will speak for themselves,
+but I add a few explanatory notes. The water-fall of Ka Likai is
+a magnificent cascade in the rainy season; it can best be viewed
+from the heights of Laitkynsew. The water-fall is situated close
+to the village of Nongriat, which is approached by a succession of
+stone steps from the village of Tyrna, just below the Charrapunji
+Laitkynsew bridle-path. "Dingiei," which is mentioned in the second
+tale, is the high hill to be seen on the right-hand side of the
+Shillong-Cherrapunji road soon after leaving Shillong. The highest
+point of the range is over 6,000 ft. The third tale contains the
+well-known story of Ka Pah Syntiew, the fabled ancestress of the
+Khyrim and Mylliem Siem families. The cave where Ka Pah Syntiew is
+said to have made her abode is still to be seen in the neighbourhood
+of Nongkrem. The story of the origin of the Siems of Suhtnga, who
+afterwards became the Rajas of Jaintiapur, is a well-known tale in the
+Jaintia Hills. A description of the wonderful mass of granite known
+by the name of the Kyllang Rock will be found in the section of the
+monograph which deals with geographical distribution. I have also
+added a photograph of the rock. The Syntengs have a story that when
+the strong west wind blows in the spring this is due to the advent
+of _U Kyllang_, who comes to visit his wife, the river _Umngot_,
+at that season: amongst the Khasis hills are all of them masculine,
+but to rivers is usually attributed the feminine gender. U Symper is
+another isolated rocky eminence rising from the Maharam plain close to
+the village of K'mawan. The best view of the hill is obtainable from
+Laitmawsiang on the path to Mawsynram. The village of Mawsmai every
+traveller from Therria to Cherrapunji knows. It is chiefly remarkable
+for a fairly large limestone cave, and its fine memorial stones. The
+Khasi theory to explain how the moon got its spots is, I believe,
+original, but is no more extraordinary than our own nursery tale about
+the "man in the moon." The _Sohpet Byneng_ hill is the first hill of
+any size that the traveller sees on the Gauhati road when journeying
+to Shillong. It is close to Umsning Dak Bungalow. There are caves
+in the hill which are tenanted by bears. Strange to say, according
+to Khasi ideas, this is one of the highest points in the hills; in
+reality _Sophet Byneng_ is some 2,000 ft. lower than the Shillong
+Peak. As mentioned elsewhere, the Khasis are very fond of dogs; so
+I have given their version of how the dog came to live with man. The
+well-known _thlen_ superstition will be found fully described under
+the heading of "Human sacrifices." I have, however, thought the tale of
+sufficient interest to reproduce at length here. The story of the river
+Rupatylli is a pretty tale, and is just such a one as would appeal to
+the imagination of mountaineers like the Khasis. The Kopili story is
+important, in that it indicates the origin of human sacrifices in the
+Jaintia Hills; it also throws, perhaps, some light on the question of
+the use to which the flat table memorial stones were put in years gone
+by. The superstition about the crossing of the Kopili can be vouched
+for by many, who have taken the journey from the Jaintia Hills to North
+Cachar by the Kopili route. Mawpunkyrtiang is a small village close to
+Cherrapunji. The weird tale about the Siem of Malyniang is the pride
+of the Maskut people, for in olden days their King, i.e. the Siem of
+Malyniang, is supposed to have been a very powerful monarch amongst
+the Khasis. The story of Manick Raitong is interesting, in that it
+explains the origin of the use of the _sharati_, a bamboo flute of
+special make which is played only at funerals. The pool of water,
+which was formed after U Manick and the erring queen were burnt, may
+be connected with the _Umkoi_, or tank, which is dug to cleanse the
+souls of those who have died violent deaths. The idea of the bamboo,
+which bore leaves that grew upside-down, springing up from the buried
+flute, is also to be found in the Synteng tale regarding U Loh Ryndi's
+fishing rod. Owing to considerations of space, I have had to curtail
+largely the folk-lore section. I have, however, kept the materials
+by me, and if at any future time there is reason to believe that the
+reproduction of more Khasi folk-lore is called for, I shall be glad
+to try to arrange that some of the other folk-tales be printed.
+
+
+The Water-Fall of Ka Likai.
+
+The water-fall of Ka Likai is one of the most beautiful water-falls in
+the Khasi Hills. Its stream flows from a certain river from the village
+of Rangjirteh and passes by the village of Nongriat. The fall can be
+seen distinctly from the village of Laitkynsew. What a beautiful fall
+it is when viewed in the autumn. It is also a very high fall. There
+was in olden days in the village of Rangjirteh a woman called Ka
+Likai. She was a poor woman who had a husband. When she had given
+birth to a child, the husband died. Whilst the child was yet a baby,
+she experienced much trouble in taking care of it on account of her
+poverty. After the child was able to walk, what a pleasure it was
+to her to see it growing, and able to play with other children. Then
+that woman married another man; but he did not love the little child,
+and many a time he got angry because she could not take care of him
+more, on account of that child.
+
+One day when she went to carry iron ore, her husband took the child
+and killed it. When he had cut up the body into pieces, he prepared
+curry with it and placed the curry where the mother would come and eat
+it. When he had finished doing so, he threw the head and the bones of
+the child far away, but he forgot to throw away the fingers, which he
+had placed in a basket where the betel-nut was kept. When the mother
+returned from her journey, she inquired "Where is the child?" "She
+has just gone somewhere, I don't know where," he said. She remained
+silent awhile; then she said, "Is there any rice and curry?" He said
+"Yes, it is ready," and went out at the same time. When she ate, she
+found the curry very tasty, and she thought that he had got the flesh
+of a young pig from some one who had performed a sacrifice. When she
+had finished eating, she took up the betel-nut basket, but found the
+fingers of her child there. She shrieked and threw herself down, and
+then ran to the precipice and cast herself down it. All the villagers
+wondered, but no one ventured to prevent her as she held a _da_ in her
+hand. From that time the waterfall was called the "Fall of Ka Likai."
+
+
+Ka Kshaid Ka Likai.
+
+Ka ksháid-ka-Likai ka long kawei ka ksháid ha ri Khasi kaba itynnad
+shibún eh. Ka wan tuid na kawei ka wah ha ka shnong Rangjirteh kaba
+wan hap ha ka shnong Nongriat. Ia kane ka ksháid lah ban ioh-i bha na
+ka shnong Laitkynsew. Katno ka long kaba i-tynnad lada khmih ia ka
+ha ka por synrái. Ka long ruh kaba jrong shibun eh. La don kawei ka
+briew ha ka shnong Rangjirteh hyndái kaba kyrteng ka Likai. Kane ka
+briew ka long kaba duk bad ka la don u tnga, te ynda la kha iwei i
+khun kynthei uta i tnga u la iap noh. Hamar ka por ha dang lung ita
+I khun ka la shitom shibún ban sumar ha ka jinglong duk jong ka. Te
+ynda i la nangiaid katno, ka la sngewbhá ban ioh-i ia la i khun ba
+i la sháit, bad ba i la nang ba'n leh kái bad ki para khynnah. Te
+kane ka briew ka la shongkurim bad uwei pat u briew; hynrei uta u'm
+ieit ia ita i khún, bad katno ba u la jiw sngew bitár ba ka'm lah
+ban khreh ba'n sumar ia u na ka bynta ita i khún.
+
+Te ha kawei ka sngi ba ka leit kit nongnar, utá u tnga u la shim ia
+ita i khún bad u la pyniap noh. Bad haba u la ot u la shet jintah
+ia ka doh jong i, u la buh ruh ha ka jaka ba ka'n wan bam ka kmie;
+bad ynda u la dep kumta baroh u la leit bred noh ia ka khlih bad ki
+shyieng sha jngái, hynrei ia ki shimpriahti ba u la buh ha ka shang
+kwái u'm kynmáw shuh ban leit bred. Haba la wan ka kmie na kata ka
+jingleit ka la kylli, "hangno ka khun"? "Tip ei, u ong, shano ka leit
+kái myntan." Ka shu sngap noh bad ka ong "La don ja don jintah ne em"
+u ong, "la don," bad hamar kata ka por u leit kái noh. Te haba ka la
+bam ja, ka sngew bang shibun, bad ka la tharai ba u ioh doh khún sniang
+na kino-kino kiba kñia, bad haba ka la lah bám ja ka la shim ka shang
+kwái ba'n bam kwái, ka shem pynban da ki shimpriahti ita i khún bad
+ka la lyniar la lympat ia lade kat ba lah, bad ka la mareh sha katei
+ka ríat bad ka la pynnoh ia lade. Kumta lyngngoh ki shnong-ki-tháw
+baroh bad y'm lah ba'n khang mano-mano ruh, ka bat la ka wait ha ka
+kti. Te nadúh kata ka por ki khot "ka ksháid-noh-ka-Likai."
+
+
+The Dingiei Hill.
+
+Dingiei Hill is one of the highest peaks in the Khasi country,
+resembling in height and size the Shillong "Peak" which lies opposite
+and to the north of it. There are many villages on this hill belonging
+to the Shillong Siem. In olden days on the top of this hill grew a
+gigantic tree overshadowing the whole world, the name of that tree
+was "ka Dingiei." The Khasis came to a determination that if this
+tree were cut down (lit. destroyed) the world would become good and
+would have light, for as long as it (the tree) remained standing,
+the world remained dark and unfruitful. They accordingly came to an
+unanimous decision to fell it. When they cut (the tree) during the
+day and went back next morning, they found that the marks of cutting
+had been obliterated. Thus they cut each day, and next morning they
+found that the marks had disappeared. This was the case always. Then
+they marvelled why this thing was thus. They asked questions and
+they investigated; ka phreid (a very small bird) said "all this has
+happened because a tiger comes every night to (the foot of) the tree
+and licks the part of the tree which has been cut." Thereupon the men,
+having plied their axes and knives the whole day in cutting the tree
+(instead of carrying them away as usual), tied them to the incisions,
+with their edges pointing outwards. So when the tiger went as usual at
+night to lick the incisions, the sharp blades of the axes and knives
+cut his tongue. Thenceforth the tiger ceased to go to the tree; and as
+the tiger ceased to lick the incisions, the mark was not obliterated
+as before. So their work went on progressing every day until ka
+Dingiei fell. Thus the world received light, and cultivation throve,
+and there was nothing more to stand in the way of the light of the sun
+and the moon. It was for that reason that the name of "U Lum Dingiei"
+was given to the hill. Nobody knows what became of the tree, for since
+the time it fell its species has died out and there is no seed of it
+(to be found) anywhere on the earth from which it can be grown.
+
+
+U Lum Dingiei.
+
+U lum Dingiei u long u wei u lúm uba jrong shibún ha ri Khasi. U
+syrím ha ka jing jrong bad jingkhráw ia u lúm Shillong, bad u long
+marpyrshah jong u shaphang Shatei. Halor une u lúm don bún ki shnong
+hapoh u Siem Shillong. Mynhyndái halor une u lúm don kawei ka dieng
+kaba khráw shibúin eh haduh ba ka la kah dum ia ka pyrthei baroli
+kawei, ka kyrteng kata ka dieng ki khot ka Dingiei. Ki khún Khasi ki
+la ia kut jingmut ba lada yn ioh pynduh noh ia kane ka dieng ka'n bha
+ka'n shái ka pyrthei, namar katba ka dang ieng, ka pyrthei ka dum bad
+ka'm lah ban seisoh. Kumta ki la ia ieng da kawei ka jingmut ba'n ia
+khet noh ia ka. Te ynda ki la pom ia ka mynsngí, ki leit pat mynstep
+ki shem ba la dam noh ka díen pom. Kumta ki pom biang sa ha kawei ka
+sngi, ynda lashái mynstep ka dam-pa-dam biang. Shu kumta barabor ka
+long. Hangta ki la lyngngoh, hato balei ka long kumne. Ki ia kylli ki
+ia tohkit; ong ka phreid (ka sim kaba rit shibun) "kane ka jinglong
+ha dam kumne haba phi la pom ka long namar u khla mynmiet mynmiet u
+wan jliah ia ka díen ba phi la pom." Te kumta ki khún bynriew ynda
+ki la lah pom mynsngi baroh shi sngi, mynmiet ki teh pyn-ang da ki
+wait ki sdí ka kata ka jaka ba ki la lah pom . Kumta u khla haba
+u wan mynmiet u jliah phot u thyllied haba kynduh ha kita ki syrti
+wait syrti sdí. Kumtah naduh kata ka por um wan shúh; bad ynda um ioh
+shuh ban jliah kata ka dien pom u khun bynriew, ruh kam dam shuh. Shu
+nangdep ka jingtrei man ka sngi hadúh ba la kyllon ka Díngiei. Kumta
+sa shái phèr ka pyrthei bad sa manbha ka thung ka tep ka rep ka sei
+ynda ymdon ba shár shuh ia ka sngi ia u buái. Namarkata ki sa ioh
+ban khot kyrteng ia une a lúm "u Lúm Díngiei." Ia ka jinglong kane
+ka Díngiei ym don ba tip ei-ei nadúh kata ka pór hadúh mynta, namar
+nadúh ba la kyllon ka iapdúh [32] bad ym don symbái ba kan pynmih
+haei-haei ha ka pyrthei hadúh kane ka sngi.
+
+
+Concerning the Origin of the Siems of Shillong.
+
+The Siem of Shillong is a very great and powerful chief in the Khasi
+Hills. He is generally known throughout the Khasi Hills as the "god
+king". By the term "god king" is meant that God has been pleased to
+give over to him the largest portion of the Khasi country, i.e. the
+kingdom of Shillong, to rule. If you seek for the origin of these
+"god kings," you will find there is great uncertainty about it. At
+any rate there is a tradition amongst the Khasis to the following
+effect. In olden days a rumour got abroad that there was a woman in
+a cave called Marai, which is situated near the present village of
+Pomlakrai, at the source of the river Umiew or Umiam. She was a young
+and very beautiful damsel. Of the reality of the damsel's existence
+there is no question. Many tried to catch her, but they could not,
+owing to the narrowness of the cave. There came, however, a certain
+very clever man who went to entice her by showing her a flower called
+"u tiew-jalyngkteng." The damsel then came (out) near to snatch the
+flower, but the man went on holding back his hand until she came out
+into a more open place, when he seized her. He then brought her to his
+house and carefully tended her, and afterwards he married her. That
+damsel was called "_Ka Pah Syntiew_, the flower-lured one," because
+that man caught her by coaxing and enticing her with a flower. That
+man, who came from the village of Nongjri in the Bhoi country, was
+called the Nongjri Kongor. After she had given birth to daughters and
+sons, she returned, to the same place whence she had been captured,
+and from that time forth she never came out again, however much her
+husband and children called and implored her. Her children increased
+in stature and in wisdom and the people hearing of the wonderful
+origin of their mother, came from all parts of the country to look at
+them. The children also were very clever at showing their humility
+and good manners in the presence of the elders. All the people (in
+return) loved them and considered them to be the children of the
+gods and did homage to them. It occurred to the nobles and leaders
+of the Shillong Raj to appoint them Siems, because (they said) the
+children had been born of a wonderful woman, who, it seemed very
+clear, was the daughter of the "god Shillong." Therefore they gladly
+decided to appoint them Siems in the country of Shillong, (i.e., the
+present Khyrim and Mylliem States). The children thus became Siems,
+and they were called "Ki Siem-Blei" (the god kings) of Shilong. [33]
+
+
+Shaphang ba long U Siem Shillong.
+
+U Siem Shillong u long uwei u Siem uba khráw shibún bad uba don bór
+ruh ha kane ka ri lúm Khasi. Ia une u Siem la jiw bna baroh kawei ka
+ri ba u long u Siem-Blei. Haba ong Siem-Blei ka mut ba U Blei u la i
+mon sngewbha ba'n aiti ha u ban synshár ia kawei ka bynta kaba khráw
+ha ri Khasi. Ha une la ái ba'n synshar ha ri Shillong. Haba wád ia ka
+jingsdang jong kine ki Siem Blei don shibún ka jingb'ym thikna. La
+kumno-kumno ka don ka jingiathu-khana kum kane kaba harum ha pydeng
+ki Khasi hadúh kane ka sngi. Ha kaba nyngkong eh la byna ha don kawei
+ka bríew ha ka krem Marái, kaba hajan ka shnong Pomlakrái mynta, ha
+tyllong ka wah Umiew ne Umiám. Kata ka bríew kaba dang met samla kaba
+bhabríew shibún eh. Ia kaba ka don, ka don hangta barabor, bad bún ki
+ia pyrshang ban kem ia ka, kim lah namar ka long ka krem kaba khim. Te
+ynda la mih uwei u bríew uba kham sian u la leit khroh ia ka da kaba
+pyni da u syntíew uba ki khot u tiéw-ja-lyngkteng. Kumta katno ka bríew
+ka la wan hajan ba'n kynieh ia uta u syntiew, te uta u bríew u nangring
+da kaba pynran ia la ka kti khyndiat khyndiat hadúh ka'n da mih ha kaba
+kham kylluíd ka jaka, u sa kem ia ka. Hangta u la wallam sha la ieng,
+u ri u sumar bha ia ka, bad hadien-hadien u la shongkurim ia ka. Te
+la khot kyrteng ia kata ka bríew ka Pah-syntiew, namar ba uta u briew
+u ioh kem ia ka da kaba khroh ba pah da u syntiew. Uta u bríew u long
+uba na Nongjri Bhoi, bad ki jiw khot u Kongor Nongjri ia u. Te ynda
+ka la kha ki khún, kynthei bad shynrang, ka la leit phet sha kajuh ka
+jaka na kaba u la ioh kem ia ka, bad nadúh kata ka por ka'm wan shuh,
+la'u tnga ki khún ki leit khot leit pyrta katno-katno ruh. Kita ki
+khún ki la nangshait nang sian, bad ki bríew ruh, haba ki la bna ia
+ka jinglong kaba phylla ka jong ku kmie jong ki, ki la wan khnang na
+kylleng ki jaka ba'n khmih ia kita ki khynnah. Te kita ki khynnah ki la
+nang shibún ba'n leh rit ba'n leh don akór ha khmat ki tymmen bríew,
+ki bríew ruh baroh ki a ieit ia ki bad ki tharai ba ki long ki khún
+Blei. Kumta ki la ia ngúh ki la ia dem ia kita ki khynnah bad hadíen
+kata ka la jia ha ki dohnúd kiba khráw-batri, ki tymmen-ki-san ha ka
+ri Shillong ban thung Siem ia ki namar ki khynnah ki long kiba la wan
+kha da ka briew kaba phylla shibún, kaba imat eh ba ka long ka khún
+u Blei Shillong. Te kumta ki la ia kut da ka mon snowbha baroh ba'n
+thung Siem ia ki ha ka hima Shillong, bad kumta la long Siem kita ki
+khynnah, ki synsháh bad ki khot ruh ia ki Siem-Blei-Siem-Shillong.
+
+
+U Loh Ryndi and Ka Lim Dohkha.
+
+The Syntengs give the following explanation of the origin of Siems
+of Suhtnga. There was a man from Wár Umwi named U Loh Ryndi. He went
+one day to fish in the Umwi stream. When he had caught only one fish,
+he returned home. He roasted the fish and placed it on the _tyngir_
+(a swinging shelf above the hearth). He forgot that it was there, and
+did not remember to eat it. The next morning he went out for a walk to
+the hill. When he returned home in the evening, he found his house had
+been swept and looked after, and that the rice had been cooked. He was
+much surprised at this. The next day the same thing happened. When this
+state of things continued to occur, he made a pretence of going for a
+walk to the hill and he called his dog. But he concealed himself the
+whole day outside the village, and when it was time for cooking rice
+(evening), he returned home. When he saw that smoke was rising from the
+house, he crept up stealthily in order that he might suddenly enter the
+house. Finding a woman there, he said, "Who art thou?" She replied,
+"I am Ka Lih Dohkha. I am the fish whom thou didst catch and forget
+to eat. She forthwith added, "Thou must not let any one know. I have
+many relatives. Come, let us go and fetch them to come here." So Ka
+Loh Ryndi bade his mother take care of the house until his return from
+his journey. They went together and arrived at the place where he had
+caught her, and she jumped into the water and he remained on the dry
+land. After a while she returned, bringing with her her relatives,
+but how many of them there were is not known. They all went to the
+house of U Loh Ryndi. When Ka Lih Dohkha began to enter the house,
+and was about to cross the threshold, she saw a broom which his mother
+had placed on the threshold. She therefore abruptly turned back with
+all her relatives to the river. After that U Loh Ryndi saw in a dream
+that Ka Lih Dohkha had gone by the river Umwai Khyrwi to a village
+called Suhtnga. (Since that time all the fish have left the river up
+to the present day.) He accordingly went to angle for her in that
+stream, and when he had caught her, he found that she looked after
+him just the same as before. After that he married Ka Lih Dohkha and
+she bore him twelve daughters and a son. When the children of U Loh
+Ryndi and Ka Lih Dohkha grew up, both of them returned to the stream
+Umwai Khyrwi. It is said that from the fishing rod of U Loh Ryndi,
+which he left on the bank of the stream, there grew up bamboos,
+the joints and leaves of which grow upside down to the present day.
+
+
+U Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lim Dohkha.
+
+Ki Synteng ki batai ia ka jinglong tynrai ki Siem Suhtnga kumne. La
+don u wei U Wár Umwi, uba kyrteng U Loh Ryndi, uba la leit khwái
+dohkha na ka Wah Umwi; te ynda la ngat tang kata kawai u la wan
+noh sba la ieng. Ynda u la syang u la buh noh halor tyngír ha ka
+ruh. Hangta u la klet bad um kynmáw shuh ban bám ia ka. Kumta ynda
+la-shái mynstep u la leit kái pat sha lum, te haba u la wan noh la
+jan miet u la shem ia ka iing jong u ba la sár la sumar bad ka ja ba
+la ih. Mynkata u la lyngngeh shibán ba ka long kumne. Te kum la-shái
+ka la long kumjuh. Ynda ka shu dem iailong kumne-pa-kumne la bán sín
+eh, ynda kumta u la leh ia lade kum u ban sa leit lúm, u da ting ia
+u ksew. Hinrei u la rih noh baroh shi sngi harud nong, bad ynda la
+poi ka por shet ja u la wan noh sha iing. Te mynba u la ioh-i ba la
+tydem ding ha ieng u la syntiat bha biang ba un ioh rung kynsan bluit
+hapoh. Hynda kumta u la shem ia ka kynthei hangta. U la ong ia ka,
+"Pha kaei"? Ka la ong ia u, "nga long Ka Lih-dohkha, ma nga, nga long
+kata ka dohkha ba me la ngat bad me la klet ban bam." Ynda kumta ka
+la ong ia u "me wat pyntip iano iano ruh, nga don ki kur shibún eh,
+ngin ia leit sháw ia ki ban wan noh shane." Kumta U Loh Ryndi u la
+buh ia la ka kmie ban sumar ia ka iing tad ynda un wan na ka jingleit
+jong u. Ynda ki la ia leit ki la poi ha kata ka jaka ba u la ngat ia
+ka. Ynda kumta ka la sid ha ka um, u te u nang sah ha ka ryngkew. Te
+la shibit ka la wan pat sha u bad ka wallam lem bad ka ia ki kur,
+hinrei ki long katno ngut ym lah banong, bad ki la leit baroh sha ka
+iing U Loh Ryndi. Te mynba Ka Lih Dohkha ka la sydang rung ha iing,
+hamar be kan sa jám ia ka shahksew ka la ioh-i ia u synsar ba la buh ka
+kmie jong u hapoh kata ka shahksew; namarkata ka la kylla dín bak bad
+ki kur jong ka sha kata ka wah. Hadin kata U Loh Ryndi u la phohsníw,
+u la ioh-i ha kata ka jingphohsniw ia Ka Lih Dohkha ba ka la leit noh
+sha ka shnong ba ki khot ka Suhtnga ha ka Umwai-khyrwi (naduh kata
+la jah noh ki dohkha ha ka wah Umwi haduh mynta). Te u ruh u la leit
+sha kata ka wah ban khwai ia ka, bad ynda u la ngat u la shem ba ka
+sumar ia u kumjuh. Ynda nangta u la shongkurim bad Ka Lih Dohkha,
+bad u la ioh khún khadar ngut ki kynthei uwei u shynrang. Ynda la
+rangbah kita ki khún u Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lih Dohkha ki la leit noh
+baroh ar ngut ha kata ka Umwai Khyrwi. Te ki ong ba na u ryngwiang
+khwai jong U Loh Ryndi, harud um ba u la ieh noh, la long ki shken
+kiba ka mat ka long khongpong bad ka sla de kumjuh jen haduh mynta.
+
+
+Kyllang and Symper.
+
+Kyllang is a hill which is near the village of Mawnai in Khadsawphra,
+and Symper is a hill which is situated in the Siemship of Maharam. The
+old folks say that there are gods which inhabit these hills, which
+are called U Kyllang and U Symper. These gods had a quarrel for some
+reason that we mortals do not know. They fought by throwing mud at
+one another. After they had fought, once or twice, U Kyllang proved
+victorious. So U Symper, having been humiliated, sits quietly in his
+own place to this day, and U Kyllang sits very proudly because be was
+victorious in the fight. The holes which are like tanks in U Symper's
+sides remain to this day; it is said that U Kyllang made those holes
+during the battle.
+
+
+U Kyllang [34] bad U Symper.
+
+U Kyllang u long u lúm uba hajan ka shnong Mawnái ha Khadsawphra
+bad U Symper u dei u lúm uba long ha ri Maharam. Ha kine ki lúm ki
+tymmen ki jiw tharai ba don ki blei kiba shong hangto kiba kyrteng
+U Kyllang bad U Symper. Kine ki blei baroh ar ngut ki la ia kajia
+namar kano kano ka dáw kaba ngi u bynríw ngim lah ban tip. Te ki la
+ialeh baroh ar ngut da kaba ia khawoh ktih. Ynda ki la ialeh shi por
+ar por jop U Kyllang. Kumta U Symper u shong pynrit ia lade ha la ka
+jaka jar-jar haduh mynta, bad U Kyllang u shong da kaba sngew khráw
+sngew sarong shibún ba u la jop ha ka jingialeh. Ki thlíw kiba long
+kum ki pukri kiba don ha ki krung u lúm Symper ki sah haduh mynta;
+ki ong ba la pynlong ia kito ki thlíw da U Kyllang ha ka por ialeh.
+
+
+The Siem creating stone at Mawsmai.
+
+On the outskirts of Mawsmai village, and to the west of it, stands a
+hill; it is a very beautiful hill. From a distance it looks like the
+hump of a bull. It has big trees growing on it, as people are afraid
+to cut them because they believe that the god "Ryngkew" is there,
+who takes care of and protects the country. This hill has two names,
+U Mawlong Siem and U Lyngkrem. U Mawlong Siem is the smaller (peak)
+on the southern side, and U Lyngkrem the taller one, in which there is
+a cave. The Mawsmai people sacrifice once or twice a year according
+to the god's demand. The Mawsmai people have, besides U Mawlong
+Siem, other village gods (called "Ryngkew"). The name of the one is
+"U Rangjadong," and the name of the other "U Ramsong." Sacrifices
+are offered to these two also. U Mawlong Siem is a very great and
+stern god. The other gods dare not engage in battle with him. He
+has a daughter called "Ka Khmat Kharai" (i.e. the mouth of the
+abyss). The god of the Umwai people fell in love with this daughter,
+but he was unable to obtain her in marrage, as U Mawlong Siem did
+not like him. It is not possible to know the exact reason why the
+name of U Mawlong Siem was given to him, but at any rate it appears
+that the name arose from the fact that in olden days before the death
+of a Siem there used to be heard at "Mawlong Siem" a great noise of
+beating of drums. The Mawsmai and the Mawmluh people used to hear it,
+and they attributed it to the god "Mawlong Siem," who beat the drum
+for his children to dance to. At any rate, when this sound is heard,
+it never fails to portend the death of a Siem. It appears that this
+hill was called "Mawlong Siem" for that reason.
+
+
+U Mawlong Siem ha Mawsmai.
+
+Harúd 'nong Máwsmái don u wei u lúm uba shaphang sepngi na ka
+shnong. Une u lúm uba i-tynnad shibún. Ban khymih na sha jingngái u
+long kum u syntai masi kyrtong. U don ki dieng kiba khráw ki bým jiw
+don ba núd ban thoh ban daiñ namar ba ki ñiew ba u long U Ryngkew u
+blei uba sumar uba da ia ka muluk ka jaka. Ia une u lúm ki khot ar
+kyrteng, U Mawlong Siem bad U Lyngkrem, U Máwlong Siem u long uta uba
+kham lyngkot shaphang shathi, bad U Lyngkrem u long uta uba jerong eh
+bad uba don ka krem Pubon hapoh. Ia une U Mawlong Siem ki Máwsmái ki
+jiw ai jingknia da u blang shisin shi snem ne shi sin ar snem katba
+u pan. Ki Mawmluh ruh ki leh kumjuh na la shnong. Nalor une U Mawlong
+Siem ki Máwsmái ki don shuh ki Ryngkew hajan shgong, uwei U Rangjadong
+bad uwei pat U Ramsong. Ia kine ki kñia. Une U Mawlong Siem u long
+u blei uba khráw shibún bad uba eh. Ki para blei kim núd ban ia leh
+thyma ia ki. U don kawai ka khún kaba kyrteng "Ka Khymat Kharái,"
+u blei ki Umwái u i-bha ia ka, hinrei um lah poi namar U Máwlong
+Siem úm sngewbha ia u. Ban tip thikna ia ka dáw balei ba khot kyrteng
+Máwlong Siem ia u ym lah ban tip; hinrei la kumno kumno i-mat ba kane
+ka kyrteng ka la mih namar ba mynhyndái haba yn sa iap Siem la jiw
+ioh sngew hangta ha U Máwlong Siem ba don ka jingsawa tem ksing kaba
+khraw shibun. Ki Mawsmai bad ki Mawmluh ki jiw ioh sngew, bad ki jiw
+tharai ba u blei Mawlong Siem u tem ksing ban pynshád khún. Lei lei
+haba la ioh sngew kum kata ka jingsawa ym jiw pep ia ka ban iap Siem,
+bad i-mat ba na kata ka daw la khot kyrteng ia une u lum Máwlong Siem.
+
+
+Why There Are Spots On The Moon.
+
+In olden days there was a woman who had four children, three girls
+and one boy. Their names were these, Ka Sngi (sun), Ka Um (water),
+Ka Ding (fire), and U Bynai (moon). These four children belonged to
+rich gentle folk. The Moon was a wicked young man, for he began to
+make love to his elder sister, Ka Sngi. In the beginning the Moon was
+as bright as the Sun. When the Sun became aware of his bad intentions,
+she was very angry. She took some ashes in her hand and said to him,
+"do you harbour such an incestuous and wicked intention against me,
+your elder sister, who has taken care of you and held you in her
+arms, and carried you on her back like a mother does; now I will
+cover your brow with ashes, you wicked and shameless one; begone
+from the house." Then the Moon felt very much ashamed, and from
+that time he gave out a white light because the Sun had covered him
+with ashes. What we see like a cloud (on the Moon) when it is full,
+are the ashes which adhered from the time the Sun covered him with
+them. The three daughters, however, remained at home to take care of
+their mother, until she grow old and died.
+
+
+Kumno ba la Thoh dak U Bynai.
+
+La don kawei ka briew mynhyndái kaba don saw ngut ki khún, lai ngut
+ki kynthei bad u wei u shynrang. Ki kyrteng jong ki ki long kine,
+Ka Sngi, Ka Um, Ka Ding, bad U Bynái. Kine baroh saw ngut ki la long
+ki khún ríwbba khún don burom shisha shisha. Te une U Bynái u la long
+u bríew uba riwnar, u sydang ban i-bha ia la ka hynmen, Ka Sngi. Une
+U Bynái ruh ha kaba mynnyngkong u long uba phyrnái hi ryngkat Ka
+Sngi. Te ynda ka Sngi ka la sngewthuh ia ka jingmut riwnar jong u
+ka la sngew bittar shibún bad ka la shim u dypei ha la ka kti bad ka
+la ong ia u, "da kum kane ka kam kaba sang kaba sníw phi thew ia nga
+ka hynmen kaba la thum la bah, la sumar sukher kum ka kymie ryngkat;
+mynta ngan tep da u dypei ia ka shyllang-mat jong me u riwnar u khlem
+raiñ,--khie phet noh na iing." Te U Bynái u la sngew rem sngew raiñ
+shibún eh. Bad naduh kata ka por U Bynái u kylla da ka jinghái kaba
+líh namar ba tep Ka Sngi da u dypei. Bad uta uba ngi ioh-i ha U Bynái
+kum u l'oh ha ka por ba u pyllun u long u dypei keiñ uba sah naduh
+ba tep Ka Sngi. Te ki sah lai ngut ki para kynthei kiba sumar ia la
+ka kmie ba la sydot la tymmen haduh ba kan da iap.
+
+
+
+"Sohpet Byneng" Hill.
+
+In olden days, when the earth was very young, they say that heaven
+and earth were very near to one another, because the navel-string of
+heaven drew the earth very close to it. This navel-string of heaven,
+resembling flesh, linked a hill near Sumer with heaven. At that time
+all the subjects of the Siem of Mylliem throughout his kingdom came
+to one decision, i.e. to sever the navel-string from that hill. After
+they had cut it, the navel-string became short; and, as soon as it
+shortened, heaven then ascended high. It was since that time that
+heaven became so high, and it is for that reason that they call that
+hill which is near Sumer "U Sohpet Byneng."
+
+
+U Lúm Sohpet Byneng.
+
+Mynhyndái mynba dang lung ka pyrthei ki ong ba ka byneng bad ka khyndew
+ki ia jan sbibún namar ba U Sohpet Byneng u ring ia ka byneng ba'n
+wan kham hajan. Une U Sohpet Byneng u long kum ka doh kaba snoh na u
+wei u lum uba hajan Sumer bad ka snoh ruh ia ka byneng. Te mynkata
+ka pór ki khún ki raiot U Siem Mylliem baroh kawei ka hima ki ia
+ryntieh kawei ka buit ban ia ieng ba'n khet noh ia uta U Sohpet
+Byneng na uta u lum. Te ynda ki la ialeh ba'n khet ia u u la dykut,
+bad tang u shu dykut ka byneng ka la kiw theng sha jerong. Kumta ka
+shu jngái kumne ka byneng nadúh kata ka pór ba dykut U Sohpet Byneng
+nalór uta u lúm. Kane ruh ka long ka dáw namar balei ba la khot ia
+uta u lúm uba don hajan Sumer "U Lúm Sohpet Byneng."
+
+
+How the Dog came to live with Man.
+
+In olden days, when the world was young, all the beasts lived happily
+together, and they bought and sold together, and they jointly built
+markets. The largest market where all the beasts used to take their
+articles for sale was "Luri-Lura," in the Bhoi country. To that
+market the dog came to sell rotten peas. No animal would buy that
+stinking stuff. Whenever any beast passed by his stall, he used to
+say "Please buy this stuff." When they looked at it and smelt it, it
+gave out a bad odour. When many animals had collected together near
+the stall of the dog, they took offence at him, and they said to him,
+"Why have you come to sell this evil smelling, dirty stuff?" They then
+kicked his ware and trampled it under foot. The dog then complained
+to the principal beasts and also to the tiger, who was at that time
+the priest of the market. But they condemned him, saying, "You will be
+fined for coming to sell such dirty stuff in the market." So they acted
+despitefully towards him by kicking and trampling upon his wares. When
+the dog perceived that there was no one to give ear to his complaint,
+he went to man, who said, "Come and live with me, and I will arise
+with you to seek revenge on all the animals who have wronged you." The
+dog agreed and went to live with man from that time. Then man began
+to hunt with the assistance of the dog. The dog knows well also how
+to follow the tracks of the animals, because he can scent in their
+footprints the smell of the rotten pea stuff which they trod under
+foot at Luri-Lura market.
+
+
+
+Kumno u Kseq u la wan Shong bad u Briew.
+
+Mynhyndái, mynba dang lung ka pyrthei shibit, ki mrád ki mreng lái
+phew jaid ki ia suk ki ia lok para mrád, bad ki ju ia-die-ia-thied, ia
+tháw iew tháw hat ryngkat. Te ka iew kaba khráw tam eh kaba poi baroh
+ki lái phew mrád ba'n wallam la ki jingkhaii pateng ka long ka Iew
+"Luri-Lura" ba ri Bhoi. Ha kata ka iew u ksew u wan die 'tung rymbái,
+te ym man don ba pán thied satia ia kata ka ktung. La iaid kawei ka
+mrád u tyrwa, "To thied kane ka ktung." Haba ka la khmih bad ka la íw,
+kaba iwtung pynban, la iaid kawei pat ruh shu shem ba ka long kumta,
+kaba sniew bad kaba íwtung ka jingdie jong u ksew. Te haba ki la ialang
+kham bún ha ka basa jong u ki la phoi ia u ksew, ki ong "balei me wan
+die ia ka ktung kaba íw jakhlia?" bad ki la kynjat ia ka jingdie jong
+u bad ki la iúh hapoh slajat. Te u ksew u la mudui ha ki para mrád kiba
+kham rangbah bad ha u khla uba long lyngdoh, ha kata ka iew. Pynban ki
+la pynrem ia u, bad ki la ong, "yn dain kuna ia me uba wan die ia ka
+jakhlia ha ka iew ka hat." Kumta ki la leh bein ia u da kaba iuh kaba
+kynjat ia kata ka ktung. Te u ksew haba u ioh-i b'ym don ba sngap ia
+ka jingmudui jong u, u la wan sha u bynriew, bad u bynriew u la ong
+"To wan shong noh bad nga nga'n ieng ryngkat bad me ba'n wád kyput ia
+ki lái phew mrád kiba leh bein ia me." Te kumta u ksew u la kohnguh
+bad u la wan shong bad u bynriew nadúh kata ka pór. Nangta sa long
+ka beh mrád u bynriew ryngkat bad ka jingiarap u ksew. U ksew ruh u
+tip ba'n búd dien ia ki mrád, namar u sngewthúh ba ka dien ka khnap
+ka mrád baroh ka don ka jingíw-khong ba la sah ka jingíw nadúh kata
+ka pór ba ki iúh ia ka ktung rymbái jong u ha ka Iew Luri-Lura.
+
+
+The "Thlen."
+
+In olden days there was a market in the village of Langhiang Kongkhen,
+and there was a bridge sacred to the gods there. All the children
+of men used to frequent that heavenly market. They used to pass by
+Rangjirteh, where there is a cave which was tenanted by a gigantic
+"thlen." When they went to that market, as soon as they arrived at
+Rangjirteh they were swallowed up by the "thlen." The "thlen" did this
+in obedience to an order he had received. If ten people went there,
+five of them were swallowed up; half of them he devoured, and half
+of them he let go. But any one who went alone was not touched by the
+"thlen," for it was necessary for him to leave untouched half (of
+the number of those who went). When many people had been devoured,
+and when they saw that all the children of men would be destroyed,
+whether they were Khasis or plains people, they held a great durbar
+at Sunnai market to which both Khasis and plains people went. They
+considered together as to how to devise a means by which they could
+slay the "thlen" which had devoured the children of men. After they
+had deliberated for a long time they decided to adopt the following
+plan. In the grove that is close to Laitryngew, which is called
+"the grove of U Suidnoh," there was a man called "U Suidnoh." They
+counselled together to get "U Suidnoh" to make friends with the
+"thlen." This Suidnoh was a courageous man who did not care for any
+one. He used always to walk alone; so when he went to the "thlen,"
+the latter did not eat him because there was no one else with him
+who could be let go. The people advised U Suidnoh that he should
+go and give the "thlen" flesh every day, either goats, or pigs, or
+cattle. After he had done this for a long time, the "thlen" became
+tame, and was great friends with U Suidnoh. When both of them became
+very intimate thus, the children of men advised U Suidnoh to build a
+smelting house. So he built a smelting house and made the iron red-hot,
+and, holding it with a pair of tongs, took it to the "thlen." When
+he arrived he said to the "thlen," "Open your mouth, open your mouth,
+brother-in-law, here is some flesh." As soon as he opened his mouth,
+he threw the red-hot iron down his throat. The monster then struggled
+and wriggled so violently in its death agony that the earth shook as if
+there had been an earthquake. When U Suidnoh saw the death struggle of
+the "thlen," he fainted (from excitement). The quaking of the earth
+startled all the children of men, and they thought that something
+had happened. When U Suidnoh did not return home his family went
+to look for him, for they knew that he had gone to feed the "thlen"
+with red-hot iron. They found him there lying in a faint. When they
+had revived him, they asked him why he had fainted thus. He replied,
+"When I was feeding the 'thlen' with red-hot iron, he struggled
+and wriggled and I fainted. Come, let us go and see what has become
+of him." They then went and found that the "thlen" was dead. They
+then published abroad all over the world that the "thlen" was dead,
+and they convened a durbar to decide about eating him. In the durbar
+they came to the following understanding, i.e. that the Khasis should
+eat half, and the plains people half (of the body). After they had
+come to this decision in the durbar, they then went to take him out
+of the cave, and they lifted him on to a rock. They there cut into
+pieces the "thlen's" carcase. The plains people from the East, being
+more numerous, ate up their share entirely, not leaving anything--for
+this reason there are no "thlens" in the plains; but the Khasis from
+the West, being fewer in numbers, could not eat up the whole of their
+share; they left a little of it. Thus, because they did not eat it
+all, the "thlen" has remained with them. U Suidnoh gained for himself
+fame and honour, which he enjoys up to the present day. The Khasis,
+therefore, when they find that the hair or the clothes of any one
+belonging to them have been cut, refer the matter to U Suidnoh, and
+they sacrifice to him. The Syntengs also have their "thlen," but he
+differs much from the Khasi "thlen." The Syntengs also believe he is
+a kind of serpent, and there are some families and clans who keep
+him and worship him like a god. They sacrifice to him a pig only;
+they do not propitiate him with human blood as the Khasis do. [35]
+
+
+Shaphang U Thlen.
+
+Mynhyndái la don ka iew ha Langhiang Kongkhen, ba don ka jingkieng blei
+hangta. Baroh ki khún bynriw ki ia wan ha kane ka iew blei. Ki iáid
+lynti na Rangjirteh, kaba don ka krem u thlen uba khráw eh. Te katba
+ki leit sha kane ka iew blei tang shu poi ha Rangjirteh la ngúid noh u
+thlen. U ieh kum ha kane ka rukom kat kum ka hukum ba u la ioh. Lada
+iáid shiphaw ngut, san ngut la ngúid noh; shiteng shiteng la bám,
+shiteng shiteng la pyllait noh. Hinrei ia uba iáid wei briew ym bit
+ba'n bám. Ka dei ba'n da pyllait shiteng shiteng. Te ynda la lut
+than eh ki briew, ki i ruh kum ba'n sa dúh ki khún bynriew baroh,
+bad Khasi bad Dykhar, hangta ki la sydang ba'n lum ka dorbar bah ha
+ka iew Sunnai, u Dykhar u hangta u Khasi ruh hangta. Ki ia pyrkhat
+ba'n ioh ka buit ka lád da kumno ki lah ba'n pyniap noh ia u thlen
+uba la bam dúh ia u khún bynriew. Ynda ki la dorbar kham slem ki
+la ioh ka lád kaba biang kumne. Ha kata ka khláw hajan Laitryngew
+kaba ki khot 'làw Suidnoh la don uwei uba kyrteng "U Suidnoh"
+ki la ong ba'n pynialok ia U Suidnoh bad U Thlen. Une U Suidnoh u
+long uba riwnar u b'ym jiw iáid ryngkat briew. Wei briw, wei briw,
+u iáid. Kumte haba u leit sha U Thlen ruh u'm bám satia namar ba U
+Thlen hi ruh u'm jiw bám ha b'ym don jingpyllait. Ki briew ki la sylla
+ia U Suidnoh ba un leit ai doh ia u hala ka sngi; u ai da ki blang,
+ki sniang, ki massi. Haba la leh kumta kham slem U Thlen u la júh,
+u la ia lok bha bad "U Suidnoh." Te ynda kine ki la ia juh bha,
+u khún bynriew u la bythah pat ia U Suidnoh ba u'n shna shlem, bad
+u la shna shlem ba'n pyrsut nar-wah. Ynda u la pyrsut ia u nar hadúh
+ba u la sáw bha hâin u la khap na ka lawar ding bak bad katba u dang
+sáw dang khluid bha u la leit lam ha U Thlen. Tang shu poi u ong "Ko
+kynum ang, ang, kane ka doh," bad iang u shu ang u la thep jluk ha u
+pydot. Hangta U Thlen u la khih u la lympat u la kyrhtat u la ksaid
+iap badúh ba la win ka khyndew kumba khih u jumái. Hangta U Suidnoh,
+haba u ioh-i ia ka jingksáid iap U Thlen, u ruh u la iaplér b'ym tip
+briew shúh. Te kata ka jingwin ka khyndew ka la pynkyndit ia u khún
+bynriew baroh ha ka pyrthei, bad ki la pyrkhat ba la jia ei ei. U
+Suidnoh u'm poi shúh sha la iing, te kiba ha iing jong u ki la leit
+wád, namar ki la tip ba u la leit ai jingbám ha U Thlen da u nar sáw:
+hangta ki la shem ba u la iap lér, bad ki la pynkyndit ia u bad ki
+la kylli ia u "Balei me iaplér kumne?" U ong, "Hamar ba nga dang
+ai jingbam ia U Thlen da u nar sáw ba la pyrsut bha, u la kyrthat,
+khih lympat U Thlen bad nga la iap lér. "Ia, ia leit khymih kumno u
+la long." Ynda ki la ia leit khymih ki shem ba la iap U Thlen. Hangta
+la pynbyna hàw ia ka pyrthei baroh be la lah iap U Thlen, bad u lùm
+ka dorbar ba'n bám noh ia u. Hangta ha ka dorbar ki la ia kut kumne:
+ki Khasi ki'n bám shiteng bad ki Dykhar ki'n bam shiteng. Ynda la
+ia kut kumta ha ka dorbar ki la ieng ba'n leit sei noh na ka krem,
+bad ki la rah halor u máwsiang. Hangta ki la ia shain ia dain ia
+ka doh U Thlen lyngkhot lyngkhot. Ki Dykhar na mih-ngi, namar ba ki
+kham bún briew ki la bám lut ia la ka bynta, kim shym pynaah ei ei,
+kumta ym don Thlen shúh ha pyddeng ki Dylhar. Hinrei ki Khasi, na
+sepngi namar ba ki kham duna briew ki'm shym lah ba'n bam lut ia la
+ka bynta, ki la pynsah katto katne. Kumta namar ba ki'm shym bám lut,
+U Thlen u dang sah. U Suidnoh u la ioh la ka nám la ka burom hadúh
+mynta. Namar haba ki Khasi ki shem ba la ot shniuh ne ot jáin ki
+pynkit halor U Suidnoh bad ki ái jingknia ia u. Ki Synteng ruh ki don
+la U Thlen hinrei u phér shibun na U Thlen Khasi. Ki Synteng ruh ki
+ngeit ba u long u kynja bysein, bad don ki iing bad ki jaid kiba jiw
+ri ia u bad ki mane kum u blei. Ki ai jingknia ia u tang da u sniang,
+hinrei kim ái da ka snám briew kumba ái ki Khasi kiba ri ia u.
+
+
+
+About the River "Rupatylli" at Duwara.
+
+In ancient times, when the world was still young, there were two river
+goddesses who lived on the Shillong Peak; perhaps really they were
+the daughters of the god of the Peak. These two wagered one against
+the other that each would be the first to arrive in the Sylhet plains
+by cutting a channel for herself. They agreed to start from Shillong
+Peak. One followed the channel of the Umngot, and the other that of
+Umiew or Umiam. The one that followed the channel of Umngot chose a
+soft and easy bed, and although the way was a longer one, she did not
+find it a trouble to go by a circuitous route. When she reached the
+Sylhet plains she was called "Shengurkhat," and she then flowed past
+Chhatak, and so reached Duwara. She looked round to see where Umiam
+was, but she could not descry her anywhere. So out of playfulness she
+flowed slowly, and she formed a channel like a necklace (_rupatylli_)
+by way of waiting to see where Umiam was. Umiew was very proud,
+she felt strong enough to make the channel she chose, and although
+it was through the midst of hills and rocks, she cared not a bit;
+so she wasted time by digging through the hills and boulders. When
+she reached Shella, she thought she could easily beat Umngot, for the
+course she had taken was a very straight one. When she got a little
+below Shella she saw Umngot shouting for joy with foaming waves in
+the Rupatylli channel at Duwara. She was covered with shame, and she
+slackened her speed and split herself up into 5 branches, namely,
+ka Umtong, ka Torasa, ka Pasbiria ka Kumarjani, and ka Duwara. Umiam
+did this so as to hide her shame from Umngot. This is how the river
+Rupatylli was formed at Duwara, to be a token that Umngot had been
+victorious in her contest with Umiew. [36]
+
+
+Shaphang ka wah. Rupatylli ha Duwara.
+
+Hyndái mynba dang lung ka pyrthei la don ár ngut ki blei um kiba shong
+ha lúm Shillong. Lehse shisha ki long ki khún u blei Shillong. Kine
+ki la ia kop ba'n ia mareh ba'n ia pynpoi kloi sha ri madan Shilot da
+kaba ia pom mar kawei ka wah. Kumta ki la ia kut bad ki la ia mih na
+Shillong kawei ka Umngot bad kawei ka Umiew ne Umiám. Kata ka Umngot
+ka búd ia ka lynti na ba, jem ba jem, la ka long kham jingngái ruh
+kam sngew salia ba'n iáid kyllain. Kumta ka la poi ha Shilot ba'n
+khot ka wah Shengurkhat bad ka iaid hadúh Shattok, bad ka poi ha
+Duwara. Ka khymih ia ka Umiam haei-haei-ruh, te ym ioh-i. Kumta ka
+la leh suki kái, ka tháw ka rupa tylli hangto ba'n long kumba sangeh
+ba'n ioh-i ia ka Umiám. Ka Umiew ka long kaba kham sarong, ka sngew
+khlain ba'n iaid na ka lynti kaba bit la ka long da ki lúm ne ki máw,
+ka'm suidniew, kumta ka la pynlut por ha kaba tih ia ki lúm bad ki
+máw. Ynda ka la poi ha Shella ka la shu mut ba'n jop ia ka Umngot
+namar ka lynti jong ka ka long kaba beit eh, te ynda ka la poi harum
+Shella khyndiat ka la ioh-i ia ka Umngot ba ka la risa da ka jingkhie
+dew ha ka wah Rupatylli ha Duwara. Kumta ka la sngew ráin suin bad
+ka la leh suki noh da kaba pynpait tynat ia lade san tylli, kawai
+ka Umtang; ár ka Umtarasa; lái ka Pasbiria; sáw ka wah Kumarjani;
+san ka wah Duwara. Kumne ka la leh khnang ba'n búh riah ia la ka
+jingkhein burom ha khymat ka Umngot. Kumta sa long ka wah Rupatylli
+ha Duwara namar ka long ka dak ka jingjop ka Umngot ia ka Umiew.
+
+
+The Kupli (Kopili).
+
+The Kopili river rises in the "Black Mountains," [37] and flows
+northwards into the Brahmaputra. It is the boundary between the
+country of the Syntengs and that of the Hadems. [38] Any traveller
+who wishes to cross this river must leave behind him the rice which
+he has taken for his journey, and any other food that he may have
+taken with him. If he does not do so, even if he crosses the river
+at an unforbidden point, he is liable to offer a sacrifice to the
+Kopili goddess. The people offer to her three fowls and three goats
+outside the village, i.e. one to the goddess herself, and the other
+two to her sons, U Shyngkram and U Jali; and five fowls, that they
+may all three feast together; this is the case of one transgression
+only. But in the case of a man who has committed more than one, it
+is not possible to say how many goats and fowls must be sacrificed,
+because the river often demands offerings on account of a man's
+parents or relatives having crossed the river at some time or other.
+
+From the time of the old Siem to that of U Ram Singh Siem, they used
+to sacrifice to this great goddess two persons during the months
+of November and December at the time of offering: a sacrifice at
+Jaintiapur. After a ceremony performed by the Brahmins at Jaintiapur,
+the victims are led to the Mawshai (Shangpung) market, where they are
+allowed to take and eat anything they like. After that they conduct
+them to Sumer; but some say that the stone on which the victims are
+beheaded is situated below the village of Ka Lew Kai, near a stream
+which falls into the Kopili, and where there is a _mawkynthei_
+(flat table-stone) close to that sacred river.
+
+They place the victims on that stone, where the executioner beheads
+them with a terrible sword. After that they throw the dead bodies
+their heads into the river. But in the days of U Markuhain (U Raj
+Indro Singh) "who was our contemporary" they have ceased to do so out
+of fear of East India Company. The victims are known by the name of
+"Mugha Khara."
+
+At the time all the people of the territory of the twelve dolois were
+in great state of terror. It is said that the victim-catchers, when
+they inquired about the clan (of their intended victims), conducted
+themselves as if they did not intend to do anything. When the people
+told their clan, then they caught them. When they heard that the
+people belonged to clans from which _kongngors_ [39] were selected,
+they did not arrest them. When it was impossible to get hold of any
+one else, they sacrificed some of the (king's) slaves.
+
+
+Shaphang Ka Kupli, U Shyngkram bad U Jali, ki Khún jong ka.
+
+Ka Kupli ka long ka wah na ki lúm baiong bad ka túid da artet ha ka
+wah Brahmaputra. Ka long ka púd ia ka ri Synteng bad ka ri. Hadem ha
+mihngi. Uno-uno u nongleit jingleit uba kwah ban jám ia kane ka wah
+Blei-Kupli u don kam ba'n bred noh ia la u kháw-ryneng ha shiliang wah,
+bad ia ki kynja jingbám baroh phar, te un sa klan ia ka. Lada u'm da
+leb kumta, la'u klan na ka jaka ka b'ym sang ruh un háp jingaingúh ha
+ka. Ki khún-ki-hajár ia ka ha lum lái s'iar, lái blang kawei ia ka,
+marmar uwei ia U Shyngkram bad U Jali; bad san s'iar ba ki'n ia bám
+sngewbha baroh lái ngut shi khún shi kymie, kata ka long haba long
+tang kawei ka lait, hinrei haba ka'n long katba shong ka lait u briew
+lei-lei, ngam tip ka'n long katno blang katno siar namar haba dei ka'n
+wan pán ka jingkñia namar ba la klan ia ka na khlieh lane na kyjat
+da u kyñie u kypa kano-kano ka iing lane kano-kano ka kur. Nadúh ki
+sngi ki Siem Tymmen haduh ki sngi U Ram Singh Siem ia kane ka blei
+bah ka kymai u lei ba khraw ki kñia da ki briew ár-ngùt shi snem shi
+snem hamar u bynái ba ki puja ne ai ngúh ha Jaintiapur. kata, hamar u
+'nái wieng bad u 'nái nohprah. Ynda ki la kñia ha Jaintiapur da ki
+Bramon, ki sa ia lam ia ki sha ka iew Mawshái ne ka iew Shangpung
+ba ki'n bám shiwa katba mon na kata ka iew. Nangta pat sha Sumer,
+kiwei pat ki ong ba u máw ba ki khrái khlieh ia ki Muga Khara u don
+harum ka shnong Iewksi hajan kawei ka wah kaba túid sha ka Kupli--
+sha ka jaka ba don ka máw kynthei harúd kata ka wah blei Kumta ki sa
+kyntiw halor kata ka maw kynthei ia ki; nangta pat wan sa u nongkhrai
+khlieh bad ka wait ba i-shyrkhei, u khrai ia ki hangta. Hadin kata ki
+sa shat ia ki met-iap sha um bad ia ki khlieh jong ki ruh de. Hinrei
+ha ki sngi U Markuháin ne U Raj-Indro Singh uba ha Khyjong ngi mynta
+ym long shúh kumta namar ba u tieng ia ka Kompani. Ia kine ki briew
+ba ki kñia ki khot kyrteng ia ki ki Muga Khara.
+
+Mynkata ki bynriew shi khadár doloi sngew tieng, ki ong ba ki nongkem
+ki da kylli shiwa ia ka jaid, ki da leh ia lade kum ki bym mut ba'n
+leh ei-ei-ruh, te ynda kita ki briw ia kibe ki mut ba'n kem ki la ia
+thuh ia la ka jaid ki sa kem ia ki. Haba ki sngew ba ki long na ka
+jaid kaba jiw long kongngór ki'm jiw kem. Te haba ym ioh eh ki kñia
+da ki mráw Siem.
+
+
+The Village of Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).
+
+There was in olden days a woman called Ka Rytiang of the Siem
+clan. Whilst she was still a spinster, she used to go to catch fish
+in a stream over which there is to the present day a bridge made of a
+single stone, called Mawpun ka Rytiang. Whilst she was catching fish
+in the midst of the stream a fit of drowsiness overtook her. At that
+very moment there approached her a very handsome young man, who thus
+addressed her; "Take this drumful of money; do not marry, and thou
+shalt nevertheless bear children. Thou must throw a bridge built of a
+single stone across this stream, thou must build thy house entirely of
+stone, the beams must be all of stone. Thou must spend all the money
+I have given thee, and if it does not suffice for thy expenditure,
+I shall bring more. Thou wilt remember all that I say?" She replied
+"yes." As soon as he had finished speaking to her, she awoke from her
+fit of drowsiness, and found herself holding a drumful of money. On her
+way home she pondered over what he had said to her, and her heart was
+full of joy that she had met a god who had given her so much money,
+and who had spoken such words to her. She then constructed a bridge
+over that stream, with a single stone, which remains till this day.
+[40] When she was about to build her house, it happened that she
+got married notwithstanding; she gave birth to a blind child,
+and died shortly afterwards. So the people called the village
+"Mawpun-ka-Rytiang," or, when abbreviated, "Mawpunkyrtiang."
+
+
+Ka Shnong Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).
+
+Te la don mynhyndái kawei ka briew kaba kyrteng ka Rytiang, ka jaid
+Siem. Mynba ka dangsamla ka leit tong shér na kata ka wah kaba don
+u Máwpún uba ki khot hadúh mynta u Máwpún ka-Rytiang. Hamar ba ka
+dang tong shér ha pyddeng um ka lamshoh sam thiah hangta. Hamarkata
+ka por la mih u wei u briew uba bhabriew shibun eh, bad u ong ha ka,
+"Heh kane ka tyngka shi sing nalai; te pha wat shongkurim shuh ho;
+koit, ki khun pha'n ioh hi, bad pha'n pún uwei u máwpún na Shilliang
+sha shilliang kane ka wah, bad thaw iing ba phán shong da ki máw suda
+ki rijid ki rishot, kiei kiei baroh thaw da ki maw. Pha'n pynlut
+kane ka tyngka baroh, bad lada ym dap ruh ngán sa wallam pat. Phán
+kynmáw ho ia kaba nga la ong baroh." Ka ong "haoid." Te kumne-kumne,
+tang shu la dep kine ki ktin baroh ba u kren, ka la kyndit na kata ka
+jingshoh samthiah, bad ka tyngka ka don ha ka kti jong ka shi'sing
+nalai. Te ynda ka la wan sha la iing, artat artat ka lynti ka la
+puson ha la ka mynsim da kaba kymen ba ka la iashem ia u blei uba la
+ai katne ki tyngka bad uba la kren kum kine ki ktin. Te kumta ka la
+ring u máwpún uba don badúh mynta. Bad hamar ba ka dang sydang ba'n
+tháw sa ka iing ka lap ba ioh tynga noh pynban; kumta ka kha u khun
+da uba matlah bad tang shibit ka iap noh. Kumta ki ioh ban khot ka
+shnong Máwpún-ka-Rytiang, lane haba kren lyngkot Mawpunkyrtiang.
+
+
+
+The Siem of Malyniang.
+
+The Siem of Malyniang was one of those kings who, people said, was one
+of the "god-kings." He lived in the village of Madur, which is now in
+the Maskut doloiship. There arose from the royal family of Malyniang
+a king whose name was Kyllong Raja. His manner was very peculiar,
+but he was at the same time both stern and courageous. He made up
+his mind to conquer the whole of the Synteng country as well as the
+territory of the Siem of Shillong, in order to extend his own kingdom
+of Madur. This Kyllong did not require many followers when he went to
+war because he was a very strong man and a man whom nobody could kill,
+for, if he was killed he came to life again immediately. The Synteng
+king once chopped him up into pieces and threw his hands and feet
+far away, and thought he would not come to life again. Nevertheless,
+next morning he came to life just the same, and he walked along all
+the paths and by-ways to intercept his enemies. The Synteng king was
+in great trouble on his account, and was at a loss for a plan how to
+overcome him, because, having been killed once or twice, he came to
+life again.
+
+When the Synteng king had thought well over matter, he hit on a
+device which he thought a very good one, by which he could ascertain
+by what manner of means he came to life again after having once been
+killed. The Synteng king's stratagem was the following. He selected the
+most beautiful girl in the Synteng country, he put on her ornaments
+of gold and of silver and royal raiment of great price, and he said
+to her, "All these will I give thee, and more besides, if thou canst
+obtain for me the secret of Kyllong Raja, and canst inform me how
+he brings himself to life again after being killed. Now I will send
+thee to the market there, and if Kyllong Raja takes a fancy to thee,
+and if he is willing to take thee to wife, thou wilt go, and thou
+wilt pretend to love him as far as is in thy power. Afterwards thou
+wilt inquire regarding all his secrets and wisdom, i.e. how he comes
+to life again after he has been killed; and after thou hast found
+out all these things, thou wilt inform me, so that I may overcome
+him. Then, if thou art successful in thy mission, I will give thee a
+great reward." He then sent her to the market. Kyllong Raja saw her
+and fell in love with her, and he took her to wife and kept her at
+Madur. Then that damsel pretended to love him exceedingly, and she
+repeatedly asked him his secret, how he came to life again. Then
+Kyllong Raja, fancying that she really loved him, confessed all to
+her. He said, "My life depends upon these things. I must bathe every
+day and must wash my entrails" (hence the appellation of "the king
+who washes his inside" which they gave him), "after that I take my
+food, and there is no one on earth who can kill me unless he obtains
+possession of my entrails. Thus my life hangs only on my entrails."
+
+When, therefore, that damsel who had become his wife had learnt all
+these things, she sent word to the Synteng king that he should send
+one of his elders, to whom she might reveal the secret of U Kyllong's
+existence. When the Synteng king heard this, he sent his elders to
+her. She then told all those things that U Kyllong had confessed to
+her. When the Synteng king had heard everything, he gave orders to the
+people to be on the watch so as to get hold of U Kyllong Raja. They
+found him one day bathing, with his entrails placed on one side of
+the bathing-place, so that afterwards he might wash them. Thereupon
+a man from Ralliang seized the entrails and  killed him. He cut the
+entrails into little pieces and gave them to the dogs. Thenceforth U
+Kyllong Raja was not able to come to life again. Madur was conquered,
+and all the members of the royal family of Malyniang were scattered
+from that time. Seven generations have passed since then. [41]
+
+
+Shaphang U Siem Malyniang
+
+U Siem Malyniang u la long uwei u Siem ba jiw byna ba u long u
+kynja Siem blei. Une u la shong ha ka shnong Madur kaba long mynta
+ha ka ilaka u doloi Maskut. Ha ka jaid Siem Malyniang la mih uwei uba
+kyrteng U Kyllong Raja. Une u Siem uba phylla shibun ha la ka jinglong,
+u briew uba eh uba shlur. U la thymu ban job ia ka ri Synteng baroh
+bad ia ka ri Shillong bán pynkhráw ia la ka hima Madur. Une u Kylong
+u'm donkam shibun ki nongbud bán leit ia leh ia kano-kano ka thyma,
+namar u long u briew uba khlain shibun bad u by'm jiw don uba lah ba'n
+pyniap ia u. La ki pyniap ruh u im pat kumne-kumne. U Siem Synteng u
+la pom ia u tukra-tukra, u la bred ia ki kyjat ki kti sha jingngai,
+bad u la tharai ba u'n ym im shuh, pynban tang la mynstep u la im
+hi kumjuh, u la iaid ia ki lad ki dong ban sywait ia ki nongshun. U
+Siem Synteng u la shitom shibun ia u bad u la duh buit ruh da kumno yn
+leh ba'n jop ia u, haba shi sin ar sin la pyniap u shu im pat kumjuh
+pakumjuh. Te haba u Siem Synteng u la pyrkhat bha u la shem kawei ka
+buit kaba u tharai ba ka long kaba bha tam bad kaba u lah ban tip da
+kano ka rukom ne ka jingstad ba u im pat haba la pyniap ia u. Ka buit
+jong u Siem Synteng ka la long kumne. U la shim kawei ka samla kaba
+bhábriew tam na ka ri Synteng baroh, u pyndeng ki jingdeng ksiar ki
+jingdeng rupa, bad u pynkup ki jain Siem kiba kordor eh, bad u ong
+ha ka "ngan ai ia pha kine baroh, bad ngan ai shuh ruh nalor kine
+lada pha'n ioh ia ka buit u Kyllong Raja ban iathuh ha nga da kumno u
+lah ban pynim pat ia lade haba pom ia u. Te mynia nga'n phah ia pha
+sha ieu shato, lada une u Kyllong Raja u i-bha ia pha, bad u'n shim
+ia-pha ban long ka tynga jong u, phan leit, bad phan leh ieit ia u
+katba lah. Hadin sa kylli ia ka buit ka jingstad baroh, da kumno u
+im pat haba la pom ruh, bad ynda pha la tip ia kita baroh sa pyntip
+sha nga ba nga'n sa jop ia u. Te lada pha'n leh kumta nga'n ai buskit
+ia pha shibun ho. Kumta u pbah iew soit ia ka. Te une U Kyllong Raja
+u la iohih ia ka, bad u la i-bha shisha ia ka, bad u shim iaka ba'n
+long ka tynga jong u. U buh ia ka ha Madur. Te kata ka samla ka la
+leh ieit ia u shibun eh bad ka kylli byniah ia ka buit ka jingstad
+ba u im pat. Hangta une u Kyllong Raja, haba u iohih ba ka leh ieit
+shibun u phla ia kiei-kiei baroh hak-a. U ong, "Ka jing im jong-nga ka
+long kumne:-- nga dei ban sum ha la ka sngi bad ban sait ia la ki snir
+(nangta la khot ia u "U Siem sait-snir"). Hadin kata ngan sa bam ja,
+bad y'm don mano-mano ba lah ban pyniap ia nga lada ki'm ioh ia ki
+snir. Kumta ka jing-im jong nga ka sydin tang ha ki snir hi." Kumta,
+ynda kata ka samla, ka tynga jong u, ka la ioh tip ia kata baroh ka
+phah ktin sha u Siem Synteng ba'n wan uno-uno u rangbah ba ka'n iathuh
+ia ka jingim bad ka jingiap u Kyllong Raja. Te u Siem Synteng ynda
+u la sngow ia kata ka ktin shi syndon u la phah ia la ki rangbah sha
+ka. Te ka la iathuh ia kiei-kiei baroh katba u Kyllong Raja u la phla.
+Te u Siem Synteng ynda u la tip ia kane baroh u la ai hukum ia ki
+briew ba ki'n khiar ban ioh ia u Kyllong Raja. Te ha kawei ka sngi
+ki la lap ia u ba u sum bad u la buh ia ki snir ha kata ka jaka ba u
+sum ba u mut ban sait ia ki. Hangta uwei u briéw uba na Ralliang u la
+shim ia ki snir jong u bad u pom ia u; ia kita ki snir u la pyndykut
+lyngkot lyngkhai bad u la ai ha ki ksew. Naduh kata ka por u Kyllong
+Raja u'm lah shuh ba'n im pat,        bad kumta la jop ia ka Madur,
+la pynsakyma ia ka jaid Siem Malyniang naduh kata ka por. Te naduh
+kata hadúh mynta la duh hinniew kyrteng bynriw.
+
+
+U Manik Raitong and his Flute
+
+In the northern portion of the Khasi Hills which borders on the Bhoi
+country there lived a man, by name U Manik. The people nicknamed him
+"U Manik Raitong," because he was an orphan, his parents, his brothers
+and sisters, and the whole of his clansfolk having died. He was very
+poor in addition. U Manik Raitong was filled with grief night and
+day. He used to weep and deeply groan on account of his orphanhood
+and state of beggary. He did not care about going out for a walk, or
+playing like his fellow youths. He used to smear himself with ashes
+and dust. He used to pass his days only in weeping and groaning,
+because he felt the strain of his misery to such an extent. He made
+a flute upon which to play a pathetic and mournful tune. By day
+he used to work as a ploughman, whenever he was called upon to do
+so. If nobody called him, he used to sit inactive at home, weeping
+and groaning and smearing his rags with dust and ashes. At night he
+used to bathe and dress himself well, and, after having eaten his
+food, he used to take his flute and play on it till morning. This
+was always his practice. He was a very skilful player. He had twelve
+principal tunes. There lived in the same village a queen. Her husband,
+the Siem, used to be absent from home for long intervals in connection
+with his public duties. One night, when the queen heard the strains
+of U Raitong's flute, she listened to them with very great pleasure,
+and she felt so much compassion for him that she arose from her
+couch at midnight and went to visit him. When she reached his house,
+she asked him to open the door, so that she might pay him a call. U
+Raitong said "I can't open the door, as this is not the time to pay
+visits," and he went on playing his flute and dancing to the music,
+with tears in his eyes. Then the queen peeped through one of the chinks
+of the wall and saw him, and she was beside herself, and breaking
+open the door she entered in. Then U Raitong, having stopped playing,
+was annoyed that, to add to his misfortunes, this woman had come to
+trouble him thus. When she tried to beguile him, U Raitong admonished
+her and sent her away. She departed just before daybreak. U Raitong
+then took off his fine clothes, and putting on his rags, sprinkled
+himself with dust and ashes, and went to plough as was his wont. The
+queen, however, ensnared him by another device, and whilst the king
+was still away in the plains, she gave birth to a male child. When
+the Siem returned, he was much surprised to find that she had borne a
+child during his absence, and however much he asked her to confess,
+she would not do so. So the king called the elders and young men to
+judge the case, and when no proof was found concerning this business,
+the king appointed another day, when all the males (in the State)
+should appear, each man holding a plantain. On the appointed day,
+all the males of the State having appeared, the king told them all
+to sit in a circle and to show their plantains, and said, "We will
+place this child in the midst, and to whomsoever the child goes,
+he is his father, and the adulterer. We will beat him to death with
+clubs according to the law." Accordingly, when all the people sat in a
+circle, and the child was placed in the midst, he went to no one, and,
+although the king called and coaxed him much, he nevertheless refused
+to go. Then the king said, "Remember who is absent." All replied,
+"There is no one else except U Manik Raitong." The Siem replied,
+"Call, then, U Raitong." Some of the people said, "It is useless to
+call that unfortunate, who is like a dog or a cat; leave him alone,
+oh king." The king replied, "No, go and call him, for every man must
+come." So they called him, and when he arrived and the child saw him,
+the child laughed and followed "U Raitong." Then the people shouted
+that it was U Raitong who had committed adultery with the queen. The
+king and his ministers then ordered that U Raitong should be put to
+death outside the village. U Raitong said, "Be pleased to prepare
+a funeral pyre, and I will burn myself thereon, wicked man that I
+am." They agreed to his request. U Raitong said to those who were
+preparing the funeral pyre, "When I arrive near the funeral pyre,
+set fire to it beforehand, and I will throw myself in, and you stand
+at a distance." Then U Raitong went and bathed, dressed himself well,
+and, taking his flute, played on it as he walked backwards to the
+funeral pyre; and when he arrived close to it, they lighted it as he
+had told them to do. He walked three times round the pyre, and then
+planted his flute in the earth and threw himself into the flames. The
+queen, too, ran quickly and threw herself on the pyre also. After
+U Raitong and the queen had been burned, a pool of water formed in
+the foundations of the pyre, and a bamboo sprang up whose leaves grew
+upside-down. From U Raitong's time it has become the practice to play
+the flute at funerals as a sign of mourning for the departed.
+
+
+
+U Manik Raitong bad ka Sharati jong u.
+
+La don uwei u bríw shaphang shatei ha ka ri Khasi ha khap ri Bhoi
+uba kyrteng U Manik. Ki bríw ki la sin ia u U Manik Raitong namar
+ba u long u khun swet uba la iap baroh ki kymi, ki kypa, ki hynmen,
+ki para bad ki kur ki jaid. U long ruh uba duk shibun. Une U Manik
+Raitong u dap da ki jingsngowsih synia sngi, u iam ud jilliw ha la
+ka mynsim namar la ka jinglong khun swet long pukir. Um jiw kwah ban
+iaid kai leh kai kum ki para samla; u sum da ka dypei da ka khyndew
+ia lade, u pynleit la ki sngi ki por tang ha ki jingud ki jingiam
+ba u sngowisynei ia ka pyrthei sngi ba shem shitom haduh katne. Te
+u la thaw kawei ka sharati ban put ka jingiam bríw bad jingriwai
+sngowisynei. Mynsngi mynsngi u jiw leit bylla pynlur masi haba la
+don ba wer, haba ym don u shong khop-khop ha la iing, u iam u ud,
+u sum dypei sum khyndew halor la ki jain syrdep jot. Mynmiet mynmiet
+u sum u sleh, u kup bha kup khuid; bad ynda u la lah bam lah dih u
+shim ka sharati u put hadúh ban da shai. Barobor u jiw leh kumta. Ha
+kaba put ruh u long uba nang shibún, u don khadar jaid ki jingput
+kiba kongsan tam ha ka jingput jong u. Te la don ka mahadei ha kata
+ka shnong kaba u tynga jong ka u long u Siem Rangbah ha ka Hima. Une
+u Siem u leit sha Dykhar ban pyndep bun jaid ki kam Siem jong u, bad
+u dei ban jah slem na la iing. Kane ka mahadei ha kawei ka miet haba
+ka la ioh sngow ba'riew ka sharati U Raitong ka la sngowbha shibun
+eh ban sngap, bad haba ka la sngap ka la sngow ieit sngowisynei ia
+U Raitong haduh ba ka la khie joit shiteng synia ban leit kai sha
+U Raitong. Te haba ka la poi tiap ha khymat ka iing jong u ka la
+phah plie ban wan kai. U Raitong u ong ym lah ban plie namar kam
+long ka por ba dei ban wan kai. Kumta u put la ka jingput bad la
+ka jingshad nohlyngngeb pynjem ryndang jaw ummat. Te ke mahadei,
+haba ka la khymih na kawei ka thliew kaba pei, ka la iohih ia u;
+hangta lei-lei kam don pyrthei shuh haduh ba ka la kyddiah ia ki
+jingkhang bad ka la rung shapoh iing. Kumta U Raitong u la wai noh
+la ka jingput bad u sngowsib, halor ba shem kat kane ka pyrthei sngi,
+sa kane ruh nang wan leh ih-bein kumne. Haba ka la lam pynsboi ia u,
+U Raitong u la sneng ia ka bad u la phah nob ia ka, te ka la leit
+noh haba ka sydang ban shai pher. U Raitong u la law la ki jain bha,
+u la shim la ki syrdep bad, u dypei ban leh kumta u jiw leh bad u la
+leit pynlur masi. Hinrei kane ka mahadei ka la riam ia u da kawei pat
+ka buit. Te katba u Siem u nangsah ha Dykhar ka la nang kha i wei i
+khun shinrang, bad haba u la wan u la sngow phylla shibun eh ba ka
+la ioh khun haba um don. La u kylli byniah katno-katno ruh kam phla
+satia. Kumta U Siem u la lum ia u tymmen u san, u khynraw khyndein,
+baroh ban bishar, te haba ym shem sabud ei ei shaphang kane ka kam,
+kumta u buh ha kawei ka sngi ba yn wan u shinrang briw baroh katha don,
+kin wallam bad lakait kawei-kawei man u bríw. Ynda la poi kata ka sngi,
+baroh ki la wan na ka hima, bad U Siem u ong, phin shonq tawiar baroh,
+pynih la ka kait, ngin buh ia une u khunlung ha pyddeng, jar haba une
+a khunlung un leit uta dei u kypa bad uba klim, ia uta yn shoh tangon
+ha bynda iap kum ka ain ka jiw long. Kumta te haba la shong tawiar u
+paitbah byllin, la bah ia uta u khunlung ha pyddeng. Uta u khunlung
+um leit hano-hano ruh, la khot la khroh. U Siem katno katno ruh um
+treh. "To ia ia kynmaw sa man u bym don hangne" ong U Siem. Baroh ki
+ong, "ym don shuh, sa tang U Raitong." "Khot te ia U Raitong," ong
+U Siem. Don katto katne na pyddeng uta a paitbah kiba ong. "Ym khot
+makna ia uba pli, uba kum u ksew, u miaw, yn nai Siem." "Em shu khot
+wei u kynja shinrang briw dei ban wan." Te la khot is u, bad haba u
+la poi tiap uta u khunlung u khymih u sam rykhie bad u leit bud ia
+U Raitong. Kumta risa shar u paitbah baroh ba U Raitong u la klim ia
+ka mahadei. Te U Siem bad la ki Myntri ki la ai hukum ban leit pyniap
+noh ia U Raitong sharud nong. Te u ong "phi da sngowbha shu thaw da
+la ka jingthang ngan thang hi ia lade wei nga u riwnar ruser. Kumta ki
+la shah ia kata ka jingpan jong u. Te U Raitong u la ong ha kita kiba
+thaw jingthang. "Ynda nga poi sha jan jingthang sa nang ai ding lypa
+ngan sa nang thang hi, phi kynriah noh sha jingngai. Kumta U Raitong
+u wan sum wan sleh, u kup bha sem bha, u shim ka sharati u put, u leit
+da kaba iaid dadin shaduh jingthang. Te ynda u la poi ha jan ki la buh
+ding kumta u la ong; ynda poi ha jingthang u iaid tawiar lai sin ia ka,
+u sih ka sharati ha khyndew, bad u thang ia lade. Ka Mahadei ruh da
+kaba kyrkieh ka la mareh sha kata ka jingthang bad ka ruh ka la thang
+lem hangta ia lade. Kumta ynda la ing U Raitong bad kata Ka Mahadei,
+long da ka um ha kata ka nongrim jingthang, bad mih u shken uba long
+ka mat sha khongpong. Naduh U Raitong sa long ka sharati haduh mynta
+ban put iam briw ban pynih la ki jingsngowsih na ka bynta kiba la iap.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+Miscellaneous
+
+
+Teknonomy.
+
+The Khasis, like the Alfoors of Poso in Celebes, seem to be somewhat
+reluctant to utter the names of their own immediate relations, and of
+other people's also. Parents are very frequently called the mother
+of so and so (the child's name being mentioned), or the father of
+so and so, cf. _Ka kmi ka Weri, U kpa u Philip_. The actual names
+of the parents, after falling into desuetude, are often entirely
+forgotten. The origin of the practice may be that the Khasis, like
+the Alfoors, were reluctant to mention their parents by name for fear
+of attracting the notice of evil spirits. The practice of teknonomy,
+however, is not confined to the Khasis or the Alfoors of Celebes
+(see footnote to page 412 of the "Golden Bough"). The custom is also
+believed to have been prevalent to some extent not long ago in some
+parts of Ireland.
+
+The advent of the Welsh Missionaries and the partial dissemination of
+English education has in some cases produced rather peculiar names. I
+quote some instances:--
+
+U Water Kingdom, Ka Mediterranean Sea, Ka Red Sea; U Shakewell Bones,
+U Overland, Ka Brindisi, Ka Medina, Ka Mary Jones, U Mission, and
+Ka India.
+
+
+Khasi Method of Calculating Time.
+
+The Khasis adopt the lunar month, _u bynai_, twelve of which go to
+the year _ka snem_. They have no system of reckoning cycles, as is
+the custom with some of the Shan tribes. The following are the names
+of the months:--
+
+_U kylla-lyngkot_, corresponding to January. This month in the Khasi
+Hills is the coldest in the year. The Khasis turn (_kylla_) the fire
+brand (_lyngkot_) in order to keep themselves warm in this month,
+hence its name _kylla-lyngkot_.
+
+_U Rymphang_, the windy month, corresponding with February.
+
+_U Lyber_, March. In this month the hills are again clothed with
+verdure, and the grass sprouts up (_lyber_), hence the name of the
+month, _u Lyber_.
+
+_U Iaiong_, April. This name may possibly be a corruption of u
+_bynai-iong_, i.e. the black moon, the changeable weather month.
+
+_U Jymmang_, May. This is the month when the plant called by the
+Khasis _ut'ieu jymmang_, or snake-plant, blooms, hence the name.
+
+_U Jyllieu_. The deep water month, the word _jyllieu_ meaning
+deep. This corresponds to June.
+
+_U náitung_. The evil-smelling month; when the vegetation rots owing
+to excessive moisture. This corresponds with July.
+
+_U'náilar_. The month when the weather is supposed to become clear,
+_synlar_, and when the plant called _ja'nailar_ blooms. This is August.
+
+_U'nái-lur_. September. The month for weeding the ground.
+
+_U Ri-sáw_. The month when the Autumn tints first appear, literally,
+when the country, _ri_, becomes red, _saw_. This is October.
+
+_U'nái wieng_. The month when cultivators fry the produce of their
+fields in _wieng_ or earthen pots, corresponding with November.
+
+_U Noh-práh_. The month when the _práh_ or baskets for carrying the
+crops are put away (_buh noh_). Another interpretation given by Bivar
+is "the month of the fall of the leaf." December.
+
+The Khasi week has the peculiarity that it almost universally consists
+of eight days. The reason of the eight-day week is because the markets
+are usually held every eighth day. The names of the days of the week
+are not those of planets, but of places where the principal markets
+are held, or used to be held, in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The
+following are the names of the days of the week and of the principal
+markets in the district:--
+
+
+    Khasi Hills.                        Jaintia Hills.
+
+1.  Lynkah (Barpani or Khawang)         Kylino.
+    (Suhtnga).
+2.  Nongkrem                            Pynaing.
+3.  Um-Iong (Maolong the hat at         Maolong. (Nartiang).
+    Luban)
+4.  Ranghop (Ieu-bah at Cherra)         Maosiang. (Jowai).
+    (Mawtawar in Mylliem)
+    (Unsaw in Nongkhlaw)
+5.  Shillong (Laitlyngkot)              Maoshai. (Shangpung).
+6.  Pomtih or Pomtiah (Mawkhar,         Pynkat. (Mynao).
+    small market)
+7.  Umnih                               Thym-blein.
+8.  Yeo-duh (Mawkhar, large market)     Ka-hat. (Jaintiapur).
+
+
+In the Wár country, markets are usually held every fourth day,
+e.g. at Nongjri, Mawbang, Tyllap, and Shella. At Theria the market
+is held every Friday, and at Hat-majai, or Rholagunj, every Tuesday.
+
+
+The Lynngams.
+
+Although mention has been made incidentally in various parts of
+this monograph of Lynngam customs, it has been thought necessary
+to give the Lynngams a separate chapter, as these people differ so
+very greatly from the Khasis in their manner of life, and in their
+customs. _Lynngam_ is the Khasi name; the Garo name for the Lynngams
+is _Megam_. There are several _Megam_ villages in the north-eastern
+corner of the Garo Hills district, and there is regular communication
+kept up between these villages and the Lynngam inhabitants of the
+Khasi Hills district. The Lynngams must not be confused with the
+_Háná_ or _Námdaniya_ Garos who inhabit the low hills to the north
+of the Khasi Hills district, and are called by the Khasis _Dko_. All
+Lynngams claim to be Khasis, they dislike being called Garos; but
+although it is true they speak what may be called a dialect of Khasi,
+and observe some of the Khasi customs, the Lynngams are more Garo
+than Khasi. Before proceeding further, it should be stated that the
+Assamese of Boko call the Lynngams _Núniyá_ Garos, all hill people
+being Garos to the Assamese of that region, without distinction or
+difference. It is owing to these three different names being used for
+the same people that there has been so much confusion about Lynngams
+previously; e.g. at one census they were named _Lynngam_, at another
+they received the appellation of Garo, and at a third enumeration
+they were called Khasis. In Section I. the habitat of the Lynngams has
+been roughly defined. It is impossible to define the Lynngam country
+exactly, because these people are continually shifting their village
+sites owing to the exigencies of _jhum_ cultivation, which has been
+described in Section II. Some of the Lynngams preserve a tradition that
+they originally came from the Kamrup plains. It is interesting that a
+people, like the Garos in so many respects, should have the same idea
+as the Garos as to the hills on the south bank of the Brahmaputra not
+always having been their abode. The Garo legend is that they dwelt
+for some years in the Goalpara and Kamrup plains after they descended
+from Thibet, and before they moved to the Garo Hills; and there is
+unmistakable evidence of their occupation of both districts in the
+shape of certain Garo villages on both banks of the Brahmaputra for
+some little distance up the river. If, as I suspect, the Lynngams are
+an offshoot of the Garos, it is, perhaps, possible that they entered
+the Khasi Hills much in the same way as the Garos entered the hill
+district to which they have given their name. The Lynngams are much
+darker than the Khasis, and possess the Thibeto-Burman type of feature
+often to a marked degree. It is not extraordinary that they should
+have adopted some of the Khasi customs; for the Khasis, being the
+stronger people, would in course of time be bound to influence them
+in this respect. That the Lynngams observe the matriarchate and erect
+(some clans) memorial stones is not peculiar, because the Garos, like
+the Khasis, are also a matriarchal people (to a limited degree), and
+the custom of erecting memorial stones is not confined to the Khasis,
+for other hill tribes in Assam observe the practice, e.g. certain
+Naga tribes and the Mikirs; and the Garos themselves put up carved
+posts, called _kima_, in honour of the departed. Although there is
+not much intermarriage between the Khasis and the Lynngams nowadays,
+perhaps in days gone by there was a mixture of blood, the result
+being the hybrid race we are now considering. Some of the leading
+characteristics of the Lynngams will now be detailed. The Lynngams
+are by complexion swarthy, with features of Mongolian type. The men
+are of middle height and the women remarkably short, both sexes being
+not nearly so robust as the Khasis, a result due probably to climatic
+influences, for the Lynngams live in fever- haunted jungles. The men
+have very little hair about the face, although a scanty moustache is
+sometimes seen, the hairs in the centre being carefully plucked out,
+the result being two tufts on either side. Beards are never seen. The
+women are ill-favoured, and wear very little clothing. The men wear the
+sleeveless coat of the Khasi and Mikir pattern, called _phongmarong_,
+which is made of cotton dyed red, blue, and white. This custom may
+have been borrowed from the Khasi. They do not grow their own cotton,
+but obtain it from the plains. They make their own dyes, _changlong_
+(red) and _hur sai-iong_ (black). A cotton cloth, barely enough for
+purposes of decency, is tied between the legs, the ends being allowed
+to hang down in front and behind. Sometimes an apron is worn in
+front. At the present day the men wear knitted woollen caps, generally
+black or red, of the Nongstoin pattern (a sort of fisherman's cap),
+but the elderly men and head-men wear turbans. The females wear a
+cotton cloth about eighteen inches broad round the loins, sometimes
+striped red and blue, but more often only dark blue. A blue or red
+cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders by unmarried girls, but
+married women only wear the waist-cloth, like the Garos. A cloth is
+tied round the head by married women, sometimes, Garo fashion. The
+women wear quantities of blue beads as necklaces, like their Garo
+sisters. They obtain the beads from the Garo markets at the foot
+of the hills. Brass ear-rings are worn by both sexes; the women,
+like the Garos, load their ears to such an extent with brass rings
+as to distend the lobes greatly. Silver armlets are worn by the
+head-men only, or by those who possess the means to give a great
+feast to the villagers. This is the custom of the Garo _nokmas_, or
+head-men. Both sexes wear bracelets. The men also wear necklaces of
+beads. The rich wear necklaces of cornelian and another stone which
+is thought by the Lynngams to be valuable. A necklace of such stones
+is called _u'pieng blei_ (god's necklace). This stone is apparently
+some rough gem which may be picked up by the Lynngams in the river
+beds. A rich man amongst them, however, is one who possesses a number
+of metal gongs, which they call _wiang_. For these they pay very high
+prices, Rs. 100 being quite a moderate sum for one of them. Being
+curious to see one of these gongs, I asked a _sirdar_, or head-man,
+to show me one. He replied that he would do so, but it would take time,
+as he always buried his gongs in the jungle for fear of thieves. Next
+morning he brought me a gong of bell metal, with carvings of animals
+engraved thereon. The gong when struck gave out a rich deep note
+like that of Burmese or Thibetan gongs. These gongs have a regular
+currency in this part of the hills, and represent to the Lynngams
+"Bank of England" notes. It would be interesting to try to ascertain
+what is their history, for no one in the Lynngam country makes them
+in these days. Is it possible that the Garos brought them with them
+when they migrated from Thibet? The gongs are well known in the Garo
+Hills, and I hear that when a _nokma_, or head-man, there dies his
+corpse is laid out upon them. They thus possess also an element of
+sanctity, besides being valuable for what they will fetch to the
+Garos or Lynngams. We may hope to hear more about them in Captain
+Playfair's account of the Garos.
+
+The Lynngams do not tattoo. Their weapons are the large-headed
+Garo spear, the dao, and the shield. They do not usually carry bows
+and arrows, although there are some who possess them. They are by
+occupation cultivators. They sow two kinds of hill rice, red and white,
+on the hill-sides. They have no wet paddy cultivation, and they do
+not cultivate in terraces like the Nagas. They burn the jungle about
+February, after cutting down some of the trees and clearing away some
+of the debris, and then sow the paddy broadcast, without cultivating
+the ground in any way. They also cultivate millet and Jobs-tears in
+the same way. With the paddy chillies are sown the first year. The
+egg plant, arum, ginger, turmeric, and sweet potatoes of several
+varieties are grown by them in a similar manner. Those that rear the
+lac insect plant _landoo_ tress (Hindi _arhal dal_) in the forest
+clearings, and rear the insect thereon. Some of these people, however,
+are prohibited by a custom of their own from cultivating the _landoo_,
+in which case they plant certain other trees favourable to the growth
+of the lac insect. The villages are situated near their patches of
+cultivation in the forest. The villages are constantly shifting,
+owing to the necessity of burning fresh tracts of forest every two
+years. The houses are entirely built of bamboo, and, for such temporary
+structures, are very well built. In front, the houses are raised some
+3 or 4 ft. from the ground on platforms, being generally built on
+the side of a fairly steep hill, one end of the house resting on the
+ground, and the other on bamboo posts. The back end of the house is
+sometimes some 8 or 9 ft. from the ground. At the end of the house
+farthest away from the village path is a platform used for sitting
+out in the evening, and for spreading chillies and other articles to
+dry. Some Lynngam houses have only one room in which men, women, and
+children an all huddled together, the hearth being in the centre, and,
+underneath the platform, the pigs. Well-to-do people, however, possess
+a retiring room, where husband and wife sleep. A house I measured at
+Nongsohbar village was of the following dimensions:--Length, 42 ft;
+breadth, 16 ft.; height of house from the ground to the eaves, front,
+9 ft.; back 18 ft. Houses are built with a portion of the thatch
+hanging over the eaves in front. No explanation could be given me for
+this. It is probably a Garo custom. In some Lynngam villages there
+are houses in the centre of the village where the young unmarried
+men sleep, where male guests are accommodated, and where the village
+festivities go on. These are similar to the _dekachang_ or bachelors'
+club-houses of the Mikirs, Garos, and Lalungs, and to the _morang_
+of the Nagas. This is a custom of the Thibeto-Burman tribes in Assam,
+and is not a Khasi institution. There are also high platforms, some
+12 ft. or 15 ft. in height, in Lynngam villages, where the elders sit
+of an evening in the hot weather and take the air. Lynngam houses and
+villages are usually much cleaner than the ordinary Khasi villages,
+and although the Lynngams keep pigs, they do not seems to be so
+much _en évidence_ as in the Khasi village. There is little or no
+furniture in a Lynngam house. The Lynngam sleeps on a mat on the
+floor, and in odd weather covers himself with a quilt, made out of
+the bark of a tree, which is beaten out and then carefully woven,
+several layers of flattened bark being used before the right thickness
+is attained. This quilt is called by the Lynngam "_Ka syllar_" (Garo
+_simpak_). Food is cooked in earthen pots, but no plates are used,
+the broad leaves of the _mariang_ tree taking their place. The leaves
+are thrown away after use, a fresh supply being required for each meal.
+
+The Lynngams brew rice beer, they do no distil spirit; the beer is
+brewed according to the Khasi method. Games they have none, and there
+are no jovial archery meetings like those of the Khasis. The Lynngam
+methods of hunting are setting spring guns and digging pitfalls
+for game. The people say that now the Government and the Siem of
+Nongstoin have prohibited both of these methods of destroying game,
+they no longer employ them. But I came across a pitfall for deer not
+long ago in the neighbourhood of a village in the Lynngam country. The
+people declared it to be a very old one; but this I very much doubt,
+and I fear that these objectionable methods of hunting are still
+used. The Lynngams fish to a small extent with nets, but their idea
+of fishing, _par excellence_, is poisoning the streams, an account
+of which has already been given in this monograph. The Lynngams are
+omnivorous feeders, they may be said to eat everything except dogs,
+snakes, the _huluk_ monkey, and lizards. They like rice, when they
+can get it; for sometimes the out-turn of their fields does not
+last them more than a few months. They then have to fall back on
+Jobstears and millet. They eat arums largely, and for vegetables
+they cook wild plantains and the young shoots of bamboos and cane
+plants. The Lynngams are divided up into exogamous clans in the same
+manner as the Khasis. The clans are overgrown families. The Lynngams
+have some stories regarding the founders of these clans, of which the
+following is a specimen:--"A woman was asleep under a _sohbar_ tree
+in the jungle, a flower from which fell on her, and she conceived
+and bore a female child who was the ancestress of the Nongsohbar
+clan." Some of the stories of the origins of other clans do not bear
+repeating. There do not appear to be any hypergamous groups. As
+with the Khasis, it is a deadly sin to marry any one belonging to
+your own _kur_, or clan. Unlike the Khasis, however, a Lynngam can
+marry two sisters at a time. The Lynngam marriages are arranged by
+_ksiangs_, or go-betweens much in the same way as Khasi marriages;
+but the ritual observed is less elaborate, and shows a mixture of
+Khasi and Garo customs (see section III.). The Lynngams intermarry
+with the Garos. It appears that sometimes the parents of girls exact
+bride-money, and marriages by capture have been heard of. Both of these
+customs are more characteristic of the Bodo tribes of the plains than
+of the Khasis. There are no special birth customs, as with the Khasis,
+except that when the umbilical cord falls a fowl is sacrificed, and
+the child is brought outside the house. Children are named without
+any special ceremony. The death customs of the Lynngams have been
+described in Section III. A peculiar characteristic is the keeping of
+the dead body in the house for days, sometimes even for several months,
+before it is burnt. The putrefying corpse inside the house seems to
+cause these people no inconvenience, for whilst it remains there, they
+eat, carry on their ordinary avocations, and sleep there, regardless
+of what would be considered by others an intolerable nuisance. The
+religion of these people consists of a mixture of ancestor-worship
+and the propitiation of the spirits of fell and fall, which are,
+most of them, believed to be of evil influence, as is the case with
+other savage races. As with the people of Nongstoin, the primaeval
+ancestress, "_ka Iaw bei_," is worshipped for the welfare of the
+clan, a sow being sacrificed to her, with a gourd of rice-beer,
+and leaves of the oak, or _dieng-sning_ tree. The leaves of the oak
+are afterwards hung up inside the house, together with the jaw bone
+of the pig. Sacrifices are offered to a forest demon, _U Bang-jang_
+(a god who brings illness), by the roadside; also to _Ka Miang Bylli
+U Majymma_, the god of cultivation, at seed time, on the path to the
+forest clearing where the seed is sown. Models of paddy stone-houses,
+baskets and agricultural implements are made, sand being used to
+indicate the grain. These are placed by the roadside, the skulls
+of the sacrificial animals and the feathers of fowls being hung up
+on bamboo about the place where the has been performed. There are
+no priests or _lyngdohs_, the fathers of the hamlet performing the
+various ceremonies. The Lynngams possess no head-hunting customs, as
+far as it has been possible to ascertain. These people are still wild
+and uncivilized. Although they do not, as a rule, give trouble, from
+an administrative point of view, a very serious dacoity, accompanied
+by murder, was committed by certain Lynngams at an Assamese village
+on the outskirts of the Lynngam country a few years ago. The victims
+were two Merwari merchants and their servant, as well as another
+man. These people were brutally murdered by the Lynngams, and robbed
+of their property. The offenders were, however, successfully traced
+and arrested by Inspector Raj Mohan Das, and several of them suffered
+capital punishment, the remainder being transported for life.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+Language
+
+Before commencing to describe the more salient features of the Khasi
+language, its grammar, and syntax, it seems to be of importance to
+show how intimately connected Khasi is with some of the languages of
+Further India. In the middle of the last century Logan pointed out
+affinity between Khasi and these languages, but it has been left to
+Professor Kuhn to prove this connection to demonstration. The examples
+of comparative vocabularies which follow are taken from Kuhn's
+"_Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens_," Sir George Scott's
+"Upper Burma Gazetteer," and Sir George Campbell's lists. It will be
+seen from the collections of words that follow how Khasi possesses
+many words in common with Mon or Talaing, Khmêr, Suk, Stieng, Bahnar,
+Annam, Khamen-Boram, Xong, Samre, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, and Wa. There
+is some correspondence, although perhaps to a lesser degree, between
+Khasi and the Ho-Munda languages and those of Malacca and the Nancowry
+language of the Nicobar Islands.
+
+Let us now examine the table of numerals. The Khasi word for 1 is
+_wei_, but in the Amwi dialect of Khasi it is _mi_. In Khmu the word is
+_mui_, also in Suk; in Mon _mwoi_ and in Xong _moi_. The word for 2 is
+identical in Khasi and Lemet, viz., _ar_. The word for 3, viz. _lai_,
+is identical in Khasi and Wa: also compare Lemet _lohe_. Khasi _saw_
+and Lakadong _thaw_ for 4 are, however, deviating forms. In the case
+of 5, if we cut out the prefix _m_ in the Mon word _m'san_, we have
+fairly close agreement with the Khasi _san_. In the numeral 6, if we
+cut out the prefix _hin_ of the Khasi (_hin_)_riw_, and the initial
+_t_ of Mon and Suk _t'rou, trou_, we have close agreement. In the
+Khasi words for 7 and 8 the syllable _hin_ is but a prefix. This
+is also probably the case in the Khasi word (_khyn_)_dai_ for 9,
+and the _shi_ in the Khasi word _shiphew_, 10, merely means one.
+
+
+Numerals.
+
+
+    Sue.    Mon or  Suk.   Stieng. Bahnar.    Annam.  Khmen   Xong.   Samre.
+            Talaing.                                  Boran.
+
+ 1  mue     mwoi    mui    muôi    moin,      môt     mnay    moi     moe
+                                   ming
+ 2  bar     ba      bar    bar     bar        hai     bar     pra     pra
+ 3  pei     pi      pe     pêi     peng       ba      peh     pe      pe
+ 4  puon    pan     puon   puôn    puôn       bôn     pon     pôn     pon
+ 5  sung    m'sun   sung   pram    (po)dam    nam     pram    pram    pram
+ 6  thpat   t'rou   trou   prou    (to)trou   sau     krong   dam     kadon
+ 7  thpol   t'pah   pho    poh     (to)po     bay     grul    kanul   kanul
+ 8  thkol   dc'am   tam    pham    (to)ngam   tam     kati    kati    katai
+ 9  thke    d'ceit  kin    ên      (to)xin    chin    kansar  kasa    katea
+10  muchit  cah     chit   jemat   min        muoi    uai     rai     rai
+                           jet     jit        chuk
+
+
+    Khan.   Lomei.   Palaung. Wa.                         Dialects of Khasi.
+                                           Khasi.   Lakadong.  Amwi.   Synteng.  Mymar or
+                                                                                 Jirang.
+
+ 1  mui     mus(mos) lé       te          wei       bi         mi      wi        mi
+ 2  bar     ar       è(a)     ra(a)       ar        a          o       ar        ir
+ 3  pe      lohe     oé       lai         lai       loi        la      la        lei
+ 4  puon    pun(pon) phun     pon         saw       thaw       siá     so        so
+ 5  pfuong  pan      phan     hpawn(fan)  san       than       san     san       san
+ 6  tol     tal      to       laiya(lia)  (hin)riw  thro       thrau   ynro      threi
+ 7  kul     pul      phu      a-laiya     (hin)iew  (hum)thloi ynthla  ynniaw    ynthlei
+                              (alia)
+ 8  ti      ta       ta       s'te(su'te) phra      humpya     humphyo phra      humpyir
+ 9  kash    tim      tim      s'ti(su'ti) (khyn)dai hunsulai   hunshia khyndo    khyndai
+10  kan     kel      ken(ko)  kao         (shi)phew shiphai    shipho  (shi)phaw shiphi
+
+
+It will be seen that there is considerable similarity in the numerals
+of the different languages up to six, the correspondence being most
+strongly marked in the numerals 1, 2, 5, and 6. If we remember that
+primitive people seldom can count higher than the number of digits
+of one hand, the dissimilarity in the numerals, as the end of the
+decade is approached, is probably explained. As the different people
+speaking these languages advanced in civilization they learned to
+count further; but by this time they had become in some cases like
+those of the Khasis, the Palaungs, and Mons, widely separated from one
+another. As they advanced in civilization, and found the necessity
+of an improved notation, they manufactured numerals which differed
+from one another, although they retained the first few numerals
+they had made use of in their days of savagery. Let us now study
+some extracts from Kuhn's interesting comparative vocabulary. [42]
+We find many instances of agreement. I give some examples:--
+
+_Heaven_.--Palaung, _pleng_; Khmêr, _plieng_ (rain); Xong, _pleng_;
+Khasi, _bneng_. Mynnar (Jirang) _phanliang_ seems to be very near
+Khmer _phlieng_, and Palaung, and Xong _pleng_.
+
+_Day_ (Sun)--Khmêr, _thngay_; Mon, _tuyai_; Annam; _ngay_; Lemet, _ngay
+pri_; Palaung, _sengei_; Khasi, _sngi_; Lakadong, _sngoi_; Kol _singi_.
+
+_Year_.--Mon, _snam_; Annam, _nam_; Stieng, _so'nam_; Bahnar, _sandm_;
+Khasi, _snem_.
+
+_Lightning_:--Mon, _l'li_; Khasi, _leilih_.
+
+_Stone, Rock_.--Mon, _tma_, _k'maw_; Stieng, _to'mâu_; Bahn, _tmo,
+temo_; Khmêr, _thma_; Xong, _tmo_; Palaung, _mau_; Ba, _maou_; Khasi,
+_maw_; Wa, _hsi-mo_, _hsi-mao_. Also compare Mynnar (Jirang) _smaw_.
+
+_Water_.--Palaung, _em_; Khasi, _um_; Lakadong, _am_; Amwi, _am_;
+Mynnar (Jirang), _um_; Rumai, _om_. Probably the Stieng _um_, to bathe,
+can be connected with the Khasi word for water.
+
+_Sea, pond_, or _tank_--Khmêr, _ping_; Khasi, _pung_.
+
+_Rice_.--Mon, _sro_, paddy, seems to be in connection with Khmer,
+_srur_ (spoken _srau_ or _srou_). Xong _ruko_ is in Palaung _rekao,
+sakao_, or _takao_. These words remind us of the Khasi _khaw_, which
+seems to be borrowed from the Shan _khaw_ (_hkao hsau_).
+
+_Dog_.--The common word for this animal will be found to be nearly the
+same in sound in many of these languages, e.g. Suk. _cho_; Stieng,
+_sou_; Bahnar, _ko, cho_; Annam, _cho_; Xong, _tcho_; Mi, _khmu_;
+Lemet, _so_; Palaung, _tsao, hsao_; Khasi; _ksew_. The Mon _khluiw_ is
+the same as the Khasi _ksew_, if _l_ is changed into _s_. The Lakadong
+and Synteng dialects of Khasi have _ksaw_, and Mynnar (Jirang) _ksow_.
+
+_Rat, mouse_.--Mon, _kni, gni_; Stieng, _ko'nei_; Bahnar, _kone_;
+Khasi, _khnai_.
+
+_Swine_.--Bahnar _niung_ is evidently Khasi _'niang_, the abbreviated
+form of _sniang_.
+
+_Tiger_.--Mon, _kla_; Stieng, _klah_; Bahnar, _kla_; Khmêr, _khla_
+and Khasi, _khla_ are evidently the same. With this compare the Kol
+_kula, kula, kula_.
+
+_Bird_.--Sue, _kiem_; Mon, _g'cem_, _ka-teim_; Hüei, _chiem_; Stieng,
+_chum_; Bahnar, Annam, _chim_; Xong, _chiem_; Palaung and Wa, _hsim_,
+and Khasi _sim_ are clearly the same. Also compare Mynnar (Jiraug),
+_ksem_ which is very near to Mon, _g'cem_.
+
+_Fowl_.--Hüei, _kat, yar_; Suk, _yer_; Bahnar, _ir_;. Stieng _iêr_;
+Khmu, _yer_; Lemet, _er_; Palaung, _her_, and Khasi, _siar_,
+abbreviated into _'iar_, are probably the same.
+
+_Fish_.--The word _ka_ or _kha_ runs through the following
+languages:--Mon, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, Wa; and
+if we cut off the first syllable of the Khasi word for fish, _dohkha_,
+we find _'kha_, which is the same word as in the languages above
+mentioned, with an aspirate added. The Khasi _doh_ merely means flesh,
+and the word _dokkha_ is very frequently abbreviated, cf. _'kha saw,
+'kha iong_.
+
+_Crab_.--Mon, _kh'tam_; Khmêr, _ktam_; Khasi, _tham_. If we add the
+gender sign to the Khasi word, it becomes _ka tham_, and we have
+exact correspondence.
+
+_Woman_.--Mon, _brou_ or _brao_. Is this the same as the Khasi
+(_ka_) _briw_?
+
+_Child_.--So, _kón_; Suk, _kon_; Mon, _kon_; Hüei, _kuon_; Annan,
+_kon_; Khmêr, _kun_; Khasi, _khun_. Compare Nancowry, _kon_.
+
+_Eye_.--The word _mat, mat, mat_, run through several of these
+languages, e.g. Mon, _mat_; Huei, _mat_; Stieng; _mat_; Bahnar _mat_;
+Annam, _mat_; Khasi, _khmat_ (dialectic _mat_). In Nancowry compare
+_olmat_, eye, and _okmat_, eyebrow, and (_e_)_mat_ (_hen_) _mat_
+(_drug_), _mat_, of the Nicobar dialects, also Semang _mat, met,
+med_. Kuhn remarks that the word _mat_ is common for "_sight_," and
+"eye" all over the Malay Archipelago. It should be remarked that in
+the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word is _mat_.
+
+_Nose_.--If we cut off the aspirate _kh_ from the Khasi _khmut_, which
+thus becomes _mut_, we find some correspondence between Mon, _muh_
+(_mu_); Stieng (_tro_), _muh_; Bahnar, _muh_. Here also compare Ho
+_mua, muta_; Mundari, _mun_; Uraon, _moy_. In the Anwi and Lakadong
+dialects of Khasi the word is _mur-kong_.
+
+_Hand_.--Xong, _ti_; Mon, _toi_; Annam, _tay_, Khmer, _te_ (from
+_sang te_, finger); Palaung, _tae, tai_, and Khasi, _kti_ (with
+prefix _k_) closely correspond. The forms _ta_ and _toi_ of Amwi,
+and Lakadong, respectively, still more closely correspond with the
+Mon-Khmer languages than with Khasi. Here compare Nancowry _tei_
+and _ti_, or _ti_ of the Kol languages.
+
+_Blood_.--Palaung _hnam_, and Wa _nam_ closely correspond with Khasi
+_snám_; here compare Khmêr _iham_.
+
+_Horn_:--Mon, _grang_, the horn of an animal, may be compared with
+the Khasi _reng_.
+
+_Far_.--Distant. Bahnar, _hangai_; Annam, _ngai_; Khmêr, _chhngay_;
+Lemet, _sngay_; Sue _chngai_ may be compared with the Khasi
+_jing-ngai_. Amwi _shnjngoi_ seems to be a closer form to the above
+than Khasi _jing-ngai_. But compare Mynnar (Jirang), _chngi_, which
+is clearly very close to Sue _chngai_, and Khmer _chhngay_.
+
+_To weep, to cry_.--Mon, _yam_; Khmer, _yam_; Khmu Lemet and Palaung,
+_yam_, are clearly the same as Khasi _iam_, with which also may be
+compared Ho _yam_.
+
+It is interesting to note that the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi,
+which are spoken by the people who dwell on the southern slopes of
+the Jaintia Hills, seem more closely to correspond with the Mon-Khmer
+forms than even with Khasi. The Mynnar or Jirang dialect of Khasi,
+spoken on the extreme north of the hills, also appears to possess some
+words which are very similar indeed to some of the Mon-Khmer forms
+given by Professor Kuhn. Unfortunately, I had time to collect but a
+few words of this interesting dialect, as I arrived in the portion
+of the country inhabited by these people only a short time before
+submitting this monograph to Government. The Mynnar dialect appears
+to be akin to the Synteng, Lakadong, and Amwi forms of speech. The
+Mynnars observe also the Synteng ceremony of "_Beh-ding-khlam_," or
+driving away the demon of cholera, so that although now inhabiting
+a part of the country a considerable distance away from that of the
+Synteng, it is not unlikely that they were originally connected with
+the latter more closely.
+
+Professor Kuhn comes to the conclusion that there is a distinct
+connection between Khasi, Mon or Talaing, Khmêr, and the other
+languages of Indo-China that have been mentioned, which is to be seen
+not only from similarities in some of the numerals, but from the
+convincing conformities of many other words of these languages. He
+goes on to add that more important than these contacts of the
+mono-syllabic languages of Indo-China with mono-syllabic Khasi is
+their affinity with the Kol, and Nancowry poly-syllabic languages
+and with that of the aboriginal inhabitants of Malacca, i.e. the
+languages of the so-called Orang-Outang, or men of tile woods, Sakei,
+Semung, Orang-Benua, and others; and that although it is not, perhaps,
+permissible to derive at once from this connection the relation of the
+Khasi Mon-Khmêr mono-syllabic group with these poly-syllabic languages,
+it seems to be certain that a common substratum lies below a great
+portion of the Indo-Chinese languages as well as those of the Kol and
+Ho-Munda group. More important than connections between words is, as
+Dr. Grierson points out in his introduction to the Mon-Khmêr family,
+the order of the words in the sentence. In both Khasi and Mon that
+order is subject, verb, object. Taking this fact in conjunction with
+the similarities of the Khasi and Mon vocabularies, we may conclude
+that it is proof positive of the connection between Khasi and Mon, or
+Talaing. In Munda, however, this order is subject, object, verb. Tiffs
+is a very important difference, for, as Dr. Grierson points out,
+"the order of words in a sentence follows the order of thought of the
+speaker; it follows therefore that the Mundas think in an order of
+ideas different from those of the Khasis and the Mons." Dr. Grierson
+comes to the stone conclusion with respect to these languages as
+Professor Kuhn, which is as follows:--"Owing to the existence of these
+differences we should not be justified in assuming a common origin for
+the Mon-Khmêr languages on the one hand, and for the Munda, Nancowry,
+and Malacca languages on the other. We may, however, safely assume
+that there is at the bottom of all these tongues a common substratum,
+over which there have settled layers of the speeches of other peoples,
+differing in different localities. Nevertheless, this substratum
+was so firmly, established as to prevent its being entirely hidden
+by them, and frequent undeniable traces of it are still discernible
+in languages spoken in widely distant tracts of Nearer and Further
+India. Of what language this original substratum consisted we are not
+yet in a position to say. Whatever it was, it covered a wide area,
+larger than the area covered by many families of languages in India at
+the present day. Languages With this common substratum are now spoken,
+not only in the modern Province of Assam, in Burma, Siam, Cambodia,
+and Anam, but also over the whole of Central India, as far west as the
+Berars." Grierson, having agreed regarding the existence of this common
+substratum, does not finally determine whether the ancient substratum
+was the parent of the present Munda language, or of the Mon-Khmêr
+language. He says, "It cannot have been the parent of both, but it
+is possible that it was the parent of neither." We are thus still in
+a state of uncertainty as to what was the origin of these languages.
+
+The brief description which follows of some of the more prominent
+characteristics of the Khasi language is based chiefly on Sir Charles
+Lyall's skeleton Grammar contained in Vol. II. of Dr. Grierson's
+"Linguistic Survey of India." It does not pretend to be an exhaustive
+treatise on the language; for this students are referred to the
+excellent grammar compiled by the Rev. H. Roberts.
+
+_The Article_.--There are four articles in Khasi; three in the
+singular, _u_, (masculine), _ka_ (feminine), and _i_ (diminutive of
+both genders); and one in the plural for both genders, _ki_.
+
+All Khasi nouns take a pronominal prefix to denote the gender,
+i.e. the third personal pronoun, _u_ (masculine), _ka_ (feminine), _i_
+(diminutive). The great majority of inanimate nouns are feminine, and
+all abstract nouns. The sun (day), _ka sngi_, is feminine, the moon
+(month), _u b'nai_, is masculine. Sometimes the word varies in meaning
+according to the gender, e,g. _u ngap_, a bee; _ka ngap_, honey.
+
+_Genders_.--Names of mountains, stones, plants, fruits, stem, and
+the moon, are masculine, e.g.:--
+
+
+_U kyllang_, the Kyllang rock.
+_U mawlein_, quartz.
+_U phan_, potato.
+_U soh niamtra_, orange.
+_U'lur duti_, the morning star.
+_U'tiw kulap_, rose.
+_U b'nai_, the moon.
+
+
+Names of rivers, lakes, books, places, the sun, and' all abstract
+nouns are feminine, e.g.:--
+
+
+_Ka wah_, river.
+_Ka nan_, lake.
+_Ka kitap_, book.
+_Ka Shillong_, Shillong.
+_Ka sngi_, sun
+_Ka jingsneng_, advice.
+
+
+The article _i_ is used either as a diminutive, as _i khunlung_,
+a baby, or for denoting endearment, as _i mei_, mother.
+
+_Number_.--_U, ka_, and _i_ stand for the singular number, e.g. _u
+khla_ (a tiger), _ka khoh_ (a Khasi basket), _i khun_ (a child). _Ki_
+is the sign of the plural, as _Ki maw_, the stones. _Ki_ in some few
+instances is used honorifically, as _ki Siem_, the king, _ki kthaw_,
+the father-in-law.
+
+_Cases_ are eight in number, and are denoted by prefixes. The
+declension of the noun _lum_ (hill) is given below by way of example:--
+
+
+                        Singular.           Plural
+        Nominative      _u lum_             _ki lum_
+        Accusative      _ia u lum_          _ia ki lum_
+        Instrumental    _da u lum_          _da ki lum_
+        Dative          _ia, ha_, or        _ia, ha_, or
+                        _sha u lum_         _sha ki lum_
+        Ablative        _na u lum_          _na ki lum_
+        Genitive        _jong u lum_        _jong ki lum_
+        Locative        _ha u lum_          _ha ki lum_
+        Vocative        _ko lum_            _ko phi ki lum_
+
+
+The sign of the genitive case, _jong_, is sometimes omitted for the
+sake of brevity, e.g. _u ksew nga_ (my dog) for _u ksew jong nga_. The
+preposition _la_ gives also the force of the possessive case, e.g. _la
+ka jong ka jong_ (their own). There are some nouns which change their
+form, or rather are abbreviated when used in the vocative case,
+e.g. _ko mei_, not _ko kmei_ = Oh mother; _ko pa_, not _ko kpa_ =
+Oh father. These, however, are all of them nouns showing relationships.
+
+_Pronouns_.--Personal pronouns are _nga_ (I), _ngi_ (we), _me_ (thou,
+masculine) _pha_ (thou, feminine), _phi_, (you, masculine or feminine),
+_u_ (he, it), _ka_ (she, it), _i_ (diminutive form of _u_ or _ka_),
+and _ki_ (they).
+
+The emphatic form of the personal pronoun is formed by prefixing _ma_,
+e.g. _ma-nga_, _ma-u_, after a verb, but not after a preposition,
+e.g. _dei-ma-nga_ = it is I. But _ai, ia ma nga_ is an incorrect form.
+
+_The Reflexive Pronoun_ is formed by the word _lade_ (self) being
+suffixed to the personal pronoun, as _u leh sniu ia lade_ = he does
+himself harm, or by the addition of the word _hi_ (self) to the
+personal pronoun, as _phi hi pbi ong_ (you yourself).
+
+_The Relative Pronoun_ is formed by the suffix _ba_, added to any of
+the personal pronouns, as _kaba_, _uba, kiba_ (who, which).
+
+_The Demonstrative Pronoun_ is formed by the addition of the particles
+denoting the position of things with reference to the speaker,
+e.g. (1) near = this, _ne_ (_u-ne_, _kane_, _i-ne, ki-ne_); (2) in
+sight, but further off = that, _to_ (_uto_, &c.); (3) further away,
+but still visible = that _tai_ (_u-tai_, &c.); (4) out of sight or
+only contemplated in the mind = that, _ta_ (_u-ta_, &c.); (5) above =
+that, _tei_ (_u-tei_, &c.); (6) below = this, _thi_ (_ka-thi_, &c.);
+_katai-tai, katei-tei, kathie-thie_ point to an object at a great
+distance but within sight.
+
+_The Interrogative Pronoun_ is the article followed by _no_ or
+_ei_ (e.g. _u-no, kano_, who), _u-ei, ka-ei_ (who, which). _Ei_ is
+often used without the "article," and _no_ (which is restricted to
+persons) when declined, regularly drops the "article," e.g. _jong-no_
+whose? _ia-no_, whom? _sha-no_, to whom? What? neuter, is _aiuh_,
+and also _kaei_.
+
+_Adjectives_ are formed by prefixing _ba_ to the root, thus _bha_
+goodness; _ba-bha_, good; _sniu_, badness; _ba-sniu_, bad. When _ba_
+is dropped, the word in no longer an adjective but a verb, and in
+some cases a noun, e.g. _uba khraw_ (adj.) = big, great; _u khraw_
+= he becomes great. An adjective may be formed without any of the
+prefixes _ba, uba_, &c., e.g. _ka miau-tuh_ = a thieving cat.
+
+An adjective follows the noun it qualifies, and agrees with the noun
+it qualifies in gender and number.
+
+_Comparison_.--The comparative is formed by adding _kham_ before
+an adjective, followed by _ban ia_ (than), or simply _ia_, and the
+superlative by adding such adverbs of intensity as _tam, eh, eh than,
+tam eh, shikaddei_, which are followed generelly by _ia_ or _ban ia_.
+
+_Numerals_.--In Khasi the cardinal number always precedes the noun
+(e.g. _lai sin_, three times,) The following are the first ten
+numerals.
+
+
+         1.     _Wei_.
+         2.     _Ar_.
+         3.     _Lai_
+         4.     _Sau_.
+         5.     _San_.
+         6.     _Hinriu_.
+         7.     _Hinnieu_.
+         8.     _Phra_.
+         9.     _Khyndai_.
+        10.     _Shipheu_.
+
+
+The word _khad_ is prefixed for forming the numerals from 11 to 19,
+e.g. _khad-wei, khad-ar_, eleven, twelve, &c.
+
+The verbal root (which never varies) may be simple or compound. The
+compound roots are (1) _Causals_, formed by prefixing _pyn_ to the
+simple root; as _iap_, die; _pyniap_, kill. (2) _Frequentatives_,
+formed by prefixing _iai_; as _iam_, weep; _iai iam_, weep
+continually. (3) _Inceptives_, by prefixing _man_; as _stad_, be
+wise; _manstad_, grow wise. (4) _Reciprocals_, by prefixing _ia_;
+as _ieit_, love; _ia-ieit_, love one another. (5) _Intensives_, by
+prefixing tim particle _kyn, lyn, syn, tyn_. Any noun or adjective
+may be treated as a verbal root by means of a prefix of these five
+classes. Thus _kajia_, a quarrel (Hindustani loan word, _qazía_;) _ia
+kajio_, to quarrel with one another; _bynta_, share; _pyn-ia-bynta_
+(reciprocal catmal), to divide between several persons. It should
+be mentioned with reference to the second class or frequentative
+verbs, that they sometimes take the prefixes, or particles as Roberts
+prefers to call them, _dem, dup, nang, shait, ksaw_ in place of _iai_,
+e.g. _dem-wan_, to come after; _dup-teh_, to practise; _nang-wad_,
+to go on searching; _shait pang_, to be always ill; _ksaw-bam_, to be
+in the habit of devouring. There are two verbs for "to be," _long_,
+implying existence absolutely, and _don_, implying limited existence,
+and also meaning "to have." There is only one form of conjugation for
+all verbs. Tense and mood are indicated by prefixes, number and person
+by the subject. When the subject is a noun the pronoun is inserted
+before the verb. The following is the conjugation of the verb "to be"
+in the present, past, and future tenses:--
+
+
+Present.                    Past.                           Future.
+Singular.       Plural.     Singular.       Plural.         Singular.       Plural.
+
+1               2           3               4               5               6
+_Nga long_      _Ngi long_  _Nga la long_   _Ngi la long_   _Ngan long_     _Ngin long_
+I am            We are      I was           We were         I shall be      We shall be
+
+_Me_ (mas.) or  _Phi long_  _Me_ or _pha    _Phi la long_   _Men_ or _phan  _Phin long_
+_pha_ (fem.)                la long_                        long_
+_long_
+Thou art        Ye are      Thou wast       Ye were         Thou shalt be   You shall be
+
+_U _(mas.) or   _Ki long_   _U _or _ka      _Ki la long_    _U'n_ or _ka'n  _Kin long_
+_ka_ (fem.)                 la long_                        long_
+_long_
+He or she is    They are    He or she was   They were       He or she will  They will be
+                                                            be
+
+
+The above simple tenses are made definite or emphatic by various
+means. _La_, sign of the past, when added to _lah_, sign of the
+potential, has the sense of the pluperfect, e.g. _nga la lah long_,
+I had been. _Yn_ abbreviated into _'n_ emphasizes the future, the
+particle _sa_ also indicates the future; _da_ is the usual sign
+of the subjunctive mood, _lada, la, lymda, tad, ynda, ban, da_ are
+other signs of this mood. The sign of the infinitive is _ba'n_. The
+imperative is either (1) the simple root, or (2) the root compounded
+with some word such as _to_.
+
+_Participles_.--The present participle is formed by prefixing _ba_ to
+the root, e.g. _ba long_, being. The imperfect participle is formed
+by prefixing such words as _ba u, ka da, da kaba_, &c. The perfect
+participle is formed by putting such particles as _ba la, haba la,
+da kaba la_ before the verb. Verbal nouns of agency are formed by
+prefixing _nong_ to the root, e.g. _u nong knia_ (the sacrificer). The
+_Passive Voice_ is formed by using the verb impersonally, and putting
+the subject into the Accusative case with _ia_.
+
+_Potentiality_ is indicated by the verb _lah_, necessity by the verb
+_dei; dang_ and _da_ show the indefinite present.
+
+The _negative_ is indicated by the particles _ym_, contracted into _'m,
+shym_, and _pat_. _Ym_ is put before the verb, e.g. _'ym don briew_
+= there is no one; with a pronoun it is contracted, e.g. _u'm wan_,
+he does not come. It follows the sign of the future, e.g. _phi'n y'm
+man_, you will not come. _Shym_ and _pat_ are neptive particles, and
+are used with _negative verbs_ in the past tense, e.g. _u'm shymla
+man_, he did not come.
+
+_The use of the word "jing."_--One of the most striking features
+of the language is the use of the word _jing_, which is employed to
+create a verbal noun out of a verb: for instance, take the verb _bam_,
+to eat; if we prefix _jing_ we have _jingbam_, food. _Bat_, to hold;
+_jing-bat_, a handle. The use of the word _nong_ has already been
+noticed under the heading "verbs." As an example of another common
+prefix, it may again be mentioned here. Thus, _nong-ai-jingbam_ means
+a table servant, literally one who gives food. Again, _nong-bat_,
+a holder, literally, one who holds.
+
+_Syntax_.--The order of words in the sentence is usually (1) subject,
+(2) verb, and (3) object, in fact, the same as in English, and in this
+respect it differs entirely from the order in the languages derived
+from Sanskrit, and that of the languages of the Thibeto-Burman group,
+as far as I have been able to ascertain. For instance, in the Kachari
+or Boro language the order in the sentence is (1) subject, (2) object,
+(3) verb. In Khasi when emphasis is needed, however, the object
+occasionally precedes the berb, e.g. _ia u soh u la die_, he has
+sold the fruit, literally, the fruit he has sold. As stated before,
+adjectives follow the nouns they qualify, e.g. _u lum bajyrong_,
+a high mountain, literally, the hill that is high. Interrogative
+adverbs may either precede or follow the verb, e.g. _naei phi wan_,
+or _phi wan naei_, where do you come from?
+
+No account of the Khasi language would be complete without some
+reference to the adverbs which are so very numerous in Khasi. U
+Nissor Singh, in his admirable little book of "Hints on the Study of
+the Khasi Language," writes, "Adverbs are so numerous in the Khasi
+language that I shall not attempt to enumerate them all in this small
+book. Many of the adverbs, indeed, belong to the untranslatables
+of the language. We are never in want of a specific term to express
+the appropriate degree of any quality." To learn how to use the right
+adverb at the right time is one of the niceties of the language. There
+is a peculiarity about some of the adverbs of place which should
+be mentioned: e.g. _Hangto_, there (within sight); _hangne_, here;
+_hangta_, there (out of sight); _hangai_, there (at some distance);
+_hangtei_, there (upwards); _hangthi_, there (downwards); also the
+interrogative adverbs _hangno, nangno_, whence, contain the inherent
+root _nga_, and it seems possible that this _nga_ is the first personal
+pronoun I. If this is so, _hangto_ would mean literally "to me there,"
+_hangthi_ "to me down there," and similarly _nangno, nangne_ would mean
+"from where to me there" and "from there to me here."
+
+Adverbs generally follow the words they modify, as _u'n leit mynta_
+= he will go now, but there are exceptions to the above rule,
+such as interrogative adverbs. The following come before those
+they modify: _tang shu, la dang_ (as soon as, when); _kham, shait_
+(used to, ever); _pat_ or _put_ (yet) ; and _shym_ (not); but _shuh_
+(more) goes last. Adverbs of past time are formed by prefixing _myn_,
+e.g. _mynhynne_, a short time ago. Adverbs of future time are formed
+by prefixing _la_. The particles _man_, _man la_, and _hala_ denote
+repetition.
+
+The Khasis are exceedingly fond of using double words [43] which add
+much to the finish and polish of a sentence. Old people especially
+have a predilection this way. It is one of the great diffuculties
+of the language to learn how to use such double words correctly. The
+following are some examples:--
+
+Nouns.
+
+
+    kajain ka nep           cloth.
+    ka kot ka sla           paper.
+    ka lynti ka syngking    road.
+    ka iing ka sem          house.
+    u babu, u phabu         babu.
+    u tymen u san           elder.
+    ka stih, ka wait        arms (lit.: shield and sword).
+    u badon ba em           a well to do person.
+    ka spah ka phew         wealth
+    u kha-u-man             a relation on the father's side.
+
+
+Verbs.
+
+
+    pynsyk-pynsain          to comfort.
+    ia shoh ia dat          to scuffle.
+    byrngem-byrait          to threaten.
+    shepting-shepsmiej      to be afraid.
+    ihthuh-ihthaw           to be familiar.
+    kyrpad-kyrpon           to beg.
+    ia lum-ia lang          to assemble.
+
+
+Adjectives.
+
+
+    basniw-basmeh           bad.
+    basmat-basting          active.
+    donbor-donsor           powerful.
+    don burom-don surom     noble.
+    bakhraw-batri           pertaining to a noble family.
+    baduk-basuk             poor, needy.
+    babok-basot             righteous.
+    bariwbha-riwmiat.       wealthy.
+
+
+Adverbs.
+
+
+    hur-hur                 delicately.
+    hain-hain               brilliantly (red).
+    prum-prum, prem-prem    prominently.
+    rymbiaw-rymboin         shrikingly.
+    nior-nior, iar-iar      weakly.
+    parum-pareh             many.
+    sip-sip, sap-sap        having no taste.
+
+
+The Mikirs appear to have borrowed a small portion of their vocabulary
+from the Khasis. The following are quoted as examples of possible
+common roots:--
+
+
+                    Mikir.      Khasi.
+    belly           pòk         kpoh.
+    strike (_v_.)   chòk        shoh.
+    father          po          kpa.
+    come (_v_.)     vàng        wán.
+    rice beer       hor         hiar.
+    maternal uncle  ni-lur      kni.
+
+
+The Lynngam dialect differs so much from the standard Khasi that some
+remarks regarding the former will not be out of place. Dr. Grierson, on
+pages 17 to 19 of his Volume II. of the "Linguistic Survey of India,"
+has indicated some of these differences, which may be recapitulated
+here as follows. Some of the commonest verbs vary considerably
+from those used in the standard dialect. There are also many minor
+differences of pronunciation. A man is _u breo_, not _u briew_, a son
+is a _u khon_, not _u khun_. Standard _ng_ is often represented by
+_nj_. Thus _doinj_ for _ding_, fire. A final _h_ often appears as _k_,
+and an initial _b_ as _p_. Thus, _baroh_ (Standard), all, becomes
+in Lynngam _prok_. Standard _ei_ becomes _aw_. Thus _wei_ = _waw_,
+one; _dei = daw_, necessary. The articles are frequently omitted. The
+pronoun _u_ is used for the plural as well as the singular, instead
+of the Standard plural _ki_. The diminutive _i_ is used with inanimate
+nouns. This is also sometimes the case in the Standard form.
+
+_Nouns_.--The prefix of the Accusative-dative is _se_ or _sa_, often
+contracted to _s'_ instead of _ia_ (Standard). The prefix of the Dative
+is _hanam, hnam_, or _tnam_. The Standard Dative-locative prefix _ha_
+is also used, and may be spelt _he_ or _hy_. _Ta_ or _te_ are also
+found. For the genitive, besides the Standard _jong_, are found _ha,
+am-ba, am_, and _am-nam. Am-nam_ and _am_ also mean "from."
+
+The plural sometimes takes the suffix _met_.
+
+_Adjectives_.--The usual word for male is _korang_, and for
+"female" _konthaw_, in place of the Standard _shynrang_
+and _kynthei_ respectively. The following are examples of
+comparisons:--_Re-myrriang_, good; _Mai-myrriang_, better;
+_U re-myrriang_, best. The Standard _tam_ is also used for the
+superlative.
+
+_Pronouns_.--The Personal Pronouns are:--
+
+
+                    Singular        Plural
+    1st Person,     ne              biaw, iaw.
+    2nd Person,     mi, mei         phiaw.
+    3rd Person      u, ju, u-ju     kiw.
+
+
+The Nominative of the pronoun of the second person singular is given
+once as _ba-mi_, and once as _ma-mi_. The _ma_ or _ba_ is the Standard
+emphatic prefix _ma_.
+
+Demonstrative Pronouns appear to be _be, tei_ that, and _uni_, or
+_nih_, this. _Be_ is used as a definite article in the phrase _be
+jawmai_, the earthquake.
+
+_The Relative Pronoun_ is _u-lah_, who.
+
+_Interrogative Pronouns_ are _net, u-iet_, who? and _met_, what?
+
+_Verbs_.--The pronoun which is the subject of a verb may either precede
+or follow it. Thus _ne rip_, I strike; _rip biaw_, we strike. The words
+meaning to be are _re, im_, and _meit_ in addition to the Standard
+_long_. Like the Standard _don, im_, corresponding to Synteng _em_,
+also means to have. As in the Standard, the Present Tense is formed
+by using the bare root.
+
+The Past Tense is formed in one of five ways, viz.:--
+
+
+1. By suffixing _let_, as in _ong-let_, said.
+2. By suffixing _lah-let_, as in _dih-lah-let_, went.
+3. By prefixing _lah_, and suffixing _let_, as in _lah-ong-let_, said.
+4. By prefixing _lah_, as in _lah-kyllei_, asked.
+5. By prefixing _yn_ (_yng, ym_), as in _yn-nai_, gave; _yng-kheit_,
+   shook; _um-pait_, broke; _yn-jai_, fell.
+
+
+The Future is formed in a very peculiar way. The Standard _yn_ is
+inserted into the middle of the root, immediately after the first
+consenant. Thus _rip_, strike; _rynip_, will strike. If the root is a
+compound, it is inserted between the two members, as in _pan-yn-sop_,
+will fill. Here observe that the Standard causative prefix _pyn_
+becomes _pan_ in Lynngam. The Infinitive the same form as the Future.
+
+Dr. Grierson points out the following most noteworthy fact with
+reference to the formation of the Lynngam Future and Infinitive, i.e.,
+that similar infixes occur in Malay in the Nancowry dialect of Nicobar,
+and the Malacca aboriginal languages.
+
+The prefix of the Imperative is _nei_, as in _nei-ai_, give; _nei-lam_,
+bring. The usual negative particle is _ji_, which is suffixed,
+e.g. _um-ji_ is not.
+
+Numerals.
+
+
+            Lynngam         Standard (Khasi).
+         1. Waw, shi        Wei, shi.
+         2. Ar-re or a-re   Ar.
+         3. Lai-re          Lai.
+         4. Saw-re          Saw.
+         5. San-de          San.
+         6  Hyrrew-re       Hinriw.
+         7. Hynnju-re       Hinniew.
+         8. Phra-re         Phra.
+         9. Khondai-re      Khyndai.
+        10. Shi-phu         Shi-phew.
+
+
+The peculiarity about the Lynngam numerals is the suffix _re_, and the
+numeral "five" _de_. None of the other dialects of Khasi posess this
+peculiarity. Dr. Grierson's Volume may be referred to for a Lynngam
+Vocabulary. I make the following additions:--
+
+
+    English         Lynngam             Khasi (Standard).
+    Hearth          paw ka              dypei
+    Earthen pot     kheow               u khiw
+    Flesh           mim                 ka doh
+    Spoon           jamplai             ka siang
+    Sleeping-room   syrkut              ka'rumpei
+    Drinking-gourd  longtang            u skaw
+     ,, ,,          longjak             u klong dih-um
+    Broom           shipuat             u synsar
+
+
+Clothing
+
+
+    Turban          khabong jain brung  ka jain spong
+    Ear-ring        kurneng             ka shohshkor
+    Apron           shiliang            ka jymphong
+    Haversack       jolonjwa [44]       ka pla
+    Cap             pokhia              ka tupia
+    Girdle          pun-poh             u saipan
+    Under Garment   jain tongpan        ka jympin
+    (female)
+
+
+
+Domestic Terms.
+
+
+    Pestle          synraw              u synrei
+    Door            phyrdaw             ka jingkhang
+    Fowl house      kjor syar           ka sem siar
+    Portion of house
+    in front of the
+    hearth          nengiaw             ka nongpei
+    Do. behind the
+    hearth          shangla             ka rumpei
+    Store-house     siang               ka ieng buh kyba
+    Millet          jrai                u krai
+    Indian corn     soh rikhawu         riw hadem
+    Arum            chew                ka shiriew
+
+
+Agricultural Implements.
+
+
+    Spade           wakhew              u mokhiew
+    Bill-hook       wait-bah            ka wait Lynngam
+    Do.             wait-koh            ka wait khmut
+    Axe             dapam               u sdi
+    Basket used in
+    reaping and
+    sowing          khyrnai             ka koh rit.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER A
+
+Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State
+
+
+  1. Basa-iew-moit
+     Intermarriage with Majaw and Hynniewta clans prohibited.
+  2. Diengdoh
+     Intermarriage with Lalu, Diengdohbah and Diengdohkylla clans
+     prohibited.
+  3. 'Dkhar
+  4. Dohling
+  5. Dulai
+  6. Dunai
+  7. Hura
+  8. Hynniewta
+  9. Jala
+ 10. Jyrwa
+ 11. Khar Jarain
+ 12.  ,,  Khlem
+ 13.  ,,  Khrang
+ 14.  ,,  Kongor
+ 15.  ,,  Kyni
+ 16.  ,,  Lukhi
+ 17.  ,,  Maw
+ 18.  ,,  Mawphlang
+ 19.  ,,  Mu
+ 20.  ,,  Muid
+ 21.  ,,  Muti
+ 22.  ,,  Mylliem
+ 23.  ,,  Naior
+ 24.  ,,  Shi-ieng
+ 25.  ,,  Synteng
+ 26. -- --
+ 27. Khong-bri
+ 28.  ,,   hat
+ 29.  ,,   ji
+ 30.  ,,   joh
+ 31.  ,,   kwang
+ 32.  ,,   kynshen
+ 33.  ,,   kyntiaj
+ 34.  ,,   kyshah
+ 35.  ,,   lam
+ 36.  ,,   liar
+ 37.  ,,   longioi
+ 38.  ,,   lynnong
+ 39.  ,,   mawpat
+ 40.  ,,   mukon
+ 41.  ,,   ngain
+ 42.  ,,   riat
+ 43.  ,,   rymmai
+ 44.  ,,   sdir
+ 45.  ,,   shir
+ 46.  ,,   sit
+ 47.  ,,   sngi
+ 48.  ,,   sya
+ 49.  ,,   war
+ 50.  ,,   wet
+ 51.  ,,   wir
+ 52. Lyngdoh-Nonglwai
+ 53. Lynden
+ 54. Lynrah
+ 55. Majaw
+ 56. Marbaniang
+     This is one of the myntri clans of Mawsynram State.
+ 57. Malngiang
+     Originally from Maskut in the Jowai Sub-division.
+ 58. Marpna
+ 59. Mawlong
+ 60. Marboh
+     Formerly one of the Khadar Kur clans. Has now become extinct.
+ 61. Mawdkhap
+ 62. Mohkhiew
+ 63. Mynrieng
+ 64. Myrthong
+ 65. Nongbri
+ 66. Nongkynrih
+     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
+ 67. Nonglait
+ 68. Nongtran
+ 69. Nonglathiang
+ 70. Nongrum
+     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
+ 71. Nontariang
+     These two clans cannot intermarry. Nongtariang is now one of
+     the Khadar Kur clans in place of the Marboh clan which has
+     become extinct.
+ 72. Padoh
+ 73. Parariang
+ 74. Pohnong
+ 75. Prawai
+ 76. Puria
+ 77. Pompyrthat
+ 78. Rani
+ 79. Rapthap
+ 80. Rynjah
+     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
+ 81. Samai
+ 82. Shabong
+ 83. Shanpru
+ 84. Shrieh
+     _Shrieh_ means a monkey. Possibly totemistic.
+ 85. Siem Lyngng
+ 86. Sohkhlet
+ 87. Shyngpliang
+ 88. Sumer
+ 89. Swer
+ 90. Syiem
+ 91. Syngai
+ 92. Synrem
+ 93. Thabah
+ 94. Tham
+     _Tham_means a crab. Possibly totemistic.
+ 95. Tohtih
+ 96. Umdor
+ 97. Walang
+ 98. Warkon
+ 99 Khyrwang
+100. Ksing
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER B
+
+Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State
+
+
+  1. Awri
+  2. Bariang
+  3. Basa-iew-moit
+  4. Bhoi
+  5. Bithai
+  6. Diengdoh (2)
+     Intermarriage with Masar clan prohibited.
+  7. 'Dkhar
+  8. Dumpep
+  9. Hadem
+ 10. Jasia
+ 11. Khang-shei
+ 12. Khar baino
+ 13.  ,,  baki
+ 14.  ,,  bangar
+     Intermarriage with Nong-lwai clan prohibited.
+ 15. Khar bih-khiew
+     Intermarriage prohibited with Khar-umnuid clan
+ 16. Khar bonniud
+ 17.  ,,  bud
+ 18.  ,,  buli
+ 19.  ,,  dint
+ 20.  ,,  dohling
+ 21.  ,,  dumpep
+ 22.  ,,  hi-dint
+ 23.  ,,  iap
+ 24.  ,,  Kamni
+ 25.  ,,  Kongor
+ 26.  ,,  Kset
+ 27.  ,,  kynang
+ 28.  ,,  long
+ 29.  ,,  luni
+ 30.  ,,  Malki
+ 31.  ,,  Masar
+ 32.  ,,  mawlieh
+     Intermarriage with Khar pomtiah clan prohibited.
+ 33. Khar mihpein
+ 34.  ,,  mithai
+ 35.  ,,  mudai
+ 36.  ,,  mujai
+ 37.  ,,  mukhi
+ 38.  ,,  muti
+ 39.  ,,  mylliem
+ 40.  ,,  patti
+ 41.  ,,  pein
+ 42.  ,,  phan
+ 43.  ,,  phur
+ 44.  ,,  pohlong
+ 45.  ,,  pohshiah
+ 46.  ,,  pomtiah
+     Intermarriage with Khar mawlieh clan prohibited.
+ 47. Khar pomtih
+ 48.  ,,  pran
+ 49.  ,,  ryngi
+ 50.  ,,  rynta
+ 51.  ,,  Sati
+ 52.  ,,  shan
+ 53.  ,,  shi-ieng
+ 54.  ,,  shilot
+ 55.  ,,  shong
+ 56.  ,,  shrieh
+ 57.  ,,  sohnoh
+ 58.  ,,  sugi
+ 59.  ,,  Umnuid
+     Intermarriage with Khar-bihkhiew clan prohibited.
+ 60. Khar urmut
+ 61.  ,,  War
+ 62. Khier
+ 63. Khmah
+ 64. Khong-binam
+ 65.   ,,  blah
+ 66.   ,,  buh
+ 67.   ,,  buhphang
+ 68.   ,,  'dkhar
+ 69.   ,,  dup
+     Intermarriage prohibited with Rongsai and Khongree clans.
+ 70. Khong [45] iap
+ 71.   ,,  iong
+ 72.   ,,  ji
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup clan prohibited.
+ 73. Khong joh
+ 74.   ,,  kai
+ 75.   ,,  khar
+ 76.   ,,  kiang
+ 77.   ,,  kib
+ 78.   ,,  kylla
+ 79.   ,,  kyndiah
+ 80.   ,,  lam
+ 81.   ,,  liam
+ 82.   ,,  likong
+ 83.   ,,  litung
+ 84.   ,,  luni
+ 85.   ,,  malai
+ 86.   ,,  mawlow
+ 87.   ,,  niur
+ 88.   ,,  noh
+ 89.   ,,  pdei
+ 90.   ,,  pnam
+ 91.   ,,  pnan
+ 92.   ,,  sdoh
+ 93.   ,,  siting
+ 94.   ,,  slit
+ 95.   ,,  sugi }
+ 96.   ,,  sni  }
+ 97.   ,,  sti  }
+     Intermarriage prohibited also with Lyngdoh clan
+ 98. Khong stia
+ 99.   ,,  sylla (2)
+100.   ,,  thaw
+101.   ,,  tiang
+102.   ,,  thorem
+103.   ,,  wanduh (2)
+104.   ,,  wet
+105.   ,,  wir
+106. Khriam
+107. Khynriam
+108. Khynriem
+109. Khynriem miyat
+110. Khynriem mawshorok
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup, Lyndoh and Mawthoh clans
+     prohibited.
+111. Khynriem wahksieng
+112. Kur Kalang.
+113. Lamin
+114. Lawai
+     Intermarriage with Lyngdoh clan prohibited.
+115. Lawaisawkher
+116. Lingshing
+117. Liting
+118. Lyngbah
+119. Lyngdoh
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup and Mawthoh clans prohibited.
+120. Lyngiar
+121. Mairang
+122. Majaid
+123. Manar
+124. Masar
+     Intermarriage with Diengdoh clan prohibited.
+125. Mawiong
+126. Mawphlang
+127. Mawsharoh
+128. Mawthoh
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup and Lyngdoh clans prohibited.
+129. Mawwa
+130. Morbah
+131. Mormein
+132. Mukhin
+133. Muroh
+134. Mylliem
+135. Mylliem muthong  }
+136. ,, Ngap          }
+137. ,, pdah          }
+     Intermarriage between these clans prohibited also with
+     Sohtum clan
+138. Mynsong
+139. Niengnong
+140. Nieng-suh
+142. Nongbri
+     Intermarriage with Nong-kynrih clans prohibited.
+143. Nongbri Partuh
+144. Nonghulew
+145. Nong-khlieh
+146. Nong-kynrieh
+     Intermarriage with Nongbri clan prohibited.
+147. Nong-lwai
+     Intermarriage with Khar-Bangar clan prohibited.
+148. Nong-lyer
+149. Nong-pinir
+150. Nong-pluh
+151. Nongrum
+152. Nongspung
+153. Nongsteng
+154. Nongstein
+155. Nongtlub
+156. Pdei
+157. Pohkhla
+158. Pohthmi
+159. Pongrup
+     Intermarriage with Mawthoh and Lyngdoh clans prohibited.
+160. Rumkheng
+161. Ruson
+162. Rymkheng
+163. Ryndong (2)
+164. Ryngksai
+165. Rynjah
+     Intermarriage with Mawroh clan prohibited.
+166. Rynjem
+167. Ryntong
+168. Ryngngi
+169. Shabong
+170. Shadap
+171. Singting
+172. Sohkhleb
+173. Sohtum
+     Intermarriage with Mylliemngap, Mylliempdah and Mylliem-muttong
+     clans prohibited.
+174. Sonjri
+175. Songthiang
+176. Sumer
+177. Surong
+178. Suting
+179. Swali
+180. Swer
+181. Synnah
+182. Synteng
+183. Synteng-hen
+184. Tadong
+185. Tangper
+186. Tangsang
+187. Tarieng
+188. Trai-iew
+189. Tyngsier
+190. Tynsil (2)
+191. Tyngsong
+192. Umsong
+193. Uri-ieng
+194. Wallang
+195. Warbah
+     Intermarriage with War-shong prohibited.
+196. War-Jnem
+197.  ,, jri
+198.  ,, khyllew
+199. War-malai
+200.  ,, moi
+201.  ,, Nongjri
+202. Wan-khar
+203. War-shong
+     Intermarriage with Warbah prohibited.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER C
+
+Divination by Egg-Breaking
+
+The _dieng shat pylleng_, or egg-breaking board, is shaped as indicated
+in the diagram. Having placed a little heap of red earth on the board
+at point _p_, the egg-breaker sits facing the board in the position
+shown in the diagram. He first of all makes a little heap of rice in
+the middle of the board sufficient to support the egg. He places the
+egg there. He then takes it up and smears it with red earth, muttering
+incantations the while. Having finished the invocation to the spirits,
+the egg-breaker sweeps the grains of rice off the board, stands up,
+and dashes the egg on the board with considerable force. The large
+portion of the egg-shell is made to fall in the middle of the board,
+as at X in the diagram. This portion of the shell is called _ka lieng_,
+or the boat. The small bits of egg-shell which fall around the boat are
+either good or evil prognostics, according to the following rules:--
+
+1. The bits of shell which fall on the right of the boat are called
+_ki jinglar_, and those on the left _ki jingkem_. Supposing fragments
+of shell fall as at _b, c, d, e_, with their insides downwards, this
+is a good sign, but if one of the fragments lies with its outside
+downwards, this is a bad omen, and signifies _ka sang long kha_, or
+sin on the father's or the children's part. It may also signify _ka
+daw lum_, or "cause from the hill," i.e, that the illness or other
+affliction has been caused by a god of some hill.
+
+2. If the fragments of shell lie on the left side of the boat as at
+_g, k, i, j_ in the diagram, they are named _ki jingkem_. If they lie
+with their insides downwards, they indicate a favourable sign. If _g_
+lies with its outside downwards, this is an evil omen. If _g_ and _h_
+lie with their insides downwards, this is favourable, even if _i_
+lies with its outside downwards. If, however, _j_ lies with its
+outside downwards, this is not a good sign.
+
+3. If there are a number of pieces of egg-shell lying in a line,
+as at _k_, this is an evil prognostic, the line of shell fragments
+indicating the road to the funeral pyre. Such a line of shell fragments
+is called _ki'leng rah thang_. This sign is a harbinger of death.
+
+4. If all the fragments of shell on both sides of the board, excepting
+the boat, lie with their insides downwards, the question asked by the
+egg-breaker is not answered. If _a_ or _l_ fall with their outsides
+downwards, this is a bad sign.
+
+5. If the portion of a shell at _f_ falls with the outside downwards,
+this indicates that some god needs appearing by sacrifice.
+
+6. If there are a number of small fragments lying around the boat,
+as in the diagram, these mean that there are many reasons for the
+illness, which cannot be ascertained.
+
+7. If the portion of shell marked _s_ is detsehed from the boat,
+this indicates that the goddess is very angry.
+
+8. If four fragments lie around the boat so as to form a square, as _c,
+e, h, j_, these mean that the patient is at the point of death. These
+are called _ki leng sher thang_.
+
+8. If there are no fragments, as at _d, e, f, g, h, i_, it is a puzzle,
+_ka leng kymtip_.
+
+_Note_.--The above information was obtained from U Sarup Singh,
+of Mairong; U Them, of Laitlyngkot, and U Bud, of Jowai. Different
+egg-breakers have somewhat different methods of reading the signs,
+but the main points are usually the same.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The previous history of the Khasi state of Jaintia, so far as it
+can be traced will be found related in Mr. E. A. Gait's _History of
+Assam_ (1906), pp. 253-262.
+
+[2] P. 211.
+
+[3] Vol. iii., p. 168, 177, &c.
+
+[4] These cloths, which Lindsay calls "_moongadutties_," were really
+the produce of Assam, and were _dhutis_ or waist-cloths of _muga_ silk.
+
+[5] Pp. 218-220., It appears from p. 219 that Mr. Scott's report
+is responsible for the erroneous statement (often repeated) that the
+mountaineers "called by us Cossyahs, denominate themselves Khyee." This
+second name is in fact the pronunciation current in Sylhet of the word
+_Khasi, h_ being substituted for _s_, and should be written as _Khahi_.
+
+[6] In Mr. Scott's time it was usual to speak of such a place as a
+"Sanatary."
+
+[7] Vol. ix, pp. 833 sqq.
+
+[8] Vol. xiii., pp. 612 sqq.
+
+[9] Pp. 272 sqq.
+
+[10] Called >w|oskop'ia: one of the lost books of the Orphic cycle
+was entitled t`a >w|oskopik'a.
+
+[11] The figures for Khasi population in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills
+district will be found under "Habitat."
+
+[12] The average rainfall at the Cherrapunji Police Station during
+the last twenty years, from figures obtained from the office of the
+Director of Land Records and Agriculture, has been 118 inches. The
+greatest rainfall registered in any one year during the period was
+in 1899, when it amounted to 641 inches.
+
+[13] It is interesting to compare the remarks of M. Aymonier in his
+volume iii of "Le Cambodge." He writes as follows:--"Mais en Indo-Chine
+on trouve, partout disseminé, ce que les indigènes, au Cambodge du
+moins, appellant, comme les peuples les plus éloignés du globe les
+traits de foudre.' Ce sont ici des haches de l'âge néolithique ou de la
+pierre polie, dont la plupart appartiennent au type repandu en toute
+la terre. D'autres de ces celtes, dits épaulés, parcequ'ils possèdent
+un talon d'une forme particulière, paraissent appartenir en propre à
+l'Indo-Chine et à la presqu'ile dekkhanique. Its fourniraient donc
+un premier indice, non négligeable, d'une communauté d'origine des
+populations primitives des deux péninsules, cis et trans gangétiques."
+
+[14] Mawkhar is a suburb of Shillong, the headquarters station.
+
+[15] The maund is 82 lbs.
+
+[16] See Bulletin No. 5 of the Agricultural Department of Assam,
+1898, pp. 4 and 5.
+
+[17] Khasi _u sak-riew_.
+
+[18] Colocasia osculenta, Beng. _Kachu_.
+
+[19] About threepence.
+
+[20] For the story in detail see the Folk-lore section of the
+monograph.
+
+[21] Simsong is the Garo name for the river Someshwari.
+
+[22] Officer.
+
+[23] See page 13, "Ka Niam Khasi" (U Jeebon Roy.)
+
+[24] What follows is a literal translation of the Khasi.
+
+[25] This cave is at Pomdalai, some five miles west of Cherrapunji,
+close to a great waterfall called _Noh Ka Likai_, i.e. the place where
+Ka Likai jumped down the precipice (for a full account of this story
+see Section V. of the monograph), where there is a large block of
+stone, with some cuts over it, known as _Dain Thlen_, i.e. the snake
+cutting (place).
+
+[26] In another account it is said to have been U Suid-noh himself
+who did this.
+
+[27] Sir Charles Lyall has pointed out that the Mikirs possess this
+custom; it is probably borrowed from the Khasis.
+
+[28] Karl Pearson's essay on "mother age civilization."
+
+[29] Lit.: Cut by magic.
+
+[30] In Ahom _kái_ = fowl, _chán_ = beautiful, _mung_ =
+country. Therefore _Kái-chán-mung_ = fowl of a beautiful country
+(heaven).
+
+[31] A spirit which is supposed to have the power of causing a disease
+of the navel of a child.
+
+[32] _Iapduh_ is the regular word used for a clan, and in this case
+a species dying out.
+
+[33] The Shillong Peak is thought to be the seat of a powerful
+_blei_ or god who has his abode in the wood close to the top of the
+"Peak." Another folk-tale will be found concerning this god.
+
+[34] another version is that it was U Kyrphei, another hill in
+Nongspung territory, who fought with U Symper.
+
+[35] For further details regarding the Khasi superstition of the
+"thlen," the reader is referred to the portion of the monograph dealing
+with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that the "thlen's" cave is
+at a place called Pom Doloi in the territory of the Siem of Cherra,
+where there is also a rock called "Dain Thlen" (the cutting of the
+"thlen"). Another version of the story explaining why there are still
+"thlens" in the Khasi Hills is that there was an old woman who lived
+at a placed called Mawphu, a village in a valley to the west of
+Cherrapunji. This old woman forgot to eat her share of the "thlen's"
+flesh, the result being that the species became repropagated.
+
+[36] Both rivers, Umngot and Umiew, or Umiam, have their sources in or
+close to the Shillong Peak. The word "Rupatylli" signifies in Khasi a
+solid silver necklace of a peculiar shape. In order to appreciate this
+pretty tale thoroughly, the reader ought to view the river "Rupatylli"
+from the heights of the Laitkynsew, or Mahadeo, whence it is to be seen
+glistening in the sun like a veritable rupatylli or silver necklace.
+
+[37] Those mountains are the high hills which lie to the east of the
+Jowai Sub-Division, and which form part of the boundary line between
+the Khasi and Jaintia Hills District and North Cachar.
+
+[38] The word Hadem is possibly a corruption of "Hidimba," the old
+name for North Cachar.
+
+[39] A Kongngor is one who has married a Khasi princess.
+
+[40] This stone bridge, situated on the Theria road about a mile
+below Cherra, existed up to the Earthquake of 1897, which demolished
+it. The large slab of stone which formed the roadway of the bridge,
+is however, still to be seen lying in the bed of the stream.
+
+[41] The above story is said to have been taken down word for word
+from the mouth of an old woman of the Malyniang clan who lived at
+Mawlong.--P.R.G.
+
+[42] Kuhn's "Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens."
+
+[43] Khasi _ktin kynnoh_.
+
+[44] Assamese loan word, a corruption of "julungá."
+
+[45] The word _khong_ has probably connection with the Synteng word
+_jong_ meaning a clan.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Khasis, by P. R. T. Gurdon
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Khasis, by P. R. T. Gurdon
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Khasis
+
+Author: P. R. T. Gurdon
+
+Release Date: June 30, 2004 [EBook #12786]
+
+Language: English with Khasi (Language spoken in N.E. India)
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE KHASIS ***
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team.
+
+
+
+
+The Khasis
+
+
+
+By
+
+Major P.R.T. Gurdon, I.A.
+Deputy Commissioner Eastern Bengal and Assam
+Commission, and Superintendent of
+Ethnography in Assam.
+
+With an Introduction by
+Sir Charles Lyall, K.C.S.I.
+
+
+(Published under the orders of the Government of
+Eastern Bengal and Assam)
+
+Illustrated
+
+
+
+
+
+Preface
+
+This book is an attempt to give a systematic account of the Khasi
+people, their manners and customs, their ethnological affinities,
+their laws and institutions, their religious beliefs, their folk-lore,
+their theories as to their origin, and their language.
+
+This account would perhaps have assumed a more elaborate and ambitious
+form were it not that the author has been able to give to it only
+the scanty leisure of a busy district officer. He has been somewhat
+hampered by the fact that his work forms part of a series of official
+publications issued at the expense of the Government of Eastern Bengal
+and Assam, and that it had to be completed within a prescribed period
+of time.
+
+The author gladly takes this opportunity to record his grateful
+thanks to many kind friends who have helped him either with actual
+contributions to his material, or with not less valued suggestions
+and criticisms. The arrangement of the subjects discussed is due to
+Sir Bampfylde Fuller, lately Lieutenant-Governor of the Province,
+whose kindly interest in the Khasis will long be remembered by them
+with affectionate gratitude. The Introduction is from the accomplished
+pen of Sir Charles Lyall, to whom the author is also indebted for much
+other help and encouragement. It is now many years since Sir Charles
+Lyall served in Assam, but his continued regard for the Khasi people
+bears eloquent testimony to the attractiveness of their character, and
+to the charm which the homely beauty of their native hills exercises
+over the minds of all who have had the good fortune to know them.
+
+To Mr. N. L. Hallward thanks are due for the revision of the proof
+sheets, and to the Revd. H. P. Knapton for the large share he took in
+the preparation of the index. The section dealing with folk-lore could
+hardly have been written but for the generosity of the Revd. Doctor
+Roberts, of the Welsh Calvinistic Mission in the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills, in placing at the author's disposal his collection of the
+legends current among the people. Many others have helped, but the
+following names may be specially mentioned, viz.: Mr. J. B. Shadwell,
+Mr. S. E. Rita, the Revd. C. H. Jenkins, Mr. C. Shadwell, Mr. Dohory
+Ropmay, U Hormu Roy Diengdoh, U Rai Mohan Diengdoh, U Job Solomon,
+U Suttra Singh Bordoloi, U San Mawthoh, U Hajam Kishore Singh,
+U Nissor Singh, and U Sabor Roy.
+
+A bibliography of the Khasis, which the author has attempted to make
+as complete as possible, has been added. The coloured plates, with
+one exception, viz., that taken from a sketch by the late Colonel
+Woodthorpe, have been reproduced from the pictures of Miss Eirene
+Scott-O'Connor (Mrs. Philip Rogers). The reproductions are the work of
+Messrs W. Griggs and Sons, as are also the monochromes from photographs
+by Mrs. Muriel, Messrs. Ghosal Brothers, and the author. Lastly, the
+author wishes to express his thanks to Srijut Jagat Chandra Goswami,
+his painstaking assistant, for his care in arranging the author's
+somewhat voluminous records, and for his work generally in connection
+with this monograph.
+
+P. R. G.
+
+
+
+Bibliography
+
+
+Agricultural Bulletin No. 5 of 1898.
+Allen, B. C.--Assam Census Report, 1901.
+Allen, W. J.--Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hill Territory, 1868.
+Aymonier, Monsieur--"Le Cambodge."
+Bivar, Colonel H. S.--Administration Report on the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills District of 1876.
+Buchanan Hamilton--"Eastern India." Edited by Montgomery Martin
+Dalton, Colonel E. T.--Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal.
+Gait, E. A.--Human Sacrifices in Assam, vol. i., J.A.S.B. of 1898.
+Grierson, Doctor G. A.--"Linguistic Survey of India," vol. ii.
+Henniker, F. C.--Monograph on gold and silver wares in Assam.
+Hooker, Sir Joseph--Himalayan Journals.
+Hunter, Sir William--Statistical Account of Assam.
+Jeebon Roy, U.--_Ka Niam Khasi_
+Jenkins, The Rev. Mr.--"Life and Work in Khasia."
+_Khasi Mynta_--A monthly journal published at Shillong in the Khasi
+language.
+Kuhn, Professor E.--_Ueber Herkunft und Sprache der
+transgangetischen Voelker_. 1883
+Kuhn, Professor E.--_Beitraege zur Sprachenkunde
+Hinterindiens_. 1889.
+Lindsay, Lord--"Lives of the Lindsays."
+Logan, J. R A--series of papers on the Ethnology of the Indo-Pacific
+Islands which appeared in the "Journal of the Indian Archipelago."
+Mackenzie, Sir Alexander.--Account of the North-Eastern Frontier
+Mills, A. J. M.--Report on the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, 1853
+Nissor Singh, U--Hints on the study of the Khasi language.
+Nissor Singh, U--Khasi-English dictionary.
+Oldham, Thomas--On the geological structure of a portion of the Khasi
+Hills, Bengal.
+Oldham, Thomas--Geology of the Khasi Hills.
+Peal, S. E.--On some traces of the Kol-Mon-Anam in the Eastern
+Naga Hills.
+Pryse, Rev. W.--Introduction to the Khasis language, comprising a
+grammar, selections for reading, and a vocabulary.
+Records of the Eastern Bengal and Assam Secretariat.
+Roberts, The Rev. H.--Khasi grammar.
+Robinson--Assam.
+Scott, Sir George--Upper Burma Gazetteer.
+Shadwell, J. B.--Notes on the Khasis.
+Stack E.--Notes on silk in Assam.
+Waddell, Colonel--Account of the Assam tribes.J.A S.B.
+Ward, Sir William--Introduction to the Assam Land Revenue Manual.
+Weinberg, E.--Report on Excise in Assam.
+Yule, Sir Henry--Notes on the Khasi Hills and people.
+
+
+
+
+Contents
+
+
+Introduction xv-xxvii
+Section I.--General.
+
+    Habitat  1-2
+    Appearance 2-3
+    Physical and General Characteristics 3-6
+    Geographical Distribution 6-10
+    Origin 10-11
+    Affinities 11-18
+    Dress 18-21
+    Tattooing 21
+    Jewellery 22-23
+    Weapons 23-26
+
+Section II.--Domestic Life.
+
+    Occupation 26-28
+    Apiculture 28-30
+    Houses 30-33
+    Villages 33-35
+    Furniture and Household Utensils 36-38
+    Musical Instruments 38-39
+    Agriculture 39-43
+    Crops 43-48
+    Hunting 48-49
+    Fishing 49-51
+    Food 51-52
+    Drink 52-54
+    Games 54-57
+    Manufactures 57-61
+
+Section III.--Laws and Customs.
+
+    Tribal Organization 62-66
+    State Organization 66-75
+    Marriage 76-79
+    Divorce 79-81
+    Inheritance 82-85
+    Adoption 85-86
+    Tenure of Land and Laws regarding Land 86-91
+
+    Laws regarding other Property 91
+    Decision of Disputes 91-97
+    War 97-98
+    Human Sacrifices 98-104
+
+Section IV.--Religion.
+
+    General Character of Popular Beliefs 105-109
+    Ancestor Worship 109-113
+    Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities 114-116
+    Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination 116-120
+    Priesthood 120-124
+    Ceremonies and Customs attending Birth and Naming of Children
+    124-127
+    Marriage 127-132
+    Ceremonies attending Death 132-139
+    Disposal of the Dead 140-144
+    Khasi Memorial Stones 144-154
+    Festivities, Domestic and Tribal 154-157
+    Genna 158-159
+
+Section V.--Folk-Lore.
+
+    Folk-tales 160-187
+
+Section VI.--Miscellaneous.
+
+    Teknonomy 188
+    Khasi Method of Calculating Time 188-190
+    The Lynngams 190-197
+
+Section VII.--Language 198-215
+Appendices.
+
+    A--Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State 216-217
+    B--Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State 218-220
+    C--Divination by Egg-Breaking 221-222
+
+Index 223-227
+
+
+
+
+Introduction
+
+In 1908 Sir Bampfylde Fuller, then Chief Commissioner of Amman,
+proposed and the Government of India sanctioned, the preparation
+of a series of monographs on the more important tribes and castes
+of the Province, of which this volume is the first. They were to be
+undertaken by writers who had special and intimate experience of the
+races to be described, the accounts of earlier observers being at the
+same time studied and incorporated; a uniform scheme of treatment was
+laid down which was to be adhered to in each monograph, and certain
+limits of size were prescribed.
+
+Major Gurdon, the author of the following pages, who is also, as
+Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam, editor of the whole series,
+has enjoyed a long and close acquaintance with the Khasi race,
+whose institutions he has here undertaken to describe. Thoroughly
+familiar with their language, he has for three years been in charge
+as Deputy-Commissioner of the district where they dwell, continually
+moving among them, and visiting every part of the beautiful region
+which is called by their name. The administration of the Khasi and
+Jaintia Hills is an exceptionally interesting field of official
+responsibility. About half of the district, including the country
+around the capital, Shillong, is outside the limits of British India,
+consisting of a collection of small states in political relations,
+regulated by treaty with the Government of India, which enjoy almost
+complete autonomy in the management of their local affairs. In
+the remainder, called the Jaintia Hills, which became British in
+1835, it has been the wise policy of the Government to maintain
+the indigenous system of administration through officers named
+_dolois_, who preside over large areas of country with very little
+interference. All the British portion of the hills is what is called a
+"Scheduled District" under Acts XIV and XV of 1874, and legislation
+which may be inappropriate to the conditions of the people can be,
+and is, excluded from operation within it. In these circumstances the
+administration is carried on in a manner well calculated to win the
+confidence and attachment of the people, who have to hear few of the
+burdens which press upon the population elsewhere, and, with the peace
+and protection guaranteed by British rule, are able to develop their
+institutions upon indigenous lines. It is now more than forty years
+since any military operations have been necessary within the hills,
+and the advance of the district in prosperity and civilization during
+the last half-century has been very striking.
+
+The first contact between the British and the inhabitants of the
+Khasi Hills followed upon the acquisition by the East India Company,
+in consequence of the grant of the _Diwani_ of Bengal in 1765, of the
+district of Sylhet. The Khasis were our neighbours on the north of
+that district, and to the north-east was the State of Jaintia,  [1]
+ruled over by a chief of Khasi lineage, whose capital, Jaintiapur, was
+situated in the plain between the Surma river and the hills. Along this
+frontier, the Khasis, though not averse from trade, and in possession
+of the quarries which furnished the chief supply of lime to deltaic
+Bengal, were also known as troublesome marauders, whose raids were
+a terror to the inhabitants of the plains. Captain R.B. Pemberton,
+in his Report on the Eastern Frontier (1835), mentions  [2] an attack
+on Jaintia by a force under Major Henniker in 1774, supposed to have
+been made in retaliation for aggression by the Raja in Sylhet; and
+Robert Lindsay, who was Resident and Collector of Sylhet about 1778,
+has an interesting account of the hill tribes and the Raja of Jaintia
+in the lively narrative embodied in the "Lives of the Lindsays." [3]
+Lindsay, who made a large fortune by working the lime quarries and thus
+converting into cash the millions of cowries in which the land-revenue
+of Sylhet was paid, appears to have imagined that the Khasis, whom
+he calls "a tribe of independent Tartars," were in direct relations
+with China, and imported thence the silk cloths [4] which they brought
+down for sale in the Sylhet markets. A line of forts was established
+along the foot of the hills to hold the mountaineers in check, and
+a Regulation, No. 1 of 1799, was passed declaring freedom of trade
+between them and Sylhet, but prohibiting the supply to them of arms
+and ammunition, and forbidding any one to pass the Company's frontier
+towards the hills with arms in his hands.
+
+The outbreak of the first Burma War, in 1824, brought us into closer
+relations with the Raja of Jaintia, and in April of that year Mr. David
+Scott, the Governor-General's Agent on the frontier, marched through
+his territory from Sylhet to Assam, emerging at Raha on the Kalang
+river, in what is now the Nowgong district. This was the first occasion
+on which Europeans had entered the hill territory of the Khasi tribes,
+and the account of the march, quoted in Pemberton's Report, [5] is the
+earliest authentic information which we possess of the institutions
+of the Khasi race. Dr. Buchanan-Hamilton, who spent several years at
+the beginning of the 19th Century in collecting information regarding
+the people of Eastern India, during which he lived for some time
+at Goalpara in the Brahmaputra Valley, confused the Khasis with the
+Garos, and his descriptions apply only to the latter people. The name
+Garo, however, is still used by the inhabitants of Kamrup in speaking
+of their Khasi neighbours to the South, and Hamilton only followed
+the local usage. In 1826 Mr. David Scott, after the expulsion of the
+Burmese from Assam and the occupation of that province by the Company,
+entered the Khasi Hills in order to negotiate for the construction of
+a road through the territory of the Khasi Siem or Chief of Nongkhlaw,
+which should unite Sylhet with Gauhati. A treaty was concluded with
+the chief, and the construction of the road began. At Cherrapunji
+Mr. Scott built for himself a house on the plateau which, two years
+later, was acquired from the Siem by exchange for land in the plains,
+as the site of a sanitarium. [6] Everything seemed to promise well,
+when the peace was suddenly broken by an attack made, in April 1829,
+by the people of Nongkhlaw on the survey party engaged in laying
+out the road, resulting in the massacre of two British officers and
+between fifty and sixty natives. This led to a general confederacy of
+most or the neighbouring chiefs to resist the British, and a long and
+harassing war, which was not brought to a close till 1833. Cherrapunji
+then became the headquarters of the Sylhet Light Infantry, whose
+commandant was placed in political charge of the district, including
+the former dominions in the hills of the Raja of Jaintia, which he
+voluntarily relinquished in 1835 on the confiscation of his territory
+in the plains.
+
+Cherrapunji, celebrated as the place which has the greatest measured
+rainfall on the globe, became a popular station, and the discovery
+of coal there, and at several other places in the hills, attracted
+to it many visitors, some of whom published accounts of the country
+and people. The first detailed description was apparently that of the
+Rev. W. Lish, a Baptist missionary, which appeared in a missionary
+journal in 1838. In 1840 Capt. Fisher, an officer of the Survey
+Department, published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
+[7] an account which showed that the leading characteristics of the
+Khasi race had already been apprehended; he mentions the prevalence of
+matriarchy or mother-kinship, notes the absence of polyandry, except
+in so far as its place was taken by facile divorce, describes the
+religion as a worship of gods of valleys and hills, draws attention to
+the system of augury used to ascertain the will of the gods, and gives
+an account of the remarkable megalithic monuments which everywhere
+stud the higher plateaus. He also recognizes the fact that the Khasis
+as a race are totally distinct from the neighbouring hill tribes. In
+1841 Mr. W. Robinson, Inspector of Schools in Assam, included an
+account of the Khasis in a volume on that province which was printed
+at Calcutta. In 1844 Lieut. Yule (afterwards Sir Henry Yule) published
+in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society [8] a much more detailed
+description of the hills and their inhabitants than had been given
+by Fisher. This formed the basis of many subsequent descriptions, the
+best known of which is the attractive account contained in the second
+volume of Sir Joseph Hooker's _Himalayan Journals_ [9] published
+in London in 1854. Sir Joseph visited Cherrapunji in June 1850,
+and stayed in the hills until the middle of the following November.
+
+Meanwhile the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Mission, originally
+located at Sylhet, had extended their operations to Cherrapunji,
+and in 1842 established a branch there. They applied themselves to
+the study of the Khasi language, for which, after a trial of the
+Bengali, they resolved to adopt the Roman character. Their system of
+expressing the sounds of Khasi has since that time continued in use,
+and after sixty years' prescription it would be difficult to make a
+change. Their Welsh nationality led them to use the vowel _y_ for the
+obscure sound represented elsewhere in India by a short _a_ (the _u_
+in the English _but_), and for the consonantal _y_ to substitute the
+vowel _i : w_ is also used as a vowel, but only in diphthongs (_aw,
+ew, iw, ow_); in other respects the system agrees fairly well with
+the standard adopted elsewhere. Primers for the study of the language
+were printed at Calcutta in 1846 and 1852, and in 1855 appeared
+the excellent "Introduction to the Khasia language, comprising a
+grammar, selections for reading, and a Khasi-English vocabulary," of
+the Rev. W. Pryse. There now exists a somewhat extensive literature
+in Khasi, both religious and secular. An exhaustive grammar, by the
+Rev. H. Roberts, was published in Truebner's series of "Simplified
+Grammars" in 1891, and there are dictionaries, English-Khasi (1875}
+and Khasi-English (1906), besides many other aids to the study of the
+language which need not be mentioned here. It is recognized by the
+Calcutta University as sufficiently cultivated to be offered for the
+examinations of that body. Two monthly periodicals are published in
+it at Shillong, to which place the headquarters of the district were
+removed from Cherrapunji in 1864, and which has been the permanent
+seat of the Assam Government since the Province was separated from
+Bengal in 1874.
+
+The isolation of the Khasi race, in the midst of a great encircling
+population all of whom belong to the Tibeto-Burman stock, and the
+remarkable features presented by their language and institutions,
+soon attracted the attention of comparative philologists and
+ethnologists. An account of their researches will be found in
+Dr. Grierson's _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. ii. Here it will
+be sufficient to mention the important work of Mr. J. R. Logan, who,
+in a series of papers published at Singapore between 1850 and 1857 in
+the _Journal of the Indian Archipelago_ (of which he was the editor),
+demonstrated the relationship which exists between the Khasis and
+certain peoples of Further India, the chief representatives of whom are
+the Mons or Talaings of Pegu and Tenasserim, the Khmers of Cambodia,
+and the majority of the inhabitants of Annam. He was even able, through
+the means of vocabularies furnished to him by the late Bishop Bigandet,
+to discover the nearest kinsmen of the Khasis in the Palaungs, a tribe
+inhabiting one of the Shan States to the north-east of Mandalay on the
+middle Salween. With the progress of research it became apparent that
+the Mon-Khmer group of Indo-China thus constituted, to which the Khasis
+belong, was in some way connected with the large linguistic family
+in the Indian Peninsula once called Kolarian, but now more generally
+known as _Munda_, who inhabit the hilly region of Chutia Nagpur
+and parts of the Satpura range in the Central Provinces. Of these
+tribes the principal are the Santhals, the Mundas, and the Korkus. In
+physical characters they differ greatly from the Indo-Chinese Khasis,
+but the points of resemblance in their languages and in some of their
+institutions cannot be denied; and the exact nature of the relation
+between them is as yet one of the unsolved problems of ethnology.
+
+The work of Logan was carried further by Prof. Ernst Kuhn, of Munich,
+who in 1888 and 1889 published important contributions to our knowledge
+of the languages and peoples of Further India. More recently our
+acquaintance with the phonology of Khasi and its relatives has been
+still further advanced by the labours of Pater W. Schmidt, of Vienna,
+whose latest work, _Die Mon-Khmer Voelker, ein Bindeglied zwischen
+Voelkern Zentralasiens und Austronesiens_ (Braunschweig, 1906),
+has established the relationship of Khasi not only to the Mon-Khmer
+languages, but also to Nicobarese and several dialects spoken by wild
+tribes in the Malay Peninsula.
+
+There still remains much to be done before the speech of the Khasi
+nation can be considered to have been thoroughly investigated. In
+the _Linguistic Survey_ four dialects are dealt with, the standard
+literary form, founded on the language of Cherrapunji, the _Pnar_ or
+_Synteng_, of Jowai, the _War_, spoken in the valleys on the southern
+face of the hills, and the _Lyngngam_, spoken in the tract adjacent to
+the Garos on the west. Major Gurdon (p. 203) mentions a fifth, that
+of Jirang or Mynnar, spoken in the extreme north, and there may be
+others. A great desideratum for linguistic purposes is a more adequate
+method of recording sounds, and especially differences of tone, than
+that adopted for the standard speech, which though sufficient for
+practical purposes, does not accurately represent either the quantity
+or the quality of the vowels, and leaves something to be desired
+as regards the consonants (especially those only faintly sounded or
+suppressed). These things, no doubt, will come in time. The immense
+advance which has been made in education by the Khasis during the last
+half-century has enabled some among them to appreciate the interesting
+field for exploration and study which their own country and people
+afford; and there is reason to hope that with European guidance the
+work of record will progress by the agency of indigenous students.
+
+It remains to summarize briefly the principal distinctive features of
+this vigorous and sturdy race, who have preserved their independence
+and their ancestral institutions through many centuries in the face
+of the attractions offered by the alien forms of culture around them.
+
+In the first place, their social organization presents one of the
+most perfect examples still surviving of matriarchal institutions,
+carried out with a logic and thoroughness which, to those accustomed
+to regard the status and authority of the father as the foundation
+of society, are exceedingly remarkable. Not only is the mother
+the head and source, and only bond of union, of the family: in the
+most primitive part of the hills, the Synteng country, she is the
+only owner of real property, and through her alone is inheritance
+transmitted. The father has no kinship with his children, who belong
+to their mother's clan; what he earns goes to his own matriarchal
+stock, and at his death his bones are deposited in the cromlech of his
+mother's kin. In Jowai he neither lives nor eats in his wife's house,
+but visits it only after dark (p. 76). In the veneration of ancestors,
+which is the foundation of the tribal piety, the primal ancestress
+(_Ka Iawbei_) and her brother are the only persons regarded. The
+flat memorial stones set up to perpetuate the memory of the dead are
+called after the woman who represents the clan (_maw kynthei_ p. 150),
+and the standing stones ranged behind them are dedicated to the male
+kinsmen on the mother's side.
+
+In harmony with this scheme of ancestor worship, the other spirits
+to whom propitiation is offered are mainly female, though here male
+personages also figure (pp. 106-109). The powers of sickness and
+death are all female, and these are those most frequently worshipped
+(p. 107). The two protectors of the household are goddesses (p. 112),
+though with them is also revered the first father of the clan,
+_U Thawlang_.
+
+Priestesses assist at all sacrifices, and the male officiants are
+only their deputies (p. 121); in one important state, Khyrim, the
+High Priestess and actual head of the State is a woman, who combines
+in her person sacerdotal and regal functions (p. 70).
+
+The Khasi language, so far as known, is the only member of the
+Mon-Khmer family which possesses a grammatical gender, distinguishing
+all nouns as masculine and feminine; and here also the feminine
+nouns immensely preponderate (p. 206). The pronouns of the second
+(me, pha) and third person (u, ka) have separate forms for the sexes
+in the singular, but in the plural only one is used (phi, ki), and
+this is the plural form of the feminine singular.
+
+It may perhaps be ascribed to the pre-eminence accorded by the
+Khasis to the female sex that successive censuses have shown that the
+women of this race considerably exceed the men in number. According
+to the census of 1901, there are 1,118 females to every 1,000 male
+Khasis. This excess, however, is surpassed by that of the Lushais,
+1,191 to 1,000, and it may possibly be due to the greater risks to life
+encountered by the men, who venture far into the plains as traders and
+porters, while the women stay at home. Habits of intemperance, which
+are confined to the male sex, may also explain a greater mortality
+among them.
+
+It would be interesting to investigate the effect on reproduction
+of the system of matriarchy which governs Khasi family life. The
+increase of the race is very slow. In the census of 1891 there were
+enumerated only 117 children under 5 to every hundred married women
+between 15 and 40, and in 1901 this number fell to 108. It has been
+suggested that the independence of the wife, and the facilities which
+exist for divorce, lead to restrictions upon child-bearing, and thus
+keep the population stationary. The question might with advantage be
+examined at the census of 1911.
+
+The next characteristic of the Khasis which marks them out for special
+notice is their method of divination for ascertaining the causes of
+misfortune and the remedies to be applied. All forms of animistic
+religion make it their chief business to avert the wrath of the
+gods, to which calamities of all kinds--sickness, storm, murrain,
+loss of harvest--are ascribed, by some kind of propitiation; and in
+this the Khasis are not singular. But it is somewhat surprising to
+find among them the identical method of _extispicium_ which was in use
+among the Romans, as well as an analogous development in the shape of
+egg-breaking, fully described by Major Gurdon (p. 221), which seems
+to have been known to diviners in ancient Hellas. [10] This method has
+(with much else in Khasi practice) been adopted by the former subjects
+of the Khasis, the Mikirs; but it does not appear to be prevalent
+among any other of the animistic tribes within the boundaries of India.
+
+The third remarkable feature of Khasi usage is the custom, which
+prevails to this day, of setting up great memorials of rough stone,
+of the same style and character as the _menhirs_ and _cromlechs_ which
+are found in Western Europe, Northern Africa, and Western Asia. It
+is very surprising to a visitor, unprepared for the sight by previous
+information, to find himself on arrival at the plateau in the midst of
+great groups of standing and table stones exactly like those he may
+have seen in Brittany, the Channel Islands, the south of England,
+or the Western Isles. Unfortunately the great earthquake of June
+1897 overthrew many of the finest of these megalithic monuments;
+but several still remain, and of these Major Gurdon has given an
+excellent description (pp. 144 sqq.), with an explanation of the
+different forms which they assume and the objects with which they
+are erected. Other races in India besides the Khasis set up stone
+memorials; but none, perhaps, to the same extent or with the same
+systematic purpose and arrangement.
+
+In conclusion, I have only to commend this work to the consideration
+of all interested in the accurate and detailed description of primitive
+custom. I lived myself for many years among the Khasis, and endeavoured
+to find out what I could about them; but much of what Major Gurdon
+records is new to me, though the book generally agrees with what I
+was able to gather of their institutions and characteristics. It is,
+I think, an excellent example of research, and well fitted to stand
+at the head of a series which may be expected to make an important
+contribution to the data of anthropology.
+
+C. J. Lyall.
+
+_November_, 1906.
+
+
+
+
+THE KHASIS
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+General
+
+
+Habitat.
+
+The Khasis reside in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district of
+Assam. They number 176,614 souls, which total is made up of:--
+
+
+        Khasis                              107,515
+        Syntengs                             47,883
+        Christian Khasis                     17,125
+        Khasis inhabiting other districts     4,091
+
+                                            176,614
+
+
+The Khasi and Jaintia Hills district is situated between 25 deg. 1' and 26 deg.
+5' North Latitude, and between 90 deg. 47' and 92 deg. 52' East Longitude. It
+contains an area of 6,157 square miles, with a total population at
+the Census of 1901 of 202,250 souls. In addition to the Khasis there
+are some members of Bodo tribes inhabiting parts of the district.
+
+The Lynngam tribe appears to have been reckoned in 1901 as Khasi,
+there being no separate record at the last Census of these people.
+
+The district is split up into two divisions, the Khasi Hills proper
+and the Jaintia Hills. The Khasi Hills form the western portion of
+the district and the Jaintia Hills the eastern. The Khasis inhabit
+the Khasi Hills proper, and the Syntengs, or Pnars, the Jaintia
+Hills. The latter hills take their name from the Rajas of Jaintia, the
+former rulers of this part of the country, who had as their capital
+Jaintiapur, a place situated at the foot of the Jaintia Hills on the
+southern side, which now falls within the boundaries of the Sylhet
+district. The Lynngams inhabit the western portion of the Khasi Hills
+proper. A line drawn north and south through the village of Nongstoin
+may be said to form their eastern boundary, and the Kamrup and Sylhet
+districts their northern and southern boundaries, respectively. The
+people known as _Bhois_ in these hills, who are many of them really
+Mikirs, live in the low hills to the north and north-east of the
+district, the term "Bhoi" being a territorial name rather than
+tribal. The eastern boundary of the Lynngam country may be said to
+form their north-western boundary. The Wars inhabit the precipitous
+slopes and deep valleys to the south of the district. Their country
+extends along the entire southern boundary of the district to the
+Jadukata, or Kenchi-iong, river where the Lynngam territory may be
+said to commence towards the south. There are some Hadem colonies
+in the extreme eastern portions of the Jaintia Hills. It is these
+colonies which are sometimes referred to by other writers as "Kuki
+Colonies." They are settlers from the North Cachar Sub-division of the
+Cachar district within recent years. It is possible that the title
+Hadem may have some connection with _Hidimba_, the ancient name for
+the North Cachar Hills.
+
+
+Appearance.
+
+The colour of the Khasi skin may be described as being usually
+brown, varying from dark to a light yellowish brown, according to
+locality. The complexion of the people who inhabit the uplands is of
+a somewhat lighter shade, and many of the women, especially those who
+live at Nongkrem, Laitlyngkot, Mawphlang, and other villages of the
+surrounding high plateaux possess that pretty gipsy complexion that
+is seen in the South of Europe amongst the peasants. The people of
+Cherrapunji village are specially fair. The Syntengs of the Jaintia
+Hills are darker than the Khasi uplanders. The Wars who live in the
+low valleys are frequently more swarthy than the Khasis. The Bhois
+have the flabby-looking yellow skin of the Mikirs, and the Lynngams
+are darker than the Khakis. The Lynngams are probably the darkest
+complexioned people in the hills, and if one met them in the plains
+one would not be able to distinguish them from the ordinary Kachari or
+Rabha. The nose in the Khasi is somewhat depressed, the nostrils being
+often large and prominent. The forehead is broad and the space between
+the eyes is often considerable. The skull may be said to be almost
+brachy-cephalic, the average cephalic index of 77 Khasi subjects,
+measured by Col. Waddell and Major Hare, I.M.S., being as high as 77.3
+and 77.9, respectively. According to these data the Khasis are more
+brachy-cephalic than the Aryans, whose measurements appear in Crooke's
+tables, more brachy-cephalic than the 100 Mundas whose measurements
+appear in Risley's tables, more brachy-cephalic than the Dravidians,
+but less brachy-cephalic than the Burmans, whose measurements also
+appear in Crooke's tables. It would be interesting to compare some head
+measurements of Khasis with Japanese, but unfortunately the necessary
+data are not available in the case of the latter people. The Khasi
+head may be styled sub-brachy-cephalic. Eyes are of medium size,
+in colour black or brown. In the Jaintia Hills hazel eyes are not
+uncommon, especially amongst females. Eyelids are somewhat obliquely
+set, but not so acutely as in the Chinese and some other Mongols. Jaws
+frequently are prognathous, mouth large, with sometimes rather thick
+lips. Hair black, straight, and worn long, the hair of people who
+adopt the old style being caught up in a knot at the back. Some
+males cut the hair short with the exception of a single lock at the
+back, which is called _u niuhtrong_ or _u niuh-' iawbei_ (i.e. the
+grandmother's lock.) The forepart of the head is often shaven. It
+is quite the exception to see a beard, although the moustache is not
+infrequently worn. The Lynngams pull out the hairs of the moustache
+with the exception of a few hairs an either side of the upper lip.
+
+
+Physical and General Characteristics
+
+The Khasis are usually short in stature, with bodies well nourished,
+and the males are extremely muscular. The trunk is long in proportion
+to the rest of the body, and broad at the waist; calves are very
+highly developed. The women, when young are comely, of a buxom type,
+and, like the men, with highly-developed calves, the latter always
+being considered a beauty. The children are frequently remarkably
+pretty. Khasis carry very heavy burdens, it being the custom for the
+coolie of the country to carry a maund, or 82 lbs. weight, or even
+more occasionally, on his back, the load being fixed by means of a
+cane band which is worn across the forehead; women carry almost as
+heavy loads as the men. The coolies, both male and female, commonly
+do the journey between Cherrapunji and Shillong, or between Shillong
+and Jowai, in one day, carrying the heavy loads above mentioned. Each
+of the above journeys is some thirty miles. They carry their great
+loads of rice and salt from Therria to Cherrapunji, an ascent of about
+4,000 feet in some three to four miles, in the day. The Khasis are
+probably the best porters in the north of India, and have frequently
+been requisitioned for transport purposes on military expeditions.
+
+The people are cheerful in disposition, and are light-hearted by
+nature, and, unlike the plains people, seem to thoroughly appreciate
+a joke. It is pleasant to hear on the road down to Theriaghat from
+Cherrapunji, in the early morning the whole hillside resounding with
+the scraps of song and peals of laughter of the coolies, as they run
+nimbly down the short cuts on their way to market. The women are
+specially cheerful, and pass the time of day and bandy jokes with
+passers-by with quite an absence of reserve. The Khasis are certainly
+more industrious than the Assamese, are generally good-tempered,
+but are occasionally prone to sudden outbursts of anger, accompanied
+by violence. They are fond of music, and rapidly learn the hymn
+tunes which are taught them by the Welsh missionaries. Khasis are
+devoted to their offspring, and the women make excellent nurses for
+European children, frequently becoming much attached to their little
+charges. The people, like the Japanese, are fond of nature. A Khasi
+loves a day out in the woods, where he thoroughly enjoys himself. If
+he does not go out shooting or fishing, he is content to sit still
+and contemplate nature. He has a separate name for each of the
+commoner birds and flowers. He also has names for many butterflies
+and moths. These are traits which are not found usually in the people
+of India. He is not above manual labour, and even the Khasi clerk
+in the Government offices is quite ready to take his turn at the
+hoe in his potato garden. The men make excellent stonemasons and
+carpenters, and are ready to learn fancy carpentry and mechanical
+work. They are inveterate chewers of _supari_ and the pan leaf (when
+they can get the latter), both men, women, and children; distances in
+the interior being often measured by the number of betel-nuts that
+are usually chewed on a journey. They are not addicted usually to
+the use of opium or other intoxicating drugs. They are, however,
+hard drinkers, and consume large quantities of spirit distilled
+from rice or millet. Rice beer is also manufactured; this is used
+not only as a beverage, but also for ceremonial purposes. Spirit
+drinking is confined more to the inhabitants of the high plateaux
+and to the people of the War country, the Bhois and Lynngams being
+content to partake of rice beer. The Mikirs who inhabit what is
+known as the "Bhoi" country, lying to the north of the district,
+consume a good deal of opium, but it must be remembered that they
+reside in a malarious _terai_ country, and that the use of opium,
+or same other prophylactic, is probably beneficial as a preventive
+of fever. The Khasis, like other people of Indo-Chinese origin,
+are much addicted to gambling. The people, and especially those who
+inhabit the War country, are fond of litigation. Col. Bivar remarks,
+"As regards truthfulness the people do not excel, for they rarely
+speak the truth unless to suit their own interests." Col. Bivar might
+have confined this observation to the people who live in the larger
+centres of population, or who have been much in contact with the
+denizens of the plains. The inhabitants of the far interior are, as
+a rule, simple and straightforward people, and are quite as truthful
+and honest as peasants one meets in other countries. My impression
+is that the Khasis are not less truthful certainly than other Indian
+communities. McCosh, writing in 1837, speaks well of the Khasis. The
+following is his opinion of them:--"They are a powerful, athletic
+race of men, rather below the middle size, with a manliness of gait
+and demeanour. They are fond of their mountains, and look down with
+contempt upon the degenerate race of the plains, jealous of their
+power, brave in action, and have an aversion to falsehood."
+
+Khasis of the interior who have adopted Christianity are generally
+cleaner in their persons than the non-Christians, and their women dress
+better than the latter and have an air of self-respect about them. The
+houses in a Christian village are also far superior, especially where
+there are resident European missionaries. Khasis who have become
+Christians often take to religion with much earnestness (witness the
+recent religious revival in these hills, which is estimated by the
+Welsh missionaries to have added between 4,000 and 5,000 converts
+to Christianity), and are model Sabbatarians, it being a pleasing
+sight to see men, women, and children trooping to church on a Sunday
+dressed in their best, and with quite the Sunday expression on their
+faces one sees in England. It is a pleasure to hear the sound of the
+distant church bell on the hill-side on a Sunday evening, soon to be
+succeeded by the beautiful Welsh hymn tunes which, when wafted across
+the valleys, carry one's thoughts far away. The Welsh missionaries
+have done, and continue to do, an immense amount of good amongst these
+people. It would be an evil day for the Khasis if anything should
+occur to arrest the progress of the mission work in the Khasi Hills.
+
+
+Geographical Distribution.
+
+The Khasis inhabit the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, although there are a
+few Khasi settlers in the neighbouring plains districts. The Census
+Report of 1901 gives the following figures of Khasi residents in
+the plains:
+
+
+        Cachar                                333
+        Sylbet                              3,083
+        Goalpara                                4
+        Kamrup                                191
+        Darrong                                90
+        Nowgong                                29
+        Sibnagar                               62
+        Lakhimpur                              22
+        Lushai Hills                           77
+        North Cachar                           32
+        Naga Hills                             82
+        Garo Hills                            117
+        Manipur                                69
+
+        Total                               4,091 [11]
+
+
+The following information regarding the general aspect of the Khasi
+and Jaintia Hills district, with some additions, is derived from Sir
+William Hunter's Statistical Account of Assam. The district consists
+almost entirely of hills, only a very small portion lying in the
+plains. The slope of the hills on the southern side is very steep
+until a table-land is met with at an elevation of about 4,000 feet at
+Cherrapunji. Higher up there is another plateau at Mawphlang. This is
+the highest portion of the hills, some villages being found at as high
+an elevation as close on 6,000 feet above see level. Fifteen miles to
+the east of Mawphlang, and in the same range, is situated the civil
+station of Shillong, at an average elevation of about 4,900 feet. The
+elevation of the Shillong Peak, the highest hill in the district, is
+6,450 feet above sea level. On the northern side of the hills are two
+plateaux, one between 1,000 and 2,000 feet below the level of Shillong,
+and another at an elevation of about 2,000 feet above sea level. In
+general features all these plateaux are much alike, and consist of a
+succession of undulating downs, broken here and there by the valleys
+of the larger hill streams. In the higher ranges, where the hills have
+been denuded of forest, the country is covered with short grass, which
+becomes longer and more rank in the lower elevations. This denudation
+of forest has been largely due to the wood being used by the Khasis for
+fuel for iron smelting in days gone by. The Government, however, has
+taken steps to protect the remaining forests from further spoliation. A
+remarkable feature is the presence of numerous sacred groves situated
+generally just below the brows of the hills. In these woods are to
+be found principally oak and rhododendron trees. The fir-tree (Pinus
+Khasia) is first met with on the road from Gauhati to Shillong, at
+Umsning, at an elevation of about 2,500 feet. In the neighbourhood
+of Shillong the fir grows profusely, but the finest fir-trees are
+to be seen in the Jowai sub-division. In the vicinity of Nongpoh is
+observed the beautiful _nahor_ or _nageswar_, the iron-wood tree. The
+latter is also to be found on the southern slopes of the hills in
+the Jowai sub-division. There are some _sal_ forests to the west and
+south of Nongpoh, where the _sal_ trees are almost as large as those
+to be found in the Garo Hills. Between Shillong and Jowai there are
+forests of oak, the country being beautifully wooded. Chestnuts and
+birches are also fairly common. The low hills on the northern and
+western sides of the district are clad with dense forests of bamboo,
+of which there are many varieties. The Pandanus or screw-pine is to be
+met with on the southern slopes. Regarding the geological formation
+of the hills, I extract a few general remarks from the Physical and
+Political Geography of Assam. The Shillong plateau consists of a great
+mass of gneiss, bare on the northern border, where it is broken into
+hills, for the most part low and very irregular in outline, with
+numerous outliers in the Lower Assam Valley, even close up to the
+Himalayas. In the central region the gneiss is covered by transition
+or sub-metamorphic rocks, consisting of a strong band of quartzites
+overlying a mass of earthy schists. In the very centre of the range,
+where the table-land attains its highest elevation, great masses of
+intrusive diorite and granite occur; and the latter is found in dykes
+piercing the gneiss and sub-metamorphic series throughout the southern
+half of the boundary of the plains. To the south, in contact with
+the gneiss and sub-metamorphics is a great volcanic outburst of trap,
+which is stratified, and is brought to the surface with the general
+rise of elevation along the face of the hills between Shella and
+Theriaghat south of Cherrapunji. This has been described as the "Sylhet
+trap." South of the main axis of this metamorphic and volcanic mass are
+to be found strata of two well defined series: (1) the cretaceous,
+and (2) nummulitic. The cretaceous contains several important
+coalfields. The nummulitic series, which overlies the cretaceous,
+attains a thickness of 900 feet in the Theria river, consisting of
+alternating strata of compact limestones and sandstones. It is at
+the exposure of these rocks on their downward dip from the edge of
+the plateau that are situated the extensive limestone quarries of
+the Khasi Hills. There are numerous limestone caves and underground
+water-courses on the southern face of the hills. This series contains
+coal-beds, e.g. the Cherrafield and that at Lakadong in the Jaintia
+Hills. Some description of the remarkable Kyllang Rock may not be out
+of place. Sir Joseph Hooker describes it as a dome of red granite,
+5,400 feet above sea level, accessible from the north and east, but
+almost perpendicular to the southward where the slope is 80 deg. for 600
+feet. The elevation is said by Hooker to be 400 feet above the mean
+level of the surrounding ridges and 700 feet above the bottom of
+the valleys. The south or steepest side is encumbered with enormous
+detached blocks, while the north is clothed with forests containing
+red tree-rhododendrons and oaks. Hooker says that on its skirts grows
+a "white bushy rhododendron" which he found nowhere else. There is,
+however, a specimen of it now in the Shillong Lake garden. Numerous
+orchids are to be found in the Kyllang wood, notably a beautiful white
+one, called by the Khasis _u'tiw kyllang synrai_, which blooms in the
+autumn. The view from the top of the rock is very extensive, especially
+towards the north, where a magnificent panorama of the Himalayas is
+obtained in the autumn. The most remarkable phenomenon of any kind in
+the country is undoubtedly the enormous quantity of rain which falls
+at Cherrapunji. [12] Practically the whole of the rainfall occurs in
+the rains, i.e. from May to October. The remainder of the district is
+less rainy. The climate of the central plateau of the Shillong range
+is very salubrious, but the low hills in parts of the district are
+malarious. The effect of the different climates can at once be seen
+by examining the physique of the inhabitants. The Khasis who live
+in the high central plateaux are exceptionally healthy and strong,
+but those who live in the unhealthy "Bhoi country" to the north, and
+in the Lynngam portion to the west of the district, are often stunted
+and sickly. Not so, however, the Wars who live on the southern slopes,
+for although their country is very hot at certain times of the year, it
+does not appear to be abnormally unhealthy except in certain villages,
+such as Shella, Borpunji, Umniuh, and in Narpuh in the Jaintia Hills.
+
+
+Origin.
+
+The origin of the Khasis is a very vexed question. Although it is
+probable that the Khasis have inhabited their present abode for at
+any rate a considerable period, there seems to be a fairly general
+belief amongst them that they originally came from elsewhere. The
+Rev. H. Roberts, in the introduction to his Khasi Grammar, states that
+"tradition, such as it is, connects them politically with the Burmese,
+to whose king they were up to a comparatively recent date rendering
+homage, by sending him an annual tribute in the shape of an axe,
+as an emblem merely of submission." Another tradition points out the
+north as the direction from which they migrated, and Sylhet as the
+terminus of their wanderings, from which they were ultimately driven
+back into their present hill fastnesses by a great flood, after a
+more or less peaceful occupation of that district. It was on the
+occasion of this great flood, the legend runs, that the Khasi lost
+the art of writing, the Khasi losing his book whilst he was swimming
+at the time of this flood, whereas the Bengali managed to preserve
+his. Owing to the Khasis having possessed no written character before
+the advent of the Welsh missionaries there are no histories as is the
+case with the Ahoms of the Assam Valley, and therefore no record of
+their journeys. Mr. Shadwell, the oldest living authority we have on
+the Khasis, and one who has been in close touch with the people for
+more than half a century, mentions a tradition amongst them that they
+originally came into Assam from Burma via the Patkoi range, having
+followed the route of one of the Burmese invasions. Mr. Shadwell has
+heard them mention the name Patkoi as a hill they met with on their
+journey. All this sort of thing is, however, inexpressibly vague. In
+the chapter dealing with "Affinities" have been given some reasons for
+supposing that the Khasis and other tribes of the Mon-Anam family,
+originally occupied a large portion of the Indian continent. Where
+the actual cradle of the Mon-Anam race was, is as impossible to
+state, as it is to fix upon the exact tract of country from which
+the Aryans sprang. With reference to the Khasi branch of the Mon-Anam
+family, it would seem reasonable to suppose that if they are not the
+autochthons of a portion of the hills on the southern bank of the
+Brahmaputra, and if they migrated to Assam from some other country,
+it is not unlikely that they followed the direction of the different
+irruptions of foreign peoples into Assam of which we have authentic
+data, i.e. from south-east to north-west, as was the case with the
+Ahom invaders of Assam who invaded Assam from their settlements in the
+Shan States via the Patkoi range, the different Burmese invasions,
+the movements of the Khamtis and, again, the Singphos, from the
+country to the east of the Hukong Valley. Whether the first cousins
+of the Khasis, the Mons, moved to their present abode from China,
+whether they are the aborigines of the portion of Burma they at
+present occupy, or were one of the races "of Turanian origin" who,
+as Forbes thinks, originally occupied the valley of the Ganges before
+the Aryan invasion, must be left to others more qualified than myself
+to determine. Further, it is difficult to clear up the mystery of
+the survival, in an isolated position, of people like the Ho-Mundas,
+whose language and certain customs exhibit points of similarity with
+those of the Khasis, in close proximity to the Dravidian tribes and
+at a great distance from the Khasis, there being no people who exhibit
+similar characteristics inhabiting countries situated in between; but
+we can, I think, reasonably suppose that the Khasis are an offshoot
+of the Mon people of Further India in the light of the historical
+fact I have quoted, i.e. that the movements of races into Assam
+have usually, although not invariably, taken place from the east,
+and not from the west. The tendency for outside people to move into
+Assam from the east still continues.
+
+
+Affinities.
+
+The late Mr. S. E. Peal, F.R.G.S., in an interesting and suggestive
+paper published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
+in 1896, drew attention to certain illustrations of "singular
+shoulder-headed celts," found only in the Malay Peninsula till
+the year 1875, when they were also discovered in Chota Nagpur, and
+figured in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for June of
+that year. These "celts" are, as the name implies, ancient stone
+implements. Mr. Peal goes on to state the interesting fact that
+when he was at Ledo and Tikak, Naga villages, east of Makum, on the
+south-east frontier of the Lakhimpur district of Assam, in 1895,
+he found iron implements, miniature hoes, used by the Nagas, of a
+similar shape to the "shoulder-headed celts" which had been found in
+the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur. Now the peculiarly shaped Khasi
+hoe or _mo-khiw_, a sketch of which is given, with its far projecting
+shoulders, is merely an enlarged edition of the Naga hoe described
+by Peal, and may therefore be regarded as a modern representative
+in iron, although on an enlarged scale, of the "shoulder-headed
+celts." Another interesting point is that, according to Forbes, the
+Burmese name for these stone celts is _mo-gyo_. Now the Khasi name
+for the hoe is _mo-khiw_. The similarity between the two words seems
+very strong. Forbes says the name _mo-gyo_ in Burmese means "cloud
+or sky chain," which he interprets "thunderbolt," the popular belief
+there, as in other countries, being that these palaeolithic implements
+fell from heaven. Although the Khasi name _mo-khiw_ has no connection
+whatsoever with aerolites, it is a singular coincidence that the name
+for the Khasi hoe of the present day should almost exactly correspond
+with the Burmese name for the palaeolithic implement found in Burma and
+the Malay Peninsula, and when it is remembered that these stone celts
+are of a different shape from that of the stone implements which have
+been found in India (with the exception of Chota Nagpur), there would
+seem to be some grounds for believing that the Khasis are connected
+with people who inhabited the Malay Peninsula and Chota Nagpur at the
+time of the Stone Age. [13] That these people were what Logan calls
+the Mon-Anam, may possibly be the case. Mr. Peal goes on to state,
+"the discovery is interesting for other reasons, it possibly amounts
+to a demonstration that Logan (who it is believed was the first to
+draw attention to the points of resemblance between the languages of
+the Mon-Anam or Mon-Khmer and those of the Mundas and the Khasis), was
+correct in assuming that at one time the Mon-Anam races and influence
+extended from the Vindyas all over the Ganges Basin, even over Assam,
+the northern border of the Ultra Indian Peninsula." Mr. Peal then
+remarks that the Eastern Nagas of the Tirap, Namstik, and Sonkap group
+"are strikingly like them (i.e. the Mon-Anam races), in many respects,
+the women being particularly robust, with pale colour and at times
+rosy cheeks." The interesting statement follows that the men wear the
+Khasi-Mikir sleeveless coat. Under the heading of dress this will be
+found described as a garment which leaves the neck and arms bare, with
+a fringe at the bottom and with a row of tassels across the chest, the
+coat being fastened by frogs in front. It is a garment of a distinctive
+character and cannot be mistaken; it used to be worn largely by the
+Khasis, and is still used extensively by the Syntengs and Lynngams
+and by the Mikirs, and that it should have been found amongst these
+Eastern Nagas is certainly remarkable. It is to be regretted that the
+investigations of the Ethnographical Survey, as at present conducted,
+have not extended to these Eastern Nagas, who inhabit tracts either
+outside British territory or in very remote places on its confines,
+so that we are at present unable to state whether any of these
+tribes possess other points of affinity, as regards social customs,
+with the Khasis, but it will be noticed in the chapter dealing with
+memorial stones that some of the Naga tribes are in the habit of
+erecting monoliths somewhat similar in character to those of the
+Khasis, and that the Mikirs (who wear the Khasi sleeveless coat),
+erect memorial stones exactly similar to those of the Khasis. The
+evidence seems to suggest a theory that the Mon-Anam race, including
+of course the Khasis, occupied at one time a much larger area in the
+mountainous country to the south of the Brahmaputra in Assam than it
+does at present. Further references will be found to this point in the
+section dealing with memorial stones. The fact that the Ho-Mundas of
+Chota Nagpur also erect memorial stones and that they possess death
+customs very similar to those of the Khasis, has also been noticed
+in the same chapter. We have, therefore, the following points of
+similarity as regards customs between the Khasis on the one hand,
+certain Eastern Naga tribes, the Mikirs, and the ancient inhabitants
+of the Malay Peninsula on the other:--
+
+(a) Peculiarly shaped hoe, i.e. the hoe with far projecting shoulders
+
+    1. Khasis.
+    2. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
+    3. The ancient inhabitants of the Malay Peninsula.
+    4. The ancient inhabitants of Chota Nagpur (the Ho-Mundas?).
+
+(b) Sleeveless coat
+
+    1. Khasis.
+    2. Mikirs.
+    3. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
+
+(c) Memorial stones
+
+    1. Khasis.
+    2. Mikirs.
+    3. Certain Eastern Naga tribes.
+    4. Ho-Mundas of Chota Nagpur.
+
+I wish to draw no definite conclusions from the above facts, but they
+are certainly worth considering with reference to Logan's theory
+as stated by Peal; the theory being based on Logan's philological
+inquiries. Thanks to the labours of Grierson, Logan, and Kuhn in
+the linguistic field, we know that the languages of the Mon-Khmer
+group in Burma and the Malay Peninsula are intimately connected with
+Khasi. I say, intimately, advisedly, for not only are roots of words
+seen to be similar, but the order of the words in the sentence is
+found to be the same, indicating that both these people think in
+the same order when wishing to express themselves by speech. There
+are also syntactical agreements. We may take it as finally proved
+by Dr. Grierson and Professor Kuhn that the Mon-Khmer, Palaung,
+Wa, and Khasi languages are closely connected. In the section of the
+Monograph which deals with language some striking similarities between
+the languages of these tribes will be pointed out. We have not so far
+been able to discover social customs common to the Palaungs and the
+Khasis; this is probably due to the conversion of the Palaungs to
+Buddhism, the change in the religion of the people having possibly
+caused the abandonment of the primitive customs of the tribe. In a
+few years' time, if the progressive rate of conversions of Khasis to
+Christianity continues, probably the greater number of the Khasi social
+customs will have disappeared and others will have taken their place,
+so that it cannot be argued that because no manifest social customs
+can now be found common to the Khasis and the Palaungs, there is no
+connection between these two tribes. The strong linguistic affinity
+between these two peoples and the wild _Was_ of Burma points to an
+intimate connection between all three in the past. As knowledge of
+the habits of the wild _Was_ improves, it is quite possible that
+social customs of this tribe may be found to be held in common with
+the Khasis. With regard to social affinities it will be interesting
+to note the Palaung folk-tale of the origin of their Sawbwa, which is
+reproduced in Sir George Scott's Upper Burma Gazetteer. The Sawbwa,
+it is related, is descended from the Naga Princess Thusandi who
+lived in the _Nat_ tank on the Mongok hills and who laid three eggs,
+from one of which was born the ancestor of the Palaung Sawbwa. Here
+we see how the Palaung regards the egg, and it is noteworthy that
+the Khasis lay great stress on its potency in divination for the
+purposes of religious sacrifices, and that at death it is placed on
+the stomach of the deceased and is afterwards broken at the funeral
+pyre. Amongst some of the tribes of the Malay Archipelago also the
+_Gaji-Guru_ or medicine-man "can see from the yolk of an egg, broken
+whilst sacramentally counting from one to seven, from what illness
+a man is suffering and what has caused it." Here we have an almost
+exactly parallel case to the Khasi custom of egg-breaking.
+
+In the Palaung folk-tale above referred to the importance of the egg
+in the eyes of Palaung is demonstrated, and we know how the Khasi
+regards it. But the folk-tale is also important as suggesting that
+the ancient people of Pagan were originally serpent-worshippers,
+i.e. Nagas, and it is interesting to note that the Rumai or Palaung
+women of the present day "wear a dress which is like the skin of
+the Naga (snake)." Is it possible that the Khasi superstition of the
+_thlen_, or serpent demon, and its worship, an account of which will
+be found under the heading of "Human Sacrifices" in the Monograph,
+has anything to do with the ancient snake-worship of the people of
+Pagan, and also of the ancient inhabitants of Naga-Dwipa, and that
+amongst the wild _Was_ the custom of head-hunting may have taken the
+place of the Khasi human sacrifices to the _thlen_?
+
+Notwithstanding that Sir George Scott says the story has very Burman
+characteristics, the Palaung folk-tale is further interesting in
+that it speaks of the Sawbwa of the Palaungs being descended from a
+_princess_. This might be a suggestion of the matriarchate.
+
+It can well be imagined how important a matter it is also, in the light
+of Grierson's and Kuhn's linguistic conclusions, to ascertain whether
+any of the Mon-Khmer people in Anam and Cambodia and neighbouring
+countries possess social customs in common with the Khasis. In case
+it may be possible for French and Siamese ethnologists in Further
+India to follow up these inquiries at some subsequent date, it may
+be stated that information regarding social customs is required with
+reference to the people who speak the following languages in Anam and
+Cambodia and Cochin China which belong to the Mon-Khmer group--_Suk,
+Stieng, Bahnar, Anamese, Khamen-Boran, Xong, Samre, Khmu_, and _Lamet_.
+
+Notwithstanding our failure up till now to find any patent and direct
+social customs in common between the Khasis and the Palaungs, I am
+in hopes that we may yet discover some such affinities. Mr. Lowis,
+the Superintendent of Ethnography in Burma, states that there is no
+vestige of the matriarchal system among the Palaungs; but there is the
+folk-tale I have quoted above. In matters of succession, inheritance,
+&c., the Palaungs, Mr. Lowis, says, profess to follow the Shans,
+whose customs in this regard have a Buddhistic basis. The Palaungs are
+devout Buddhists, and, like the Burmans and Shans, bury their lay dead,
+whereas the Khasis invariably burn. There is nothing in the shape
+of memorial stones amongst the Palaungs. _Prima facie_ these appear
+to be points of differentiation between the Palaungs and the Khasis;
+but they should not, as has already been stated, be regarded as proof
+positive that the tribes are not connected, and it is possible that
+under the influence of Buddhism the Palaungs may have almost entirely
+abandoned their ancient customs, like the Christian Khasis.
+
+Having noticed some similarities as regards birth customs, as
+described in Dr. Frazer's "Golden Bough," between the Khasis and
+certain inhabitants of the Dutch East Indies, I wrote to the Dutch
+authorities in Batavia requesting certain further information. My
+application was treated with the greatest courtesy, and I am indebted
+to the kindness of the President, his secretary, and Mr. C. M. Pleyte,
+Lecturer of Indonesian Ethnology at the Gymnasium of William III.,
+at Batavia, for some interesting as well as valuable information. With
+reference to possible Malay influence in the countries inhabited by the
+people who speak the Mon-Khmer group of languages in Further India, it
+was thought desirable to ascertain whether any of the people inhabiting
+the Dutch East Indies possessed anything in common with the Khasis, who
+also belong to the Mon-Khmer group. There are, according to Mr. Pleyte,
+pure matriarchal customs to be found amongst the Minangkabe Malays
+inhabiting the Padang uplands and adjacent countries, in Sumatra,
+in Agam, the fifty Kotas, and Tanah Datar, more or less mixed with
+patriarchal institutions; they are equally followed by the tribes
+inhabiting parts of Korinchi and other places. The apparently strong
+survival of the matriarchate in parts of the island of Sumatra,
+as compared with this corresponding most characteristic feature
+of the Khasis, is a point for consideration. Mr. Pleyte goes on
+to state "regarding ancestor-worship, it may be said that this
+is found everywhere throughout the whole Archipelago; even the
+tribes that have already adopted Islam, venerate the spirits of
+their departed." The same might be said of some of the Khasis who
+have accepted Christianity, and much more of the Japanese. I would
+here refer the reader to the chapter on "Ancestor-worship." In the
+Southern Moluccas the placenta is mixed with ashes, placed in a pot,
+and hung on a tree; a similar custom is observed in Mandeling, on
+the west coast of Sumatra. This is a custom universally observed
+amongst the Khasis at births. Teknonomy to some extent prevails
+amongst some of these Malay tribes as with the Khasis. It will be
+seen from the above notes that there are some interesting points
+of affinity between the Khasis and some of the Malay tribes, and if
+we add that the Khasis are decidedly Malay in appearance, we cannot
+but wonder whether the Malays have any connection not only with the
+Mon-Khmer family, but also with the Khasis, with the Ho-Mundas, and
+with the Naga tribes mentioned by Mr. Peal in his interesting paper
+published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, already
+referred to. We will study the strong linguistic affinities between
+these peoples in the section which deals with language.
+
+M. Aymonier in "Le Cambodge" mentions the matriarchate as having been
+prevalent apparently amongst the primitive races of Cambodia, and
+notes that the ancient Chinese writers spoke of Queens in Fou-nan
+(Cambodia). If the Khmers were the ancient people of Cambodia,
+here we have an important landmark in common between them and the
+Khasis. M. Aymonier goes on to speak of priestesses, and the Cambodian
+taboo, _tam_ or _trenam_, which Mr. Lowis, the Superintendent of
+Ethnography in Burma, suggests may be akin to the Khasi _sang_.
+
+
+Dress.
+
+Dress may be divided into two divisions, ancient and modern. It will
+be convenient to take the former division first. The Khasi males
+of the interior wear the sleeveless coat or _jymphong_, which is a
+garment leaving the neck and arms bare, with a fringe at the bottom,
+and with a row of tassels across the chest; it is fastened by frogs
+in front. This coat, however, may be said to be going out of fashion
+in the Khasi Hills, its place being taken by coats of European pattern
+in the more civilized centres and by all sorts of nondescript garments
+in the interior. The sleeveless coat, however, is still worn by many
+Syntengs in the interior and by the Bhois and Lynngams. The men in the
+Khasi Hills wear a cap with ear-flaps. The elderly men, or other men
+when smartness is desired, wear a white turban, which is fairly large
+and is well tied on the head. Males in the Siemship of Nongstoin and
+in the North-Western corner of the district wear knitted worsted caps
+which are often of a red colour. These are sold at Nongstoin market
+at about 8 or 9 annas each. They are brought to Nongstoin by traders
+from the Synteng country, and from Shillong, where they are knitted
+generally by Synteng women. A small cloth is worn round the waist
+and between the legs, one end of which hangs down in front like a
+small apron. The Syntengs wear a somewhat differently shaped cap,
+having no ear-flaps and with a high-peaked crown. Both Khasi and
+Synteng caps are generally of black cloth, having, as often as not,
+a thick coating of grease. The old-fashioned Khasi female's dress,
+which is that worn by people of the cultivator class of the present
+day, is the following:--Next to the skin is worn a garment called _ka
+jympien_, which is a piece of cloth wound round the body and fastened
+at the loins with a kind of cloth belt, and which hangs down from
+the waist to the knee or a little above it. Over this is worn a long
+piece of cloth, sometimes of muga silk, called _ka jainsem_. This is
+not worn like the Assamese _mekhela_ or Bengali _sari_, for it hangs
+loosely from the shoulders down to a little above the ankles, and is
+not caught in at the waist--in fact, Khasi women have no waist. It
+is kept in position by knotting it over both the shoulders. Over
+the _jainsem_ another garment called _ka jain kup_ is worn. This is
+thrown over the shoulders like a cloak, the two ends being knotted in
+front, it hangs loosely down the back and sides to the ankles. It is
+frequently of some gay colour, the fashion in Mawkhar and Cherrapunji
+being some pretty shade of French gray or maroon. Over the head and
+shoulders is worn a wrapper called _ka tap-moh-khlieh_. This, again,
+is frequently of some bright colour, but is often white. There is a
+fold in the _jainsem_ which serves as a pocket for keeping odds and
+ends. Khasi women in cold weather wear gaiters which are often long
+stockings without feet, or, in the case of the poor, pieces of cloth
+wound round the legs like putties, or cloth gaiters. I have seen women
+at Nongstoin wearing gaiters of leaves. It was explained to me that
+these were worn to keep off the leeches. The Khasi women might almost
+be said to be excessively clothed--they wear the cloak in such a way
+as to hide entirely the graceful contours of the figure. The women
+are infinitely more decently clothed than Bengali coolie women, for
+instance; but their dress cannot be described as becoming or graceful,
+although they show taste as regards the blending of colours in their
+different garments.
+
+The dress of the Synteng women is a little different. With them the
+_jain khrywang_ takes the place of the Khasi _jainsem_, and is worn by
+them in the following manner:--One of the two ends is passed under one
+armpit and its two corners are knotted on the opposite shoulder. The
+other end is then wound round the body and fastened at the waist,
+from which it hangs half way down the calf. Over this they wear a
+sort of apron, generally of _muga_ silk. They have the cloak and the
+head-wrapper just the same as the Khasi women. The Synteng striped
+cloth may be observed in the picture of the Synteng girl in the
+plate. Khasi women on festive occasions, such as the annual Nongkrem
+puja, do not cover the head. The hair is then decked with jewellery
+or with flowers; but on all ordinary occasions Khasi women cover the
+head. War women, however, often have their heads uncovered.
+
+_Modern dress_.--The up-to-date Khasi male wears knickerbockers
+made by a tailor, stockings, and boots; also a tailor-made coat
+and waistcoat, a collar without a tie, and a cloth peaked cap. The
+young lady of fashion dons a chemise, also often a short coat of
+cloth or velvet, stockings, and smart shoes. Of course she wears
+the _jainsem_ and cloak, but occasionally she may be seen without
+the latter when the weather is warm. It should be mentioned that the
+Khasi males are seldom seen without a haversack in which betel-nut,
+lime, and other odds and ends are kept; and the female has her purse,
+which, however, is not visible, being concealed within the folds of
+her lower garment. The haversack of the men is of cloth in the high
+plateau and in the Bhoi country, but it is of knitted fibre in the
+War country. The Syntengs have a cloth bag, which they call _ka muna_.
+
+The War men dress very much the same as the neighbouring Sylheti
+Hindus. The War women, especially the Shella women, wear very
+pretty yellow and red checked and striped cloths. The cloak is not
+so frequently worn as amongst Khasis, except in cold weather. The
+Lynngam dress is very similar to that of the neighbouring Garos. The
+males wear the sleeveless coat, or _phong marong_, of cotton striped
+red and blue, red and white, or blue and white, fastened in the same
+manner as the Khasi coat and with tassels. A small cloth, generally
+red or blue, is tied between the legs, one end of it being allowed
+to hang down, as with the Khasis, like an apron in front. A round
+cap is commonly worn; but the elderly men and people of importance
+wear turbans. The females wear short cloths of cotton striped red
+and blue, the cloth reaching just above the knee, like the Garos;
+married women wear no upper clothing, except in winter, when a red or
+blue cotton cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders. The women
+wear a profusion of blue bead necklaces and brass earrings like the
+Garos. Unmarried girls wear a cloth tightly tied round the figure,
+similar to that worn by the Kacharis. A bag of cloth for odds and
+ends is carried by the men slung across the shoulder. It should be
+mentioned that even in ancient times great people amongst the Khasis,
+like Siems, wore waist-cloths, and people of lees consequence on great
+occasions, such as dances. The use of waist-cloths among the Khasis
+is on the increase, especially among those who live in Shillong and
+the neighbouring villages and in Jowai and Cherrapunji.
+
+
+Tattooing.
+
+None of the Khasis tattoo; the only people in the hills who tattoo
+are certain tribes of the Bhoi country which are really Mikir. These
+tattoo females on the forehead when they attain the age of puberty,
+a straight horizontal line being drawn from the parting of the hair
+down the forehead and nose. The line is one-eighth to one-quarter
+of an inch broad. The Lynngams occasionally tattoo a ring round the
+wrist of females.
+
+
+
+Jewellery.
+
+The Khasis, as a people, may be said to be fond of jewellery. The
+women are specially partial to gold and coral bead necklaces. The
+beads are round and large, and are usually unornamented with filigree
+or other work. The coral is imported from Calcutta. The gold bead is
+not solid, but a hollow sphere filled with lac. These necklaces are
+worn by men as well as women, especially on gala occasions. Some of
+the necklaces are comparatively valuable, e.g. that in the possession
+of the Mylliem Siem family. The gold and coral beads are prepared
+locally by Khasi as well as by foreign goldsmiths. The latter derive
+considerable profits from the trade. The Assam Census Report of
+1901 shows 133 goldsmiths in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills district,
+but does not distinguish between Khasis and foreigners. There are
+Khasi goldsmiths to be found in Mawkhar, Cherrapunji, Mawlai, and
+other villages. Sylheti goldsmiths are, however, more largely employed
+than Khasi in Mawsynram and certain other places on the south side of
+the hills. In Mr. Henniker's monograph on "gold and silver wares of
+Assam" it is stated that the goldsmiths of Karimganj in Sylhet make
+specially for Khasis certain articles of jewellery, such as men's and
+women's earrings, &c. An article of jewellery which is believed to be
+peculiar to the Khasis is the silver or gold crown. This crown is worn
+by the young women at dances, such as the annual Nongkrem dance. An
+illustration of one will be seen by referring to the plate. These
+crowns are circlets of silver or gold ornamented with filigree
+work. There is a peak or, strictly speaking, a spike at the back,
+called _u'tiew-lasubon_, which stands up some six inches above the
+crown. There are long ropes or tassels of silver hanging from the crown
+down the back. Earrings are worn both by men and women. The former
+affect a pattern peculiar to themselves, viz. large gold pendants of
+a circular or oval shape. Women wear different patterns of earrings,
+according to locality. An ornament which I believe is also peculiar to
+the Khasis is the _rupa-tylli_, or silver collar. This is a broad flat
+silver collar which is allowed to hang down over the neck in front,
+and which is secured by a fastening behind. Silver chains are worn
+by men as well as by women. The men wear them round the waist like
+a belt, and the women hang them round their necks, the chains being
+allowed to depend as low as the waist. Bracelets are worn by women;
+these are either of gold or of silver. The Lynngam males wear bead
+necklaces, the beads being sometimes of cornelian gathered from the
+beds of the local hill streams, and sometimes of glass obtained from
+the plains markets of Damra and Moiskhola. The cornelian necklaces are
+much prized by the Lynngams, and are called by them _'pieng blei_,
+or gods' necklaces. Like the Garos, the Lynngams wear as many brass
+earrings as possible, the lobes of the ears of the females being
+frequently greatly distended by their weight. These earrings are made
+out of brass wire obtained from the plains markets. The Lynngams wear
+silver armlets above the elbow and also on the wrists. It is only a
+man who has given a great feast who can wear silver armlets above the
+elbows. These armlets are taken off as a sign of mourning, but never
+on ordinary occasions. The Lynngams do not wear Khasi jewellery, but
+jewellery of a pattern to be seen in the Garo Hills. A distinctive
+feature of the Lynngam women is the very large number of blue bead
+necklaces they wear. They put on such a large number as to give
+them almost the appearance of wearing horse collars. These beads are
+obtained from the plains markets, and are of glass. Further detailed
+information regarding this subject can be obtained from Mr. Henniker's
+monograph, which contains a good plate illustrating the different
+articles of jewellery.
+
+
+Weapons.
+
+The weapons of the Khasis are swords, spears, bows and arrows, and a
+circular shield which was used formerly for purposes of defence. The
+swords are usually of wrought iron, occasionally of steel, and are
+forged in the local smithies. The Khasi sword is of considerable
+length, and possesses the peculiarity of not having a handle of
+different material from that which is used for the blade. In the Khasi
+sword the handle is never made of wood or bone, or of anything except
+iron or steel, the result being that the sword is most awkward to hold,
+and could never have been of much use as a weapon of offence.
+
+The same spear is used for thrusting and casting. The spear is not
+decorated with wool or hair like the spears of the Naga tribes, but it
+is nevertheless a serviceable weapon, and would be formidable in the
+hand of a resolute man at close quarters. The length of the spear is
+about 6 1/2 feet. The shaft is generally of bamboo, although sometimes
+of ordinary wood. The spear heads are forged in the local smithies.
+
+The Khasi weapon _par excellence_ is the bow. Although no "Robin
+Hoods," the Khasis are very fair archers, and they use the bow largely
+for hunting. The Khasi bow (_ka ryntieh_) is of bamboo, and is about 5
+feet in height. The longest bow in use is said to be about the height
+of a man, the average height amongst the Khasis being about about 5
+feet 2 inches to 5 feet 4 inches. The bowstring is of split bamboo,
+the bamboos that are used being _u spit, u shken_, and _u siej-lieh_.
+
+The arrows (_ki khnam_) are of two kinds: (_a_) the barbed-headed
+(_ki pliang_), and (_b_) the plain-headed (_sop_). Both are made
+out of bamboo. The first kind is used for hunting, the latter
+for archery matches only. Archery may be styled the Khasi
+national game. A description of Khasi archery will be found
+under the heading "Games." The feathers of the following birds
+are used for arrows:--Vultures, geese, cranes, cormorants, and
+hornbills. Arrow-heads are made of iron or steel, and are forged
+locally. The distance a Khasi arrow will carry, shot from the ordinary
+bow by a man of medium strength, is 150 to 180 yards. The Khasi shield
+is circular in shape, of hide, and studded with brass or silver. In
+former days shields of rhinoceros hide are said to have been used,
+but nowadays buffalo skin is used. The shields would stop an arrow
+or turn aside a spear or sword thrust. The present-day shield is used
+merely for purposes of display.
+
+Before the advent of the British into the hills the Khasis are said
+to have been acquainted with the art of manufacturing gunpowder,
+which was prepared in the neighbourhood of Mawsanram, Kynchi, and
+Cherra. The gunpowder used to be manufactured of saltpetre, sulphur,
+and charcoal, the three ingredients being pounded together in a
+mortar. The Jaintia Rajas possessed cannon, two specimens of which
+are still to be seen at Jaintiapur. Their dimensions are as follows:--
+
+Length, 9 feet; circumference in the middle, 3 feet 2 inches; diameter
+of the bore 3 inches. There are some old cannon also at Lyngkyrdem
+and at Kyndiar in the Khyrim State, of the same description as
+above. These cannons were captured from the Jaintia Raja by the Siem
+of Nongkrem. No specimens of the cannon ball used are unfortunately
+available. There are also small mortars, specimens of which are to
+be seen in the house of the Siem of Mylliem.
+
+The weapons of the Syntengs are the same as those of the Khasis,
+although some of them are called by different names. At Nartiang I saw
+an old Khasi gun, which the people say was fired from the shoulder. I
+also saw a mortar of the same pattern as the one described amongst
+the Khasi weapons.
+
+The War and Lynngam weapons are also the same, but with different
+names. The only weapons used by the Bhois (Mikirs) are the spear
+and bill-hook for cutting down jungle. Butler, writing of the
+Mikirs 1854, says, "Unlike any other hill tribes of whom we have
+any knowledge, the Mikirs seem devoid of anything approaching to a
+martial spirit. They are a quiet, industrious, race of cultivators,
+and the only weapons used by them are the spear and _da_ hand-bill
+for cutting down jungle. It is said, after an attempt to revolt from
+the Assamese rule, they were made to forswear the use of arms, which
+is the cause of the present generation having no predilection for war."
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+Domestic Life
+
+
+Occupation.
+
+The greater proportion of the population subsists by
+cultivation. Cultivation of rice may be divided under two headings,
+high land or dry cultivation and low land or wet cultivation. The
+total number of persons who subsist by agriculture generally in the
+hills, is given is the last Census Report as 154,907, but the term
+agriculture includes the cultivation of the potato, the orange,
+betel-nut and _pan_. A full description of the different forms
+of agriculture will be given under the heading "Agriculture." A
+considerable number of Khasis earn their livelihood as porters,
+carrying potatoes to the markets on the Sylhet side of the district,
+from whence the crop is conveyed by means of country boats to the
+different places of call of river-steamers in the Surma Valley,
+the steamers carrying the potatoes to Calcutta. Potatoes are also
+largely carried to Shillong by porters, where the tuber is readily
+bought by Marwari merchants, who load it in carts to be conveyed by
+road to Gauhati, from which station it is again shipped to Calcutta
+and Upper Assam. Many persons are also employed in carrying rice
+up the hill from Theria to Cherrapunji, Shillong, and on to other
+places. Salt is also carried by porters by this route. Many Khasis,
+both male and female, live by daily labour in this way, earning as much
+as eight annas, and six annas a day, respectively. The Census Report
+of 1901 shows some 14,000 "general labourers" in the district, the
+greater number of whom are porters and coolies, both male and female,
+employed on road work and on building. In Shillong the Government
+Offices and the printing press give employment to a certain number
+of Khasis. There is also a fair demand for Khasi domestic servants,
+both among the Europeans and the Bengali and Assamese clerks who are
+employed at the headquarters of the Administration. The manufacture of
+country spirit gives employment to a considerable number of persons,
+most of whom are females. At a recent census of the country stills
+in the district, undertaken by the district officials, the number
+of stills has been found to be 1,530. There must be at least one
+person employed at each still, so that the number of distillers is
+probably not less than 2,000, possibly more. The spirit is distilled
+both for home consumption and for purposes of sale, in some villages
+almost entirely for sale. In, the Jaintia Hills stock-breeding and
+dealing in cattle provides occupation for 1,295 people, according
+to the last census. The cattle are reared in the Jaintia Hills and
+are driven down to the plains when they reach the age of maturity,
+where they find a ready market amongst the Sylhetis. Cattle are also
+driven into Shillong for sale from the Jaintia Hills. Another place
+for rearing cattle is the Siemship of Nongkhlaw, where there is good
+pasturage in the neighbourhood of Mairang. These cattle are either
+sold in Shillong or find their way to the Kamrup district by the old
+Nongkhlaw road. Cattle-breeding is an industry which is capable of
+expansion in these hills. There are a few carpenters to be found in
+Shillong and its neighbourhood. The Khasis are said by Col. Waddell
+to be unacquainted with the art of weaving; but the fact that a
+considerable weaving industry exists amongst the Khyrwang villages
+of the Syntengs, and at Mynso and Suhtnga, has been overlooked by
+him. The Khyrwangs weave a special pattern of cotton and silk cloth,
+striped red and white. In Mynso and Suhtnga similar cloths are woven,
+also the sleeveless coat. In former days this industry is said to have
+been considerable, but it has been displaced to a large extent of late
+years by Manchester piece goods. The number of weavers returned at the
+last census in the district was 533. The Khasis and Mikirs of the low
+country, or Bhois as they are called, weave cotton cloths which they
+dye with the leaves of a plant called _u noli_. This is perhaps the
+wild indigo, or _ram_, of the Shan settlers in the Assam Valley. The
+weavers are almost always females. An important means of subsistence
+is road and building work; a considerable number of coolies, both male
+and female, are employed under Government, practically throughout the
+year, in this manner, the males earning on an average 8 annas and the
+females 6 annas a day. Col Bivar writes that in 1875 the wages for
+ordinary male labourers were 4 to 8 annas a day, and for females 21/2
+to 4 annas, so that the wages rates have almost doubled in the last
+thirty years. Contractors, however, often manage to obtain daily labour
+at lower rates than those paid by Government. Stonemasons and skilled
+labourers are able to get higher rates. It is easier to obtain coolies
+in the Khasi than in the Jaintia Hills, where a large proportion of
+the population is employed in cultivation. The Khasis are excellent
+labourers, and cheerful and willing, but they at once resent bad
+treatment, and are then intractable and hard to manage. Khasis are
+averse to working in the plains in the hot-weather months.
+
+
+Apiculture.
+
+I am indebted to Mr. Rita for the following remarks on apiculture in
+the Khasi and Jaintia Hills.
+
+There are two kinds of indigenous bees in the Khasi Hills: one
+domesticated, called _u ngap_ (_apis Indica_), and the other _u
+lywai_, which is never domesticated, and is very pugnacious; its
+hives are difficult of access, being always located in very high
+cliffs. A few hives of a third class of bee are now-a-days to be
+found in and around the station of Shillong, i.e. the Italian. This
+bee was imported into the hills by Messrs. Dobbie and Rita, and the
+species became propagated in the following manner. The bees had been
+just established in a hive, where they had constructed a brood comb,
+when the hive was robbed by some Khasis for the sake of the _larvae_
+it contained, which they wished to consume as food; but the queen bee
+escaped and established other colonies, one of which was afterwards
+captured by Mr. Rita, the others establishing themselves at places in
+the neighbourhood. The hive used by the Khasis is of a very primitive
+description. It is usually a hollow piece of wood, about 2 1/2 to 3
+ft. in length and 10 or 12 in. in diameter. A small door is placed at
+each end of the log, one for the bees to go in and out, and the other
+for the removal of the honey when wanted. The honey-combs are broken
+and the honey is extracted by squeezing the comb with the hand. Wax is
+obtained by placing the comb in boiling water and allowing it to cool,
+when the wax floats to the surface. The Khasis do not systematically
+tend their bees, as they do not understand how to prevent swarming,
+and as the Khasi bee is a prolific swarmer, hives become weak very soon
+and a new hive has to be started from a captured natural swarm. The
+villages in which bees are regularly kept to any large extent in the
+Khasi and Jaintia Hills are Thied-dieng, Mawphoo, Nongwar, Mawlong,
+Pynter, Tyrna, and Kongthong, but most of the War villagers rear bees
+and sell the honey at the neighbouring markets. The collection of
+the honey of the wild bee, or _u lywai_, is a hazardous occupation,
+the services of some six or seven persons being required, as the combs
+of this bee are generally built in the crevices of precipitous rocks,
+and sometimes weigh more than half a maund each. When such hives are
+discovered the bees are driven out by the smoke of a smouldering fire
+lit at the foot of the rock below the hive. Two or three men get to the
+top of the precipice, leaving two or three of their companions at the
+base. One of the men on the top of the rock is then lowered down in
+a sling tied to a strong rope, which is made fast by his companions
+above to a tree or boulder. The man in the sling is supplied with
+material to light a torch which gives out a thick smoke, with the
+aid of which the bees are expelled. The man then cuts out the comb,
+which he places in a leather bucket or bag, which, when filled, he
+lowers down to the persons in waiting at the foot of the rock. The
+wild honey may be distinguished from that of the domestic bee by being
+of a reddish colour. Honey from the last-mentioned bee is gathered
+twice or thrice in the year, once in the autumn and once or twice in
+the spring; that gathered in early spring is not so matured as that
+collected in autumn. The flora of the Khasi Hills being so numerous,
+there is no necessity for providing bees with artificial food. The
+bees are generally able to obtain their sustenance from clover,
+anemonies, "golden rod," bush honeysuckle, and numerous shrubs such
+as andromeda, daphne, &c., which abound about Shillong. There seem
+to be facilities for apiculture on a large scale in these hills, and
+certainly the honey which is brought round by the Khasis for sale in
+Shillong is excellent, the flavour being quite as good as that of
+English honey. Under "Miscellaneous Customs connected with Death"
+will be found a reference to the statement that the dead bodies of
+Siems used to be embalmed in honey. The existence of the custom is
+generally denied by Khasis, but its former prevalence is probable,
+as several trustworthy authors have quoted it.
+
+
+Houses.
+
+The houses of the people are cleaner than might be supposed after
+taking into consideration the dirtiness of the clothes and persons
+of those who inhabit them. They are as a rule substantial thatched
+cottages with plank or stone walls, and raised on a plinth some 2 to
+3 ft. from the ground. The only window is a small opening on one side
+of the house, which admits but a dim light into the smoke-begrimed
+interior. The beams are so low that it is impossible for a person of
+ordinary stature to stand erect within. The fire is always burning
+on an earthen or stone hearth in the centre. There is no chimney, the
+smoke finding its exit as best it can. The firewood is placed to dry
+on a swinging frame above the hearth. In the porch are stacked fuel and
+odds and ends. The pigs and calves are generally kept in little houses
+just outside the main building. The Khasi house is oval-shaped, and is
+divided into three rooms, a porch, a centre room, and a retiring-room.
+
+In olden days the Khasis considered nails _sang_, or taboo, and
+only used a certain kind of timber for the fender which surrounds
+the hearth; but they are not so particular now-a-days. In Mawkhar,
+Cherrapunji, and other large villages, the walls of houses are
+generally of stone. In Cherrapunji the houses are frequently large,
+but the largest house I have seen in the hills is that of the Doloi
+of Suhtnga in the Jaintia Hills which measures 74 ft. in length. The
+house of the Siem Priestess at Smit in the Khasi Hills is another
+large one, being 61 ft. long by 30 ft. broad. In front of the Khasi
+house is a little space fenced in on two sides, but open towards the
+village street. The Syntengs plaster the space in front of the house
+with red earth and cow-dung, this custom being probably a remnant
+of Hindu influences. The Khasis have some peculiar customs when they
+build a new house. When the house is completed they perform a ceremony,
+_kynjoh-hka-skain_, when they tie three pieces of dried fish to the
+ridge pole of the house and then jump up and try to pull them down
+again. Or they kill a pig, cut a piece of the flesh with the skin
+attached, and fix it to the ridge pole, and then endeavour to dislodge
+it. The Syntengs at Nartiang worship _U Biskurom_ (Biswakarma) and _Ka
+Siem Synshar_ when a house is completed, two fowls being sacrificed,
+one to the former, the other to the latter. The feathers of the fowls
+are affixed to the centre post of the house, which must be of _u
+dieng sning_, a variety of the Khasi oak. The worship of a Hindu god
+(Biswakarma), the architect of the Hindu gods, alongside the Khasi
+deity _Ka Siem Synshar_, is interesting, and may be explained by
+the fact that Nartiang was at one time the summer capital of the
+kings of Jaintia, who were Hindus latterly and disseminated Hindu
+customs largely amongst the Syntengs. Mr. Rita says that amongst the
+Syntengs, a house, the walls of which have been plastered with mud,
+is a sign that the householder has an enemy. The plastering no doubt
+is executed as a preventive of fire, arson in these hills being a
+common form of revenge.
+
+Amongst the Khasis, when a daughter leaves her mother's house and
+builds a house in the mother's compound, it is considered _sang_,
+or taboo, for the daughter's house to be built on the right-hand side
+of the mother's house, it should be built either on the left hand or
+at the back of the mother's house.
+
+In Nongstoin it is customary to worship a deity called _u'lei
+lap_ (Khasi, _u phan_), by nailing up branches of the Khasi oak,
+interspersed with jaw-bones of cattle and the feathers of fowls,
+to the principal post, which must be of _u dieng sning_. The Siem
+priestess of the Nongkrem State at Smit and the ladies of the Siem
+family perform a ceremonial dance before a large post of oak in the
+midst of the Siem priestesses' house on the occasion of the annual
+goat-killing ceremony. This oak post is furnished according to custom
+by the _lyngskor_ or official spokesman of the Siem's Durbar. Another
+post of oak in this house is furnished by the people of the State.
+
+The houses of the well-to-do Khasis of the present day in Mawkhar and
+Cherrapunji are built after the modern style with iron roofs, chimneys,
+glass windows and doors. In Jowai the well-to-do traders have excellent
+houses of the European pattern, which are as comfortable as many
+of the European subordinates' quarters in Shillong. Some up-to-date
+families in Shillong and at Cherra allow themselves muslin curtains
+and European furniture.
+
+The houses of the Pnar-Wars are peculiar. The roof, which is thatched
+with the leaves of a palm called _u tynriew_, is hog-backed and the
+eaves come down almost to the ground. There are three rooms in the
+War as in the Khasi house, although called by different names in the
+War dialect. The hearth is in the centre room. The houses are built
+flush with the ground and are made of bamboos. In the War villages of
+Nongjri and Umniuh there are small houses erected in the compounds of
+the ordinary dwelling-houses called _ieng ksuid_ (spirit houses). In
+these houses offerings to the spirits of departed family ancestors
+are placed at intervals, this practice being very similar to the more
+ancient form of Shintoism. In some War villages there are also separate
+bachelors' quarters. This custom is in accordance with that of the Naga
+tribes. There is no such custom amongst the Khasi Uplanders. The War
+houses are similar to those of the Pnar Wars, except that a portion of
+the house is generally built on a platform, the main house resting on
+the hill-side and the portion on the platform projecting therefrom, the
+object being to obtain more space, the area for houses in the village
+sites being often limited owing to the steepness of the hill-sides.
+
+The Bhoi and Lynngam houses are practically similar, and may be
+described together. They are generally built on fairly high platforms
+of bamboo, are frequently 30 to 40 ft. in length, and are divided into
+various compartments in order to suit the needs of the family. The
+hearth, which is of earth, is in the centre room. There is a platform
+at the back of the Lynngam house, and in front of the Bhoi house,
+used for drying paddy, spreading chillies, &c., and for sitting on
+when the day's work is done. In order to ascend to a Bhoi house, yon
+have to climb up a notched pole. The Bhois sacrifice a he-goat and
+a fowl to _Rek-anglong_ (Khasi, _Ramiew iing_), the household god,
+when they build a new house.
+
+
+Villages.
+
+Unlike the Nagas and Kukis, the Khasis do not build their villages on
+the extreme summits of hills, but a little below the tops, generally in
+small depressions; in order to obtain some protection from the strong
+winds and storms which prevail in these hills at certain times of the
+year. According to the late U Jeebon Roy, it is _sang_, or taboo, to
+the Khasis to build a house on the last eminence of a range of hills,
+this custom having perhaps arisen owing to the necessity of locating
+villages with reference to their defence against an enemy. Khasis
+build their houses fairly close together, but not as close as houses
+in the Bhoi and Lynngam villages. Khasis seldom change the sites of
+their villages, to which they are very much attached, where, as a
+rule, the family tombs are standing and the _mawbynna_ or memorial
+stones. In many villages stone cromlechs and memorial stones are
+to be seen which from their appearance show that the villages have
+been there for many generations. During the Jaintia rebellion the
+village of Jowai was almost entirely destroyed, but as soon as the
+rebellion was over the people returned to the old site and rebuilt
+their village. Similarly, after the earthquake, the ancient village
+sites were not abandoned in many cases, but the people rebuilt their
+houses in their former positions, although in Shillong and Cherrapunji
+they rebuilt the walls of the houses of wooden materials instead of
+stone. There is no such thing as a specially reserved area in the
+village for the Siem and the nobility, all the people, rich or poor,
+living together in one village, their houses being scattered about
+indiscriminately. To the democratic Khasi the ides of the Siem living
+apart from his people would be repugnant. In the vicinity of the Khasi
+village, often just below the brow of the hill to the leeward side,
+are to be seen dark woods of oak and other trees. These are the sacred
+groves. Here the villagers worship _U ryngkew U basa_, the tutelary
+deity of the village. These groves are taboo, and it is an offence to
+cut trees therein for any purpose other than for performing funeral
+obsequies. The groves are generally not more than a few hundred yards
+away from the villages. The villages of the Syntengs are similar in
+character to those of the Khasis. The War villages nestle on the
+hill-sides of the southern border, and are to be seen peeping out
+from the green foliage with which the southern slopes are clad. In the
+vicinity of, and actually up to the houses, in the War villages, are
+to be observed large groves of areca-nut, often twined with the _pan_
+creeper, and of plantain trees, which much enhance the beauty of the
+scene. Looking at a War village from a distance, a darker shade of
+green is seen; this denotes the limits of the extensive groves where
+the justly celebrated Khasi orange is grown, which is the source of
+so much profit to these people. The houses in the War villages are
+generally closer together than those of the Khasis, probably owing to
+apace being limited, and to the villages being located on the slopes
+of hills. Generally up the narrow village street, and from house
+to house, there are rough steep stone steps, the upper portion of
+a village being frequently situated at as high an elevation as 200
+to 300 ft. above the lower. In a convenient spot in a War village
+a clear space is to be seen neatly swept and kept free from weeds,
+and surrounded with a stone wall, where the village tribunals sit,
+and the elders meet in solemn conclave. Dances also are held here on
+festive occasions. At Nongjri village there is a fine rubber tree,
+under whose hollow trunk there are certain sacred stones where the
+priest performs the village ceremonies.
+
+The Bhoi and Lynngam villages are built in small clearings in
+the forest, the houses are close together and are built often in
+parallel lines, a fairly broad space being reserved between the
+lines of houses to serve as a street. One misses the pretty gardens
+of the War villages, for Bhois and Lynngams attempt nothing of the
+sort, probably because, unlike the Khasi, a Bhoi or Lynngam village
+never remains more than two or three years in one spot; generally the
+villages of these people are in the vicinity of the forest clearings,
+sometimes actually in the midst of them, more especially when the
+latter are situated in places where jungle is dense, and there is fear
+of attacks from wild animals. In the Lynngam village is to be seen a
+high bamboo platform some 20 to 30 ft. from the ground, built in the
+midst of the village, where the elders sit and gossip in the evening.
+
+All the villages, Khasi, War, Lynngam and Bhoi, swarm with pigs,
+which run about the villages unchecked. The pigs feed on all kinds
+of filth, and in addition are fed upon the wort and spent wash of the
+brewings of country spirit, of rice beer, the latter being carefully
+collected and poured into wooden troughs. The pigs are of the usual
+black description seen in India. They thrive greatly in the Khasi
+villages, and frequently attain extreme obesity.
+
+In the Khasi villages of the high plateaux are often nowadays potato
+gardens, the latter being carefully protected from the inroads of pigs,
+calves, and goats by dry dikes surmounted by hedges.
+
+I noticed an interesting custom at a Bhoi village in Nongpoh of
+barricading the path leading to the village from the forest with
+bamboo palisading and bamboo _chevaux de frise_ to keep out the demon
+of cholera. In the middle of the barricade there was a wooden door
+over which was nailed the skull of a monkey which had been sacrificed
+to this demon, which is, as amongst the Syntengs, called _khlam_.
+
+
+Furniture and Household Utensils.
+
+As in the case of houses, so with reference to furniture, the influence
+of civilization shows many changes. The Khasi of the present day who
+lives in Mawkhar [14] has a comfortable house regularly divided up
+into rooms in the European style with even some European articles
+of furniture, but owing probably to the influence of the women,
+he still possesses several of the articles of furniture which are
+to be met with in the houses of those who still observe the old
+style of living. Let us take the furniture of the kitchen to begin
+with. Above the hearth is slung by ropes of cane a swinging wooden
+framework blackened with the smoke of years, upon which are spread
+the faggots of resinous fir-wood used for kindling the fire. Above
+this again is a wooden framework fixed on to the beams of the house,
+upon which all sorts of odds and ends are kept. Around the fire
+are to be seen small wooden stools, upon which the members of the
+household sit. Up-to-date Khasis have cane chairs, but the women of
+the family, true to the conservative instincts of the sex, prefer
+the humble stool to sit upon. Well-to-do Khasis nowadays have, in
+addition to the ordinary cooking vessels made of iron and earthenware,
+a number of brass utensils. The writer has seen in a Khasi house in
+Mawkhar brass drinking vessels of the pattern used in Orissa, of the
+description used in Manipur, and of the kind which is in vogue in
+Sylhet. The ordinary cultivator, however, uses a waterpot made from
+a gourd hollowed out for keeping water and liquor in, and drinks
+from a bamboo cylinder. Plates, or more properly speaking dishes,
+are of several kinds in the houses of the rich, the two larger ones
+being styled _ka pliang kynthei_ (female) and _ka pliang shynrang_
+(male). Needless to say, the first mentioned is a larger utensil than
+the latter. The ordinary waterpots, _u khiew phiang kynthei_ and _u
+khiew phiang shynrang_, are made of brass, the former being a size
+larger and having a wider mouth than the latter. The pot for cooking
+vegetables is made of iron. Another utensil is made of earthenware;
+this is the ordinary cooking pot used in the houses of the poor. Brass
+spoons of different sizes are used for stirring the contents of the
+different cooking utensils, also a wooden spoon.
+
+In the sleeping-rooms of the well-to-do there are wooden beds
+with mattresses and sheets and pillows, clothes being hung upon
+clothes-racks, which in one house visited were of the same pattern
+as the English "towel horse." The ordinary cultivator and his wife
+sleep on mats made of plaited bamboo, which are spread on the bare
+boards of the house. There are various kinds of mats to be met with
+in the Khasi houses made of plaited cane, of a kind of reed, and of
+plaited bamboo. The best kind of mat is prepared from cane. In all
+Khasi houses are to be seen _ki knup_, or rain shields, of different
+sizes and sometimes of somewhat different shapes. The large shield of
+Cherrapunji is used as a protection from rain. Those of Maharam and
+Mawiang are each of a peculiar pattern. Smaller shields are used as
+protections from the sun or merely for show, and there are specially
+small sizes for children. Then there are the different kinds of baskets
+(_ki khoh_) which are carried on the back, slung across the forehead
+by a cane head-strap. These, again, are of different sizes. They
+are, however, always of the same conical shape, being round and
+broad-mouthed at the top and gradually tapering to a point at the
+bottom. A bamboo cover is used to protect the contents of the basket
+from rain. There is a special kind of basket made of cane or bamboo
+with a cover, which is used for carrying articles on a journey. These
+baskets, again, are of different sizes, the largest and best that the
+writer has seen being manufactured at Rambrai, in the south-western
+portion of the hills. Paddy is husked in a wooden mortar by means of
+a heavy wooden pestle. These are to be seen all over the hills. The
+work of husking paddy is performed by the women. A bamboo sieve is
+sometimes used for sifting the husked rise, a winnowing fan being
+applied to separate the husk. The cleaned rice is exposed to the
+sun in a bamboo tray. Paddy is stored in a separate store-house in
+large circular bamboo receptacles. These hold sometimes as much as
+30 maunds [15] of grain. Large baskets are also used for keeping
+paddy in. In every Khasi house is to be found the net bag which is
+made out of pineapple fibre, or of _u stein_, the Assamese _riha_
+(Boehmeria nivea). These bags are of two sizes, the larger one for
+keeping cowries id, the cowrie in former days having been used instead
+of current coin in these hills, the smaller far the ever necessary
+betel-nut. _Pan_ leaves are kept in a bamboo tube, and tobacco leaves
+in a smaller one. Lime, for eating with betel-nut, is kept in a metal
+box, sometimes of silver, which is made in two separate parts held
+together by a chain. The box is called _ka shanam_, and is used all
+over the hills. This box is also used for divination purposes, one end
+of it being held in the hand, and the other, by means of the chain,
+being allowed to swing like a pendulum. An explanation of this method
+of divination will be found in the paragraph dealing with divination.
+
+There is also a pair of squeezers used by the old and toothless for
+breaking up betel-nut. In the houses of the well-to-do is to be seen
+the ordinary hubble-bubble of India. Outside the houses of cultivators
+are wooden troughs hollowed out of the trunks of trees, which are used
+either as drinking troughs for cattle or for feeding pigs. A special
+set of utensils is used for manufacturing liquor. The Synteng and
+War articles of furniture and utensils are the same as those of the
+Khasis, with different names, a remark which applies also to those of
+the Bhois and Lynngams. Both the latter, however, use leaves as plates,
+the Bhoi using the wild plantain and the Lynngam a large leaf called
+_ka 'la mariong_. The leaves are thrown away after eating, fresh leaves
+being gathered for each meal. The Lynngams use a quilt (_ka syllar_)
+made out of the bark of a tree of the same name as a bed covering. This
+tree is perhaps the same as the Garo _simpak_. In the Bhoi and Lynngam
+houses the swinging shelf for keeping firewood is not to be seen, nor
+is the latter to be found amongst the submontane Bodo tribes in Assam.
+
+
+Musical Instruments.
+
+The Khasis have not many musical instruments, and those that they
+possess, with one or two exceptions, are of very much the same
+description as those of the Assamese. There are several kinds of drums,
+viz. _ka nakra_, which is a large kettledrum made of wood having the
+head covered with deerskin; _ka ksing_, which is a cylindrically-shaped
+drum rather smaller than the Assamese _dhol_ (_ka ksing kynthei_ takes
+its name from the fact that this drum is beaten when women, _kynthei_,
+dance), _ka padiah_, a small drum with a handle made of wood; _katasa_,
+a small circular drum. Khasi drums are nearly always made of wood,
+not of metal, like the drums to be seen in the monasteries of Upper
+Assam, or of earthenware, as in Lower Assam.
+
+_Ka duitara_ is a guitar with _muga_ silk strings, which is played
+with a little wooden key held in the hand. _Ka maryngod_ is an
+instrument much the same as the last, but is played with a bow like
+a violin. _Ka marynthing_ is a kind of guitar with one string, played
+with the finger.
+
+_Ka tangmuri_ is a wooden pipe, which is played like a flageolet. _Ka
+kynshaw_, or _shakuriaw_, are cymbals made of bell metal; _ka sharati_,
+or _ka shingwiang_, is a kind of flute made of bamboo. This instrument
+is played at cremation ceremonies, and when the bones and ashes of a
+clan are collected and placed in the family tomb, or _mawbah_. This
+flute is not played on ordinary occasions. In the folk-lore portion
+of the Monograph will be found a tale regarding it. There are other
+kinds of flutes which are played on ordinary occasions. The Wars of
+the twenty-five villages in the Khyrim State make a sort of harp out
+of reed, which is called _ka 'sing ding phong_. The Khasis also play
+a Jews' Harp (_ka mieng_), which is made of bamboo.
+
+
+Agriculture.
+
+The Khasis are industrious cultivators, although they are behindhand
+in some of their methods of cultivation, (e.g. their failure to adopt
+the use of the plough in the greater portion of the district); they
+are thoroughly aware of the uses of manures. Their system of turning
+the sods, allowing them to dry, then burning them, and raking the
+ashes over the soil, is much in advance of any system of natural
+manuring to be seen elsewhere in the Province. The Khasis use the
+following agricultural implements:--A large hoe (_mokhiw heh_),
+an axe for felling trees (_u sdie_), a large _da_ for felling trees
+(_ka wait lynngam_), two kinds of bill-hooks (_ka wait prat_ and _ka
+wait khmut_), a sickle (_ka rashi_), a plough in parts of the Jaintia
+Hills (_ka lyngkor_), also a harrow (_ka iuh moi_). In dealing with
+agriculture, the lands of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be divided
+into the following classes:--(_a_) Forest land, (_b_) wet paddy land
+called _hali_ or _pynthor_, (_c_) high grass land or _ka ri lum_ or
+_ka ri phlang_, (d) homestead land (_ka 'dew kyper_). Forest lands
+are cleared by the process known as _jhuming_, the trees being felled
+early in the winter and allowed to lie till January or February,
+when fire is applied, logs of wood being placed at intervals of a
+few feet to prevent as far as possible the ashes being blown away by
+the wind. The lands are not hoed, nor treated any further, paddy and
+millet being sown broadcast, and the seeds of root crops, as well as
+of maize and Job's tears, being dibbled into the ground by means of
+small hoes. No manure, beyond the wood ashes above mentioned, is used
+on this class of land; there is no irrigation, and no other system of
+watering is resorted to. The seeds are sown generally when the first
+rain falls. This style of cultivation, or _jhum_, is largely resorted
+to by the people inhabiting the eastern and southern portions of the
+Jaintia Hills, e.g. the Bhois and Lalungs, the Lynngams and Garos
+of the western tracts of the district. Wet paddy land (_hali_ or
+_pynthor_) is, as the name implies, the land where the kind of paddy
+which requires a great deal of water is grown. The bottoms of valleys
+are divided up into little compartments by means of fairly high banks
+corresponding to the Assamese _alis_, and the water is let in at will
+into these compartments by means of skilfully contrived irrigation
+channels, sometimes a mile or more in length. The soil is made into
+a thick paste in the Jaintia Hills by means of the plough, and in the
+Khasi Hills through the agency of the hoe. Droves of cattle also are
+driven repeatedly over the paddy-fields until the mud has acquired
+the right consistency. The seed is then sown broadcast in the wet
+mud. It is not sown first in a seedling bed and then transplanted,
+as in Assam and Bengal. When the plants have grown to a height of
+about four inches, water is let in again; then comes the weeding,
+which has to be done several times. When the crop is ripe, the ears
+are cut with a sickle (_ka rashi_) generally, so as to leave almost
+the entire stalk, and are left is different parts of the field. A
+peculiarity about the Lynngam and the Khasis and Mikirs of the low
+hills, or Bhois as they are called, is that they reckon it _sang_,
+or taboo, to use the sickle. They reap their grain by pulling the
+ear through the hand. The sheaves, after they are dry, are collected
+and thrashed out on the spot, either by beating them against a stone
+(_shoh kba_), or by men and women treading them out (_iuh kba_). Cattle
+are not used for treading out the grain. The grain is then collected
+and placed in large bamboo receptacles (_ki thiar_). The paddy-fields
+are not manured. The Khasis, when cultivating high lands, select a
+clayey soil if they can. In the early part of the winter the sods are
+turned over with the hoe, and they are exposed to the action of the
+atmosphere for a period of about two months. When the sods are dry,
+they are placed in piles, which are generally in rows in the fields,
+and by means of ignited bunches of dry grass within the piles a
+slow fire is kept up, the piles of sods being gradually reduced to
+ashes. This is the "paring and burning process" used in England. The
+ashes so obtained are then carefully raked over the field. Sometimes
+other manure is also applied, but not when paddy is cultivated. The
+soil is now fit to receive the seed, either high-land paddy, millet,
+Job's tears, or other crops, as the case may be. The homestead lands
+are plentifully manured, and consequently, with attention, produce
+good crops. They are cultivated with the hoe.
+
+The cultivation of oranges in the southern portion of the district
+ranks equally in importance with that of the potato in the
+northern. The orange, which is known in Calcutta as the Chhatak or
+Sylhet orange, comes from the warm southern slopes of the hills in
+this district, where it is cultivated on an extensive scale. Although
+oranges do best when there is considerable heat, they have been known
+to do well as high as 3,000 ft.; but the usual limit of elevation
+for the growth of oranges in this district is probably about 1,000 to
+1,500 ft. The orange of the Khasi Hills has always been famous for its
+excellence, and Sir George Birdwood, in his introduction to the "First
+Letter Book of the East India Company," page 36, refers to the orange
+and lemon of Garhwal, Sikkim, and Khasia as having been carried by Arab
+traders into Syria, "whence the Crusaders helped to gradually propagate
+them throughout Southern Europe." Therefore, whereas the potato was
+imported, the orange would appear to be indigenous in these hills.
+
+_Nurseries_.--The seeds are collected and dried by being exposed to the
+sun. In the spring nurseries we prepared, the ground being thoroughly
+hoed and the soil pulverized as far as possible. The nursery is walled
+with stones. The seeds are then sown, a thin top layer of earth being
+applied. The nurseries are regularly watered, and are covered up with
+layers of leaves to ensure, as far as possible, the retention of the
+necessary moisture. When the plants are 3 or 4 in. high, they are
+transplanted to another and larger nursery, the soil of which has
+been previously well prepared for the reception of the young plants.
+
+An orangery is prepared in the following manner:--
+
+The shrubs, weeds and small trees are cut down, leaving only the
+big trees for the purpose of shade. The plants from the nurseries
+are planted from 6 ft. to 9 ft. apart. When they have become young
+trees, many of the branches of the sheltering trees mentioned above
+are lopped off, so as to admit the necessary amount of sunlight
+to the young orange trees. As the orange trees increase in size,
+the sheltering trees are gradually felled. The orchard requires
+clearing of jungle once in spring and once in autumn. The Khasis do
+not manure their orange trees, nor do they dig about and expose the
+roots. The price of orange plants is from 75 to 100 plants per rupee
+for plants from 1 to 2 ft. in height, and from fifty to seventy-five
+plants per rupee for plants from 2 to 5 ft. in height. Orange trees
+bear fruit when from five to eight years old in ordinary soils. In
+very fertile soils they sometimes bear after four years. A full-grown
+tree yields annually as many as 1,000 oranges, but a larger number
+is not unknown. The larger portion of the produce is exported from
+the district to the plains, and to fruit markets at the foot of the
+hills such as Theria, Mawdon, and Phali-Bazar, on the Shella river,
+whence it finds its way to the Calcutta and Eastern Bengal markets.
+
+Potatoes are raised on all classes of land, except _hali_, or wet paddy
+land. When the land has been properly levelled and hoed, drains are
+dug about the field. A cultivator (generally a female), with a basket
+of seed potatoes on her back and with a small hoe in her right hand,
+digs holes and with the left hand drops two seed-potatoes into each
+hole. The holes are about 6 in. in diameter, 6 in. deep, and from
+6 to 9 in. apart from one another. Another woman, with a load of
+manure in a basket on her back, throws a little manure over the seed
+in the hole, and then covers both up with earth. After the plants
+have attained the height of about 6 in., they are earthed up. When
+the leaves turn yellow, it is a sign that the potatoes are ripe. The
+different kinds of sweet potatoes grown and the yam and another kind
+of esculent root--_u sohphlang_ (_femingia vestita Benth_.) will be
+noticed under the head of "Crops."
+
+The Khasis possess very few agricultural sayings and proverbs, but
+the following may be quoted as examples:--
+
+(1) _Wat ju ai thung jingthung ne bet symbai ha uba sniew kti_.
+
+Do not allow plants to be planted or seeds to be sown by one who has
+a bad hand.
+
+As elsewhere, there is a belief amongst the Khasis that some people's
+touch as regards agriculture is unlucky.
+
+(2) _Thung dieng ne bet symbai haba ngen bnai, ym haba shai u bnai_.
+
+Plant trees or sow seeds not when the moon is waxing, but when it is
+on the wane.
+
+(3) _Wei la saw bha ka bneng sepngi jan miet phin sa ioh jingrang
+lashai_.
+
+A red sky in the west in the evening is the sign of fine weather
+to-morrow.
+
+Cf. our English proverb "a red sky in the morning is a shepherd's
+warning, a red sky at night is a shepherd's delight."
+
+
+Crops.
+
+The varieties of rice found in the Khasi Hills are divided into two
+main classes, one grown as a dry crop on high lands, and the other
+raised in valleys and hollows which are artificially irrigated from
+hill streams. The lowland rice is more productive than that grown
+on high lands, the average per acre of the former, according to
+the agricultural bulletin, as ascertained from the results of 817
+experimental crop cuttings carried out during the fifteen years
+preceding the year 1898, being 11.7 maunds of paddy per acre,
+as against an average of 9.4 maunds per acre (resulting from 667
+cuttings made during the same period) for the latter. [16] The average
+out-turn of both kinds is extremely poor, as compared with that of any
+description of rice grown in the plains. The rice grown in the hills
+is said by the Agricultural Department to be of inferior quality, the
+grain when cleaned being of a red colour, and extremely coarse. The
+cultivation of potatoes is practically confined to the Khasi Hills,
+there being little or none in the Jaintia Hills. The normal out-turn of
+the summer crop sown in February and harvested in June is reported by
+the Agricultural Department to be five times the quantity of seed used,
+and that of the winter crop, sown in August and September on the land
+from which the summer crop has been taken, and harvested in December,
+twice the quantity of seed. The winter crop is raised chiefly for
+the purpose of obtaining seed for the spring sowings, as it is found
+difficult to keep potatoes from the summer crop in good condition till
+the following spring. The usual quantity of seed used to the acre at
+each sowing is about 9 maunds, so that the gross out-turn of an acre
+of land cultivated with potatoes during the year may be taken at 63
+maunds, and the net out-turn, after deducting the quantity of seed
+used, at 45 maunds. The above estimate of the Agricultural Department
+rests chiefly on the statements of the cultivators, and has not been
+adequately tested by experiment.
+
+Since the appearance of the potato disease in 1885-86 there has been
+a great decrease in the area under potato cultivation. In 1881-82
+the exports of potatoes from the district were as high as 126,981
+maunds. From 1886-87 the exports began annually to decrease until in
+1895-96 the very low figure of 8,296 maunds was reached. The figures
+of export for the last nine years are as follows:--
+
+
+        1896-97     16,726 maunds
+        1897-98      7,805 maunds
+        1898-99      9,272 maunds
+        1899-00      5,422 maunds
+        1900-01     29,142 maunds
+        1901-02     38,251 maunds
+        1902-03     36,047 maunds
+        1903-04     50,990 maunds
+
+
+It will be seen that in the three years following the earthquake of
+1897 the exports fell very low indeed. Since 1901 the trade has been
+steadily recovering, and the exports of 1904 reached half a lakh
+of maunds.
+
+It will be observed that there has been some improvement, but the
+exports are still not half what they were in 1881-82. There are
+two kinds of sweet potatoes grown in the district, the Garo potato
+(_u phan Karo_), which appears to have been introduced from the Garo
+Hills, and _u phan sawlia_, the latter being distinguished from the
+Garo potato by its having a red skin, the Garo potato possessing a
+white skin. These kinds of potato are planted on all classes of land
+except _hali_, they do best on jhumed and homestead lands. The yam
+proper (_u phan shynreh_) is also largely grown. The small plant
+with an edible root called by the Khasis _u sohphang_ (_flemingia
+vestita Benth_.), is also largely grown. The roots of the plant after
+being peeled are eaten raw by the Khasis. As far as we know, this
+esculent is not cultivated in the adjoining hill districts. Job's
+tears (_coix lachryma-Jobi_) [17] are extensively grown, and are
+planted frequently with the _sohphlang_ mentioned above. This cereal
+forms a substitute for rice amongst the poorer cultivators. Maize or
+Indian corn (_u riew hadem_) is grown frequently, thriving best on
+homestead land, and requires heavy manuring; it is grown in rotation
+with potatoes. Next in importance to rice comes the millet (_u krai_),
+as a staple of food amongst the Khasis. There are three varieties
+of millets generally to be seen in the Khasi Hills:--_u 'rai-soh_
+(_setaria Italica_), _u 'rai-shan_ (_Paspalum sanguinale_), and
+_u 'rai-truh_ (_Eleusine coracana_). _U 'rai-shan_ is cultivated
+in rotation with the potato, _u 'rai-soh_ and _u 'rai-truh_ are
+generally cultivated on jhumed land, where they thrive well. Millet
+is sometimes used instead of rice in the manufacture of spirit by the
+Khasis; _u rymbai-ja_ (_phaseolus calcaratus_), and _u rymbai ktung_
+(_glycine soja_) are beans which are cultivated occasionally: Khasis
+highly prize the fruit of the plantain, which they give to infants
+mashed up. The following are the best known varieties:--_Ka kait khun,
+ka kait siem, ka kait kulbuit, ka kait bamon, ka kait shyieng_.
+
+The most important crop on the southern side of the hills is the
+orange, which has already been referred to in the paragraph dealing
+with agriculture.
+
+The oranges are sold by the _spah_ or 100, which is not a 100
+literally, but somewhat over 3,000 oranges. Different places have
+different _spahs_. At Phali Hat, on the Bogapani River, the _spah_
+is computed as follows:--
+
+
+        1 Hali      = 4 oranges.
+        8 Halis     = 1 Bhar.
+        100 Bhars   = shi spah (one hundred) = 3200 oranges.
+
+
+At Shella the computation is slightly different, being as follows:--
+
+
+        1 Gai               = 6 oranges.
+        5 Gais + 2 oranges  = 32 oranges.
+        4 Bhars = 1 hola    = 128 oranges
+        27 holas + 2 bhars  = shi spah (100) = 3,520 oranges.
+
+
+By another method of calculation the _spah_ consists of 3,240 oranges.
+
+The price per _spah_ varies from about 10 rupees in good years to
+Rs. 40, when the orange harvest has been a poor one.
+
+The lime is also cultivated, not separately, but along with the
+orange. The lime can be grown with success at a higher altitude than
+the orange. There is extensive betel-nut and _pan_ cultivation on the
+southern slopes of the hills. The betel-nut tree is cultivated in the
+same manner as in the plains, except that the trees are planted nearer
+to one another. The trees bear when eight to ten years old. A portion
+of the crop is sold just after it has been plucked; this is called _u
+'wai khaw_, and is for winter consumption. The remainder of the crop
+is kept in large baskets, which are placed in tanks containing water,
+the baskets being completely immersed. This kind of betel-nut is
+called _u 'wai um_. The Khasis, like the Assamese; prefer the fresh
+betel-nut. They do not relish the dry _supari_ so much.
+
+The principal _pan_ gardens are on the south side of the hills, _pan_
+not being grown on the northern slopes, except in the neighbourhood
+of Jirang. The _pan_ creepers are raised from cuttings, the latter
+being planted close to the trees up which they are to be trained. The
+creeper is manured with leaf mould. The plant is watered by means of
+small bamboo aqueducts which are constructed along the hill-sides,
+the water being conducted along them often considerable distances. As
+in the plains, the leaves of the _pan_ creeper are collected throughout
+the year.
+
+The bay leaf (_'la tyrpad_, or _tezpat_) is classified in the
+_Agricultural Bulletin_ as _Cinnamomum tamala_, and there is a note
+in the column of remarks that "this tree, as well as one or two
+others of the same genus, yields two distinct products, _tezpat_
+(bay leaf) and cinnamon bark." The bay leaf is gathered for export
+from the extensive gardens in Maharam, Malaisohmat, Mawsynram, and
+other Khasi States. The plants are raised from seed, although there
+are no regular nurseries, the young seedlings being transplanted from
+the jungle, where they have germinated, to regular gardens. Bay leaf
+gardens are cleared of jungle and weeds periodically; otherwise no
+care is taken of them. The leaf-gathering season is from November to
+March. The leaves are allowed to dry for a day or two in the sun,
+and then packed in large baskets for export. The gathering of bay
+leaf begins when the trees are about four years old.
+
+The following are the other minor crops which are grown in the Khasi
+and Jaintia Hills:--
+
+Pineapples, turmeric, ginger, pumpkins and gourds, the egg plant,
+chillies, sesamum, and a little sugar-cane. The arum [18] (_ka shiriw_)
+is also extensively grown in the hills, and forms one of the principal
+articles of food amongst the poorer classes; it is generally raised in
+rotation with potatoes, or is planted along with Job's tears. The stem
+of the arum is sometimes used as a vegetable, also for feeding pigs.
+
+In the Jowai Sub-Division, notably at Nartiang, there are fairly good
+mangoes, which are more free from worms than those grown in the plains
+of Assam.
+
+The Bhois and Lynngams cultivate lac. They plant _arhar dal, u landoo_,
+in their fields, and rear the lac insect on this plant. Last year the
+price of lac at Gauhati and Palasbari markets rose as high as Rs. 50
+per maund of 82 lbs., it is said, but the price at the outlying
+markets of Singra and Boko was about Rs. 30. The price of lac has
+risen a good deal of late years. Formerly the price was about Rs. 15 to
+Rs. 20 a maund. The lac trade in the Jaintia Hills and in the southern
+portion of the Khyrim State is a valuable one. The profits, however,
+go largely to middle-men, who in the Jaintia Hills are Syntengs from
+Jowai, who give out advances to the Bhoi cultivators on the condition
+that they will be repaid in lac. The Marwari merchants from the plains
+attend all the plains markets which are frequented by the hill-men,
+and buy up the lac and export it to Calcutta. The whole of the lac
+is of the kind known as stick lac.
+
+
+Hunting.
+
+The weapons used by the Khasis for hunting are bows and arrows,
+the latter with barbed iron heads, and spears which are used both
+for casting and thrusting. Before proceeding on a hunting expedition
+the hunters break eggs, in order to ascertain whether they will be
+successful or not, and to which jungle they should proceed. Offerings
+are also made to certain village deities, e.g. _U. Ryngkew, u Basa_,
+and _u Basa ki mrad_. A lucky day having been selected and the deities
+propitiated, the hunters start with a number of dogs trained to the
+chase, the latter being held on leashes by a party of men called _ki
+nongai-ksew_. When the dogs have picked up the scent some hunters
+are placed as "stops" (_ki ktem_), at points of vantage in the
+jungle, and the drive commences with loud shouts from the hunters,
+the same being continued until the object of the chase breaks into
+the open. The man who draws the first blood is called u _nongsiat_,
+and the second man who scores a hit _u nongban_. These two men get
+larger shares of the flesh than the others. The _nongsiat_ obtains
+the lower half of the body of the animal, thighs and feet excepted,
+called _ka tdong_, and the _nongban_ one of the forequarters called
+_ka tabla_. The other hunters obtain a string of flesh each, and each
+hound gets a string of flesh to itself. These hunting parties pursue
+deer sometimes for many miles, and are indefatigable in the chase, the
+latter lasting occasionally more than one day. In the Jaintia Hills,
+at the end of the chase, the quarry is carried to the house of the
+_nongsiat_, where a _puja_ is performed to some local deity, before
+the flesh is distributed. At Shangpung, when a tiger or a mithan is
+killed, the head is cut off, and is carried in triumph to a hill in
+the neighbourhood where there is a _duwan_, or altar, at the foot
+of an oak tree (_dieng sning_). The head is displayed on the altar,
+and worship offered to _u 'lei lyngdoh_, the God of the doloiship.
+
+The Khasis make use of an ingenious species of spring gun for killing
+game, the spring gun being laid alongside a deer path in the jungle. A
+string stretched across the path, when touched, releases a bolt and
+spring, which latter impels a bamboo arrow with great force across
+the path. This spring gun is called _ka riam siat_. A pit-fall, with
+bamboo spikes at the bottom, is called _u 'liw lep_, and a trap of the
+pattern of the ordinary leopard trap is called _ka riam slung_. A noose
+attached to a long rope laid in a deer run is named _riam syrwiah_.
+
+There is also _ka riam pap_, the principle of which is that an animal
+is attracted by a bait to walk on to a platform; the platform sinks
+under the weight of the animal, and a bolt is released which brings
+down a heavy roof from above weighted with stones, which crush the
+animal to death.
+
+There are several means employed in snaring birds; one of the most
+common is to smear pieces of bamboo with the gum of the jack-tree,
+the former being tied to the branches of some wild fruit tree, upon
+which, when the fruit is ripe, the birds light and are caught by the
+bird lime. This is called _ka riam thit_. Another is a kind of spring
+bow made of bamboo which is laid on the ground in marshy places,
+such as are frequented by snipe and woodcock. This form of snare
+is unfortunately most common. A third is a cage into which birds
+are lured by means of a bait, the cage being hidden in the grass,
+and the entrance being so contrived that the birds can hop in but
+not out again. This is called _ka riam sim_.
+
+
+Fishing.
+
+Although there are some Khasis who fish with rod and line, it
+may be said that the national method of fishing is to poison the
+streams. Khasis, except the Wars and the people of Shella, unlike
+the Assamese and Bengalis, do not fish with nets, nor do they use the
+bamboo-work device known by the Assamese as _pala_ (pala) and _jakai_
+(jakaaii). The method of fish-poisoning of the Khasis is the same
+as that described by Soppitt in his account of the tribes inhabiting
+North Cachar. The following is a description of how Khasis poison fish
+in the western portion of the district; it may be taken as a sample
+of the whole. A large quantity of the bark of the tree _ka mynta_ and
+the creeper _u khariew_ is first brought to the river-side to a place
+on the stream a little above the pool which it is proposed to poison,
+where it is thoroughly beaten with sticks till the juice exudes and
+flows into the water, the juice being of a milky white colour. In a
+few minutes the fish begin to rise and splash about, and, becoming
+stupefied, allow themselves to be caught in the shallows. If the
+beating of the bark has been well carried out, many of the fish soon
+die and after a time float on the surface of the water. A large number
+of Khasis stand on the banks armed with bamboo scoops shaped like
+small landing nets, to catch the fish, and fish traps (_ki khowar_)
+Assamese _khoka_ (khookaa) are laid between the stones in the rapids
+to secure any fish that may escape the fishing party. Another fish
+poison is the berry _u soh lew_, the juice of which is beaten out in
+the same manner as described above.
+
+Soppitt says, certain fish do not appear to be susceptible to the
+poison, and not nearly the destruction takes place that is popularly
+supposed. The mahseer and the carp family generally do not suffer
+much, whereas, on the other hand, the river shark, the _bagh mas_ of
+the Bengalis, is killed in large numbers. It is impossible, however,
+in the opinion of the writer, that the mahseer fry, which abound in
+these hill rivers in the spring and early summer months, can escape
+being destroyed in great numbers when the streams are frequently
+poisoned. In the neighbourhood of lime quarries and other large works
+where dynamite is used for blasting, this explosive is sometimes
+employed for killing fish. The practice, however, has been strictly
+prohibited, and there have been some cases in which the offenders
+have been punished in the courts. Fish-poisoning is bad enough, but
+dynamiting is still worse, as with an effective cartridge all the
+fish within a certain area are killed, none escape. When poisons are
+used, however, some fish are not affected by them, and others are
+only stupefied for the time being and afterwards recover.
+
+
+Food.
+
+The Khasi and Syntengs ordinarily take two meals a day, one in
+the early morning and the other in the evening, but labourers and
+others who have to work hard in the open take a midday meal as well,
+consisting of cold boiled rice wrapped in a leaf (_ka ja-song_),
+cakes (_ki kpu_) and a tuberous root (_u sohphlang_) which is eaten
+raw. They are fond of all kinds of meat, especially pork and beef,
+although some of the Syntengs, owing to Hindu influence, abstain from
+eating the latter. Unlike the neighbouring Naga, Garo and Kuki tribes,
+the Khasis abstain from the flesh of the dog. Both Bivar and Shadwell
+say the reason why the Khasis do not eat the flesh of the dog is
+because he is in a certain sense a sacred animal amongst them. There
+is a Khasi folk-tale relating how the dog came to be regarded as
+the friend of man. It is, however, quite possible that the Khasis
+may never have eaten the flesh of the dog from remote times, and it
+is nothing extraordinary that the Khasis should differ in a detail
+of diet from the neighbouring Thibeto-Burman tribes which are so
+dissimilar to them in many respects. The Khasis, except some of the
+Christian community and some of the people of the Mawkhar, do not use
+milk, butter, or ghee as articles of food. In this respect they do
+not differ from the Kacharis and Rabhas of the plains or the Garos
+of the hills. The Mongolian race in its millions as a rule does not
+use milk for food, although the Tibetans and some of the Turcoman
+tribes are exceptions. Before fowls or animals are killed for food,
+prayers must be said, and rice sprinkled on the body of the animal. The
+staple food of the Khasis is rice and dried fish. When rice cannot
+be obtained or is scarce, millet or Job's tears are used instead. The
+latter are boiled, and a sort of porridge is obtained, which is eaten
+either hot or cold according to fancy. Khasis eat the flesh of nearly
+all wild animals, they also eat field rats and one kind of monkey
+(_u shrih_). The Syntengs and Lynngams are fond of tadpoles, and the
+Khasis consider a curry made from a kind of green frog, called _ka
+japieh_, a _bonne bouche_. They, however, do not eat ordinary frogs
+(_jakoid_). The Khasis of Mariao, Maharam, Nongstoin and some other
+Siemships eat the hairy caterpillar, _u'niang phlang_.
+
+A staple food which must not be forgotten is the inner portion of
+the bark of the sago palm tree, _ka tlai_, which grows wild in the
+forest and attains a large size. The tree is felled and the outer bark
+removed, the soft inner part is cut into slices, dried in the sun,
+pounded in a mortar and then passed through a fine bamboo sieve. A
+reddish flour is obtained, of sweet taste, which is boiled with
+rice. This flour is said to make good cakes and puddings.
+
+Although the Khasis are such varied feeders, there are some clans
+amongst them which are prohibited by the ordinance of _sang_, or taboo,
+from eating certain articles. The following are some instances:--
+
+The Cherra Siem family cannot eat dried fish (_'kha-piah_); the
+Siem of Mylliem must not eat the gourd (_u pathaw_); a fish called
+_ka'kha-lani_ is taboo to some of the _Siem-lih_ class. Some of the
+War people must not eat _ka ktung_ (preserved fish), and the clan
+_'khar-um-nuid_ in Khyrim is debarred from the pleasure of partaking
+of pork. The flesh of the sow is _sang_ to the _'dkhar_ clan, although
+that of the male pig may be eaten.
+
+
+Drink.
+
+The Khasis are in the habit of regularly drinking considerable
+quantities either of a spirit distilled from rice or millet (_ka'iad
+pudka_), or of rice-beer, which is of two kinds (1) _ka'iad hiar_,
+(2) _ka'iad um_. Both of these are made from rice and, in some places,
+from millet, and the root of a plant called _u khawiang_. _Ka'iad hiar_
+is made by boiling the rice or millet. It is then taken out and spread
+over a mat, and, when it cools, fragments of the yeast (_u khawiang_)
+are sprinkled over it. After this it is placed in a basket, which
+is put in a wooden bowl. The basket is covered tightly with a cloth
+so as to be air-tight, and it is allowed to remain in this condition
+for a couple of days, during which time the liquor has oozed out into
+the bowl. To make _ka'iad um_ the material, the rice or millet from
+which the _ka'iad hiar_ was brewed, is made use of. It is placed in
+a large earthen pot and allowed to remain there for about five days
+to ferment, after which the liquor is strained off. _Ka'iad hiar_ is
+said to be stronger than _ka'iad um_. The former is used frequently by
+distillers of country spirit for mixing with the wort so as to set up
+fermentation. The people of the high plateaux generally prefer rice
+spirit, and the Wars of the southern slopes of the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills customarily partake of it also. The Khasis of the western hills,
+e.g. of the Nongstoin Siemship, and the Lynngams, Bhois, Lalungs,
+and Hadems almost invariably drink rice-beer, but the Syntengs, like
+the Khasi uplanders, drink rice-spirit. Rice-beer (_ka'iad um_) is
+a necessary article for practically all Khasi and Synteng religious
+ceremonies of importance, it being the custom for the officiating
+priest to pour out libations of liquor from a hollow gourd (_u klong_)
+to the gods on these occasions. As there is no Excise in the district,
+except within a five-mile radius of Shillong, liquor of both the
+above descriptions can be possessed and sold without restriction.
+
+According to some Khasi traditions the Khasis in ancient times used
+not to drink spirits, but confined themselves to rice-beer. It is
+only in the last couple of generations that the habit of drinking
+spirits has crept in, according to them. From Khasi accounts, the
+use of spirits is on the increase, but there is no means of testing
+these statements. There can be no doubt, however, that at the present
+time a very large amount of spirit is manufactured and consumed in
+the district. The spirit is distilled both for home consumption and
+for purposes of sale; in some villages, e.g. Mawlai and Marbisu,
+near Shillong, where there are fifty-nine and forty-nine stills
+respectively, there being a still almost in every house. Mawlai
+village supplies a great deal of the spirit which is drunk in Shillong,
+and from Marbisu spirit is carried for sale to various parts of the
+hills. Other large distilling centres are Cherrapunji, with forty-seven
+stills; Jowai, with thirty-one stills; Laitkynsew, with fifty-four
+stills; Nongwar, thirty-one stills; and Rangthang, thirty-seven stills.
+
+From what has been stated above some idea may be gathered how very
+large the number of stills in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills is. I am
+not in a position to state with any degree of accuracy what is the
+amount of spirit manufactured or consumed in the year, but it is very
+considerable. The out-turn of a Khasi still has been reckoned at from
+four to eight bottles per day. From this estimate, and the fact that
+there are 1,530 stills in the district, it may be roughly calculated
+what is the consumption annually. Practically the whole of the spirit
+is consumed within the district. The liquor which is manufactured is
+far stronger than the spirit distilled in the ordinary out-stills in
+the plains. It has been stated by an expert analyst that the Khasi
+spirit contains 60 to 80 per cent. of proof spirit, and that it
+possesses "an exceptionally nice flavour and taste." The usual price
+at which it is sold is 4 to 6 annas a quart bottle, a second quality
+being sometimes sold for 3 annas. It will be seen that the liquor is
+exceedingly cheap. A Khasi in the villages of the interior can get
+drunk for 2 annas, [19] or a quarter of an ordinary coolie's daily
+wage. Drunkenness prevails on every market day at Cherrapunji, Jowai,
+and other large hats, and on occasions when there are gatherings of
+the people for various purposes. This cheap but strong spirit is
+demoralizing the people, and some restriction of its use would be
+welcomed by many. In the Khasi Welsh Methodist Church abstention from
+liquor is made a condition of Church membership, but the vast number
+of stills and the facilities with which liquor can be obtained are a
+constant source of temptation to the Christian community, and cause
+many defections.
+
+
+Games.
+
+The Khasis have many games, but their principal game is archery, this
+may be said to be the national game, and is a very popular form of
+recreation amongst them, the sport being indulged in from about the
+beginning of January to the end of May each year. The following is
+a description of a Khasi archery meeting, for the details of which
+I am largely indebted to U Job Solomon. By way of introduction it
+should be stated that the Khasis opine that arrow-shooting originated
+at the beginning of creation. The Khasi Eve (_Ka-mei-ka-nong-hukum_)
+had two sons to whom she taught the toxophilite art, at the same time
+she warned them never to lose their tempers over the game. At the
+present day villages have regular archery meetings, the men of one
+village challenging those of another. There are men on both sides
+called _nong khan khnam_ (lit., he who stops the arrow). This man,
+by uttering spells, and reciting the shortcomings of the opposite
+side, is supposed to possess the power of preventing the arrows of the
+opposing party hitting the mark. These men also, to some extent, may be
+said to perform the duties of umpires. They may be styled umpires for
+the sake of convenience in this account. Before the match commences
+conditions are laid down by the umpires of both sides, such as (_a_)
+the day on which the contest is to take place; (_b_) the place of the
+meeting; (_c_) the number of arrows to be shot by each archer; (_d_)
+the distinguishing marks to be given to the arrows of either side;
+(_e_) the amounts of the stakes on each side; (_f_) the number of
+times the competitors are to shoot on the day of the archery meeting,
+and many other conditions too numerous to mention here. The targets are
+generally small bundles of grass called "_u skum_," about 1 ft. long
+by 4 in. in diameter, fastened on a small pole. Sometimes targets are
+made from the root of a plant called _ka soh pdung_. The distances
+from the point where the marksmen stand to the targets are some 40 to
+50 yards. Each side has its own target, the different targets being
+placed in a line, and the competitors taking up their positions in
+a straight line at right angles to the line of fire, and facing the
+targets; each side in turn then shoots at its own target. Early in
+the morning of the day fixed for the contest the umpire of each side
+sits in front of his target with a hollow bamboo full of water in
+his hand, the bows and arrows being laid on the ground alongside the
+targets. The umpire then repeats all the conditions of the contest,
+invokes the aid of the primeval woman (_ka mei ka nong hukum_)
+aforesaid, goes through certain incantations freely referring to the
+many faults of the opposite side, and pours water at intervals from
+the bamboo in front of the target. This business lasts about two
+hours. Then they exhort the competitors of their respective sides,
+and the match commences amidst loud shouts. Every time there is a
+hit there are loud cheers, the competitors leaping high into the air,
+the umpires muttering their incantations all the while. At the end of
+each turn the number of hits are counted by representatives of both
+sides. At the close of the day the side with the greatest number of
+hits wins the match, the successful party returning home, dancing
+and shouting. The young women admirers of both sides assemble, and
+dispense refreshments to the competitors, taking a keen interest in
+the proceedings withal. Frequently large wagers are made on either
+side. In the _Khadar Blang_ portion of the Nongkrem State as much as
+Rs. 500 are occasionally wagered on either side. In Jowai the practice
+is also to bet a lump sum, the amount being raised by subscription
+from amongst the competitors. More usual bets are, however, about
+one anna a head. The _nong khang khnam_ and the men who prepare the
+targets receive presents from their respective sides. The Khasi bow
+carries a considerable distance, an arrow shot over 180 yards being
+within the personal knowledge of the writer. It is believed that Khasi
+bows wielded by experts carry up to 200 yards. The average range may
+be said, however, to be 150 to 180 yards.
+
+Yule mentions peg-top spinning amongst Khasi children as being
+indigenous and not an importation, but Bivar thinks that the game is
+of foreign introduction. I am, however, inclined to agree with Yule
+that peg-top spinning is indigenous, inasmuch as this game could not
+have been copied from the Sylhetis or the Assamese of the plains,
+who do not indulge in it. As the British had only recently established
+themselves in the hills when Yule wrote, they would scarcely have had
+time or opportunity to introduce an English children's game. Khasi
+children also play a kind of "hop Scotch" (_khyndat mala shito_ and
+_ia tiet hile_), and Yule writes, "Another of their recreations is
+an old acquaintance also, which we are surprised to meet with in the
+Far East. A very tall thick bamboo is planted in the ground, and well
+oiled. A silver ornament, or a few rupees placed at the top, reward
+the successful climber." A leg of mutton, or a piece of pork fixed
+at the top of this pole would render the pastime identical with the
+"greasy-pole" climbing of English villages. The following are some
+other Khasi games:--
+
+Wrestling; two persons grasping each other's hands with the fingers
+interlocked, and then trying to push one another down; tug-of-war with
+a piece of stick, the two combatants placing their feet one against
+the other; butting at one another like bulls, and trying to upset
+each other (_ia tur masi_); long jump; high jump; blind-man's buff;
+flying kites; pitching cowries into a hole in the ground; a game like
+marbles, only played with round pebbles, and others.
+
+
+Manufactures.
+
+The manufactures of the Khasis are few in number, and do not seem
+to show any tendency to increase. On the contrary, two of the most
+important industries, the smelting of iron ore and the forging of
+iron implements therefrom, and the cotton-spinning industries at
+Mynso and Suhtnga, show signs of dying out. Ploughshares and hoes
+and bill-hooks can now be obtained more cheaply from the plains than
+from the forges in the hills, and Manchester piece goods are largely
+taking the place of cloths of local manufacture. The iron industry
+in former days was an important one, and there is abundant evidence
+that the workings were on a considerable scale, e.g. at Nongkrem
+and Laitlyngkot, in the shape of large granite boulders which have
+fallen to the ground from the sides of the hills owing to the softer
+rock which filled the interstices between the boulders having been
+worked out by the ironworkers, their process being to dig out the
+softer ferruginous rock, and then extract the iron ore from it by
+means of washing. The softer rock having been removed, the heavier
+portions fell by their own weight, and rolled down to the bottom of
+the slopes, the result being the great number of boulders to be seen
+near the sites of these workings.
+
+Colonel Lister, writing in 1853, estimated that 20,000 maunds of iron
+were exported from the hills in the shape of hoes to the Assam Valley,
+and in lumps of pig iron to the Surma Valley, where it was used by
+boat-builders for clamps. Nowadays the smelting of iron is carried
+on in very few places. There are still smelting-houses at Nongkrem
+and Nongsprung, but these are practically the only places left where
+smelting of iron ore goes on: there are many forges where rough iron
+brought from the plains is melted down and forged into billhooks and
+hoes. Messrs. Yule and Cracroft have described the native process
+of smelting iron, and it is only necessary to refer to their papers
+if information is required on the subject. Yule's account is a very
+full one, and is to be found at page 853, vol. xi. part ii. of the
+Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The system pursued, both in
+the extraction and in the subsequent smelting of the ore, is the same
+at the present day as that described by Yule. Dr. Oldham, writing in
+1863, says, "The quality of this Khasi iron is excellent for all such
+purposes as Swedish iron is now used for. The impurity of the blooms
+(or masses of the metal in a molten state), however, as they are sent
+to market, is a great objection to its use, and the waste consequent
+thereon renders it expensive. It would also form steel or wootz (Indian
+steel) of excellent quality. I have no doubt that the manufacture
+could be greatly improved and possibly extended." Dr. Oldham, however,
+goes on to remark that the manufacture of iron could not be very much
+extended, owing to the scanty dissemination of the ore in the rocks,
+and the consequent high cost of obtaining it. At present the want
+of any permanent supply of water prevents the natives from working
+for more than a few days during the year, whilst the rains are heavy,
+and they can readily obtain sufficient force of water for the washing
+of the ore from its matrix. The export of iron in any form from the
+district has now almost died out, only a few hoes being brought down by
+the Khasis from Laitdom, in Khadsawphra, to the Burdwar and Palasbari
+markets in the Kamrup District of the Assam Valley. Iron of English
+manufacture has, of course, much cheapened the market, but probably
+the fact that the parts of the country in the neighbourhood of the
+rocks which contain the metal have been denuded completely of timber,
+charcoal being necessary for smelting, has affected the production
+almost as much as the presence of cheap iron in the market.
+
+
+Manufacture of Eri Silk Cloths and Cotton Cloths in the Jaintia Hills.
+
+The number of weavers in the district at the last Census was 533. This
+number in the Census Report is ascribed to the cotton industry, no
+mention being made of weavers of silk. The spinning of Eri silk thread,
+and weaving it into cloths is, however, a fairly considerable industry
+amongst the Khyrwang and Nongtung villages of the Jaintia Hills. The
+Nongtungs and Khyrwangs rear their own Eri worms, and spin the silk
+from the cocoons. The late Mr. Stack, in his admirable note on silk
+in Assam, says, "Throughout the whole range of the southern hills,
+from the Mikir country, Eri thread is in great request for weaving
+those striped cloths, in which the mountaineers delight," but this
+observation should have been confined to the Jaintia Hills portion of
+this district, the Khasis not weaving themselves either in silk or
+cotton. The Khasis obtain their silk cloths from the Assam Valley,
+and from the Nongtung or Khyrwang villages in Jaintia. The latter
+villages have given the name to the striped cloth, _ka jain Khyrwang_,
+which is almost invariably worn by the Syntengs. Mr. Stack has given
+in detail a description of the silk industry in Assam, and it is not
+therefore necessary to go over the same ground here. The Khyrwang
+cloth is red and white, mauve and white, or chocolate and white,
+the cloth being worn by both men and women. The Khyrwang cloths vary
+in price from Rs. 5 to Rs. 25, according to size and texture. These
+cloths are the handiwork of women alone, and a woman working every
+day regularly will take six months to manufacture a cloth valued at
+Rs. 25; but, as a rule, in the leisurely manner in which they work,
+it takes a year to complete it.
+
+
+
+Cotton Cloths.
+
+In the Jaintia Hills at Mynso cotton is spun into thread, and weaving
+is carried on there, but on a limited scale. The Mynso people weave
+the small strips of cloth worn by the men to serve the purpose of the
+Assamese _lengti_ or Hindi _languti_. In Suhtnga the people import
+cotton thread from Mynso and weave the (_ingki_) or sleeveless coat,
+peculiar to the district; these coats are dyed red and blue. The dark
+blue or black dye is obtained from the leaf of a plant called _u sybu_,
+which Mr. Rita has classified as _strobilanthus hoeditolius_, which
+grows in the gardens round the homesteads. The leaves are dried,
+then reduced to powder, mixed with hot water, and the skeins of
+thread are steeped in the liquid. The colour is permanent. The red
+dye is obtained from the mixture of the dry bark of two shrubs,
+_ka lapyndong_ (_symplocos racemosa_, Roxb.), and _ka 'larnong_
+(_morinda-tinctoria_, Roxb.), the latter being the same as the Assamese
+(aacukaa.th) _achukath_. The bark is dried, then pounded, and the two
+sorts are mixed together and made into a paste with hot water. The
+skeins are steeped in this mixture for twenty-four hours, then taken
+out and divided, and again steeped for another twenty-four hours. The
+Lalungs and Bhois and Lynngams all weave cotton cloths, which are
+generally dyed blue, sometimes striped blue and red. The Wars weave
+cotton cloths which are dyed red and yellow, the cloths being woven in
+checks. Mr. Darrah remarks that the cotton grown in the Jaintia Hills
+is said to be the best cotton produced in the province. Its thread
+can be more closely woven than that of other kinds. This statement,
+however, is not borne out by Mr. Allen, writing in 1858, who says
+that the cotton is of inferior quality, the staple being short and
+woolly. The cotton cloths woven by the Bhois are called _spua_.
+
+
+Pottery.
+
+The Census Report of 1901 gave the number of persons who are supported
+by the manufacture of pottery at 54 only. Pottery is manufactured
+at one place only in the Jaintia Hills, Larnai. The Larnai potters
+make many of the earthen pots to be found in the Khasi houses called
+_khiew ranei_, or sometimes _khiew Larnai_. Mr. Gait says, "These
+potters use two kinds of clay mixed; one is of a dark blue colour,
+_'dew-iong_, and the other of a greyish colour, _'dew khluid_. These
+clays seem to correspond closely with the _kumar mati_ and _hira mati_
+of the Brahmaputra Valley."
+
+The clay at Larnai is well beaten out upon a hide, or upon a flat
+disc of wood; the women fashion the pots by hand, they do not use
+the potter's wheel. The pots are sun-dried and then fired. They are
+painted black with an infusion of a bark called _sohliya_. The Larnai
+potters also make flower-pots which are sold in Shillong at from 2
+annas to 4 annas each, the price of the ordinary pot or _khiew ranei_
+varying from 2 pice to 4 annas each. A water-pot (_khiew um_) is
+also fashioned, which is sometimes used in the manufacture of liquor,
+price 4 annas to 6 annas each.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+Laws and Customs
+
+
+Tribal Organization.
+
+The inhabitants of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be said to
+be divided into the following sections:--Khasi, Synteng or Pnar,
+War, Bhoi, and Lynngam. These divisions represent collections of
+people inhabiting several tracts of country and speaking dialects
+which, although often deriving their origin from the Khasi roots,
+are frequently so dissimilar to the standard language as to be
+almost unrecognizable. The above sections may be sub-divided as
+follows:--The Khasis into the inhabitants of the central high plateau,
+Cherra and Nongstoin, Maharam, Mario, Nongkhlaw, and the neighbouring
+Siemships. The Syntengs or Pnars may be divided as follows:--Into
+Syntengs proper, Nongtungs and Kharwangs; the Wars into War proper,
+and War Pnar; the Bhois into Jinthongs, Mynris, Ryngkhongs, and the
+Khasi-Bhois, i.e. Khasis who inhabit the low country to the north
+of the district, which is called generally the "Bhoi." The Lynngams
+are a separate division. They must not be confused with the Dkos or
+Hanas who are Garos. It must, however, be remembered that the Jinthong,
+Mynri, and Ryngkhong Sub-divisions of the Bhoi division are not Khasi,
+but Mikir, i.e. they belong to the Bodo or Bara group. The Lynngams
+are half Khasis and half Garos, and the Dkos or Hanas are Garos who
+observe the Khasi custom of erecting memorial stones. The above tribes
+and sub-tribes are not strictly endogamous, nor are they strictly
+exogamous, but they are more endogamous than exogamous; for instance,
+Syntengs more often marry Syntengs than Khasis, and _vice versa_, and
+it would be usually considered derogatory for a Khasi of the Uplands
+to marry a Bhoi or War woman, and a disgrace to marry a Lynngam. These
+divisions are subdivided into a number of septs, taking Mr. Risley's
+definition of "sept" as being the largest exogamous division of the
+tribe. It will, however, be more convenient to speak of these septs
+as "clans," the word "clan" having been used in other parts of this
+Monograph and by other writers.
+
+Many of the clans trace their descent from ancestresses or _kiaw_
+(grandmothers), who are styled _ki Iawbei-Tynrai_, lit. grandmothers
+of the root (i.e. the root of the tree of the clan). In some of the
+clans, the name of this ancestress survives; take as instances the
+Mylliem-ngap and Mylliem-pdah clans of the Khyrim State, the names
+of the ancestresses of the clans being _ka ngap_ (honey, i.e. the
+sweet one), and _ka pdah_ respectively. This tribal ancestress,
+as will be seen in the paragraph of the monograph dealing with
+ancestor-worship, is greatly reverenced, in fact, she may almost be
+said to be deified. The descendants of one ancestress of the clan,
+_Ka Iawbei Tynrai_, are called _shi kur_ or one clan. We then come
+to the division of the _kpoh_ or sub-clan, all the descendants of one
+great grandmother (_ka Iawbei Tymmen_), being styled _shi kpoh_. The
+next division is the _iing_ (lit. house) or family. It is almost
+invariably the case that the grandmother, her daughters and the
+daughter's children, live together under one roof, the grandmother
+during her life-time being the head of the house. The grandmother is
+styled _ka Iawbei Khynraw_, or the young grandmother, to distinguish
+her from the other two grandmothers, _ka Iawbei-tynrai_ and _ka
+Iawbei-tymmen_ who have been mentioned above. The young grandmother,
+her daughters and their children are said to belong to _shi iing_,
+one house, the word _iing_ in this instance possessing amongst the
+Khasis the same significance as the English word _family_.
+
+We will now see how the Khasi clan (_kur_ or _jaid_) grew out of the
+Khasi family (_iing_). Let us take the example of the great Diengdoh
+clan of Cherra. Disregarding the myth that the Diengdohs are descended
+from a mermaid, it may be stated that there seems to be a fairly
+general belief amongst the Diengdohs that their first ancestress or
+_kiaw_ came from the country beyond the Kopili river (some go so far
+as to say that she came from the Assam Valley), to the Jaintia Hills,
+where she found a husband. Legend relates that it was one of the
+peculiarities of this woman that she was able to accommodate herself
+in an earthen jar or _lalu_, which fact gave rise to the name _Lalu_
+by which she and her children were called by the Syntengs. The family
+prospered during the time when a powerful chief of the Malngiang clan
+held sway in the Jaintia Hills. On the death of this king a civil
+war arose, and the _Lalu_ family, together with many others, beat a
+retreat across the river Kopili. Here they lived in prosperity for
+some generations until a plague arose and carried off the whole family
+except one female, called _Ka Iaw-Iaw_, who became the sole owner
+of the family wealth. Many desired to marry her for her possessions,
+and it was owing to their importunities that she fled to Jowai to the
+house of a _lyngdoh_ or priest. The _lyngdoh_, under pressure from
+his wife, tried to sell Ka Iaw-Iaw as a slave, but no one would offer
+more than 20 _cowries_ for her (_shi-bdi_); this decided the _lyngdoh_
+to keep her. Out of gratitude for this kindness, Ka Iaw-Iaw brought
+her wealth from beyond the Kopili to the _lyngdoh's_ house, when the
+son of the _lyngdoh_ was given her in marriage. They lived happily for
+some time, when some adventurers from beyond the Kopili came to Jowai
+with the intention of carrying off this rich bride. The _lyngdoh_,
+however, received warning of their intent, arranged for the escape of
+Ka Iaw-Iaw, and they fled to Sohphohkynrum, a place near Nongkrem in
+the Khasi Hills, where she established a village. Here Ka Iaw-Iaw was
+called _Ka Iaw-shibdi_, because she paid every man who was engaged
+by her in founding a market there 20 cowries (_shi-bdi_) per day for
+their labours. Here also she is credited with having first introduced
+the art of smelting iron, and she is said to have made various iron
+implements which she exported to the plains. She is also said to have
+kept a huge herd of pigs which she fed in a large trough hollowed out
+of a _diengdoh_ tree; it is to this fact that the Diengdoh clan owes
+its name. After _Ka Iaw-shibdi_ and her children had lived for some
+years in prosperity at Sohphohkynrum, they were attacked by the Swarga
+Raja (the Ahom King), U long Raja (probably the Raja of Jaintia), and
+the Assamese Barphukan. They fled to a place called Lyndiangumthli,
+near Lyngkyrdem. Finding this place unsuitable as a home, the family
+split up into four divisions. One division returned to Jowai, where
+it increased and multiplied and afterwards grew into the Lalu clan,
+another went to Nongkhlaw and became the Diengdoh Kylla clan; another
+went to Mawiong and formed what is now known as the Pariong clan;
+the fourth, after some vicissitudes of fortune, went to Rangjyrteh and
+Cherra, at which place it established the powerful Diengdohbah clan,
+and became afterwards one of the chief _mantri_ or minister clans of
+this state. I have quoted the history of the origin of the Diengdoh
+clan at some length, to show what I consider to be an example of
+the Khasi conceptions of how the clan was formed, i.e. from a common
+ancestress, all of the clans having traditions more or less of descent
+from some particular _Kiaw_ or ancestress. This story moreover is
+remarkable as pointing to a Khasi migration from beyond the Kopili
+river to their present abode. The clans of the present day are
+nothing more or less than overgrown families, they are bound together
+by the religious tie of ancestor-worship in common, and of a common
+tribal sepulchre, except in cases of clans which have, owing to their
+size, spit up into several sub-divisions, like the Diengdoh clan;
+such sub-divisions possessing their own cromlechs. Ancestor-worship
+in common and tribal sepulchres in common seem to indicate that the
+original unit was the family and not the tribe, for there would be no
+reason for the members of a clan to worship the same household gods
+and to deposit the remains of the clan members in the same tomb unless
+there was some strong tie, such as that of consanguinity, binding them
+together. It has been already mentioned that each of these clans is
+strictly exogamous; this again supports the family origin theory. A
+Khasi can commit no greater sin than to marry within the tribe. Some
+of the clans are prohibited moreover from intermarriage with other
+clans, because of such clans being of common descent. If the titles
+(see Appendix) are carefully examined, it will be seen that some of
+them bear the names of animals, such as the _Shrieh_ or monkey clan,
+the _Tham_ or crab clan, or of trees, such as the Diengdoh clan
+(already referred to). The members of these clans do not apparently
+regard the animals or natural objects, from which they derive their
+names, as totems, inasmuch as they do not abstain from killing, eating
+or utilizing them. The names of these objects are connected generally
+with some story, concerning the history of the clan, but there is no
+evidence to show that the clans-folk ever regarded the above animals
+or objects as their tribal totems. If the lists of the Khyrim and
+Cherra clans are examined, it will be seen what a large number bear
+the name of _Dkhar_ or its abbreviation _'Khar_. The word _dkhar_
+is that applied by a Khasi to an inhabitant of the plains. We come
+across names such as _'khar-mukhi, khar sowali_, the first word being
+an abbreviation of _dkhar_, and _mukhi_ being the common Bengali name
+which occurs in Chandra Mukhi, Surjya Mukhi, &c. Sowali (_chowali_)
+is the common Assamese word for a girl. The ancestresses of these
+tribes were plains women, carried off, no doubt, in the raids made
+by the Khasis over the border into Assam and Sylhet. The word _Jong_
+in the list of tribes is a Synteng synonym of _kur_ or _jaid_, and the
+War word _khong_, which will often be found in the names of the tribes
+of the twenty-five villages of the Khyrim State, is merely a corruption
+of _jong_ or _iong_, the Synteng word for clan. Let us now see how the
+State or Khasi Siemship was formed out of a collection of these clans,
+how these clans obtained political powers, how some clans became more
+powerful than others, and how a Khasi King or Siem is appointed.
+
+
+State Organization.
+
+We have studied in the preceding chapter the formation of the clan
+from the family, and how the former established villages. Let us
+now turn to the constitution of the Khasi State, which, it will be
+seen, has been formed, in more than one instance, by the voluntary
+association of villages, or groups of villages. The head of the Khasi
+State is the Siem or chief. A Khasi state is a limited monarchy,
+the Siem's powers being much circumscribed. According to custom,
+he can perform no act of any importance without first consulting and
+obtaining the approval of his durbar, upon which the state _mantris_
+sit. This durbar must not be confused with the electoral durbar which
+will be referred to later. It is an executive council over which the
+Siem presides, and also possesses judicial powers (for a description
+of a judicial durbar, see page 91 of the monograph). The form of
+summons to appear before this durbar used to be a knotted piece of
+string or cane, the number of knots denoting the degrees of urgency
+of the summons, not a piece of pork, as one writer has said. Pork is
+a luxury which is not usually distributed gratis. The Siem manages the
+State business through his _mantris_, although it is true that in some
+States the members of the Siem family have been allowed a considerable
+share of the State management. This latter arrangement is, however,
+a departure from the ordinary rule in the Siemships, and is regarded
+as unconstitutional. In some States there are village headmen, styled
+Sirdars, who settle cases, collect labour, and assess and receive
+for the chief the _pynsuk_, which may be literally translated as
+"gratification." In Nongstoin there is an official styled _lyngskor_,
+who is the superior of a number of village sirdars, and who acts
+as the Siem's deputy-governor. In the Khasi Hills there is no land
+revenue, nor are there any tithes or other imposts levied upon the
+cultivator's produce. The land, to a great extent, is the property of
+the different clans and villages, although in some instances there are
+estates owned by private persons. The chief is entitled to receive the
+income that arises from what are known as the _raj_ or State lands
+only. All that the Siem usually receives from his people in the way
+of direct revenue is the State subscription, or _pynsuk_, mentioned
+above. Even this is supposed to be a voluntary contribution, and it
+is not demanded in some States. This tax is nominally a collection
+to meet the expenses of the State ceremonies, but is really a means
+of increasing the chief's private income. The contribution varies in
+amount according to the means of the villagers. The Siem's principal
+source of income, however, in all the Khasi States is the toll
+(_khrong_), which he takes from those who sell at the markets in his
+territory. As the Khasis are great traders these tolls are often
+at the larger markets fairly valuable. The chief raises no excise
+revenue, the manufacture of both fermented and distilled liquor
+being subject to no fiscal restrictions whatsoever. In a few States
+the Siems are commencing to levy registration fees, but the amounts
+are insignificant. Judicial fines are divided between the chief and
+the members of the durbar. In some States the Siems' incomes amount
+to a few hundreds a year only. Generally speaking, the Khasi chiefs
+are necessarily a very impecunious set of persons, and many of them
+are indebted to, comparatively speaking, large amounts. The Siem is
+appointed from the Siem family, there being such a family in each
+of the fifteen Khasi States. The most important States are Khyrim,
+Mylliem, Cherra, Nongstoin, and Nongkhlaw. There are a few other petty
+States presided over by Lyngdohs, Sirdars, or Wahadadars. A fact which
+is of universal application is, that heirship to the Siemship lies
+through the female side. The customary line of succession is uniform
+in all cases, except in Khyrim, save that in some instances cousins
+rank with brothers, or are preferred to grand-nephews, instead of
+being postponed to them. The difference between the rule of succession
+and the rule of inheritance to real property should be noted. In the
+former case the sons of the eldest uterine sister inherit in order of
+priority of birth, although it is true that this rule has sometimes
+been disregarded. In cases of succession to realty, however, the
+inheritance goes to the youngest daughter of the deceased's mother, and
+after her to her youngest daughter. In successions to the Siemships,
+in the absence of male heirs from the eldest sister, the succession
+passes, by what has been aptly described as the "knight's move," to
+the male children of the next eldest sister. In Khyrim the custom of
+succession is peculiar, there being a High Priestess, and heirship
+being limited to her male relatives. Generally speaking, it would
+appear that succession was originally controlled by a small electoral
+body constituted of the heads (_lyngdohs_), of certain priestly clans,
+who, it is presumed, exercised their authority to reject candidates,
+when necessary, mainly on religious grounds. There has, however,
+been a distinct tendency towards the broadening of the elective
+basic. In the large State of Khyrim the number of the electoral body
+has been greatly increased by the inclusion of the representative
+headmen of certain dominant but non-priestly clans (_mantris_). In
+other States the Council has been widened by the addition to it of
+village headmen (_sirdars_), or the chief superintendents (_basans_)
+of the village markets, tolls from which constitute the chief item
+in the public receipts of these States. A further step towards the
+recognition of the public will in the nomination of a Siem has been
+the introduction of popular elections, at which all the adult males
+vote. Such popular elections were very greatly due to the views held
+by Colonel Bivar who was Deputy-Commissioner of the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills from 1865 to 1877. These elections have been, in many States,
+an innovation which is hardly in accord with public sentiment, and in
+many cases the voters have done no more than confirm the selection
+of a special electoral body. It is, however, clear that the idea of
+popular elections is not one with which the people are unfamiliar,
+e.g. in Langrim State, where all the adult males customarily vote
+at an election of a Siem. Popular election has also customary in the
+Nobosohpoh and Bhowal States, in cases where a special electoral body
+has been unable to agree upon a nomination, and also in Nongspung,
+if a Council of five _lyngdohs_, which has in this State authority
+to declare who is the rightful heir, but not to disqualify him,
+cannot come to an unanimous decision. The Siems are appointed by an
+assembly, or _durbar_, which will be described later. The chiefs,
+having been thus chosen by the _durbar_, which is supposed by the
+people to be an institution of Divine origin, are styled, _ki Siem u
+blei_, or Siems of God. In most States the Siem is the religious as
+well as the secular head, e.g. in the Cherra State, where the Siem
+is also _lyngdoh_. In Khyrim State the Siem has sacerdotal duties to
+perform at different religious ceremonies, especially at the time of
+the annual Nongkrem dance. It is the custom for the Siem to consult
+the auspices with the soothsayers for the good of the State. The Siem
+in matters judicial acts as a judge, the whole body of the _durbar_
+being the jury. In olden days the Siem marched to war at the head of
+his army. It is not customary to recognize an heir-apparent, and the
+young men of the Siem family pursue the ordinary avocations of a Khasi,
+not comporting themselves in the least like scions of royalty. In
+quite recent years there have been instances of Siems having been
+summoned, like the Roman Cincinnatus, from quite humble positions,
+to undertake the duties of chief. We will now turn to an examination
+of the systems in the different Siemships. In the Kyrim or Nongkrem
+State there is a spiritual head, i.e. a High Priestess, _Ka Siem Sad_,
+who is responsible for the due performance of the State religious
+ceremonies, although, as already stated, the Siem also performs some
+of these duties. The temporal power here is delegated by the High
+Priestess to a Siem, who is her son or her nephew, or occasionally some
+more distant male descendant. It is the duty of an official called
+a _lyngskor_, who is the official spokesman of the Siem's _durbar_,
+to propose a new Siem to the six _lyngdohs_, or priests, and to the
+heads of the twenty-four _mantri_ clans. The latter then decide in
+_durbar_ whether the proposed Siem should be appointed. In the event
+of their disapproving of the _lyngskor's_ nominations they proceed
+to elect another Siem. The High Priestess is appointed by the above
+electors, the order of succession to the post wing as follows:--She
+is succeeded by her eldest surviving daughter; failing daughters,
+by the eldest daughter of her eldest daughter; failing daughters of
+her eldest daughter; by the eldest daughter of her second daughter,
+and so on. If there are no daughters or grand-daughters, as above,
+she is succeeded by her eldest sister. In the absence of sisters, she
+is succeeded by the eldest daughter of her mother's eldest sister, and
+so on. In this State the tradition runs that the first High Priestess
+was Ka Pah Syntiew, i.e. the flower-lured one. Ka Pah Syntiew was a
+beautiful maiden who had as her abode a cave at Marai, near Nongkrem,
+whence she was enticed by a man of the Mylliem-ngap clan by means of
+a flower. She was taken by him to be his bride, and she became not
+only the first High Priestess, but also the mother of the Siems of
+Nongkrem. [20] In Nongkrem the electors may disqualify the first,
+or any, heir to the Siemship for sufficient reason according to the
+Khasi religion and custom, such as bad character, physical disability,
+change of religion, etc. If the first heir be disqualified, the next
+in order must be appointed Siem, unless he be disqualified, and so
+on. In this State there are six divisions, each of which is known as
+a _raj_. In each _raj_ there is a _durbar_, to which are submitted
+for approval the elections of the heads of the _mantri_ clans. These
+elections are subject to the approval of the Siem. The Siem, sitting
+with the _durbar_ of the _raj_ concerned, may dismiss a _lyngdoh,
+lyngskor_, or _mantri_, for bad conduct, or on account of physical
+disability, in which case another _lyngdoh_, _lyngskor_, or _mantri_
+would be appointed, as stated above. The Mylliem State originally
+formed a portion of the Nongkrem State, but owing to a quarrel between
+one of the Siems and his nephew there was a partition. In this State
+the electors are the heads of five _mantri_ clans, eleven _matabors_,
+or heads of clans, and certain _basans_, and other heads of clans. A
+majority of the electors is sufficient for the election of a Siem. A
+Siem is succeeded by the eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such
+brothers, by the eldest of his sisters' sons; failing such nephews,
+by the eldest of the sons of his sisters daughters; failing such
+grandnephews, by the eldest of the sons of his mother's sisters; and,
+failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on
+the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree
+of relationship having prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as
+above, he would be succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in
+the absence of such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters' daughters:
+failing such nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters'
+daughters; failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters
+of his mother's sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest
+of his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins,
+those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female
+Siem would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on. As in the Khyrim
+State, the first, or any other subsequent heir, may be disqualified
+by the electors for sufficient reason. An elector is succeeded by the
+eldest of his brothers; failing brothers, by the eldest of the sons
+of his sisters, and so on. An elector can be dismissed by the Siem,
+but only for good cause and with the consent of his _durbar_.
+
+In the Nongstoin State there is a tradition that the first Siem
+originally came from Simsong [21] Durgapur. The name, Sushong
+Durgapur, of the place at the foot of the Garo Hills in the Mymensing
+district, may be a corruption of the former. The Siems are supposed
+to be descended from a stag, possibly a relic of totemism in this
+family. In this State there is a large electoral durbar consisting
+of 2 _mantris_, 31 _lyngdohs_, 25 _sirdars_, 1 _lyngskor_, and 1
+_basan_. The _lyndohs_ are the heads of the priestly clans, by whom
+they are chosen. The sirdars of villages are appointed by the Siem in
+conjunction with the adult males of the different villages. There are
+two _lyngskors_ and two _basans_ in the State, but one _lyngskor_
+and one _basan_ only at present are members of the durbar which
+nominates the Siem. A _lyngskor_ is the Siem's agent for the purpose
+of governing a collection of villages. He is appointed by the Siem
+with the consent of the adult males of the villages which he is to
+supervise. The Siem family of Nongkhlaw, or Khadsawphra, is believed
+to have been founded by a Synteng of the name of U Shajer, who left
+the Jowai hills with his sister, Ka Shaphlong, because she had failed
+to obtain her share of the family property in Jaintia. This man is
+said to have purchased certain lands in Bardwar in Kamrup. Apparently
+he did not obtain possession of this estate, for he came up into the
+Khasi Hills, and finding there certain villages without a ruler, he,
+at the wish of the _lyngdohs_ of these villages, consolidated them
+into a state over which he ruled as a Siem. He was succeeded by his
+sister's son, U Syntiew who further extended his territories until
+he obtained possession of other villages. U Syntiew is said to have
+delegated a portion of his powers to his two sisters, Ka Jem and Ka
+Sanglar, who ruled at Sohiong and Nongkhlaw respectively. Succeeding
+rulers further extended the Nongkhlaw territory. In 1829, U Tirut
+Singh rebelled against the East India Company and carried on for
+four years a successful guerilla warfare. He was finally captured,
+and was imprisoned for life by the British Government. According to
+the statement of Raja Kine Singh, it would seem that formerly the
+heads of five clans had the right to appoint the Siem, i.e. the
+heads of 3 _lyngdoh_ clans and of the Jaid Dykhar, and Diengdoh
+clans. In the Cherra State the electors are the male adults of the
+State, who are represented on the State durbar by the _mantris_ of
+the 12 aristocratic clans, known as the _khadar kur_, and certain
+representative elders. This State is divided for electoral purposes
+into the following divisions:--
+
+I. Cherra, or Sohra, consisting of 8 villages, inclusive of Cherra,
+which is the capital. These villages return the heads of the 12 tribes,
+as well as 5 elders, as their representativee on the electoral durbar.
+
+II. The "five" villages, or 5 tribes. This division now consists of
+17 villages, which return 5 representative elders.
+
+III. The "twelve" villages, comprising now 38 villages, which return
+12 representative elders.
+
+IV. The "four" villages, comprising now 5 villages, which return
+4 elders.
+
+V. The "sixteen" villages, which return 6 representative elders.
+
+VI. Three villages, which return 3 and 4 sirdars and 2 elders
+respectively.
+
+In this State it is the custom for a Siem to cremate the body of his
+predecessor. Unless he performs the cremation ceremony, he is not
+considered to be Siem according to the Khasi religion. U Hajon Manik
+Siem failed to cremate the body of his predecessor, U Ram Singh whose
+remains still repose in a wooden coffin which is kept in the house
+of the Siem family. The remains of Siems in this state are preserved
+by a peculiar process of embalming which will be found described
+elsewhere in this monograph. U Hajan Manik died not long ago, and
+his body also is awaiting cremation. U Ram Singh's remains, however,
+have been awaiting the funeral pyre for more than thirty years; but
+arrangements are being made by the present Siam U Roba Singh for the
+cremation ceremony. The cremation of Siems in the state is attended
+by a very great deal of expense, a large amount of money being spent
+on the feasting which then takes place. The Maharam State was ruled
+until 1875 by two Siems, called, respectively, the "white" and the
+"black" Siems. In this State originally there were five _lyngdohs_ who
+appointed the Siems, but as in certain other States the number of the
+electors has been expanded by the inclusion of _mantris_, _sirdars_,
+and _basans_. The electors now number seventy-two persons. There
+is much the same state of things in the Mariaw Siemship as regards
+the electorate. In Rambrai, on a vacancy occurring in the Siemship,
+three _lyngdohs_ and two _mantris_ assemble and decide who is to
+be Siem. They then summon the sirdars of villages to meet them in
+_durbar_ and obtain the approval of the latter to their nomination. If
+the sirdars do not approve, the combined durbar than decides who is
+to become Siem. In Nongspung there is a tradition that two sisters,
+Ka Jah and Ka Jem, came to the village of Nongspung, which was then
+ruled by two _lyngdohs_, and that the latter, having ascertained that
+the two sisters were of royal birth, married them. They then travelled
+to other villages and obtained the consent of the _lyngdohs_ of these
+villages to the formation of all their villages into a State, of which
+Nongspung became the capital, and over which U Sngi Shaflong, the son
+of Ka Jem, was appointed Siem by the five principal _lyngdohs_. After
+some generations the lyngdoh of Mairang with his villages became
+subject to the Siem of Nongkhlaw, an event which finds mention in the
+annals of the Nongkhlaw State as the conquest of the territory of the
+"Black" Siem of Nongspung. Another _lyngdoh_ was appointed in place
+of the one whose territory had been thus annexed.
+
+In the Mawiong State the ancient custom was that six _basans_ appointed
+the Siem, subject to the approval of the people of the Siemship. In
+the Nobosohpoh State there are two Siem families, the "Black" and the
+"White" from either of which it has apparently been the custom for the
+people to select a Siem, as they wished. In Mawsynram the electors of
+the Siem are the heads of the four principal clans in the State. On
+a recent occasion, the electors being equally divided regarding the
+appointment of a Siem, it was necessary to appeal to the people of
+the State. In Langrin there are, as in Maharam and Nobosohpoh, two
+main branches of the Siem family, i.e. the "Black" and the "White"
+Siems. Here there is no special electoral body; all the adults of
+the state have the right to vote at the election of a Siem. In Bhawal
+State Siems are appointed by the heads of eight clans whose decision
+is apparently final, provided that it is unanimous. In Malai-Sohmat
+a bare majority of the heads of six clans would be sufficient for
+the election of a Siem. Presumably both in Bhawal and Malai-Sohmat,
+if the electors were equally divided, there would be an appeal to the
+people. Mention has been made above of States over which _lyngdohs_
+possess temporal as well as spiritual powers. The States of Sobiong,
+Mawphlang, and Lyniong may be quoted as examples. Here the _lyngdoh_
+is elected from the _lyngdoh_ clan by all the adult males of the
+state. Some small States, such as Maodon and Pomsanngut, are presided
+over by Sirdars, a name which has probably been introduced during the
+British era of supremacy in these hills. The Sirdar is elected by the
+adult males of the State. In Mawlong there are a Sirdar, a _lyngdoh_,
+and a _doloi_ who govern the State. These two latter officials
+are elected by the people as in the case of Sirdars. In the Shella
+Confederacy there are four officials who are styled _Wahadadars_, the
+name being probably a corruption of the Persian _'uhda-dar_. [22] These
+officials are elected for periods of three years each by the people.
+
+The Jaintia Hills, which are British territory, are divided up into
+twenty doloiships, the doloi being an officer elected by the people,
+the Government reserving the right of approval or the reverse to the
+doloi's appointment. The dolois, under the rules for the administration
+of justice in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, as well as the Sirdars
+of the British villages in the Khasi Hills, possess certain judicial
+powers. They are assisted by officials known as _pators, basans_, and
+_sangots_ in the performance of their duties. This administration,
+on the whole, works well, and its success shows the wisdom of the
+Government in having made use of the indigenous agency it found to
+hand when the Jaintia territory was annexed. In the Jaintia Hills
+there are also three Sirdarships, the office being filled by election
+as in the case of dolois.
+
+In conclusion it should be stated that it has been attempted here to
+give but a brief _resume_ of the Khasi political system as it exists
+at the present time. The above account of the procedure at elections is
+based on existing usage. The procedure should not, however, be regarded
+as stereotyped, for it will no doubt be open to such revision as may
+on occasion be suggested by the legitimate evolution of tribal customs.
+
+
+
+Marriage.
+
+It is proposed in this section to consider marriage from its social
+side, the religious aspect thereof being reserved for another
+paragraph. The most remarkable feature of the Khasi marriage
+is that it is usual for the husband to live with his wife in his
+mother-in-law's house, and not for him to take his bride home, as is
+the case in other communities. This arrangement amongst the Khasis
+is no doubt due to the prevalence of the matriarchate. As long as the
+wife lives in her mother's house, all her earnings go to her mother,
+who expends them on the maintenance of the family. Amongst the Khasis,
+after one or two children are born, and if a married couple get on
+well together, the husband frequently removes his wife and family to
+a house of his own, and from the time the wife leaves her mother's
+house she and her husband pool their earnings, which are expended
+for the support of the family. Amongst the Syntengs, however, and the
+people of Maoshai, the case is different, for with them the husband
+does not go and live in his mother-in-law's house, he only visits her
+there. In Jowai some people admitted to me that the husband came to
+his mother-in-law's house only after dark, and that he did not eat,
+smoke, or even partake of betel-nut there, the idea being that because
+none of his earnings go to support this house, therefore it is not
+etiquette for him to partake of food or other refreshment there. If a
+Synteng house is visited, it is unusual to find the husbands of any
+of the married daughters there, although the sons of the family may
+be seen in the house when they have returned from work. Generally
+in the day-time you will find in a Synteng dwelling an old crone,
+who is the grandmother, or even the great-grandmother, of the family,
+also grandchildren or great-grandchildren; but the husbands of the
+married daughters are not there. The Syntengs seem to have more closely
+preserved the customs of the matriarchate than the Khasis, and the
+Syntengs claim that their _niam_ or religious ceremonies are purer,
+i.e. that they more closely correspond to what they were in ancient
+times than those of the Khasis. Amongst the Syntengs, occasionally,
+a widow is allowed to keep her husband's bones after his death,
+on condition that she does not remarry; the idea being that as
+long as the bones remain in the widow's keeping, the spirit of her
+husband is still with her. On this account many wives who revere
+their husband's memories, and who do not contemplate remarriage,
+purposely keep the bones for a long time. If a widow marries, even
+after the customary taboo period of one year, whilst her deceased
+husband's bones are still in her keeping, she is generally looked down
+upon. Her children in such a case perform the ceremony of handing over
+the bones of their father to his clan in a building specially erected
+for the purpose. The widow cannot enter therein, or even go near it,
+whilst the ceremony is proceeding, no matter whether the _jing sang_,
+or the price for removing the taboo after a husband's death, has been
+paid to the husband's clan or not. There is no evidence to show that
+polyandry ever existed amongst the Khasis. Unlike the Thibetans,
+the Khasi women seem to have contented themselves always with one
+husband, at any rate with one at a time. Certainly at the present
+day they are monandrists. Polygamy does not exist amongst the Khasis;
+such a practice would naturally not be in vogue amongst a people who
+observe the matriarchate. There are instances, however, of men having
+wives other than those they have regularly married, and in the War
+country children by such wives enjoy rights to their father's acquired
+property equally with the children by the legally married wife. As
+the clans are strictly exogamous, a Khasi cannot take a wife from
+his own clan; to do this would entail the most disastrous religious,
+as well as social consequences. For to marry within the clan is the
+greatest sin a Khasi can commit, and would cause excommunication
+by his kinsfolk and the refusal of funeral ceremonies at death,
+and his bones would not be allowed a resting-place in the sepulchre
+of the clan. To give a list of all the Khasi exogamous clans would
+perhaps serve no useful purpose, but I have prepared from information,
+kindly furnished me by the Siems of Khyrim and Cherrapunji, a list
+of the clans in those States which will be found in Appendices A and
+B. These will suffice as examples. It will be seen from the Cherra
+list that the different divisions of the Diengdoh clan, viz. Lalu,
+Diengdoh-bah, Diengdoh-kylla, are prohibited from intermarriage;
+this is due to those branches of the clan being descended from a
+common ancestress. There are other instances of clans being connected
+with one another, such connection being called by the Khasis _iateh
+kur_. Whenever such connection exists, intermarriage is strictly
+prohibited, and is considered to be _sang_. There is no custom of
+hypergamy. A Khasi cannot marry his maternal uncle's daughter during
+the lifetime of the maternal uncle. This is probably due to the fact
+that the maternal uncle, or _kni_, in a Khasi household is regarded
+more in the light of a father than of an uncle. His children, however,
+would belong to the clan of his wife, and there would, therefore, in
+ordinary cases be no bar to the nephew marrying one of them. Marriage
+with the daughters of a father's sister is not allowed during the
+lifetime of the father, but after the latter's death there is no
+religious ban, although such unions are looked upon with disfavour by
+the Khasis. In the War country, however, such marriages are totally
+prohibited. A Khasi cannot marry two sisters, but he can marry his
+deceased wife's sister after the expiry of one year from the wife's
+death, on payment of _jing sang_ (price of _sang_, or taboo) to
+the wife's clan. A Khasi cannot marry the daughter of his father's
+brother, she is his _para kha_ (lit. birth sister). Similarly he
+cannot marry the daughter of his father's paternal uncle. He can,
+however, marry the daughter of his mother's brother, provided that
+the brother is dead. This somewhat paradoxical state of affairs
+is explained by the fact that the children of the mother's brother
+belong to a different clan to that of the mother, i.e. to the mother's
+brother's wife's clan. The Khasi, Synteng, War, and Lynngam divisions
+are not strictly endogamous groups, and there is nothing to prevent
+intermarriage between them. For instance, it has been the custom in
+the Nongkhlaw Siem family to obtain husbands for the princesses of
+the state from the War country. There is no custom amongst the Khasis
+of two men exchanging daughters, i.e. each marrying his son to the
+other's daughter. Notwithstanding the existence of the matriarchate,
+and the fact that all ancestral property is vested in the mother,
+it would be a mistake to suppose that the father is a nobody in the
+Khasi house. It is true that the _kni_, or mother's elder brother,
+is the head of the house, but the father is the executive head of
+the new home, where, after children have been born to him, his wife
+and children live with him. It is he who faces the dangers of the
+jungles, and risks his life for wife and children. In his wife's clan
+he occupies a very high place, he is second to none but _u kni_, the
+maternal uncle, while in his own family circle a father and husband is
+nearer to his children and his wife than _u kni_. The Khasi saying is,
+"_u kpa uba lah ban iai, u kni uba tang ha ka iap ka im_," which may
+be translated freely as, "the father bears the heat and burden of the
+day, the maternal uncle only comes when it is a question of life or
+death." The Khasi father is revered not only when living, but also
+after death as _U Thawlang_, and special ceremonies are performed to
+propitiate his shade. Further remarks on the subject of marriage will
+be found in the Section which deals with religion.
+
+
+Divorce.
+
+Divorce amongst the Khasis is common, and may occur for a variety of
+reasons, such as adultery, barrenness, incompatibility of temperament,
+&c. The rule amongst the Khasis is that both parties must agree,
+but amongst the Wars, especially the people of Shella, the party who
+divorces the other without his or her consent must pay compensation,
+which is called _ka mynrain_, or _ka thnem_. Amongst the Khasis
+it is not the custom to enforce restitution of conjugal rights;
+as a rule, when husband and wife cannot live together amicably,
+they agree to divorce one another; but occasionally it happens that
+either the husband or the wife will not agree to a divorce. Usually
+the husband would be willing to live with his wife; but when the
+latter consents neither to live with her husband nor to accept a
+divorce, a difficult situation arises, and it is in the event of such
+a contingency happening that the necessity of assessing _ka mynrain_,
+or _ka thnem_ (compensation), occurs. The latter is computed by the
+village elders. Parties who have been divorced cannot afterwards
+remarry one another, but they are at liberty to marry into other
+families. A woman cannot be divorced during pregnancy. The following
+description of the divorce ceremony is taken from U Jeebon Roy's note
+on the Khasi religion. If the marriage has been celebrated according
+to the _pynhiar synjat_ rite, a _ksiang_ (go-between) is necessary
+on each side, also the _kni_, or maternal uncles of the parties,
+to witness the divorce. In other cases the presence of the _ksiang_
+is unnecessary, but some acquaintances and friends as well as the
+relatives on both sides should witness the ceremony. The husband and
+the wife each bring five cowries (_sbai_), or, more commonly nowadays,
+five pice. The wife gives her five cowries or pice to her husband, who
+places them with his, and then returns the five cowries or coins to his
+wife, together with his own five. The wife then returns the ten shells
+or coins to the husband who throws them on the ground. A crier (_u nong
+pyria shnong_) then goes round the village to proclaim the divorce,
+using the following words:--"Kaw--hear, oh villagers, that U----,
+and K---- have become separated in the presence of the elders. Hei:
+thou, oh, young man, canst go and make love to Ka---- for she is now
+unmarried (_khynraw_), and thou, oh, spinster, canst make love to
+U----. Hei! there is no let or hindrance from henceforth." Among the
+Khasis divorce must be by mutual consent, and the ceremony must take
+place in the open air. Until the divorce ceremony has been performed as
+above described, neither husband nor wife can marry again, but after
+it has taken place, either can remarry, but not within the family of
+the divorced husband or wife. In the event of a husband or wife being
+absent for a long period, say ten years, without any communication
+having been received from either of them, a divorce ceremony is
+performed by the relatives on his or her behalf. It is stated by U
+Jeebon Roy [23] that the rule of monogamy is not so strict for the
+husband as it is for the wife, he can contract an informal alliance
+with another woman, the only prohibition being that she must not belong
+to the original wife's village. Such a wife is called _ka tynga tuk_,
+literally, stolen wife, in contradistinction to the legally married
+wife (_ka tynga trai_). The children by the unmarried wife are called
+_ki khum kliar_ (children from the top). By children from the top,
+is understood to mean children from the branches not from the root
+(_trai_) of the tree. Such children cannot claim ancestral property,
+except in the War country. In the event of a divorce the mother is
+always allowed the custody of the children. Divorces amongst both
+Khasis and Syntengs are of common occurrence, the result being that
+the children in many cases are ignorant of even the names of their
+fathers. For the mother, on the other hand, the children cherish a
+very strong affection, all their sympathies and affections binding
+them closely to the mother's kin. Divorce amongst the Syntengs,
+though resting on the same principle as that of the Khasis, differs
+in detail, and must be described separately. It is as follows:--In
+the first place it is not necessary for both husband and wife
+to be consenting parties, as is the case with the Khasis. In the
+Nongkhlih doloiship divorce takes place before the relatives of the
+parties. The man has to give eight annas as a sign of the divorce,
+and clothes worth Rs. 3/- or Rs. 5/- to the wife. There is a similar
+custom in the Suhtnga and Amwi doloiships. In the Jowai doloiship
+the divorce takes place in the presence of a village official called
+_U basan_. The husband or the wife gives the _basan_ an eight anna
+piece, the latter gives this either to the wife or to the husband,
+as the case may be. The _basan's_ share of the eight annas is two
+pice, the remainder being spent on liquor. The _basan_ is entitled
+to a further fee of one anna from the man. If a wife does not agree
+to accept divorce, she is entitled to receive two pieces of cloth
+from the husband to the value of Rs. 3/-. This compensation is called
+_thnem_. The divorce then takes place. If a wife wishes to divorce her
+husband, and the latter is unwilling, before she can obtain divorce,
+she must pay _thnem_ to the value of the whole amount the husband has
+spent on her and her children during the marriage. Divorce customs
+in Nartiang and Nongjinghi doloiships are much the same, only the
+amounts tendered by the parties and that of compensation differing.
+
+In conclusion it should be stated that the great drawback attaching to
+divorce in ordinary communities, i.e. the effect that it has on the
+lives of the children of the marriage, does not apply to the Khasis,
+for with them the children always live with their mother and their
+mother's family, which latter would be bound to maintain them in the
+event of a divorce.
+
+
+
+Inheritance.
+
+The Khasi and Synteng laws of inheritance are practically the same,
+although in some of the doloiships in the Jaintia Hills there are
+some slight differences. The War law of inheritance differs greatly
+from that of the Khasis, and the customs of the Bhois or Mikirs,
+who inhabit the Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, are totally
+different from those of the Khasis, thereby supplying another link in
+the chain of evidence in support of the conclusion that the Bhois, or,
+more correctly speaking, the Mikirs, are of Bodo origin, and not Khasi
+or Mon-Anam. The Lynngams follow the Khasi law of inheritance. It will
+be convenient to describe the Khasi law first, and then to pass on to
+the special customs in vogue in the different doloiships in the Jaintia
+Hills, and, finally, to describe the War, Bhoi and Lynngam customs.
+
+The Khasi saying is, "_long jaid na loa kynthei_" (from the woman
+sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent; count from
+the mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters,
+who are the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as _shi
+kpoh_, which, being literally translated, is one womb; i.e. the
+issue of one womb. The man is nobody. If he is a brother, _u kur_,
+a brother being taken to mean an uterine brother, or a cousin-german,
+he will be lost to the family or clan directly he marries. If he be a
+husband, he is looked upon merely as a _u shong kha_, a begetter. In
+some of the War villages a newly married man is spoken of by the
+bride's family as, "_u khun ki briew_," some one else's son. It is,
+perhaps, somewhat of a paradox under the circumstances that wives
+should address their husbands as "_kynrad_," or lord. There is,
+however, no gainsaying the fact that the husband, at least in theory,
+is a stranger in his wife's home, and it is certain that he can take
+no part in the rites and ceremonies of his wife's family, and that
+his ashes after death can find no place within the wife's family
+tomb, except, in certain cases, amongst the Syntengs. Further, the
+ceremonial religion amongst Khasis, especially that of the home,
+is in the hands of the women. It is, therefore, perhaps not to be
+wondered at, considering the important status assigned to women by
+the Khasis, that women should inherit the property and not men. The
+rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter "holds" the
+religion, "_ka bat ka niam_." Her house is called, "_ka iing seng_"
+and it is here that the members of the family assemble to witness
+her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is, therefore, the
+largest share of the family property, because it is she whose duty
+it is to perform the family ceremonies, and propitiate the family
+ancestors. The other daughters, however, on their mother's death
+are entitled, each of them; to a share of their mother's property,
+although the youngest daughter gets the lion's share, e.g. the family
+jewellery, and the family house, and the greater part of what it
+contains. The youngest daughter cannot dispose of the house without
+the unanimous consent of her sisters. If the youngest daughter dies,
+she is succeeded by the next youngest daughter, and so on. All the
+daughters are bound to repair the house of the youngest daughter free
+of cost. In the event of the youngest daughter changing her religion,
+or committing an act of _sang_, or taboo, she loses her position
+in the family, and is succeeded, by her next youngest sister, as
+in the case of a death. Failing daughters, inheritance would pass
+by the "knight's move" to the sister's youngest daughter, who would
+be succeeded by her youngest daughter, and so on. Failing sister's
+daughters succession would revert to the mother's sisters and their
+female descendants. In the Jaintia Hills the inheritance of all real
+property passes from mother to youngest daughter. No man in the
+uplands of the Jaintia Hills can possess landed property, unless
+it is self-acquired property. In the Jaintia Hills, if a man dies
+and leaves acquired property, his heir will be his mother, if alive,
+excluding wife, sons, and daughters. If the wife, however, undertakes
+not to re-marry, she will inherit half of her husband's property,
+which at her death will descend to her youngest daughter by him.
+
+Amongst Khasis all property which has been acquired by a man before
+marriage is considered to belong to his mother; indeed it may be
+said to belong to the man's _kur_, or clan, such property being
+called by Khasis, "_ka mai iing kur_" (the earnings of the house
+of the clan). After marriage, if there are children, the case is
+different, provided that the property has been acquired by the man
+after marriage. Here the wife and children would inherit the acquired
+property, the youngest daughter obtaining the largest share of such
+property on the death of the wife. If there were no daughter, the
+acquired property would be equally divided amongst the sons.
+
+The following examples of the Synteng law of inheritance are taken from
+the exhaustive diaries recorded by the late Mr. Heath, who was for
+some years Sub-Divisional Officer of Jowai. In the Nongkli doloiship
+ancestral land passes from mother to her youngest daughter; again,
+if a youngest daughter who has so acquired dies, the next youngest
+in point of age succeeds. Should such direct female succession
+fail, the family tree has to be looked up for the nearest branch,
+in which the youngest female, or her youngest female descendant,
+succeeds. Thus, respecting ancestral land, the youngest daughter, or
+youngest female descendant of youngest female heir, is virtually heir
+to entailed property. If a woman dies leaving acquired property, her
+youngest daughter or youngest granddaughter of that youngest daughter
+succeeds to all. In default, next youngest daughter, and so on. In
+default of daughters, the youngest son inherits. A man can hardly,
+in any circumstances, possess ancestral land; his property must
+almost necessarily be self-acquired. If a man dies leaving acquired
+property, his heir will be his mother, if alive, excluding wife, sons,
+and daughters. If the wife undertakes, however, not to marry again,
+she will get half, which will descend to her youngest daughter by
+her deceased husband. The mother, who thus gets the whole or half of
+her son's property, leaves it to her youngest daughter, or youngest
+daughter of that daughter, and so on, as described above in the ease of
+a woman leaving ancestral or acquired property. If there is no mother,
+the man's youngest sister stands next heir with the same right as
+her mother. If there is no mother or sister, then the sister's female
+descendants stand in the man's mother's place. If there are none of
+these, then the man's youngest daughter succeeds to all. Ancestral
+property cannot be alienated without the consent of all the heirs in
+the entail. A gift of self-acquired property to any amount can be made
+by a donor during his lifetime. Acquired property cannot, however,
+be left by will out of the course sanctioned by custom. In the Amwi
+doloiship a widow who consents to pay the costs of her husband's
+funeral, provided she agrees not to re-marry, inherits half of her
+husband's acquired property.
+
+In the War country the children inherit both ancestral and acquired
+property in equal shares, both males and females, with the exception
+that the youngest daughter is given something in addition to her
+share, although not such a large share of the property as amongst
+the Khasis. Amongst the Mikir-Bhois, i.e. the Mikirs who inhabit the
+Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, the law of inheritance is totally
+different from that of the Khasis, for males succeed to all property,
+whether ancestral or acquired. Thus, if a man dies, leaving son,
+mother, wife, and daughters, the son takes all. If there are several
+sons, they divide. If there are no sons, the property goes to the
+nearest male heir. If a woman dies, leaving husband and children,
+the husband takes all. If the husband is dead, and there are sons and
+daughters, the former inherit. The great difference in the custom of
+inheritance between Khasis and Bhois is, as I have already pointed out,
+part of the evidence that these people are of different origin.
+
+The Lynngam law of inheritance is the same as that of the Khasis. The
+youngest daughter obtains the largest share of the ancestral property,
+the remainder being divided between the remaining daughters. The sons
+do not get any share. The rule is also said to apply with regard to
+acquired property.
+
+
+Adoption.
+
+Both Khasis and Syntengs observe a custom known as _'rap iing_ (an
+abbreviation for _ia rap iing_, literally, to help the house). This is
+practically adoption. If in a family the female members have died out,
+the male members of the family are allowed by custom to call (_khot_)
+a girl from some other family, to act as _ka'rap iing_, and to perform
+the family religious ceremonies, and therefore to inherit the family
+ancestral property. The female so introduced into the family then takes
+her place as _ka khun khadduh_, or youngest daughter, and becomes the
+head of the house (_ka trai iing_). The adoption of a female obviates
+the family dying out (_iap duh_), which to the Khasi is a very serious
+matter, inasmuch as there will then be no one qualified to place
+the bones of its members within the family tomb (_ka ba thep shieng
+mawbah_), and to perform the requisite funeral ceremonies. Amongst
+the Khasis no particular ceremonies are performed at the time of
+adoption; but some of the Syntengs observe a religious ceremony which
+consists largely of a feast to the clans-folk, at which liquor, rice,
+dried fish, and ginger are partaken of. Before the feast commences,
+each clansman is provided with a small gourd (_u klong_) filled with
+liquor, a little of the latter is then thrown on the ground from the
+gourd, and the following words are uttered:--"Oh, God! oh, Lord! oh,
+ruling king Biskurom, now the _pynrap iing_ ceremony is about to be
+performed, let the ceremony be propitious, and let males and females
+(of the clan) increase in numbers, so that the clan may become great,
+and respected, and that intelligent male members may spring up." No
+such ceremony is, however, observed, it is understood, in the Nartiang
+and Raliang doloiships.
+
+In the case of a family being _iap duh_ (extinct), the family property,
+according to Khasi custom, passes to the Siem. Therefore it is to
+the interest of the members of families to adopt a female, when
+such necessity arises. As there is no religious ceremony which is
+compulsory to the Khasis on the occasion of an adoption, perhaps we
+are almost justified in concluding that in former times the adoption
+custom did not exist, more especially as the Khasis possess a special
+word, _iap duh_, for describing a family the females of which have
+all died out; and it is admittedly the custom for the Siem to succeed
+to the property of such a family. The Synteng custom of _'rap iing_
+may have been borrowed from the Hindus, when the Rajas of Jaintia
+became converts to that religion.
+
+
+Tenure of Land and Laws Regarding Land.
+
+Land in the Khasi Hills proper, i.e. land in the high plateau, is
+held somewhat differently from land in the Jaintia Hills and the War
+country; it will be necessary to describe the land tenures and laws
+regarding land of each of these divisions separately. As land is always
+jhumed by the Bhois and Lynngams from year to year, customs regarding
+land with these people are naturally very simple. Taking land in the
+high plateau of the Khasi Hills first:--The lands are classified under
+two main divisions, (_a_) public and (_b_) private lands. The following
+are the different descriptions of lands in the first division:--
+
+_Ka ri Raj_, or _ka ri Siem_, which are Siem's, or Crown lands. These
+lands are intended for the support of the Siem family, they cannot be
+alienated. The Siems are, however, precluded by custom from levying a
+land tax on persons who cultivate such lands, the relation of landlord
+and tenant between the latter and their chiefs being unknown.
+
+_Ka ri Lyngdoh_.--These lands are for the support of the Lyngdohs
+or priests of the State. In some Siemships, as in Mawiang Siemship,
+paddy is grown on these lands from which rice is obtained for the
+State pujas.
+
+_Ri shnong_, or village lands.--These lands are set apart to provide
+a supply of firewood, thatching grass, &c., and are the property
+of the village. The inhabitants of other villages are not allowed
+to enjoy the produce of such lands. Such lands can be cultivated by
+ryots of the village, but the latter possess only occupancy rights,
+and cannot transfer them.
+
+_Ki 'lawkyntang_.--These are sacred groves, situated generally near
+the summit of hills, composed of oak and rhododendron trees, which
+are held sacred (_kyntang_), it being an offence, or _sang_, for any
+one to cut timber in the grove, except for cremation purposes. These
+groves are the property of the villages.
+
+(_b_.) Private Lands. These may he subdivided into _ri-kur_ or lands
+which are the property of the clan, and _ri kynti_, family, or acquired
+landed property. In the Khasi Hills proper a very large proportion,
+certainly of the high lands, is the property of the clan; for instance,
+the high lands at Laitkor; which are the property of the Khar kungor
+and Kur kulang clans, whose ancestors the large memorial stones close
+to the Laitkor road commemorate, also the lands of the Thang khiew
+clan, and many others. It has been explained, in a previous paragraph,
+how the clan grew out of the family. The clan lands originally, when
+population was sparse, were owned by families, but as the members
+of the family increased and a clan was formed, the lands became
+the property of the clan instead of the family. Such clan lands are
+properly demarcated by stone boundary marks. The manager of the clan
+lands is the _kni_ (maternal uncle of the youngest daughter of the
+main family, or branch of the clan), whose house "_ka iing khadduh_,"
+or last house, is the place for performing all the religious ceremonies
+of the clan, and is also called _ka iing seng_. All the members of
+the clan are, however, entitled to share in the produce of any of
+the clan lands they may cultivate. No clan lands can be alienated
+without the consent of a durbar of the whole clan.
+
+_Ri kynti_ are private lands which have been either acquired by a
+man or woman individually, or, in the case of a woman, inherited
+from her mother; such lands must he entirely distinguished from
+the lands of the clan. In portions of the Jaintia Hills, if a man
+purchases a piece of land, at his death it passes to his mother, to
+the exclusion of his children; but in the Khasi Hills nowadays a man
+may leave such lands, provided they were acquired after marriage,
+either formally by will, or informally, to his children for their
+support. In land customs as well as other customs the Syntengs seem to
+preserve more closely than the Khasis what are probably the ancient
+usages of the race. It must be clearly understood, however, that all
+land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of entail,
+by which property descends from the mother to the youngest daughter,
+and again from the latter to her youngest daughter. Ancestral landed
+property must therefore be always owned by women. The male members
+of the family may cultivate such lands, but they must carry all the
+produce to the house of their mother, who will divide it amongst
+the members of the family. Daughters, other than youngest daughters,
+are entitled to maintenance from the produce of such family lands.
+
+In the Jaintia Hills lands are classified as follows:--
+
+
+Hali Lands or Irrigated Paddy Lands.
+
+(1) _Raj_ lands, which used to be the property of the Raja of
+Jaintiapur, now the property of Government, which are assessed to
+land revenue.
+
+(2) Service lands, which are lands given rent free to dolois, pators,
+and other officers who carry on the administration.
+
+(3) Village puja lands, being land the occupants of which pay rent
+to the doloi or lyngdoh, which are set apart in each village for
+purposes of worship. These lands are not assessed to revenue.
+
+(4) Private lands held by individuals and which have been transferred
+from time to time by mortgage sale or otherwise at the will of the
+owner. These lands are not assessed to revenue.
+
+High lands are sub-divided into (1) Private lands, held like _hali_
+private lands. (2) Unclaimed land, or Government Waste.
+
+Up till now the Government has not assessed revenue on the high
+lands which are its own property. Surveys have been made from time
+to time of the Government _Raj hali_ lands in the Jaintia Hills,
+but the maps require bringing up to date. The revenue on such lands
+is assessed at an uniform rate, viz. at 10 annas a bigha, and the
+leases have been issued so as to expire contemporaneously. A list
+of service lands of dolois and others, showing the number of plots
+held by each official and their approximate total area in bighas,
+is kept in the Deputy Commissioner's Office. Puja lands are plots
+of lands set apart entirely for the support of the lyngdohs and
+other persons who perform the pujas of the doloiships. These lands
+are generally leased out by the dolois, but in some doloiships they
+are under the management of the lyngdohs. The occupants of the puja
+lands have either to present annually sacrificial animals or objects,
+e.g. bulls, goats, fowls, or pigs, rice, liquor, &c., or make a
+payment in cash. In the War country in the Jaintia Hills, orange,
+_pan_, and betel-nut gardens, are held as private property except
+in a few villages where there are some Raj _pan_ gardens which have
+been assessed to land revenue at the same rates as Government _hali_
+lands. The various gardens are distinguishable by means of boundary
+stones or stone cairns, by prominent trees on the boundary lines,
+or by natural boundaries such as streams.
+
+In the War country to the West of Cherra, notably the country between
+the heights of Laitkynsew and the plains, considerable portions of
+the hill-sides are the property of communities known as _sengs_. A
+_seng_ may be defined as a collection of families sprung from some
+common ancestress or ancestor. As an instance of these _sengs_ I may
+describe the community known as the _lai seng_ which owns land in the
+neighbourhood of Laitkynsew, the area owned being known as the "_ri
+lai seng_," or land of the three clans. These clans are descended from
+three men, U Kynta, U Nabein, and U Tangrai, it being remarkable that
+in this case descent is traced originally from male ancestors and not
+from females. The three ancestors are said to have owned a large tract
+of land, and they had as their abode the village of Laitmawria close to
+Laitkynsew; but owing to an epidemic, or some such cause, they deserted
+the village of Laitmawria and went with their families to live in some
+of the surrounding War villages, viz. in Tyrna, Nongkroh, Nongwar,
+Mastoh, and Mawlong. The descendants of the three men above-mentioned
+possess a genealogical table, showing their descent from the original
+three founders of the _sengs_. They claim a large tract of country
+lying to the south and south-east of the Laitkynsew plateau, containing
+not only orange gardens, but also valuable lime quarries. There are
+other _seng_ communities also in the neighbourhood, e.g. the _hinriew
+phew seng_, or sixty _sengs_, who put forward claims to other tracts
+of land. The boundaries of the _ri lai seng_ are identifiable on the
+ground. The business of the _seng_ community is managed by a durbar,
+an elder or other influential person being chosen as president.
+
+In the country of the Lynngams the crop belongs to the person who
+cultivates it, but the land belongs to the _kur_ or family. The
+Lynngam villages; like those in the Khasi Siemships, do not pay any
+rent to the Siem. If outsiders cultivate within the areas set apart
+for the different Lynngam villages, all of them, including women,
+have to pay eight annas each to the people of the village in whose
+circle they cultivate. There is usually a mutual understanding between
+inhabitants of Lynngam villages, that certain tracts of land belong
+to the respective villages; sometimes, however, there are disputes
+regarding those lands between the different villages. Such disputes are
+settled by the Lynngam Sirdars of villages or by the Sirdars sitting
+with the two Lyngskors of the Siemship. If the disputes cannot be
+settled by these officials to the satisfaction of the parties, the
+latter are taken by the Lyngskors and Sirdars to the Siem of Nongstoin,
+who tries the case with the aid of the State mantris.
+
+
+Laws Regarding Other Property.
+
+There is no separate law applying to personal property, as opposed
+to real property, amongst the Khasis.
+
+
+Decisions of Disputes.
+
+
+Khasi Courts of Judicature.
+
+In the first place a complaint is made before the Siem or chief,
+against a certain party or parties. The facts and circumstances
+of the ease, are then detailed before the chief and his headmen,
+the ostensible object being to attempt to bring about a compromise
+between the parties. If no reconciliation can be effected, a crier
+(_u nong pyrta shnong_), or in the Jaintia Hills a _sangot_, is
+sent out to proclaim at the top of his voice the durbar which is to
+assemble the following evening. He proceeds to cry the durbar in the
+evening when all the inhabitants have returned to the village from
+their usual daily pursuits. With a loud premonitory yell the crier
+makes use of the following formula [24]:--
+
+"_Kaw!_ thou, a fellow-villager; thou, a fellow-creature; thou, an
+old man; thou, who art grown up; thou, who art young; thou, a boy;
+thou, a child; thou, an infant; thou; who art little; thou, who art
+great. _Hei!_ because there is a contest. _Hei!_ for to cause to
+sit together. _Hei!_ for to cause to deliberate. _Hei!_ for to give
+intelligence together. _Hei!_ about to assemble in durbar. _Hei!_
+for to listen attentively. _Hei!_ ye are forbidden. _Hei!_ ye
+are stopped to draw water then, not to cut firewood then; _Hei!_
+to go as coolies then; _Hei!_ to go to work then; _Hei!_ to go a
+journey then; _Hei!_ to descend to the valley then; _Hei!_ he who
+has a pouch. _Hei!_ he who has a bag. _Hei!_ now come forth. _Hei!_
+now appear. _Hei!_ the hearing then is to be all in company. _Hei!_
+the listening attentively then is to be all together. _Hei!_ for his
+own king. _Hei!_ for his own lord, lest destruction has come; lest
+wearing away has overtaken _us_. _Kaw!_ come forth now fellow mates."
+
+This proclamation is called _khang shnong_, and by it all are stopped
+from going anywhere from the village the following day. Anybody who
+disregards the prohibition is liable to fine. The following day,
+towards evening, all the grown-up males of the village assemble at
+the durbar ground, the site of which is marked in some villages by
+rows of flat stones, arranged in an irregular circle, upon which the
+durbaris sit. The proceedings are opened by one of the headmen, who
+makes a long speech; then others follow, touching upon all sorts of
+irrelevant matters, but throwing out hints, now and then, bearing on
+the subject of accusation. By degrees the debate waxes warmer, and the
+parties get nearer the point. Then the complainant and the defendant
+each of them throw down on the ground a turban, or a bag containing
+betul and _pan_, lime, &c., in front of the durbar. These are regarded
+as the pledges of the respective parties and their representatives
+in the suit; they receive the name of _mamla_ (hence the Khasi term
+_ar liang mamla_ for the two contending parties in the suit). There
+are pleaders on both aides called _'riw said_, who address the durbar
+in lengthy speeches, the Siem being the judge and the whole body of
+the durbar the jury. Witnesses are examined by the parties; in former
+times they were sworn on a pinch of salt placed on a sword. The most
+sacred and most binding foam of oath, however, is sworn on _u klong_
+(a hollow gourd containing liquor). As, however, the latter form of
+oath is regarded by the Khasis as a most serious ordeal, it will be
+described separately. The durbar sometimes goes on for several days. At
+length the finding of the durbar is taken, after the Siem has summed
+up, and sentence is pronounced, which generally consists of a fine
+in money, almost always accompanied by an order to the losing party
+to present a pig. The pig is supposed to be sacrificed to a goddess,
+_Ka 'lei synshar_, i.e. the goddess of the State, but it is invariably
+eaten by the Siem and the members of the durbar. The Siem then calls
+out "_kumta mo khynraw_" (is it not so, young people?) The members of
+the durbar then reply, "_haoid kumta khein khynraw_" (yes, it is so,
+young ones). Sentences of fine are more often resorted to than other
+punishments nowadays, probably because very few of the Siems possess
+jails for the reception of criminals. The condemned one in a criminal
+case frequently serves his time by working for the Siem as a menial
+servant. The above description, which is based on the account given
+by the Rev. W. Lewis, with some modifications, may be taken as the
+usual form of procedure of the Khasi durbar.
+
+Under the heading of decision of disputes we may perhaps give a short
+description of some of the punishments which were inflicted by the
+Siems and their durbars in criminal cases in ancient times. Murder
+was punishable by beating the culprit to death with clubs (_ki tangon
+ki lymban_). The killing, however, of a _nong shoh noh_, i.e. a man
+who seeks for human victims to sacrifice to the monster, _u thlen_,
+is not considered murder, even now by the Khasis, and the slayer of
+the _nong shoh noh_ only has to inform the Siem and deposit Rs. 5,
+and one pig in the Siem's court. The slaying of a robber also is
+dealt with in like manner.
+
+The punishment of adultery was imprisonment for life (_ka sah dain
+mur_), or a fine of Rs. 1,100, and one pig (_ka khadwei spah wei
+doh_). Whether such a heavy fine was ever paid is perhaps doubtful,
+and probably some other form of punishment was substituted for it. A
+husband finding his wife and a man in _flagrante delicto_ could,
+as under the law of the ancients, kill both adulterer and adulteress
+without punishment for murder. He was, however, bound to deposit Rs. 5,
+and the conventional pig in the Siem's durbar. The punishment for rape
+(_kaba khniot tynga_) was imprisonment for life in the case of the
+woman being married, and a heavy fine and one pig if the woman was a
+spinster. Arson was punishable with imprisonment for life, or a heavy
+fine. The punishment for causing people to be possessed by devils
+(_ka ba ai-ksuid briew_) was exile (_pyrangkang par_); but if a person
+so possessed died, the sorcerer was hurled down a precipice (_pynnoh
+khongpong_). The punishment for robbery and theft was the stocks (_ka
+pyndait diengsong_), the imposition of fetters, or a punishment known
+as _kaba s'ang sohmynken_, by which the culprit was compelled to sit
+on a bamboo platform under which chillies were burnt. The result of
+such torture can be better imagined than described. Incest, or _sang_,
+which amongst the Khasis means cohabiting with a member of a man's or
+woman's own clan, was punishable with exile or a fine of Rs. 550/-
+and one pig. It is believed by the Khasis that the evils resultant
+from incestuous connection are very great; the following are some of
+them: being struck by lightning, being killed by a tiger, dying in
+childbirth, &c.
+
+
+Decision of Cases by Ordeal.
+
+
+Water Ordeal.
+
+In ancient times the Khasis used to decide certain cases by means
+of water ordeal (_ka ngam um_). Yule, writing in 1844, mentions a
+water ordeal, and one of my Khasi friends remembers to have seen one
+during his boyhood. There were two kinds of such ordeals. The first,
+called _ka ngam ksih_, was as follows:--The two disputants in a case
+would each of them fix a spear under water in some deep pool. They
+would then dive and catch hold of the spear. The man who remained
+longest under water without returning to the surface was adjudged
+by the Siem and durbar to have won the case. Colonel Maxwell, late
+Superintendent of the Manipur State, witnessed a similar ordeal in
+the Manipur State in the year 1903, when two Manipuris dived to the
+bottom of a river and held on to stones, the result being that one man,
+who remained under water in the most determined way, was very nearly
+drowned. Amongst the Khasis sometimes the supporters of the contending
+parties used to compel the divers to remain under water by holding
+them down with their spears. Another form of trial was to place two
+pots, each of them containing a piece of gold and a piece of silver
+wrapped up in cloths, in shallow water. The two contending parties
+were then directed to plunge their hands into the water and take up,
+each of them, one of the packets. The party who brought up a piece
+of gold was adjudged the victor. If both parties brought up either
+gold or silver, then the case was amicably settled by the Durbar,
+and if it was a land case, the land was equally divided between the
+parties. No instances of trial of cases by such ordeals have come
+to notice of late years. Yule, referring to water ordeals, says:
+"I have been told that it was lawful to use the services of practised
+attorneys in this mode of trial; so that long-winded lawyers have as
+decided a preference in these regions as they have elsewhere."
+
+
+Ordeal by U Klong, or by U Klong U Khnam, in the War Country.
+
+Of all the ordeals these are the most dreaded by the Khasis. They
+believe that if a person swears falsely by _u klong_ or _u klong u
+khnam_, he will die or, if he represents his family (i.e. wife and
+children) or his clan (_kur_), that his family and his clan will die
+out. Siems, Wahadadars, Lyngdohs, &c., do not order litigants, or even
+propose to them, to have their cases decided by this ordeal, fearing
+to incur blame for choosing it, owing to possible evil consequence
+thereafter to the parties. One of the parties must propose and the
+other must accept the ordeal, of their own accord and in open Court
+or Durbar. A gourd (_u klong_) containing fermented rice (_ka sohpoh_)
+is provided, and a feathered arrow with a barbed iron head is planted
+in the fermented rice. The following is the procedure:--
+
+The person who wishes to take the oath brings a gourd of fermented
+rice, or a gourd with an arrow stuck in it, as the case may be,
+and makes it over to the judge, or a deputy appointed by such judge
+for this duty. The latter, before returning it to him, invokes the
+goddess as follows:--
+
+"Come down, and bear witness, thou goddess who reignest above
+and below, who createst man, who placest him (on earth), who
+judgest the right and the wrong, who givest him being and stature,
+(i.e.) life. Thou goddess of the State, thou goddess of the place,
+who preservest the village, who preservest the State, come down and
+judge. If this man's cause be unrighteous, then shall he lose his
+stature (being), he shall lose his age (life), he shall lose his clan,
+he shall lose his wife and children; only the posts of his house shall
+remain, only the walls of his house shall remain, only the small posts
+and the stones of the fireplace shall remain; he shall be afflicted
+with colic, he shall be racked with excruciating pains, he shall fall
+on the piercing arrow, he shall fall on the lacerating arrow, his
+dead body shall be carried off by kites, it shall be carried off by
+the crows, his family and his clan shall not find it; he shall become
+a dog, he shall become a cat, he shall creep in dung, he shall creep
+in urine, and he shall receive punishment at thy hands, oh, goddess,
+and at the hands of man. If, on the other hand, his cause be righteous
+(lit. _lada u kren hok_) he shall be well, he shall be prosperous,
+he shall live long, he shall live to be an elder, he shall rise to be
+a defender and preserver of his clan, he shall be a master of tens
+and a master of hundreds (immensely rich), and all the world shall
+see it. Hear, oh, goddess, thou who judgest." (The whole of this
+invocation is uttered while a libation is poured out from _u klong_.)
+
+_U klong_ is next invoked as follows:--
+
+"Thou, _u klong_, with whose assistance--according to our religion
+and our custom, a man when he is born into the world is named--hear
+and judge. If he speaks falsely (his cause be false), his name shall
+be cut off (by thee) and he shall surely die."
+
+The fermented rice is then invoked as follows:--
+
+"Thou yeast, thou charcoal, thou rice of the plough, thou rice of
+the yoke, thou, too, hear and judge. If he speaks falsely, eat off
+his tongue, eat away his mouth."
+
+The arrow is lastly invoked as follows:--
+
+"Thou piercing and lacerating arrow, as thou hast been ordained by the
+goddess, who creates man, who appoints man to occupy a pre-eminent
+place in war and in controversy, do thou hear and judge. If he
+(i.e. the man taking the oath) speaks falsely, let him fall upon thee,
+let him be cut and be torn, and let him be afflicted with shooting and
+pricking pains." The man then takes _u klong_ or, _u klong u khnam_,
+and holds it on his head, and while in that posture utters the same
+invocation. _U klong_ is then made over to the judge (the Siem or
+the Sirdar as the case may be, &c.).
+
+The person who undergoes the above ordeal wins the case, the production
+of evidence being unnecessary.
+
+
+War.
+
+Although the Khasis, unlike the Nagas, the Garos, the wild Was of
+Burma, the Dayaks of Borneo, and other head-hunting tribes, cannot be
+said to have indulged in head-hunting in ancient times, as far as we
+know, merely for the sake of collecting heads as trophies, there seems
+to be some reference to a custom of head-hunting in a description of
+the worship of the god _u Syngkai Bamon_, one of the principal gods of
+war amongst the Khasis. This god is described in one of the folk tales
+(I have obtained it through the kindness of Dr. Roberts, the Welsh
+missionary at Cherrapunji) as being the deity who gives the heads of
+the enemy to the successful warriors. To this god, as well as to _Ka
+Ram Shandi_, they offer a cock. Before sacrifice the warriors dance
+round an altar, upon which are placed a plume of cock's feathers (_u
+thuia_), a sword, a shield, a bow, an arrow, a quiver, _pan_ leaves,
+and flowers. After the cock has been sacrificed, they fix its head on
+the point of a sword and shout three times. The fixing of the cock's
+head on the point of a sword is said to have been symbolical of the
+fixing of the human head of an enemy killed in battle, on the top
+of the _soh-lang_ tree. Mr. Shadwell, of Cherrapunji, whose memory
+carries him back to the time when the British first occupied the Khasi
+Hills, has a recollection of a Khasi dance at Cherra, round an altar,
+upon which the heads of some _Dykhars_, or plains people, killed in a
+frontier raid had been placed. The Khasis used to sacrifice to a number
+of other gods also for success in battle. An interesting feature of
+the ancient combats between the people of different Siemships was
+the challenge. When the respective armies had arrived at a little
+distance from one another, they used to stop to hear each other shout
+the _'tien-Blei_, or challenge, to the other side. This custom was
+called _pyrta 'tien-Blei_, or shouting out the challenge. From the
+records available of the military operations of the Khasis against
+the British, the former appear to have relied principally on bows
+and arrows, ambushes and surprises, when they fought against us at
+the time of our first occupation of the hills. During the Jaintia
+rebellion firearms were used, to some extent, by the Syntengs. The
+military records do not, however, disclose any peculiar battle customs
+as having been prevalent amongst those hill people then. Both Khasis
+and Syntengs seem to have fought much in the same manner as other
+savage hill-men have fought against a foe armed with superior weapons.
+
+
+Human Sacrifices.
+
+
+The Thlen Superstition.
+
+There is a superstition among the Khasis concerning _U thlen_,
+a gigantic snake which requires to be appeased by the sacrifice
+of human victims, and for whose sake murders have even in fairly
+recent times been committed. The following account, the substance
+of which appeared in the _Assam Gazette_, in August, 1882, but to
+which considerable additions have been made, will illustrate this
+interesting superstition:--"The tradition is that there was once
+in a cave near Cherrapunji, [25] a gigantic snake, or _thlen_, who
+committed great havoc among men and animals. At last, one man, bolder
+than his fellows, took with him a herd of goats, and set himself down
+by the cave, and offered them one by one to the _thlen_. By degrees
+the monster became friendly, and learnt to open his mouth at a word
+from the man, to receive the lump of flesh which was then thrown
+in. When confidence was thoroughly established, the man, acting under
+the advice of a god called _U Suid-noh_, [26] (who has as his abode
+a grove near Sohrarim), having heated a lump of iron red hot in a
+furnace, induced the snake, at the usual signal, to open his mouth,
+and then threw in the red-hot lump, and so killed him. He proceeded
+to cut up the body, and sent pieces in every direction, with orders
+that the people were to eat them. Wherever the order was obeyed, the
+country became free of the _thlen_, but one small piece remained which
+no one would eat, and from this sprang a multitude of _thlens_, which
+infest the residents of Cherra and its neighbourhood. When a _thlen_
+takes up its abode in a family there is no means of getting rid of it,
+though it occasionally leaves of its own accord, and often follows
+family property that is given away or sold. The _thlen_ attaches
+itself to property, and brings prosperity and wealth to the owners,
+but on the condition that it is supplied with blood. Its craving
+comes on at uncertain intervals, and manifests itself by sickness,
+by misadventure, or by increasing poverty befalling the family that
+owns the property. It can only be appeased by the murder of a human
+being." The murderer cuts off the tips of the hair of the victim
+with silver scissors, also the finger nails, and extracts from the
+nostril a little blood caught in a bamboo tube, and offers these to
+the _thlen_. The murderer, who is called _u nongshohnoh_, literally,
+"the beater," before he sets out on his unholy mission, drinks a
+special kind of liquor called, _ka 'iad tang-shi-snem_. (literally,
+liquor which has been kept for a year). This liquor, it is thought,
+gives the murderer courage, and the power of selecting suitable victims
+for the _thlen_. The _nongshohnoh_ then sets out armed with a short
+club, with which to slay the victim, hence his name _nongshohnoh_,
+i.e. one who beats; for it is forbidden to kill a victim on these
+occasions with any weapon made of iron, inasmuch as iron was the
+metal which proved fatal to the _thlen_. He also takes the pair of
+silver scissors above mentioned, a silver lancet to pierce the inside
+of the nostrils of the deceased, and a small bamboo or cylinder to
+receive the blood drawn therefrom. The _nongshohnoh_ also provides
+himself with rice called "_u 'khaw tyndep_," i.e. rice mixed with
+turmeric after certain incantations have taken place. The murderer
+throws a little of this rice over his intended victim, the effect of
+which is to stupefy the latter, who then falls an easy prey to the
+_nongshohnoh_. It is not, however, always possible to kill the victim
+outright for various reasons, and then the _nongshohnoh_ resorts to the
+following subterfuge:--He cuts off a little of the hair, or the hem
+of the garment, of a victim, and offers these up to the _thlen_. The
+effect of cutting off the hair or the hem of the garment of a person
+by a _nongshohnoh_, to offer up to the _thlen_, is disastrous to the
+unfortunate victim, who soon falls ill, and gradually wastes away and
+dies. The _nongshohnoh_ also sometimes contents himself with merely
+throwing stones at the victim, or with knocking at the door of his
+house at night, and then returns home, and, after invoking the _thlen_,
+informs the master that he has tried his best to secure him a prey,
+but has been unsuccessful. This is thought to appease the _thlen_
+for a time, but the demon does not remain inactive long, and soon
+manifests his displeasure for the failure of his keeper to supply
+him with human blood, by causing one of the latter's family to fall
+sick. The _thlen_ has the power of reducing himself to the size of
+a thread, which renders it convenient for the _nong-ri thlen_, or
+_thlen_ keeper, to place him for safety in an earthen pot, or in a
+basket which is kept in some secure place in the house. When the time
+for making an offering to the _thlen_ comes, an hour is selected,
+generally at dead of night, costly cloths are spread on the floor
+of the house of the _thlen_ keeper, all the doors are opened, and a
+brass plate is laid on the ground in which is deposited the blood,
+or the hair, or a piece of the cloth of the victim. All the family
+then gathers round, and an elderly member commences to beat a small
+drum, and invokes the _thlen_, saying, "_ko kni ko kpa_ (oh, maternal
+uncle, father), come out, here is some food for you; we have done
+everything we could to satisfy you, and now we have been successful;
+give us thy blessing, that we may attain health and prosperity." The
+_thlen_ then crawls out from its hiding-place and commences to expand,
+and when it has attained its full serpent shape, it comes near the
+plate and remains expectant. The spirit of the victim then appears,
+and stands on the plate, laughing. The _thlen_ begins to swallow the
+figure, commencing at its feet, the victim laughing the while. By
+degrees the whole figure is disposed of by the boa constrictor. If
+the spirit be that of a person from whom the hair, or a piece of his
+or her cloth, has been cut, directly the _thlen_ has swallowed the
+spirit, the person expires. Many families in these hills are known,
+or suspected, to be keepers of a _thlen_, and are dreaded or avoided
+in consequence. This superstition is deep-rooted amongst these people,
+and even nowadays, in places like Shillong or Cherrapunji, Khasis
+are afraid to walk alone after dark, for fear of being attacked by
+a _nongshohnoh_. In order to drive away the _thlen_ from a house
+or family all the money, ornaments, and property of that house or
+family must be thrown away, as is the case with persons possessed
+by the demon _Ka Taroh_, in the Jaintia Hills. None dare touch any
+of the property, for fear that the _thlen_ should follow it. It is
+believed that a _thlen_ can never enter the Siem's or chief's clan,
+or the Siem's house; it follows, therefore, that the property of the
+_thlen_ keeper can be appropriated by the Siem. A Mohammedan servant,
+not long ago in Shillong, fell a victim to the charms of a Khasi girl,
+and went to live with her. He told the following story to one of his
+fellow-servants, which may be set down here to show that the _thlen_
+superstition is by no means dying out. In the course of his married
+life he came to know that the mother of his Khasi wife kept in the
+house what he called a _bhut_ (devil). He asked his wife many, many
+times to allow him to see the _bhut_, but she was obdurate; however,
+after a long time, and after extracting many promises from him not
+to tell, she confided to him the secret, and took him to the corner
+of the house, and showed him a little box in which was coiled a tiny
+snake, like the hair spring of a watch. She passed her hands over it,
+and it grew in size, till at last it became a huge cobra, with hood
+erected. The husband, terrified, begged his wife to lay the spirit. She
+passed her hands down its body, and it gradually shrank within its box.
+
+It may be stated that the greater number of the Khasis, especially in
+certain Siemships, viz. Cherra, Nongkrem, and Mylliem, still regard
+the _thlen_, and the persons who are thought to keep _thlens_, with the
+very greatest awe, and that they will not utter even the names of the
+latter for fear some ill may befall them. The superstition is probably
+of very ancient origin, and it is possible that the Khasi sacrifices
+to the _thlen_ demon may be connected with the primaeval serpent-worship
+which characterized the Cambodians, which Forbes says was "undoubtedly
+the earliest religion of the Mons." But it must be remembered that
+snake-worship is of very ancient origin, not only in Further India,
+but also in the nearer peninsula, where the serpent race or Nagas,
+who may have given their name to the town of Nagpur, were long held
+in superstitious reverence. Mr. Gait, in the Journal of the Asiatic
+Society of Bengal, vol. i. of 1898, gives some account of the human
+sacrifices of the Jaintias or Syntengs. He writes as follows:--
+
+"It appears that human sacrifices were offered annually on the _Sandhi_
+day in the month of Ashwin (Sukla paksha) at the sacred _pitha_, in
+the Faljur pargana. They were also occasionally offered at the shrine
+of Jainteswari, at Nijpat, i.e. at Jaintiapur, the capital of the
+country. As stated in the _Haft Iqlim_ to have been the case in Koch
+Behar, so also in Jaintia, persons frequently voluntarily came forward
+as victims. This they generally did by appearing before the Raja on
+the last day of Shravan, and declaring that the goddess had called
+them. After due inquiry, if the would-be victim, or _Bhoge khaora_,
+were deemed suitable, it was customary for the Raja to present him
+with a golden anklet, and to give him permission to live as he chose,
+and to do whatever be pleased, compensation for any damage done by
+him being paid from the royal treasury. But this enjoyment of these
+privileges was very short. On the Navami day of the Durga Puja, the
+_Bhoge khaora_, after bathing and purifying himself, was dressed in
+new attire, daubed with red sandal-wood and vermilion, and bedecked
+with garlands. Thus arrayed, the victim sat on a raised dais in front
+of the goddess, and spent some time in meditation (_japa_), and in
+uttering mantras. Having done this, he made a sign with his finger,
+and the executioner, after uttering the usual sacrificial mantras,
+cut off his head, which was placed before the goddess on a golden
+plate. The lungs were cooked and eaten by such _Kandra Yogis_ as
+were present, and it is said that the royal family partook of a small
+quantity of rice cooked in the blood of the victim. The ceremony was
+usually witnessed by large crowds of spectators from all parts of
+the Jaintia pardganas.
+
+"Sometimes the supply of voluntary victims fell short, or victims
+were needed for some special sacrifice promised in the event of some
+desired occurrence, such as the birth of a son, coming to pass. On
+such occasions, emissaries were sent to kidnap strangers from outside
+the Jaintia Raj, and it was this practice that eventually led to the
+annexation of the country by the British. In 1821, an attempt was made
+to kidnap a native of Sylhet proper, and while the agents employed
+were punished, the Raja was warned not to allow such an atrocity to
+occur again. Eleven years later, however, four British subjects were
+kidnapped in the Nowgong district, and taken to Jaintia. Three of
+them were actually sacrificed, but the fourth escaped, and reported
+the matter to the authorities. The Raja of Jaintia was called on to
+deliver up the culprits, but he failed to do so, and his dominions
+were in consequence annexed in 1835."
+
+There seems to be an idea generally prevalent that the Raja of Jaintia,
+owing to his conversion to Hinduism, and especially owing to his
+having become a devotee of the goddess Kali, took to sacrificing human
+victims; but I find that human victims were formerly sacrificed by
+the Jaintias to the Kopili River, which the Jaintias worshipped as a
+goddess. Two persons were sacrificed every year to the Kopili in the
+months _U' naiwing_ and _U' nai prah_ (November and December). They
+were first taken to the _hat_ Mawahai or Shang-pung market, where
+they were allowed to take any eatables they wished. Then they were
+conducted to Sumer, and thence to Ka Ieu Ksih, where a stone on the
+bank of a small river which falls into the Kopili is pointed out as
+having been the place where the victims were sacrificed to the Kopili
+river goddess. Others say that the sacrificial stone was situated on
+the bank of the Kopili River itself. A special clan in the Raliang
+doloiship used to carry out the executions. It seems probable that
+the practice of sacrificing human victims in Jaintia was of long
+standing, and was originally unconnected with Hinduism, although
+when the Royal family became converts to Hinduism, the goddess Kali
+may easily have taken the place of the Kopili River goddess. Many of
+the Syntengs regard the River Kopili to this day with superstitions
+reverence. Some of these people will not cross the river at all,
+others can do so after having performed a sacrifice with goats and
+fowls. Any traveller who wishes to cross the river must leave behind
+him the rice which he has taken for the journey, and any other food
+supplies he may have brought with him. This superstition often results
+in serious inconvenience to travellers between the Jaintia Hills and
+North Cachar, unless they have arranged for another batch of coolies
+to meet them on the Cachar side of the River Kopili, for the Synteng
+coolies throw down their loads at the river side, and nothing will
+induce them to cross the river. The Kopili is propitiated by pujas
+in many parts of the Jaintia Hills, and at Nartiang a tank where
+sacrifices are regularly performed is called Ka Umkoi Kopili.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+Religion
+
+
+General Character of Popular Beliefs.
+
+The Khasis have a vague belief in a God the Creator, _U Blei
+Nong-thaw_, although this deity, owing, no doubt, to the influences of
+the matriarchate, is frequently given the attribute of the feminine
+gender, cf., _Ka lei Synshar_. The Khasis cannot, however, be said
+to worship the Supreme God, although it is true that they sometimes
+invoke him when sacrificing and in times of trouble. The religion of
+the Khasis may be described as animism or spirit-worship, or rather,
+the propitiation of spirits both good and evil on certain occasions,
+principally in times of trouble. The propitiation of these spirits
+is carried out either by priests (_lyngdohs_), or by old men well
+versed in the arts of necromancy, and as the _lyngdoh_ or wise man
+deals with good as well as evil spirits, and, as often as not, with
+the good spirits of ancestors, the propitiation of these spirits
+may be said to partake of the nature of Shamanism. A very prominent
+feature of the Khasi beliefs is the propitiation of ancestors; but
+this will be described separately. There is a vague belief amongst
+the Khasi of a future state. It is believed that the spirits of the
+dead, whose funeral ceremonies have been duly performed, go to the
+house or garden of God, where there are groves of betel-nut trees;
+hence the expression for the departed, _uba bam kwai ha iing u blei_
+(he who is eating betel-nut in God's house), the idea of supreme
+happiness to the Khasi being to eat betel-nut uninterruptedly. The
+spirits of those whose funeral ceremonies have not been duly performed
+are believed to take the forms of animals, birds, or insects, and to
+roam on this earth; but this idea of transmigration of souls has been
+probably borrowed from the Hindus. Bivar writes that although the
+ideas of a Godhead are not clearly grasped, yet a supreme creator
+is acknowledged, and that the following is the tradition relating
+to the creation of man. "God in the beginning having created man,
+placed him on the earth, but on returning to look at him, found he
+had been destroyed by the evil spirit. This happened a second time,
+whereupon the Deity created first a dog, then a man; and the dog,
+who kept watch, prevented the devil from destroying the man, and the
+work of the Deity was thus preserved." The Khasis, apparently, do not
+believe in punishment after death, at least there is no idea of hell,
+although the spirits of those who have died under the ban of _sang_
+remain uneasy, being obliged to wander about the earth in different
+forms, as noted above. The spirits worshipped by the Khasis are many in
+number; those of the Syntengs being specially numerous. The particular
+spirit to be propitiated is ascertained; by egg-breaking. The offering
+acceptable to the spirit is similarly ascertained and is then made. If
+the particular sacrifice does not produce the result desired, a fowl
+is sacrificed; the entrails being then examined, an augury is drawn,
+and the sacrifice begins afresh. As the process of egg-breaking is
+believed to be peculiar [27] to the Khasis amongst the Assam hill
+tribes, a separate description of it is given in the Appendix. It
+should be remarked that the Khasis never symbolise their gods by
+means of images, their worship being offered to the spirit only. The
+following are some of the principal spirits worshipped by the Khasis
+and Syntengs, omitting the spirits of deceased ancestors such as _Ka
+Iawobi, u Thawlang_ and _u Suidnia_, which will be described under
+the heading of ancestor-worship.
+
+_U'lei muluk_--the god of the State, who is propitiated yearly by
+the sacrifice of a goat and a cock.
+
+_U'lei umtong_--the god of water, used for drinking and cooking
+purposes. This god is similarly propitiated once a year so that the
+water supply may remain pure.
+
+_U lei longspah_--the god of wealth. This god is propitiated with a
+view to obtaining increased prosperity.
+
+_U Ryngkew_, or _u Basa shnong_, is the tutelary deity of the
+village. This godling is propitiated by sacrifices whenever they are
+thought to
+be necessary.
+
+_U Phan u kyrpad_ is a similar godling to the above.
+
+Then follows a list of minor deities, or, rather, evil spirits,
+e.g. _Ka Rih_, the malarial fever devil; _ka Khlam_, the demon
+of cholera; _ka Duba_, the fever devil which is said to haunt the
+neighbourhood of Theriaghat.
+
+Bivar says "the Khasi religion may be thus briefly defined as forms
+used to cure diseases and to avert misfortunes, by ascertaining
+the name of the demon, as the author of the evil, and the kind of
+sacrifice necessary to appease it." We may accept this description
+as substantially correct. In the Jaintia Hills there is a peculiar
+superstition regarding a she devil, called "_ka Taroh_" which is
+supposed to cause delirium in cases of fever. When such cases occur,
+it is believed that "_ka Taroh_" has caused them, and inquiries are
+made by means of breaking eggs to find out in whose person the demon
+has obtained a lodgment; or sometimes the sick person is asked to
+reveal this. When in either of these ways the name of the person
+possessed by "_ka Taroh_" is known, the sick person is taken to the
+house of the possessed, and ashes and bits of broken pots are cast into
+the enclosure, after which, if the sick person recovers, the party
+indicated is denounced as possessed by the demon; but if the patient
+dies, it is concluded that the person possessed has not been properly
+ascertained. If people are satisfied that some one is really possessed,
+they denounce the person, who is then out-casted. The only way for him
+to regain his position is to exorcise the demon by divesting himself
+of all his property. He pulls down his house, burns the materials,
+his clothes, and all his other worldly goods. Lands, flocks, and
+herds are sold, the money realized by the sale being thrown away. No
+one dares touch this money, for fear he should become possessed by
+_ka Taroh_, it will be observed that, as in the case of the _thlen_,
+the demon is believed to follow the property.
+
+Mr. Jenkins, in his interesting little work on "Life and Work in
+Khasia," gives a slightly different account of the superstition,
+in that he states that it is the sick person who is possessed by _ka
+Taroh_. The above belief is perhaps a Synteng development of the Khasi
+_thlen_ superstition. In the Jaintia Hills "the small-pox" is believed
+to be a goddess, and is reverenced accordingly. Syntengs regard it as
+an honour to have had small-pox, calling the marks left by the disease
+the "kiss of the goddess"; the more violent the attack and the deeper
+the marks, the more highly honoured is the person affected. Mr. Jenkins
+says, "When the goddess has entered a house, and smitten any person or
+persons with this disease, a trough of clean water is placed outside
+the door, in order that every one before entering may wash their feet
+therein, the house being considered sacred." Mr. Rita mentions cases
+of women washing their hair in water used by a small-pox patient, in
+order that they may contract the disease, and women have been known
+actually to bring their little children into the house of a small-pox
+patient, in order that they may become infested and thus receive the
+kiss of the goddess. It is possible that the Syntengs, who were for
+some time under Hindu influences; may in their ignorance have adopted
+this degraded form of worship of the Hindu goddess, "Sitala Devi,"
+who is adored as a divine mother under different names by Hindus all
+over India, cf., her name _mari-amman_, or mother of death, in the
+South of India, and the name Ai, mother, of the Assamese.
+
+In the Khasi Hills the god of small-pox is known under the name of
+_u Siem niang thylliew_. He is not, however, appeased in any way,
+the people calling on two other spirits, _Thynrei_ and _Sapa_,
+to whom a fowl or a goat is offered. This section cannot be closed
+without some reference to the household gods of the Syntengs. The
+legend is that in ancient times there came a woman "from the end of
+heaven to the borders of the country of _u Truh_" (the country of the
+plains people at a distance from the foot of the Khasi and Jaintia
+Hills). The name of the woman was Ka Taben, and she was accompanied
+by her children. She offered herself to _u Dkhar_, the plains man,
+as a household goddess, but he rejected her. She then went to the
+Khasis; who were ploughing their fields, and offered to help them
+with their cultivation. The Khasis also refused her, saying they
+were capable of managing their own cultivation, and at the same time
+told her to go to the country of the Bhois and Syntengs, i.e. the
+Jaintia Hills. Acting on this advice, she went to the village of
+Nongphyllud in the Jaintia Hills, where the people again turned a
+deaf ear to her. She proceeded to Mulagula village in Jaintia, at
+the foot of the Jaintia Hills, and ascended from thence to Rymbai,
+where she met a man who conducted her to the house of the Siem, who
+consented that she and her children should live with him. Ka Taben then
+apportioned to her children various duties in the house of the Siem
+as follows:--Ka Rasong was to look after the young unmarried folk,
+and was to supervise their daily labour and to prosper their trading
+operations at the markets. Next Ka Rasong was given a place at the foot
+of the king post, _trai rishot_, and her duty was to befriend young
+men in battle. Then came _Ka Longkhuinruid_, alias _ka Thab-bulong_,
+who said, "There are no more rooms in the house for my occupation,
+so I will go and live in the forest, and him who turns not his coat
+when I meet him I will make mad." Finally came _U Lamsymphud_, who
+elected to live with his youngest sister inside the house.
+
+There are special sacrifices offered to these household deities. The
+leaves of the _sning_, or Khasi oak, are wrapped round the post of the
+house, and, a fowl is sacrificed and other formalities are observed
+which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The legend of the
+arrival of Ka Taben with her children in the Synteng country from
+a distant clime is interesting in that it perhaps indicates the
+possibility of the migration of these people, i.e. the Syntengs,
+in ancient times from some distant place to their present abode.
+
+
+Ancestor-worship.
+
+The Khasis not only revere the memories of deceased ancestors, but they
+adore them by means of offerings, which are sometimes periodical, and
+sometimes made when thought necessary, as in times of trouble. These
+offerings take the shape of articles of food which are theoretically
+partaken of by the shades of the deceased ancestors, the idea of
+making such offerings being very similar to that of the Hindus when
+they offer the "_pinda_," or cake, to nine generations of ancestors,
+i.e. to propitiate the shades of the departed, and to obtain their help
+thereby. U Hormu Rai Diengdoh writes that, "the real religious demand"
+amongst the Khasis is the _ai bam_, or giving of food to the spirits
+of deceased ancestors, in order that the latter may aid the living
+members of the clan with their help; and bless them. To honour dead
+ancestors is the duty of every Khasi, and he who wilfully neglects
+this duty it is believed, will neither receive their help, nor be
+defended from the influence of the numerous spirits of evil in which
+the Khasis believe. Amongst the Syntengs, a few days after depositing
+the bones in the ancestral tomb, the ceremony of feeding the spirits
+of the dead is performed: At this ceremony there are some families
+which give two pigs for each person of the family who is dead, and
+there are some who give one. The pigs are taken to the _iing-seng_,
+or puja house of the clan. Presumably, pigs are usually offered to
+the shades only of those members of the family whose remains have been
+recently deposited in the clan cromlech. In the chapter dealing with
+memorial stones the reader will notice how many of them are erected
+to the memory of deceased ancestors, and how they bear the names of
+such ancestors, e.g. _Ka Iawbei_ (the first grandmother), _U Suidnia_,
+or _U kni rangbah_ (the first maternal uncle). It was the custom in
+former days to make offerings of food upon the flat table-stones to
+the spirits of the deceased ancestors, and this is still the case
+in places in the interior of the district. This practice, however,
+may be said to be largely dying out, it being now commonly the custom
+to make the offerings in the house, either annually, or at times when
+it is thought necessary to invoke the aid of the departed. Such acts
+of devotion may well be said to partake of the nature of worship. As
+has been the case in other countries, and amongst other people, it
+is possible that the Khasi gods of today are merely the spirits of
+glorified deceased ancestors transfigured, as has happened with some
+of the gods of the Shinto Pantheon of Japan. It may be interesting to
+note that the ancient Shinto cult of Japan possesses some features
+in common with the ancestor-worship of the Khasis. Take the funeral
+ceremonies. With both people we find the dead laid out in the house,
+food placed before the corpse; and the funeral ceremonies taking
+place, accompanied by music and dancing. Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, in
+an interesting book on Japan, writes "that in ancient times the
+Japanese performed ceremonies at regular intervals at the tombs of
+deceased members of the family, and food and drink were then served
+to the spirits;" this is exactly what the Khasis used to do at their
+*cenotaphs. This, apparently, was the practice in Japan before the
+"spirit tablet" had been introduced from China, when the worship of
+the ancestors was transferred from the tomb to the home. We have
+an exactly similar instance of evolution amongst the Khasis of
+the present day, i.e. the transfer of the ancestor cult from the
+flat table-stones erected in honour of deceased ancestors to the
+home. Last, but not least, is the idea common to both people, that no
+family or clan can prosper which does not duly perform the worship of
+deceased ancestors; this, as Hearn puts it, is "the fundamental idea
+underlying every persistent ancestor-worship; i.e. that the welfare of
+the living depends upon the welfare of the dead." The "Khasi Mynta,"
+in an interesting article, notes some further points of resemblance
+between the methods of ancestor-worship adopted by the two people. The
+following instances may be quoted. Amongst the Japanese the spirits
+of those who fall in battle are said to help their fellow-warriors
+who are still fighting. The "Khasi Mynta" quotes a similar belief
+as having existed amongst the Khasis in former days. The remains of
+Japanese warriors who die in battle are said to be reverently taken to
+the warrior's home at the first opportunity. The Khasis do likewise,
+the clothing in default of the ashes of Khasi transport coolies, who
+were employed on military expeditions on the North-Eastern Frontier,
+having been carried home by the survivors to present to the dead men's
+relations, who then performed the ceremonies prescribed by custom
+for those who have died violent or unnatural deaths. Of all deceased
+ancestors the Khasis revere _Ka Iawbei_ the most, the word _Iawbei_
+being made up of _'iaw_, short for _kiaw_ (grandmother), and _bei_,
+mother. _Ka Iawbei_ is the primeval ancestress of the clan. She is
+to the Khasis what the "tribal mother" was to old Celtic and Teutonic
+genealogists, and we have an interesting parallel to the reverence of
+the Khasis for _Ka Iawbei_ in the Celtic goddess Brigit, the tribal
+mother of the Brigantes. Later on, like _Ka Iawbei_, she was canonized,
+and became St. Bridget. [28]
+
+The greater number of the flat table-stones we see in front of
+the standing monoliths in these hills are erected in honour of _Ka
+Iawbei_. In former times, it was the custom to offer food to her on
+these stones. In cases of family quarrels, or dissensions amongst the
+members of the same clan, which it is desired to bring to a peaceful
+settlement, it is customary to perform a sacrifice to the first mother,
+"_Ka Iawbei_." They first of all take an augury by breaking eggs,
+and if it appears from the broken egg-shells that _Ka Iawbei_ is
+offended, they offer to her a cotton cloth, and sacrifice a hen. On
+these occasions incantations are muttered, and a small drum, called,
+"_Ka 'sing ding dong_," is beaten. It is not unlikely that the Khasi
+household deities, _Ka lei iing_ and _Ka ksaw ka jirngam_, to whom
+pujas are offered for the welfare of the house, are also _Ka Iawbei_
+in disguise. Notwithstanding the strong influence of the matriarchate,
+we find that _U Thawlang_, the first father and the husband of _Ka
+Iawbei_, is also revered. To him on occasions of domestic trouble
+a cock is sacrificed, and a _jymphong_, or sleeveless coat is
+offered. This puja is called _kaba tap Thawlang_, i.e. covering
+the grandfather. The following incantation to _U Thawlang_ is then
+chanted:--"Oh, father Thawlang, who hast enabled me to be born, who
+hast given me my stature and my life, I have wronged thee, oh father,
+be not offended, for I have given thee a pledge and a sign, i.e. a red
+and white sleeveless coat. Do not deliver me into the power of (the
+goddess of) illness, I have offered thee the propitiatory cock that
+thou mayest carry me in thine arms, and that I may be aware of thee,
+my father, Thawlang." We see clearly from the above prayer that the
+Khasi idea is that the spirit of the deceased male ancestor is capable
+of being in a position to help his descendant in times of trouble. The
+same thought underlies the extreme reverence with which _Ka Iawbei_
+is regarded. Thus we see a striking point of resemblance between
+the Khasi ancestor-worship and the ancient Shinto cult of Japan, as
+described by Mr. Lafcadio Hearn. _U Suid-Nia_, or _u Kni Rangbah_, the
+first maternal uncle, i.e. the elder brother of _Ka Iawbei_, is also
+much revered. It will also be noticed under the heading of memorial
+stones that the great central upright monolith of the _mawbynna_,
+or memorial stones, is erected in his honour. The influence of the
+_kni_, or mother's elder brother, in the Khasi family is very great,
+for it is he who is the manager on behalf of the mother, his position
+in the Khasi family being very similar to that of the _karta_ in the
+Hindu joint family. It is on this account that he is so much revered,
+and is honoured with a stone which is larger than the other up-right
+memorial stones after death. It will be seen in the article dealing
+with "the disposal of the dead," that at Cherra, on the occasion of
+the bestowal of the ashes in the cinerarium of the clan, a part of
+the attendant ceremonies consists of the preparation of two effigies
+called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_, intended to represent _Ka Iawbei_
+(the first mother) and U Suid-Nia (the first maternal uncle). The
+Wars of Nongjri have a custom peculiar to themselves. They erect
+small thatched houses in their compounds, which they call _iing
+ksuid_. When they worship their ancestors they deposit offerings of
+food in these houses, the idea being that the ancestors will feed on
+the offerings. These Wars do not erect memorial stones, nor do they
+collect the ashes of the clan in a common sepulchre; they deposit
+the ashes in circular cineraria, each family, or _iing_, possessing
+one. It should further be noted with reference to the Khasi custom of
+_ai bam_, or giving food to the spirits of deceased ancestors, that
+Dr. Frazer, in his "Golden Bough," has mentioned numerous instances
+of firstfruits being offered to the spirits of deceased ancestors
+by the tribes inhabiting the Malay Archipelago. (See pages 462-463
+of the "Golden Bough.") Some other points of similarity in customs
+have already been noticed between the Khasis and certain Malay tribes.
+
+
+
+Worship of Natural Forces and of Deities.
+
+In the Khasi Hills, especially on the southern side, there are numerous
+rivers, sometimes of considerable size, which find their way to the
+Sylhet plains through very deep valleys, the rivers flowing through
+narrow channels flanked by beetling cliffs which rise to considerable
+altitudes. The scenery in the neighbourhood of these beautiful rivers
+is of the most romantic description, and the traveller might imagine
+himself in Switzerland were it not for the absence of the snowy
+ranges. Of such a description is the scenery on the banks of the
+river Kenchiyong, the Jadukata [29] or Punatit of the plains. It is
+in the bed of the river, a few miles below Rilang, that there is the
+curiously-arched cavity in the rock which resembles an upturned boat,
+which the Khasis call _Ka lieng blei_ (the god's boat), and the plains
+people Basbanya's ship. Near to this, on the opposite side of the
+river, there is a rock bearing a Persian inscription, but so defaced
+by the action of the water as to be impossible to decipher. Like other
+inhabitants of mountainous countries, the Khasis reverence the spirits
+of fell and fall, and propitiate them with offerings at stated times. A
+brief description of the ceremonies which are performed at Rilang,
+on the occasion when the annual fishing in the river Punatit takes
+place, may be of interest. The three Siems of Nongstoin, Langrin,
+and Nobosohpoh each sacrifice a goat to _Ka blei sam um_ (the goddess
+of the river) before the boatmen can cast in their nets. In former
+times they say the passage up the river was obstructed by the goddess,
+who took the form of an immense crocodile; but she was propitiated
+by the gift of a goat, and the boatmen were then allowed to pass up
+the river in their boats. Hence it became necessary for the owners of
+the fishery to sacrifice annually a goat each to the goddess. At the
+time of my visit each Siem's party erected an altar in the bed of the
+river, in the midst of which a bough of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_)
+was planted. The goats were then decapitated, it being considered an
+essential that the head should be severed with one blow. As soon as
+the head was cut off there was a rush on the part of the sacrificers
+to see in which direction the head faced. If the head faced towards
+the north or west, it was considered an evil omen; if it faced towards
+the south or east, a good omen. The east is a lucky quarter amongst
+the Assamese also. The people ended up the proceedings by giving a
+long-drawn-out, deep-toned chant, or _kynhoi_. Immediately after the
+ceremony was concluded hundreds of boats shot out from the numerous
+creeks, where they had been lying, and fished the river all night,
+the result being an immense haul, to the delight of the Lynngams,
+who were seen next morning roasting the fish whole on bamboo stakes,
+after which they consumed them, the entrails being eaten with great
+gusto. Such is the worship of the goddess of the Punatit.
+
+Similar pujas take place among the people of War-ding (the valley of
+fire) before they fish in the Khai-mara river and elsewhere in the
+Khasi Hills. In the Jaintia Hills there is the Synteng-worship of the
+Kopili river, which used to be accompanied by human sacrifices, as
+has been mentioned above, pp. 102-104. The Myntang river, a tributary
+of the Kopili, must also be annually appeased by the sacrifice of a
+he-goat. Numerous hills also are worshipped, or rather the spirits
+which are said to inhabit them. One of the best known hill godlings
+is the deity who is thought to inhabit the little wood close to the
+summit of the Shillong Peak. This deity is said to have been discovered
+by a man named "U Shillong" who gave his name to the Shillong Peak,
+and indirectly to our beautiful hill station. The Siems of Mylliem
+and Nongkrem reverence _U'lei Shillong_, and there are certain clans
+who perform periodical sacrifices to this god. Probably the origin
+of the superstitious reverence with which U'lei Shillong is held by
+the Siems of Nongkrem and Mylliem is that their fabled ancestress
+"Ka Pah Syntiew," of whom an account will be found in the folk-lore
+section, took her origin from a rock not far from the Shillong Peak
+in the Nongkrem direction.
+
+Rableng Hill, which is within full view of the Shillong Peak in an
+easterly direction, is also said to be the abode of a minor god who
+is periodically propitiated by the members of the Mawthoh clan of
+the Khyrim State with a he-goat and a cock. Apparently no special
+puja is performed to U Kyllang (the Kyllang Rock) nowadays.
+
+The picturesque hill of Symper, which rises abruptly from the plain
+in the Siemship of Maharam, is visible for many miles. It is in shape
+not unlike the Kyllang. Symper is said to be the abode of a god called
+"U Symper." There is a folk-tale that Kyllang and Symper fought a great
+battle, and that the numerous holes in the rocks at the base of the
+Symper hill are evidences of their strife. At the base of Symper there
+is a great cave, where many cattle find shelter in rainy weather. The
+people of Mawsynram propitiate the god of Symper in cases of sickness
+by sacrificing a he-goat or a bull. Symper, like _U'lei Shillong_,
+is one of the minor deities of the Khasis.
+
+Close to Shangpung, in the Jaintia Hills, there is a small hill called
+"_u lum pyddieng blai lyngdoh_," where sacrifices are offered on an
+altar at seed time, and when the corn comes into ear. This altar used
+to be overshadowed by a large oak tree. The tree is now dead.
+
+The Wars of Nongjri worship "_u'lei lyngdoh_" the tutelary deity of the
+village, under the spreading roots of a large rubber tree which gives
+its name to this village Nongjri. This village worhsip is performed
+by a village priest (_lyngdoh_) at stated intervals, or whenever it
+is considered necessary. There are numerous other instances of hills
+and rivers being regarded as the abode of godlings, but those quoted
+above are sufficient for purposes of illustration.
+
+
+Religious Rites and Sacrifices, Divination.
+
+The Khasis, as has been explained already, worship numerous gods and
+goddesses. These gods and goddesses are supposed to exercise good
+or evil influence over human beings according to whether they are
+propitiated with sacrifice or not. They are even supposed to possess
+the power of life and death, over men and women, subject to the control
+of _u Blei Nongthaw_, God the Creator. Thus illness, for example, is
+thought to be caused by one or more of the spirits on account of some
+act or omission and health can only be restored by the due propitiation
+of the offended spirits. In order to ascertain which is the offended
+spirit, a system of divination by means of cowries, breaking eggs,
+or examining the entrails of animals and birds, was instituted. The
+Khasi method of obtaining auguries by examining the viscera of animals
+and birds may be compared with that of the Roman _haruspex_. Some
+description of these modes of divination has been given at the end
+of this chapter. The Khasi religion has been described by Bivar as
+"demon worship, or a jumble of enchantments muttered by priests who
+are sorcerers." But even a religion which is thus unflatteringly
+described is based on the cardinal doctrines of sin and sacrifice
+for sin. Tradition amongst the Khasis states that in the beginning
+(_mynnyngkong ka sngi_) there was no sin, heaven and earth were near
+each other, and man had direct intercourse with God. How man fell into
+sin is not stated, but it is certain that he did fall. Experts at "egg
+healing" never forget to repeat the formula "_nga briew nga la pop_"
+(I man have sinned). The cock then appears as a mediator between God
+and man. The cook is styled, "_u khun ka blei uba kit ryndang ba shah
+ryndang na ka bynta jong nga u briew_," i.e. the son of god who lays
+down his neck (life) for me man. The use of the feminine _ka blei_
+is no doubt due to matriarchal influences. There is another prayer in
+which the Khasis say, "_ap jutang me u blei ieng rangbah me u briew_"
+(oh god do not forget the covenant arise oh man). The idea is that
+man has fallen into sins of omission and commission (_ka pop, ka lain
+ka let_) but that God is nevertheless expected to spare him, and to
+accept a substitute for him according to the covenant (_jutang_). By
+this covenant God is supposed to have accepted in exchange the
+cock as a substitute for man. How the cock came to occupy such an
+important position, tradition is vague and self-conflicting. The
+fact remains that the covenant of the cock is the foundation of the
+Khasi religion. It is of interest to mention that amongst the Ahoms
+the tradition is that Khunlung and Khunlai brought down from heaven
+the _kai-chan-mung_, [30] or pair of heavenly fowls, and that to
+this day the sacrifice of the fowl is considered by the Deodhais,
+or priest-soothsayers of the Ahoms, a most important feature of the
+ancient Ahom ritual. But amongst the Ahoms there is the difference
+that auguries are obtained, not from the entrails, but by examining
+the legs of the fowls. The Ahoms are Shans belonging to the Tai branch,
+another great division of the Indo-Chinese group of the human race.
+
+The covenant of the cock as thus explained shows the importance of this
+sacrifice to the Khasis. The large intestine of a fowl has two pea-like
+protuberances, one close to the other. One is symbolically called
+_u blei_ or god, and the other is styled _u briew_ or man, they are
+connected by a thin membrane. Directly the bird has been disembowelled
+the sacrificer throws a few grains of rice on the entrails and then
+watches their convulsive movements. If the portion of the entrail
+called _u blei_ moves towards that portion which represents man, it
+is considered proof positive that the god has heard the prayer of the
+sacrificer, but if the movement proceeds in the opposite direction,
+then the reverse is the case and the omen is bad. If the entrails are
+full and healthy, having no spots (_brai_), or blood marks (_thung_),
+and if the membrane between the two protuberances has not been
+fractured, these are favourable signs. If the intestines are empty,
+wrinkled, or spotted, and the membrane mentioned above is fractured,
+these are bad signs. Auguries also are drawn by examining the livers,
+the lungs and spleens and gall bladders of pigs, goats and cattle. If
+the liver of a pig is healthy and without spot, the augury is good;
+if the reverse, it is bad. The spleen must not be unduly distended,
+otherwise the omen is unfavourable and the gall bladder must not
+be over full. Invocations to deduce omens from the appearance of
+the entrails are quoted on page 11 of Col. Bivar's Report. From the
+first invocation quoted by him it appears that the method of drawing
+the augury from the fowl differs slightly in detail from that which
+has been described to me by certain Khasis, but both descriptions
+agree in the main, and the slight dissimilarity in detail may be due
+to the methods of obtaining auguries varying slightly in different
+localities. Divination by breaking eggs and by other means, although
+not strictly sacrifice with the Khasis, partakes of the nature of a
+religious ceremony. Such divinations are of almost every-day occurrence
+in a Khasi house, and always precede sacrifices. The Khasis, moreover,
+do nothing of what they consider to be of even the least importance
+without breaking eggs. When a Khasi builds a new house, or before
+he proceeds on a journey, he always breaks eggs to see whether the
+building or the journey will be lucky or not. The description of
+egg-breaking given by Shadwell in his account of the Khasis is not
+altogether correct. A detailed description of this method of divination
+will be found in Appendix C. The description can be depended upon,
+as it is the result of my personal observations of egg-breaking on
+several occasions. A board of the shape shown in the diagram (Appendix
+C) is placed on the ground, the egg-breakers' position being that
+indicated in the diagram. After the egg has been smeared with red
+earth, it is thrown violently down and the contents and the fragments
+of egg-shell fall on the board. Auguries are drawn from the positions
+of the fragments of shell on the board, and from the fact of their
+lying with the inner sides facing upwards or downwards. Another method
+of egg-breaking is for the diviner to wrap up the egg in a plantain
+leaf with the point uppermost, or merely to hold the egg in his hand
+in this position without wrapping it up, and then to press another
+egg down upon it. If the end of the egg so pressed breaks at once,
+this is a good sign, but if it remains unbroken, the egg has a god
+in it, and the omen is bad.
+
+A common method of divination is by means of the _shanam_, or
+lime-case. The diviner holds the lime-case by the end of its chain,
+and addresses the god. He then asks the lime-case a question, and if
+it swings, this is supposed to be an answer in the affirmative; if
+it does not move, this is a negative reply. This seems to be a very
+simple trick, for the diviner can impart movement to the lime-case by
+means of the hand. A similar way of consulting the oracle is by the
+bow, which is held in the hand by the middle of the string. A simple
+method of divining is by means of cowries or grains of rice. The
+diviner plunges his hand into a bag or basket after asking the god a
+question. If the number of cowries or grains of rice comes out odd,
+the omen is good; if it comes out even, the reverse is the case. The
+Khasi word for consulting the omens is khan, and a diviner is called
+a _nongkhan_. Another method of obtaining omens is by dropping two
+leaves into a pool of water or on a stone, the position of the leaves
+as they fall, either right side uppermost or upside down, signifying
+good or evil as the case may be; this is called _khan-sla_.
+
+
+Priesthood.
+
+The Khasi priest is usually called _Lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_; he is
+always appointed from the lyngdoh clan. The etymology of the word
+_lyngdoh_ is said by certain lyngdohs of the Khyrim State to be
+_lang_ = together and _doh_ = flesh. A _lyngdoh_, or _langdoh_, is
+one who collects sacrificial victims, i.e. flesh for the purpose of
+sacrificing. It must be confessed, however, that this definition is
+doubtful, owing to the absence in the word _lyngdoh_ of the prefix
+_nong_ which is the sign of the agent in Khasi. Besides _lyngdohs_
+there are persons called _soh-blei_ or _soh-sla_, who may also be said
+to be priests. The Khasis, unlike the Hindus, have no _purohit_ or
+priest to perform the family ceremonies. Such duties fall to the lot of
+the head of the family or clan, who carries them out generally through
+the agency of the _kni_, or maternal uncle. Old Khasis are frequently
+well versed in the details of sacrifices, and in the art of obtaining
+auguries by examining the viscera of sacrificial victims. Apart from
+family and clan sacrifices, there are the sacrifices for the good
+of the State or community at large; it is these sacrifices that it
+is the duty of the _lyngdoh_ to perform. He may be said to be the
+priest of the communal religion, although he has certain duties in
+connection with offences committed against the social law of marriage,
+and with regard to the casting out of evil spirits from houses which
+may be thought to be infested with them. The _lyngdohs_ of the Khasis
+may be likened to the Roman _pontifices_. In the different Khasi
+States there is, as a rule, more than one _lyngdoh_; sometimes there
+is quite a number of such priests, as in Nongkrem where there is a
+_lyngdoh_ for each _raj_ or division of the state. There are a few
+Khasi States where the priest altogether takes the place of the Siem,
+and rules the community with the help of his elders in addition to
+performing the usual spiritual offices. The duties of _lyngdohs_,
+their methods of sacrificing, and the gods to whom they sacrifice,
+vary in the different Siemships, but there is one point in which we
+find agreement everywhere, i.e. that the _lyngdoh_ must be assisted at
+the time of performing sacrifices by a female priestess, called _ka
+soh-blei, ka soh-sla_, or simply _ka lyngdoh_. This female collects
+all the _puja_ articles and places them ready to the _lyngdoh's_
+hand at the time of sacrifice. He merely acts as her deputy when
+sacrificing. The female _soh-blei_ is without doubt a survival of the
+time when, under the matriarchate, the priestess was the agent for
+the performance of all religious ceremonies. Another such survival is
+the High Priestess of Nongkrem, who still has many religious duties
+to perform; not only so, but she is the actual head of the State in
+this Siemship, although she delegates her temporal powers to one of
+her sons or nephews, who thus becomes Siem. A similar survival of the
+ancient matriarchal religious system is the _Siem sad_, or priestess,
+at Mawsynram, who, on the appointment of a new Siem or chief, has
+to assist at certain sacrifices. Here we may compare Karl Pearson's
+remark, when dealing with matriarchal customs, that "according to the
+evidence of Roman historians, not only the seers but the sacrificers
+among the early Teutons were women." The duties of the _lyngdohs_,
+as regards communal worship, consist chiefly of sacrificing at times
+of epidemics of cholera, and such-like visitations of sickness (_jing
+iap khlam_). In the Khyrim State there is a goddess of each _raj_,
+or division, of the state, to whom sacrifices are offered on such
+occasions. To the goddess are sacrificed a goat and hen, powdered rice
+(_u kpu_), and a gourd of fermented liquor; the leaves of the _dieng
+sning_, or Khasi oak, are also used at this ceremony. The _lyngdoh_
+is assisted by a priestess called _ka soh-sla_, who is his mother, or
+his sister, or niece, or some other maternal relation. It is the duty
+of the priestess to prepare all the sacrificial articles, and without
+her assistance the sacrifice cannot take place. Sacrifices are also
+performed by the _lyngdoh_ to _u Lei Lyngdoh_, alias _u Ryngkew_. This
+used to be the tutelary deity in times of war, but in less troublous
+times the Khasi _lyngdoh_ sacrifices to him for success in tribal or
+State litigation. A pig and a cock, with the usual accessories, are
+sacrificed by the _lyngdoh_ to this god. As in the case of sacrifices
+to _Ka lei Raj_, the services of a priestess are indispensable.
+
+A _lyngdoh_ is a _lyngdoh_ for life. When a _lyngdoh_ dies and
+his successor is appointed, certain rather elaborate ceremonies
+are observed in the Nongkrem _raj_ of the Khyrim State. The funeral
+ceremonies of the old _lyngdoh_ having been completed, the _lyngdoh_
+clan appoints his successor. The latter then, after performing his
+ablutions, proceeds, accompanied by the assembled members of the
+_lyngdoh_ clan, to the top of the Shillong Peak. The _lyngdoh_ and his
+clansmen advance along the road dancing, this dancing being carried
+on all the way from the _lyngdoh's_ house to the Shillong Peak. All
+are clad in the distinctive Khasi dancing dress. Having reached the
+Peak, they pick the leaves of a tree called _ka 'la phiah_, which
+they spread on the ground. A goat and a cock are then sacrificed,
+the new _lyngdoh_ acting as the sacrificer. There are the usual
+accessories, including branches of the Khasi _sning_ or oak. Nine
+portions (_dykhot_) are cut from different parts of the victims and
+are offered to the god of the Shillong Peak, _U lei Shillong_. The
+_lyngdoh_ and his companions then perform obeisance three times
+to the god, and the _lyngdoh_ walks backwards some paces. The puja
+is then over, and they return dancing to the _lyngdoh's_ house. On
+another day the _lyngdoh_ performs a puja to _u lei Lyngdoh_, alias
+_u Ramjah_. Undoubtedly the most interesting feature of the ceremonies
+on these occasions is the dancing. This dancing is carried out by the
+_lyngdoh_ and his companions armed with sword and shield, a fly-flap
+made of goat's hair (_symphiah_) being also sometimes held in one hand,
+a quiver of arrows being slung on the back, and a plume of black and
+white cocks' feathers (_u thuya_) fixed in the turban. The dance is
+executed in a regular figure, the dancers advancing and retiring in
+an orderly and methodical manner, and finally clashing their swords
+together in mock combat. The dance of the present day is not unlikely
+the survival of a war dance of ancient times. The _lyngdohs_ say they
+dance in honour of _U lei Lyngdoh_, to whom such dances are thought
+to be pleasing. The dance of the _lyngdohs_ on these occasions may be
+compared with that of the Roman _salii_, who, in the month of March,
+performed a war dance in honour of Mars.
+
+The above and other similar sacrifices to the gods of the State
+or divisions of the State may be said to be the communal religious
+duties of the _lyngdohs_. The duties of _lyngdohs_ with reference to
+private persons may now be mentioned. When it is found that any two
+people have made an incestuous marriage, that is to say a marriage
+within the exogamous group of the _kur_, or clan, the parties at
+fault are taken before the _lyngdoh_ by their clansmen, who request
+him to sacrifice in order to ward off the injurious effects of the
+_sang_, or taboo, of such a connection from the kinsfolk. On this
+occasion a pig is sacrificed to _u'lei lyngdoh_ and a goat to _ka
+lei long raj_. The parties at fault are then outcasted. As mentioned
+in another place, the sin of incest admits of no expiation for the
+offenders themselves. In the Khyrim State, it is said by the _lyngdohs_
+themselves, although not by the Siem or the myntries, that they are
+the reversionary legatees of all the persons who die without leaving
+female heirs (_iap duh_). In other Siemships such property passes to
+the Siem. The _lyngdoh_ of Nongkrem can also take possession of the
+property of persons who have been found to harbour an evil spirit
+(_jingbih_) in their houses. It appears that in such cases the house
+and furniture are burnt, as in the case of the _Taroh_ superstition
+in the Jaintia Hills, the _lyngdoh_, however, taking possession of
+jewellery or anything else of value. The only practical service the
+_lyngdoh_ renders in return is to build the afflicted person a new
+house; unless, indeed, we take into account the casting forth of the
+devil by the _lyngdoh_. Mr. Jenkins, of Shangpung, in the Jaintia
+Hills, writes: "Such is the belief of the people in the evil spirits,
+that they are completely under the influence of the priests and spend
+large sums of money in order to secure their favour. They live in
+constant dread lest by the least transgression or omission they should
+offend these avaricious men and so bring upon themselves the wrath
+of the demons." The influence of the _lyngdohs_ over the people in
+the Jaintia Hills seems to be stronger than in the Khasi Hills. For
+instance, it came to my notice in Raliang that crops cannot be cut
+until the _lyngdoh_ has seem them, in other words, until the _lyngdoh_
+has claimed and obtained his share of the produce. In many places,
+however, in the Khasi Hills the _lyngdoh_ is much discredited, owing,
+no doubt, to the advance of Christianity and education.
+
+
+Ceremonies and Customs Attending Birth and Naming of Children.
+
+The Khasi birth ceremonies and customs are as follows:--When a child
+is born the umbilical cord is cut by a sharp splinter of bamboo;
+no knife can be used on this occasion. The Mundas of Chota Nagpur
+similarly taboo a metal instrument for this purpose. The child is then
+bathed in hot water from a red earthen pot. The placenta is carefully
+preserved in an earthen vessel in the house till after the naming
+ceremony has taken place. When the umbilical cord, after being tied,
+falls off, a puja is performed with eggs to certain water deities
+(_ka blei sam-um_ and _ka niangriang_), [31] also to a forest spirit
+(_u'suid bri_ or _u'suid khlaw_). The naming ceremony of the child
+is performed the next morning after the birth. Certain females are
+invited to come and pound rice in a mortar into flour. The flour when
+ready is placed on a bamboo winnower (_u prah_). Fermented rice is
+mixed with water and is placed in a gourd. Some powdered turmeric
+is also provided, and is kept ready in a plantain leaf, also five
+pieces of _'kha piah_, or dried fish. The earthen pot containing the
+placenta is then placed in the _nongpei_, or centre room of the house,
+If the child is a male, they place near him a bow and three arrows
+(the implements of a Khasi warrior); if a female, a _da_ and _u star_,
+or cane head-strap for carrying burdens. An elderly man, who knows how
+to perform the naming puja, which is called by the Khasis "_kaba jer
+khun_," places a plantain-leaf on the floor and sprinkles some water
+on it. He takes the gourd in his hand and calls a god to witness. The
+people assembled then mention a number of names for the child, and
+ask the man who is performing the puja to repeat them. This he does,
+and at the same time pours a little liquor from the gourd on to the
+ground. As he goes on pouring, the liquor by degrees becomes exhausted,
+and finally only a few drops remain. The name at the repeating of
+which the hot drop of liquor remains adhering to the spout of the
+gourd is the name selected for the child. Then the puja performer
+invokes the god to grant good luck to the child. The father takes the
+pot containing the placenta, after having previously placed rice flour
+and fermented rice therein, and waves it three times over the child,
+and then walks out with it through the main entrance of the house and
+hangs up the pot to a tree outside the village. When he returns from
+this duty, before he re-enters the house, another throws water over
+the father's feet. The father, being thus cleansed, enters, and holds
+the rice flour to his mouth three times. Two people then, holding the
+dried fish by their two ends, break them in two. The powdered turmeric
+mixed with rice flour and water is applied to the right foot of the
+father, the mother and the child receiving the same treatment. The
+friends and relations are then anointed, the turmeric being applied,
+however, to their left feet. The bow, arrows, _da_, and _u star_ are
+carefully placed inside the inner surface of the thatch on the roof,
+and the ceremony is over. Rice flour is then distributed to all who
+are present, and the male adults are given liquor to drink. After
+two or three months the ears of the child are bored and ear-rings are
+inserted. These ear-rings are called, _ki shashkor iawbei_ (i.e. the
+ear-rings of the great-grandmother). Mr. Jenkins mentions that the
+naming ceremony amongst the Syntengs is performed by the "eldest aunt,"
+presumably on the mother's side. A basket of eggs is placed in the
+centre of the room, and before the ceremony begins one egg has to
+be broken. Then the aunt of the child takes two sticks, and, raising
+them to her shoulder, lets them fall to the ground. Before they fall
+she shouts, "What name do you give the child?" The name is mentioned,
+and if, on falling upon the ground, one stick crosses the other, it
+is a proof that the name has won the approval of the spirit. If the
+sticks do not fall in this position, another egg is broken and another
+name is chosen, and the sticks are dropped as before until they fall
+in the required position, when it is understood by the performers
+that the name is a good one. Mr. Jenkins was informed by a young man
+"who had renounced heathenism" that some of the more cunning women
+cross the sticks before lifting them, and that when they do this they
+invariably fall crossed to the ground. "They thus save their eggs, save
+time and trouble, get the name they desire for the child. . . ." It
+is noteworthy that the Khasis consider it necessary to preserve the
+placenta until the ceremony of naming the child is over, and that
+the pot containing the placenta is waved over the head of the child
+before it is removed and hung up in a tree.
+
+Dr. Fraser, at page 53 _et seq_. of the "Golden Bough," when dealing
+with the subject of sympathetic magic, refers to the navel string
+and the placenta as parts which are commonly believed amongst certain
+people to remain in sympathetic union with the body after the physical
+connection has been severed, and it is interesting to note that in
+the Babar Archipelago, between New Guinea and Celebes, the placenta
+is mixed with ashes and put in a small basket, which seven women,
+each of them armed with a sword, hang up on a tree of a peculiar kind
+(_citrus hystrix_). The women carry the swords for the purpose of
+frightening the evil spirits, otherwise the latter might get hold of
+the placenta and make the child sick. Mr. C. M. Pleyte, Lecturer on
+Indonesian Ethnology, at the Gymnasium William III at Batavia, who has
+most courteously furnished me with some interesting information on this
+subject, states that it is especially in the Southern Moluccas that the
+placenta is mixed with ashes and hung in a tree. Wider spread is the
+custom of placing the after-birth on a small bamboo raft in a river
+"in order that it may be caught by crocodiles, incarnations of the
+ancestors, who will guard it till the person to whom it has belonged
+dies. Then the soul of the placenta is once more united with that of
+the dead man, and together they go to the realms of the dead. During
+lifetime the connection between men and their placentas is never
+withdrawn." The Khasis, although they cannot explain the meaning of
+the presence of the placenta at the naming ceremony, and the care with
+which they remove it and hang it up in a tree, are probably really
+actuated by the same sentiments as the inhabitants of the Southern
+Moluccas, i.e. they believe that there is, as Dr. Fraser puts it,
+a sympathetic union with the body after the physical connection with
+the child has been severed. There is no fixed period of _sang_, or
+taboo, after a birth, but the parents of the child are prohibited
+by custom from crossing a stream or washing their clothes until the
+navel-string falls off, for fear that the child should be attacked
+by the demons of the hills and the vales.
+
+The War birth customs are substantially the same as those of the
+Khasis, but there is the difference that a War family after a birth
+is _sang_, or, taboo, for seven days, whereas amongst the Khasis the
+only prohibition is that the parents must not cross a stream or wash
+their clothes until they have propitiated the spirits. A twin birth is
+_sang_, or taboo. The Khasis argue that as there is but one _Ka Iawbei_
+(first ancestress), and one _U Thawlang_ (first ancestor), so one
+child, either male or female, should be born at a time. A twin birth
+is accordingly regarded as a visitation from God for some _sang_, or
+transgression, committed by some member of the clan. When the twins are
+of opposite sexes the _sang_ is considered to be extremely serious, the
+Khasi idea being that defilement has taken place within the womb. The
+case is treated as one of _shong kur_, or marriage within the clan,
+and the bones of the twins cannot be placed in the sepulchre of the
+clan. There are no special birth customs amongst the Lynngams.
+
+There is no trace of the _couvade_ amongst the Khasis.
+
+
+Marriage.
+
+We now come to consider marriage amongst the Khasis from a religious
+point of view. Shadwell has said that marriage amongst the Khasis
+"is purely a civil contract." This statement is not correct, for
+there is an elaborate religious ceremony at which God the creator,
+_U'lei thaw briew man briew_, the god or goddess of the State, _U_ or
+_ka'lei Synshar_, and, what is probably more important, the ancestress
+and ancestor of the clan, _Ka Iawbei-tymmen_ and _U Thawlang_, are
+invoked. There are three marriage ceremonies prevalent amongst the
+Khasis, which are (_a_) _Pynhiarsynjat_, (_b_) _Lamdoh_ and (_c_)
+_Iadih-kiad_, respectively. The first and second forms above mentioned
+are considered the more respectable; the last-named is resorted to
+by the very poor who cannot afford the greater expense entailed by
+the first two ceremonies.
+
+_Preliminaries_.--A young man of marriageable age, say between
+seventeen or eighteen years of age and twenty-five, fixes upon a girl
+of, say between thirteen and eighteen years, as likely to become
+a fitting partner; probably he has been acquainted with the young
+woman for some time before, and is on more or less easy terms of
+intimacy with her. He mentions the name of the girl to his parents,
+and uncles and aunts in the house, and they agree or disagree, as
+the case may be. Sometimes marriages are arranged by the parents of
+the young people themselves. Having agreed regarding the fitness of
+the bride, the young man's parents send a male representative of the
+family, or in some cases a man unconnected with the family, to arrange
+matters with the parents of the bride. The latter then ascertain their
+daughter's wishes. According to the late U Jeeban Roy, the daughters
+nearly always agree, it is very seldom that it is necessary to bring
+any pressure to bear. The parents then investigate whether there is any
+_sang_, or taboo, such as clan relationship, between the young woman
+and her intended, in the way of the marriage. If there is found to be
+no such hindrance, they fix a date for finally arranging the marriage
+(_ban ia kut ktien_.) On the day appointed the bride's family consult
+the auspices by breaking eggs and examining fowls' entrails. If the
+omens are favourable, well and good. Should they be unfavourable, they
+abandon the marriage project. There is a strong prejudice against a
+marriage taking place under unfavourable auspices, the belief being
+that such an union will be childless, that the bride will die an
+untimely death, or that poverty will ensue. Given favourable auspices,
+the parents fix a day for the marriage. It was formerly the custom for
+the bridegroom to provide himself beforehand with a ring, usually of
+silver, but, amongst the rich, of gold, which is called _ka synjat_
+(hence the name of the marriage ceremony _pynhiar-synjat_), and for
+the bride to provide herself with a similar ring. The bridegroom
+used to place his ring upon the bride's finger, and the bride
+used to place her ring upon the bridegroom's finger; it is however
+believed that this custom is rare nowadays. On the marriage day a
+man is selected from the party of the bridegroom called _u ksiang_,
+or go-between. The bridegroom then sets out with this man and a
+number of followers, clothed in clean garments and wearing either
+white or red pagris (a black pagri not being considered a fitting
+head-dress on this occasion), to the house of the bride, where a
+feast has been prepared, and fermented rice-beer (_ka-kiad-hiar_)
+in gourds (_klong_) placed ready. The bride, her female attendants,
+and her mother and aunts have collected in the meantime, dressed in
+their best, wearing their jewellery, and with their heads uncovered,
+for it is not thought proper for the females to cover their heads
+on the marriage day. On the side of the bride, also, a _ksiang_
+(go-between) has been appointed, and it is his duty to manage all
+the business of the marriage on behalf of her family. Some young men
+of the bride's party go to meet the bridegroom's contingent by way
+of doing them honour. When they have reached the bride's house, the
+_ksiang_ of the bridegroom enters first, followed by the bridegroom,
+and after him the bridegroom's party. The _ksiang_ then hands over
+the bridegroom to the maternal uncle (_kni_) of the bride, or to the
+bride's father. Either of the latter then provides the bridegroom
+with a seat next the bride. The bride and bridegroom exchange bags
+of betel-nut, and where the custom of investiture of the ring is in
+vogue, these tokens are interchanged. The _ksiangs_ of the bridegroom
+and bride recite the marriage contract in lengthy formulae, which
+may be found on pages 6, 7, 8 of the late U Jeebon Roy's interesting
+notes on the Khasi religion. The two _ksiangs_ then take up, each of
+them, a gourd containing fermented liquor from the gourd provided by
+the contracting party, and give them to an old man who is versed in
+sacrificial lore, who solemnly mixes the contents together. Three dried
+fish are produced, and are placed on the floor of the house. The priest
+thus appointed then solemnly adjures the gods in the following words:--
+
+_Hei_, oh god from above; oh god from below; oh _'lei synshar_;
+oh god who hast created man; as thou hast ordained this marriage,
+the ring has been given this day; thou wilt know; thou wilt hear;
+from the clear firmament above that . . . . have been married
+this day. Thou wilt bless them; thou wilt grant them prosperity;
+thou wilt show them the way; thou wilt show them the road, that
+they may be well, that they may obtain dwellings and houses, that
+they may prosper, that they may obtain rice and fish, that they
+may possess hundreds and thousands; thus, oh god." The priest then
+pours liquor on the ground three times from the gourd, counting "one,
+two, three." He then continues the invocation thus, "_Hei_, thou, oh
+mother; oh grandmother; oh maternal uncle; oh father: oh _Suid-nia_;
+oh younger grandmother; oh elder grandmother; oh younger grandfather;
+oh elder grandfather. As the flesh has fallen (on the floor, i.e. the
+feast has been prepared), the ring has been put on, the three strips of
+flesh are ready (alluding to the three dried fish already mentioned),
+you will all of you (ancestors) give ear, you will continue giving
+strength and spirit (i.e. to the married pair) that they may be well"
+(and so on, as written in the first invocation). He then pours out the
+liquor three times as before. He then adjures the Siem, the elders,
+and all the people who do not belong to either of the two clans, and
+pours out liquor three times as before. The three pieces of dried fish
+are first placed on the _tympan_, the high rack above the fire-place,
+then removed and tied to the ridge-pole of the house, amidst shouts
+of _Ho, hoi, hoi, hoi_. The poor then sacrifice a fowl, and the rich
+a pig without blemish (_uba tlem_), to _u Suid nia_ and _ka Iaw-bei_
+(the spirits of deceased ancestors of the family), and present them
+with _dykhot_, or pieces of flesh. Two or three days afterwards,
+the bride, accompanied by her female relatives, pays a visit to the
+bridegroom at his house, and after this they go and come as they like
+to one another's houses. After two or three children have been born,
+they take down the pieces of dried fish from the roof and sacrifice
+two pigs, one on behalf of the husband and another on behalf of the
+wife. Then they say there can be no possible _sang_, and husband
+and wife use each other's things and pool their earnings, and if the
+husband has a house of his own, the wife can go and live with him;
+this, however, is not the custom amongst many of the Syntengs, who more
+strictly observe the principles of the matriarchate. The cost of the
+marriage ceremonies amongst Khasis, Syntengs and Wars, may be put down
+at between Rs. 50 and Rs. 200 according to the position of the parties.
+
+
+Lamdoh Ceremony.
+
+This ceremony is identical with that of _Pynhiar synjat_, except that
+the bride and bridegroom do not interchange rings, and that there is
+no sacrifice of the pig. The parties merely buy some pig's flesh and
+perform a puja with a small portion of the flesh of the legs of the
+animal. Amongst the poor, fish sometimes takes the place of pork at the
+_Iadih-kiad_ ceremony. The latter consists of a drinking bout mingled
+with muttered sentences by a _nongkinia_ (sacrificer), the invocations
+and prayers being the same as at the _Pynhiar synjat_. The _Lamdoh_
+and _Iadih-kiad_ ceremonies take the place of the more elaborate
+_Pynhiar synjat_ in most places now-a-days.
+
+
+Lynngam Marriages.
+
+The ritual observed at these marriages is described as under:--First
+of all a proposal is made in the following manner. A _ksiang_, or
+go-between, is sent, with the brother of the girl for whom a husband
+is required, to the house of the father of the young man (not to the
+house of the mother as is the case with the Khasis). If the proposal is
+accepted, the father of the young man kills a pig, and gives a feast
+to the people of the village of his father-in-law elect; also to the
+go-between and the _borang_ (brother of the bride). The father of the
+bride then gives a similar feast. A sum of Rs. 1 each is given as a
+present to the go-between by the fathers of the bride and bridegroom,
+and the father of the bride pays from Rs. 5 to Rs. 15 to the father of
+the bridegroom. Further feasting ensues at the house of the father of
+the bride. The go-betweens then sacrifice a pig and two fowls at the
+house of the bridegroom, and afterwards perform the same sacrifice at
+the house of the bride. At the house of the bride, after the fowls and
+the pig have been sacrificed, the go-between, after drinking liquor
+himself, pours out some on the floor of the house and then gives some
+to the bride and bridegroom to drink. The killing of the fowls, the
+sacrifice of the pig, and the libation of liquor are essentials at
+a Lynngam marriage. The sacrifice of the fowls is also an essential
+feature of a Garo marriage. The Lynngams, unlike the Garos, do not
+observe which way the beaks of the fowls turn when they are thrown
+on the ground after being sacrificed. The Lynngams, like the Khasis,
+take auguries from the entrails of the fowls and the pig. After these
+ceremonies are over, the Lynngam pair are allowed to cohabit. The
+cost of an ordinary Lynngam marriage is from Rs. 30 to Rs. 40. The
+marriage system in vogue among the Lynngams may be described as a
+mixture of the Khasi and Garo customs. As has already been stated,
+the Lynngams are a mongrel breed of Khasis and Garos.
+
+
+Ceremonies Attending Death.
+
+The death customs of the Khasis are not only very elaborate, but
+possess a significance of their own, it is; therefore, necessary to
+describe them in detail; they are as follows:--
+
+A member of the family bends down towards the ear of the apparently
+deceased person and calls him or her by name three times, to make
+sure that death has occurred. If no answer comes, the family laments,
+for it is then concluded that the person is really dead. The body is
+then bathed in warm water from three earthen pots and is reverently
+laid on a mat (_japung_), where it is dressed in white cloth,
+a peculiar feature of the dressing being that the waist-cloth and
+turban are folded from left to right, and not from right to left, as
+in the case of the living. An egg called _u'leng kpoh_ is placed on
+the stomach of the deceased, and nine fried grains, of _riw hadem_,
+or Indian corn, are tied round the head with a string. The rich place
+ear-rings in the ears and other jewellery on the body of the deceased,
+it being necessary that this jewellery should be specially made for
+the occasion, and they deck the corpse with valuable cloths. A cock,
+_u'iar krad lynti_ (literally the cock that scratches the way), is
+sacrificed, the idea being that a cock will scratch a path for the
+spirit to the next world. A sacrifice of a bull, or of a cow in case
+the deceased is a woman, (_u_ or _ka masi pynsum_,) follows. Portions
+of the left leg of the fowl and the lower part of the jaw of the
+bull or cow are kept, to be placed afterwards in the _mawshieng_,
+or bone, receptacle. A small basket (_ka shang_) is hung up over
+the head of the corpse, the basket containing pieces (_dykhot_) of
+the sacrificed animals. A dish containing eatables, and betel-nut,
+and a jar of water are placed near the head of the corpse by way
+of offering refreshment to the spirit of the departed. The food is
+given each morning and evening that the corpse remains in the house;
+this is called _ai ja miet ja step_. Each night the corpse remains
+in the house guns are fired, drums are beaten and flutes (_sharati_)
+are played. It is a noteworthy custom that the body is not retained
+in the house for an even number of nights, the usual time being
+three nights. If it is intended to burn the body on a masonry pyre
+(_jingthang_), a bull (_u masi kynroh_) is sacrificed. If the body is
+placed in a coffin (_ka shyngoid_), a pig named _u'niang shyngoid_
+is sacrificed, and if it is intended to adorn the pyre with flags,
+a fowl called a _u'iar kait_ is sacrificed. On the day of the funeral
+procession pigs are sacrificed by the relatives and friends of the
+deceased; those who cannot afford pigs bring liquor (_ka'iad rong_),
+a small portion of which they pour on the funeral pyre. The coffin is
+laid on a bamboo bier (_ka krong_.), money being placed close to the
+corpse, so that the spirit of the deceased may possess the wherewithal
+to buy food on its journey. Cotton, or, in the case of the rich, silk
+cloths are tied cross-ways over the bier, if the deceased is a male,
+and in the form of a parallelogram, if it is a female. Before lifting
+the bier a handful of rice and water from a jar are thrown outside,
+and a goat (_u'lang sait ksuid_) is sacrificed. These are purificatory
+ceremonies. The funeral procession then forms up and slowly passes
+along the way to the plaintive music of flutes (_sharati_) and the
+beating of drums. At intervals, in the case of the rich, salutes from
+guns are fired. Copper coins are also scattered along the route. On
+nearing the pyre the dead body is exposed to view, and the pieces
+of flesh of the sacrificial animals, which are with the corpse,
+are thrown away. They make ready three baked loaves (_ki kpu_), an
+egg, the lower jar-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
+the left leg of the fowl (_u'iar krad lynti_), a jar of water,
+eatables in a dish, and a bow and three arrows. A goat is then
+sacrificed, _u'lang mawkjat_. The corpse is laid on the pyre, inside
+the coffin, if one is used, with the head to the west and the feet
+to the east. Logs of wood are placed around the body, and the egg,
+"_u'leng kpeh_," is broken, not over the stomach of the deceased,
+as has been sometimes supposed, but by being thrown on the pyre
+in the direction of the feet of the corpse. Fire in applied to the
+pyre, first by the _kur_, or members of the clan, and then by the
+children, if any, of the deceased. Another fowl, "_u'iar padat_,"
+is sacrificed, its blood being smeared round the pyre three times,
+and across the corpse three times. The bier is then broken to pieces,
+the cloths having been removed from it previously. The eatables and
+the jaw-bones of the sacrificial animals are then placed at the head
+of the pyre. After the fowl (_u'iar padat_) has been sacrificed,
+the three arrows already mentioned are shot from the bow, one to
+the north, another to the south, and the third to the east. These
+arrows are called _ki'nam tympem_. It is, perhaps, significant that
+the arrows which are shot at death despond in numbers with those
+which are used at the time of the birth ceremony. When the fire
+has blazed up, another goat, "_u'lang dholia_," is sacrificed. In
+some cases all the clothes of the deceased are burnt with the body,
+in others the clothes are merely held over the fire and then taken
+away, after which they can be used (this is only in the case of poor
+persons). Before leaving the burning-place the relatives and friends
+of the deceased place betel-nuts on the pyre and bid farewell to the
+deceased, saying "_Khublei khie leit bam kwai sha iing u Blei ho_"
+(good-bye, go and eat betel-nut in the house of god). When the body has
+been thoroughly burnt, the fire is extinguished with water, and the
+uncalcined bones are collected by the relatives in three trips. The
+collectors ace not allowed to turn back and pick up a bone which has
+been forgotten in any one of these trips. The bones thus collected are
+carefully wrapped in a piece of white cloth by the female relatives,
+and an old member of the family throws on the ground some powdered rice
+from a leaf, at the same time adjuring the spirit of the deceased not
+to trouble the _kur_, or the family, as the funeral ceremonies have
+been duly performed. The party then sets out to the bone repository,
+or _mawshieng_. In front walks one who strews along the line of route
+leaves of the tree known by the Khasis as _diang shit_ (the berries of
+which are need for fishing with), and grains of rice, all the way from
+the pyre to the cairn. If any stream has to be crossed, a rough bridge
+is made of branches and grass. This trail of leaves and the bridges are
+intended to guide the spirit of the deceased to the cairn. The person
+who carries the bones is not allowed to turn round, or to the right,
+or to the left, but must proceed straight to the cairn. On reaching
+it, a _nongknia_, or sacrificer, washes the bones three times and
+then places them in an earthen pot, tying up the mouth with a white
+cloth. Then, having taken three pieces of the hard yolk of an egg,
+three loaves of bread, the leg of the fowl, "_u'iar krad lynti_,"
+and the lower jaw-bones of the animals which have been sacrificed,
+he places them inside the cairn and shuts the door. Eatables and
+betel-nut are then placed on the top of the cairn. Early next morning
+the relatives and friends go to the cairn with fresh food and water,
+and look about for new foot-prints, the idea being that from these
+foot-prints they can foretell future events. This they do until the
+third night after the cremation. During these three nights the front
+door of the house formerly occupied by the deceased is never closed,
+it being thought that the spirit may wish to return and visit its
+earthly abode. The whole family is moreover _sang_, or taboo, during
+this period, and no manner of work can be done. When the three nights
+are over, it is called the _lait ia_, i.e. the days (of mourning) are
+passed, and three eggs are broken to ascertain what was the cause of
+the death. After this the family goes to bathe, and the clothes and
+mats in the house are washed. When this has been done, the taboo is
+removed and the family can go to work. After a month a pig or a fowl
+is sacrificed, the ceremony being called "_ai bam lait bnai_." It will
+be observed that three seems to be the lucky number throughout these
+funeral ceremonies. The number seems to bear a similar significance
+in other matters of Khasi ritual, e.g. the pouring out of libations,
+which is always done three times.
+
+It is _sang_ or taboo for a Khasi widow to re-marry within one year
+from the death of her husband, there is a similar prohibition for a
+husband re-marrying; but such _sang_ can be got over by the payment of
+a fine to the clan of the deceased. After the expiration of one year
+the fine is reduced in amount. Khasi widows do not as a rule re-marry,
+according to U Jeebon Roy, unless they have no female children,
+in which case the clan urges them to re-marry, so that the chain of
+inheritance may not be broken, inheritance amongst the Khasis always
+passing in the female line.
+
+
+Customs in Connection with Deaths by Violence or Accident.
+
+These customs are interesting enough to deserve a separate description;
+they are as follows:--
+
+If a man dies by the sword, before his body can be burnt, a sacrifice
+of a black hen must be offered to _Ka Tyrut_, the goddess of death. The
+bones are then placed in a stone cairn. Again they are removed, and,
+after eggs have been broken, are taken to a river bank and there
+washed. If there is no river at hand, a tank is dug for the purpose,
+which is called _umkoi_. There are various such _umkois_ in different
+parts of the district, e.g. near Raliang and Nartiang. A sacrifice
+of a goat is offered to the god _U Syngkai Bamon_, and a sow to _Ka
+Ramshandi_, both of whom are evil deities. Another sow is sacrificed
+to _Ka Tyrut_. After this the bones are placed in another newly-built
+cairn. The ceremony of placing the bones in one and then removing
+them to another cairn is usually performed three times; but unless
+the auspices, as deduced from the eggs, are favourable, the relatives
+must go on sacrificing and removing the bones until they are so. These
+ceremonies having been completed, they erect a flat table-stone, or
+_mawkynthei_, for the ghost of the departed to sit upon, and return
+home, where they propitiate their ancestors with offerings of food. In
+the case of the murdered victims of the _thlen_ superstition the same
+ceremonies are observed. For people who have died by drowning, or been
+killed by wild animals, and for women who have died in childbirth,
+similar pujas are offered, except that a sacrifice to _U Syngkai Bamon_
+does not take place. In the case of one who has died at a distance from
+his home, e.g. in a foreign country, whose body has not been burnt
+in accordance with custom, and whose bones have not been collected,
+the members of his clan, or his children, take three or five seeds or
+cowries (_sbai_) to a place where three roads meet. Here they summon
+the spirit of the departed in a loud voice, and throw up the seeds
+or cowries into the air, and when they fall to the ground they say,
+"_to alle noh ba ngin sa lum sa kynshew noh ia phi_," come now we
+will collect you (the idea being that the seeds represent the bones
+of the deceased). Having collected the seeds, they place them on
+a bier and perform the service for the dead just in the same way
+as if a real dead body were to hand. If possible a portion of the
+dead person's clothes should be burnt with the seeds in the bier,
+and it is with this view that the coats or cloths of Khasi coolies,
+who die when employed as porters on military expeditions at a distance
+from their homes, are brought back by their friends to give to the
+relatives. If a person, dies of cholera, small-pox, or other such
+infectious or contagious disease, the body is buried, but is dug up
+again and burnt with all the customary rites when fear of infection
+or contagion is over. In parts of the district upright stones called
+_maw-umkoi_ are erected along the line of route when the remains of
+a person who has met with an accidental death are brought home. This
+is stated to be the case in the Rambrai Siemship.
+
+
+Miscellaneous Customs in Connection with Death.
+
+In Nongjri, a large village in the War Country, the dead body is
+placed on a bier near the door of the house, a turban being tied
+about the head, the face being left bare and turned towards the
+door. In some of the Shella villages a second cremation is performed,
+in which a bamboo frame-work represents the corpse. This second
+cremation takes place when the body has been disposed of without the
+requisite ceremonies. The bones and ashes of the dead in Shella are
+in some cases kept in a cavity hollowed out of a post erected for
+the purpose. The bones and ashes find a temporary resting-place here,
+but are afterwards removed to a cromlech.
+
+At Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, the head of the corpse is shaved,
+but a tuft of hair in the middle of the head is left; this is called
+(_u'niuh Iawbei_), the great grandmother's lock. At Nartiang betel-nut,
+which has been chewed by one of the mourners is put into the mouth
+of the corpse, also cooked rice. There is a similar custom prevalent
+amongst the Khyrwangs. The Nongtungs, in the Jaintia Hills, keep dead
+bodies sometimes as long as a month, until the _phur_ or ceremonial
+dance has been performed. Hence they are called Nong-tung, or
+"stinkers." Amongst the Lynngams the dead body is kept for sometimes
+three or four months, or up to the time when a bull can be procured
+for a feast to the villagers. This feast is an essential, and,
+cattle being scarce in the Lynngam country, there is often great
+delay in disposing of the body. Lynngam villages at such a time are
+best avoided. The Lynngams of Nongsohbar bury the unburnt bones of the
+deceased within the village, and in front of the house occupied by the
+deceased when alive; the bones being placed in a hole in the ground,
+over which is laid a stone, a bamboo mat being nailed over the stone. A
+bamboo fence three or four feet high is erected round the grave. Other
+Lynngams bury the uncalcined bones and ashes in a gourd in the jungle
+near the burning-place. On their way home, the members of the clan of
+the deceased who have come from other villages to witness the funeral
+obsequies, put up a stone on the path in honour of the deceased, a
+turban being tied round the top of the stone. The Garos or Dkos, who
+live at the foot of the hills on the Kamrup border, and are called by
+the Assamese _Hana_ (spear-men), erect memorial stones in honour of the
+deceased, the lower jaw-bones of sacrificial animals and other articles
+being hung on the stones. The stones are also swathed in cloths, and
+turbans are tied round the tops. The death customs of the Lynngams,
+and, indeed, other customs also, are partly Khasi and partly Garo,
+it being difficult to say that the Lynngams are more Khasi than Garo,
+or more Garo than Khasi in this respect; their language, however; has
+been found by Dr. Grierson to be a corruption of Khasi. In Nongstoin,
+Mawlih, and Mariaw villages, the inhabitants of which profess to be
+Khasis, the bones and ashes of the deceased are not collected and
+placed in repositories, as at Cherrapunji. At Mariaw and Nongstoin
+a large wooden coffin is used, painted white, with ornamentations on
+the outside, and standing on four legs. This coffin is not burnt on
+the funeral pyre. In the family of the chiefs of Cherra, the body
+of a deceased Siem is subjected to the following process:--It is
+wrapped in a cloth and placed in the hollowed-out trunk of a tree,
+_ka-shyngoid_, there being a small hole with a plug at the bottom of
+this receptacle. Spirit is then poured into the _shyngoid_ until the
+whole body is immersed, the liquor being allowed to stand for three
+days. After the body has been thus steeped, the liquor is allowed to
+run out, and the body is washed with warm water, after which it is
+allowed to dry for a day. Then a quantity of lime-juice is poured
+in, the latter being obtained from the fresh fruit of the lime
+(_u soh jew_). The body is thus exposed to a process of pickling,
+which continues until the whole is thoroughly dry and becomes like
+that of a mummy. It is then placed in a coffin, which is kept in
+the house of the Siem family until it is time to perform the funeral
+obsequies. These ceremonies entail a very large amount of expense,
+and it sometimes happens that they cannot be completed for some years
+after the death of a Siem. The body of a deceased Siem according
+to the Cherra custom should be burnt by his successor otherwise the
+latter is not Siem according to the Khasi religion. The last Siem of
+Cherra, U Hajon Manik, did not perform the funeral obsequies of his
+predecessor U Ram Singh, and it is stated that many of his subjects
+did not regard him as Siem, according to the Khasi religion, in
+consequence. There are at the present time the corpses of two Siems
+of Cherra which have been preserved in the manner described above,
+awaiting cremation. The first Siem, U Ram Singh, died as far back as
+1875, and the second, U Hajon Manik, died in 1901.
+
+Sir Joseph Hooker and other authorities have stated that the
+bodies of deceased Siems of Cherra used to be embalmed in honey,
+and an amusing story is told regarding the necessity of exercising
+caution in purchasing honey from Cherra (honey being plentiful in
+this neighbourhood), except in the comb, for fear of honey which
+has been used for embalming purposes being passed off on the unwary
+purchaser. But the members of the Siem family and the old residents
+deny that honey is used for this purpose nowadays, possibly in the
+interests of the trade. It is, however, not unlikely that honey
+was so utilized in days gone by, as it is a well-known agent for
+embalming. The bodies of priests in Burmah are said to be embalmed
+in honey, _vide_ Yule's "Embassy to Ava."
+
+
+
+The Disposal of the Dead.
+
+The collection of the uncalcined bones and ashes of the deceased
+members of the clan and their bestowal in the _mawbah_, or great
+_cinerarium_ of the clan, is without doubt the most important
+religious ceremony that the Khasis perform. That this ceremony is now
+but seldom celebrated, is due partly to the difficulty that exists
+in obtaining general agreement amongst the members of the clans,
+and partly to the considerable expense it entails. The information
+I have obtained regarding the ceremony, although differing to some
+extent in detail from that recorded by the late U Jeebon Roy, agrees
+with the latter's account as regards the main facts. The information
+may now be set down as follows. By way of premise it may be stated
+that the bones and ashes of the deceased are kept after cremation in
+small stone cairns, or _mawshieng_. From these small cairns the bones
+and ashes are removed to larger bone repositories called _mawphew_,
+each branch of a clan possessing a repository of its own. The ceremony
+attending the removal of the bones and ashes from the small cairns
+to the larger repository, or _mawphew_, and the ceremony attached
+to the removal of these remains from the _mawphew_ to the sepulchre
+of the clan are practically the same, except that when the bones are
+removed to the _mawphew_, no female dancing takes place. First of all,
+the members of the various branches of the clan collect the bones
+from the different subsidiary repositories, when a ceremony called
+"_khot ia u lor u kap_," which it is not necessary to describe here,
+is performed. The bones of the deceased males and females are kept
+separately, and preparations are made to bring them to the sepulchre
+of the clan. Before, however, anything further can be done, it must be
+ascertained that the members of the clan are at peace with one another
+and no differences exist. If all differences are settled, a sacrificer
+offers up a prayer that the sins of the clans-folk may be forgiven,
+and then breaks eggs and sacrifices a cock to ascertain which will be
+a propitious day for depositing the bones in the sepulchre. A lucky
+day having been thus ascertained, the bones and ashes are brought to
+the _iing seng_, or clan puja-house, the bones of males and females
+being kept in separate bundles wrapped in white cloth, two women of
+the clan reverently carrying them in their arms, bidding the bundles
+of hones to their breasts. One female carries the bones of the males
+and the other those of the females. In front of these women walks an
+old man who scatters along the way leaves of the _dieng-shit_ tree
+and grains of rice, and when it is necessary to cross any stream or
+river, he ties a thread from one side of the bank to the other, this
+is for the spirit of the departed to cross the water. Sometimes _u'nam
+tohrih_, a kind of long grass, is used instead of thread for the above
+purpose. On arrival at the clan puja-house, the bones of the males
+are laid on one bed and those of the females on another, the beds
+being bedecked with rich hangings. A cock, _u'iar kradlynti_ (lit.:
+"the cock which scratches the way"), is sacrificed, this sacrifice
+being considered by the Khasis to be of peculiar significance. A pig,
+a cock, and a bull are then sacrificed, and portions of the above are
+offered to the spirits of the deceased. These offerings are known by
+the name of ai-bam, and are placed in a basket which is hung up in the
+house, together with the left thigh of the fowl and the lower jaw-bone
+of the bullock. A dance is performed that night, first in the house
+by two women, one belonging to the clan and the other an outsider,
+and afterwards in a specially prepared place outside the house called
+"_lympung_." The _sharati_, or flute, which is played at funerals
+is sounded, drums are beaten, and bombs are exploded. This dancing
+lasts from one to nine days, the limit being always an uneven number
+of days. At Cherra two effigies called _Ka Puron_ and _U Tyngshop_
+are prepared and dressed up; the former is intended to represent
+_Ka Iawbei_, the first ancestress, and the other _U Suidnia_, the
+first maternal uncle of the clan. These effigies are held in the
+hands of the dancers. In the meantime two lines of upright stones
+consisting of three each, with a table-stone in front of each line,
+have been set up. These are called _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_, and are
+intended to serve as resting-places for the spirits of the dead on
+their way to the tomb of the clan. These stones are generally not
+more than three feet in height, and must not be confounded with the
+larger stones or _mawbynna_. On the night before it is proposed to
+deposit the bones, a ceremony called "_Beh-tympew_" is performed,
+which consists of driving out the devils from the house, so that
+they may not interfere with the peace of the spirits of the departed
+whilst they rest in the house, and on their journey to the tomb. All
+the men after they have performed this ceremony are given a drink
+of rice-beer known as _'iad nonglieh_. Another cock is sacrificed,
+and a small bamboo ladder of three rungs is prepared for the use of
+the spirits when climbing into the tomb. Rice is then thrown outside
+the door. The next morning they perform further sacrifices, which need
+not be detailed here, and let loose a bull whose horns have been cased
+in silver. They dig two shallow tanks called _umkoi_, into which is
+poured water supposed to possess the virtue of purifying the bones
+of any deceased clansmen who have died violent or unnatural deaths,
+or at places far away from their homes, where it was not possible to
+perform their funeral ceremonies according to custom. Three vertical
+stones are also erected, called _maw umkoi_. A bamboo with a white
+flag, and a plantain tree are set up; to the bamboo are attached three
+bamboo rings (_kyrwoh_), which are supposed to act as summonses to
+the spirits of the departed who have not received the benefits of
+a proper funeral ceremony. It may be explained that this ring of
+bamboo or cane is the form of summons used by the Khasi chiefs to
+their subjects when they wish to call them before them. Then a cock,
+_u'iar umkoi_, is sacrificed as a vicarious victim to bear the sins of
+the departed. When the procession reaches the _mawkjat_ or _mawlynti_
+(the upright stones which have been erected), a goat called _u'lang
+mawlynti_ is sacrificed. Then a bamboo is fixed to the centre one of
+the three upright stones, to which is attached the lower jaw-bone
+of one of the cattle sacrificed in the puja-house; this is called
+_u masi mawlynti_. A special ceremony called _ka-lyngka-pongrei_
+is then performed for those of the clan who have died childless. We
+now come to the actual ceremony of placing the bones in the tomb of
+the clan. Having arrived at the tomb, the bones are washed three
+times in a dish (this is a Cherra custom). In Mawshai, the bones
+are exposed to the heat of a fire kindled on a small _jingthang_, or
+burning-platform. The stone door of the _cinerarium_ is then opened,
+and the bones of the females are placed in an earthen pot inside
+the tomb close to the wall which is farthest away from the door, the
+bones of the males being deposited in a pot inside the tomb nearest
+the door. Some clans keep the pot containing the bones of the males on
+the right, and the vessel containing those of the females on the left
+hand. Then offerings of food and libations of liquor are offered to
+the ancestors on a stone in front of the tomb. The males them perform
+a ceremonial dance with swords and shields, three times, and the door
+of the sepulchre is closed, a flag being fixed to the tomb. All the
+clansfolk then depart except three men. One of these sacrifices a
+cock (_iar-tanding_) in front of the tomb, a second sits behind the
+sacrificer, holding three firebrands, and a third sits behind the
+tomb. The man with the firebrands shakes them about, and then crows
+like a cock three times. The man behind the tomb listens attentively
+for any fancied noise within it, the superstition being that if
+the ceremonies detailed above have not been properly performed, the
+whole tomb will quake. If the three watchers are satisfied that there
+is no commotion within the tomb, then all is well, and they return
+and report the result to the clanspeople. This ceremony is called
+_tanding_, or the fire test. Next morning the woman who is the head
+of the _iing-seng_, or puja-house, distributes to all those who have
+taken part in these sacrifices the hinder portions of the sacrificial
+animals. She then blesses one by one the assembled clansfolk. The
+latter are not permitted by custom to go to work until after three
+days from the time of the ceremony; the third day being called _ka
+sngi lait ia_. The ceremony described above is a symbolical one. The
+massive stone sepulchre is regarded as a symbol of a secure place of
+rest for the departed spirits. If the spirits of the dead are not,
+however, appeased by the due performance of the ceremonies attending
+the bestowal of the remains in the clan _cinerarium_, it is believed
+that they roam about and haunt their relations on earth, and plague
+them with various misfortunes. It may be interesting to note here,
+that Mr. Moberly, the Superintendent of Ethnography in Bengal,
+reports that the ashes of deceased Hos, after being sprinkled with
+water by means of peepul branches, we collected, dried, and placed
+in a new earthen pot, and kept in the house until the day of burial,
+which may take place, as with the Khasis, long afterwards. The bones
+are buried in the village under a large slab of stone (cf. the Khasi
+stone _cinerarium_), and a monolith is erected outside the village
+to commemorate the deceased.
+
+
+Khasi Memorial Stones.
+
+Probably one of the first objects which strikes the eye of a visitor to
+the Khasi Hills is the very large number of monoliths, table-stones,
+and cromlechs that are to be met with almost everywhere in that
+country. Yule, Dalton, and other writers have incidentally referred
+to them, but, as far as is known at present, no attempt has been
+made to explain in any detail what is the peculiar significance
+of these objects to the Khasis. These stones are rightly styled
+memorial stones; _kynmaw_, literally, "to mark with a stone," is the
+word in the Khasi language for "to remember" The memorial stone,
+in the ordinary sense of the word, is a memorial to the dead; but
+we have such names of places in these hills as _Maomluh_, the salt
+stone (the eating of salt off the blade of a sword being one of the
+Khasi forms of oath), _Maosmai_, the oath stone, _Maophlang_, the
+grassy stone, and others. To commemorate with a stone an important
+event has been a constant custom amongst many people in many places,
+and the erection of grave-stones, to mark the spot where the remains
+of the dead are buried, is an almost universal practice amongst the
+Western nations, as indeed amongst some of the Eastern also. But the
+Khasi menhirs are no more gravestones, in the sense of marking the
+place where the remains of the dead lie, than some of the memorials
+of Westminster Abbey and other fanes; the Khasi stones are cenotaphs,
+the remains of the dead being carefully preserved in stone sepulchres,
+which are often some distance apart from the memorial stones. It is
+proposed to treat this subject under the following heading:--
+
+(1) A general description of the memorial stones in the Khasi
+Hills, showing, that they are very similar in shape to monoliths,
+table-stones, or cromlechs in other parts of the world and of India.
+
+(2) A comparison between Khasi memorial stones and those of the
+Ho-Mundas, the stones near Belgaum, those of the Mikirs, the monoliths
+at Willong in the Manipur Hills, and the Dimapur monoliths.
+
+(3) The meaning of the stones.
+
+(4) The method of their erection.
+
+With regard to the first heading, the stones may be divided, into
+(_a_) menhirs, or vertical stones; (_b_) table-stones, or dolmens,
+and (_c_) stone cromlechs, or cairns, which serve the purpose of
+cineraria. Taking the different stones in order, the menhirs are
+large upright stones varying in height from 2 or 3 ft. to 12 or
+14 ft., but in exceptional instances rising to a more considerable
+elevation, the great monolith at Nartiang, in the Jaintia Hills, being
+27 ft. high, and 2 1/2 ft. thick. A photograph of this stone has been
+included. These menhirs are erected all in one line which nearly always
+consists of an uneven number of stones. Three is the commonest number
+of menhirs, but five together are frequently to be found, and there are
+some instances of seven stones; at Laitkor nine stones are standing,
+an illustration of which will be found in this book. The stones are
+of hewn gneiss granite, or sandstone, to be met with in many places
+in these hills. They are rough hewn, and generally taper gradually to
+their tops, which are sometimes neatly rounded off. The tallest stone
+is usually in the middle, and is occasionally ornamented with a small
+stone, through the middle of which a hole has beam drilled so that
+it may fit on the top of the other. At Nongkrem there is a centre
+stone with a regularly carved top, evidently intended to represent
+the head of a man. At Umstow, some two miles from Cherrapunji by
+the cart road, stood two rows of fine monoliths, each row five in
+number, and standing on either side of the old bridle road. All of
+these stones except one were thrown down by the earthquake shock of
+June, 1897. The centre stone, or _mawkni_, of one of these rows was
+surmounted by a carved stone covering shaped like a hat, but having
+a rim with indented edges, the intention being evidently to represent
+a crown. This stone crown was riveted to the top of the large centre
+stone. All the stones, including the _mawkynthei_, or dolmen, have
+been very neatly hewn. They appear to be of granite. Stones with top
+coverings or carved heads are however rare. In front of the line
+of menhirs is a large flat table-stone resting on stone supports,
+the top of the uppermost plane being some 2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the
+ground; this flat stone is sometimes as much as a foot or more
+thick. The largest table-stones are to be seen at Nartiang, in the
+Jaintia Hills, and Laitlyngkot in the Khasi Hills. The Laitlyngkot
+stone measures 28 1/2 by 13 3/4 ft., and that at Nartiang 16 1/2 by
+14 3/4 ft. The Laitlyngkot stone is 1 ft. 8 in. thick. Sometimes two
+table-stones are found parallel to one another. The table-stones are
+always placed towards the centre of the group, generally in front
+of the great central menhir. These groups of stones are usually
+situated alongside roads, or close to well-known lines of route,
+where they readily attract the attention of passers-by. They do not
+necessarily face in any particular direction, but are to be found
+fronting all points of the compass. There is nothing therefore to show
+that they were erected so as to face the direction of the sun-rise,
+or of any particular planet's. We will now pass on to the numerous
+stone cromlechs which are to be found, frequently in proximity to the
+menhirs and table-stones. These stone cromlechs contain the bones of
+the dead, and the menhirs and table-stones are intimately connected
+with them, inasmuch as memorial stones to deceased ancestors are
+erected when the ceremony of depositing bones in the _cineraria_
+has been completed. The _cineraria_ are built of blocks of stone,
+sometimes on stone platforms, and sometimes resting on the ground. They
+are frequently of considerable size. The cromlech is opened by removing
+one of the heavy stone slabs in front. There are no windows such as
+are to be seen in some of the illustrations of dolmens or cromlechs
+in France and Circassia in Waring's book of "Stone Monuments, Tumuli,
+and Ornaments of Remote Ages," probably because the Khasi idea was to
+confine the spirits and not allow them to escape from the tomb and
+haunt the living. The cromlechs are generally square or oblong, but
+are sometimes circular in shape also. Let us now compare the Khasi
+menhirs with some to be found in other parts of the world. In Lord
+Avebury's "Prehistoric Times" Fergusson's work, and Waring's collection
+of plates of stone monuments, there are numerous illustrations of
+menhirs and dolmens to be found in other parts of the world, which
+may be said to resemble those of the Khasis in appearance, but this
+is by no means a matter for surprise, for, given like conditions,
+amongst primitive peoples, totally unconnected with one another as
+regards race, and living in countries far remote from one another,
+the results, i.e. the erection of stones as memorials of important
+persons, or events, are probably the same all the world over. Waring
+in his book gives an illustration of several lines of stone monuments
+with two table-stones, either in front or in rear according to the
+position of the photographer or draftsman in taking the picture,
+which would appear to be very similar to the lines of menhirs we
+find in the Khasi Hills. In plate XLII, fig. 6, of Waring's book, are
+the lines of stones to which I refer. They may be said to be almost
+exactly similar to the lines of Khasi memorial stones, except that
+the stones depicted by Waring have circles or ovals painted on them,
+which are said to signify that certain sacrifices of animals have
+been performed. Now the Khasis perform such sacrifices; but they
+do not mark their performance thus on the stones. Fergusson on page
+447 of his "Rude Stone Monuments" apparently refers to these stones,
+which are near Belgaum in the Bombay Presidency, and he is of
+opinion that "they were dedicated or vowed to the spirits of deceased
+ancestors"; further it is stated that these stones are always in uneven
+numbers, a striking point of similarity to the Khasi stones. We know,
+for a fact, that the Khasi memorial stones were dedicated to the
+same objects as those of the Belgaum stones, i.e. to the worship
+of ancestors; so that we have not only similarity in appearance,
+in confirmation, and invariable unevenness of number, but identity
+of purpose, if Fergusson's conclusion is correct. It is, however,
+a far cry from Shillong to Belgaum, and it may, perhaps, be thought
+more reasonable if we look for stones nearer at hand. Bradley Birt
+in his interesting book on Chota Nagpur has given a photograph of
+certain Ho memorial stones, which would appear to resemble greatly the
+Khasi menhirs, and if his photograph is carefully examined, it will
+be seen that there are in rear of the stones what would seem to be
+stone cairns, very similar in appearance to the Khasi _cineraria_. The
+funeral ceremonies of the Hos as described by Bradley Birt, viz. the
+cremation of the body, the collection of the ashes, their consignment
+to a grave, and the offering of food to the spirit of the deceased,
+are similar to those of the Khasis. Although not wishing to lay too
+much stress on what may be merely a coincidence, I think that the
+above similarity in death customs is well worth considering with
+regard to the view, based on linguistic affinity, that the Khasis
+and the Ho-Mundas were originally descended from a common stock,
+i.e. the Mon-Khmer or Mon-Anam family, as has been postulated by Logan.
+
+But there are other tribes in Assam which erect memorial stones,
+e.g. the Mikirs and certain Naga tribes. The Mikirs erect memorial
+stones in a line, the taller stone being sometimes in the centre, as
+in the case of the Khasi memorial stones. Such stones are set up by
+the Mikirs only in memory of important personages, such as _mauzadars_
+or leading _gaonburas_ (village headmen). Besides the standing stones
+(_long-chong_), a flat stone (_long pak_) is also erected in honour
+of the deceased. I understand that the Mikir stones, like the Khasi,
+are mere cenotaphs, the ashes of deceased Mikirs being left at the
+burning places which are generally by the sides of rivers, and the
+memorial stones not being necessarily anywhere near the burning
+grounds. Unlike the Khasis, the Mikirs do not collect and carefully
+keep the bones in stone cairns. Before erecting memorial stones,
+they dig a small tank, cf. the Khasi custom of digging similar tanks
+(_um-koi_), before erecting memorial stones (_maw umkoi_), to those
+of the clan who have died unnatural deaths. As with the Khasis,
+feasts and entertainments are given when the stones of the Mikirs are
+erected: but they need not necessarily consist of uneven numbers, it
+appears. It is possible that the Mikirs may have obtained the custom
+of erecting memorial stones from their near neighbours, the Khasis.
+
+Then there is the interesting collection of stones at Willong in
+the Manipur Naga Hills, for a description of which I am indebted
+to the kindness of Colonel Maxwell, the late Political Agent and
+Superintendent of the State. It is said that about 300 or 400 years ago
+these stones were erected by the rich men of the village as memorials
+(probably to deceased ancestors). It is the custom of the Willong
+village that any person who wishes to erect such a stone should, with
+the members of his family, abstain from food; but liquor and ginger
+are allowed to them. Having chosen what he thinks is a suitable stone,
+the Naga cuts off a flake of it, returns home, and sleeps on it with a
+view to dreaming of the stone. If his dreams are favourable, he brings
+it in, otherwise not. From the day of the selection of the stone,
+until it is brought in and erected, he must fast. Women are taboo to
+him for the space of one year from the date of its erection. The custom
+of erecting memorial stones is not therefore peculiar to the Khasis
+amongst the hill tribes in Assam. An incidental reference should,
+I think, be made to the interesting carved monoliths at Dimapur,
+regarding the meaning of which there has been so much doubt. These
+Dimapur stones are remarkably similar in shape to the carved wooden
+_kima_ posts of the Garos, another hill tribe speaking a language
+which is undoubtedly connected with the great Boro group of languages
+in North Eastern India. The Garo _kima_ posts, like the Khasi stones,
+are erected to commemorate deceased ancestors. Some of the other
+Naga tribes, besides the Willong Nagas, are in the habit of erecting
+what are called _genna_ stones, a description of which will, we hope,
+be given in a subsequent Naga monograph. The object of the erection
+of such stones is certainly to show reverence to the memories of
+deceased ancestors amongst the Khasis, and Garos, and not improbably
+among the Nagas also.
+
+It is only with the very greatest difficulty that it has been
+possible to obtain any intelligible information regarding the Khasi
+monoliths. Whether through feelings of delicacy in revealing the
+secrets of their religious system to a foreigner, or through ignorance
+or apathy (there being but few Khasis nowadays who observe the ancient
+ritual), it has been no easy task to extract information from people
+about these stones. As far as my information goes at present, I am
+inclined to classify the stones as follows:--
+
+(_a_) _Mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, the stones which are erected to
+serve as seats for the spirits of departed clansfolk on their way to
+the tomb of the clan, i.e. when their remains are carried by their
+relations to the clan cromlech (see the section entitled "The Disposal
+of the Dead").
+
+(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, which are stones erected to commemorate
+a parent or some other near relation.
+
+(_c_) _Maw-umkoi_, which are put up to mark the position of tanks
+or _umkoi_, the water of which is supposed to cleanse the ashes and
+bones of those who have died unnatural deaths.
+
+(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or flat table-stones, often accompanied
+by vertical stones, which are placed in the market places and by
+the side of roads to serve as seats for weary travellers. Taking
+the above main divisions seriatim, _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_, may be
+described as follows. These generally consist of three upright stones,
+the tallest being in the centre, and a flat table-stone being placed
+in front. There are, however, some clans which erect more than three
+upright stones, as _mawlynti_, or _mawkjat_. As already stated, the
+clansfolk used to erect these stones, _mawlynti_ (the stone of the
+way), or _mawkjat_ (the stone of the leg), at each place at which
+they halted for the night on their way to deposit the bones of their
+deceased maternal relations in the clan sepulchre, or _mawbah_. The
+stones are called _mawkjat_, or stones of the leg, because it is
+supposed that the spirits of the departed sit and rest their limbs
+on the flat table-stones. The upright stones are not as a rule more
+than 3 or 4 ft high, and are not massive like the great _mawbynna_,
+or memorial stones. They are to be found in great numbers all along
+the roads or paths which lead to the clan cromlechs. These stones,
+unlike the _mawbynna_, have no names.
+
+(_b_) _Mawbynna_, or _mawnam_, are erected to commemorate deceased
+parents or deceased ancestors, and consist of 3, 5, 7, 9, or even,
+in an exceptional case, 11, upright stones with flat table-stones in
+front. The upright stones are called _maw-shynrang_, or male stones,
+and the flat table-stones _maw-kynthei_, or female stones. Turning
+to the plate of the Laitkor stones, it will be observed that
+there are nine upright stones, and one large flat table-stone in
+front. Counting from right to left, stone No. 5 is called u maw
+_kni_, or the maternal uncle's stone; and the stones to the right and
+left of it, _ki maw pyrsa ki para_, i.e. the stones of the maternal
+brothers and nephews. The table-stone is called _ka Iawbei tynrai_,
+or _ka Iawbei tymmen_, literally the grandmother of the root, or
+the old grandmother, in contradistinction to _ka_ _Iawbei khynraw_,
+or _ka Iawbei kpoh_ (the grandmother of the family, or branch of the
+family). It frequently happens that there are two flat table-stones
+in front of the upright stones, the one on the left being _ka Iawbei
+tynrai_, or the first ancestress, and the one on the right _ka Iawbei
+longkpoh_, the grandmother of the branch of the clan to, which the
+memorialists belong, or _ka Iawbei khynraw_, the young grandmother,
+i.e. the grandmother of the actual family to which the memorialists
+belong. In olden days it used to be the custom for the clanspeople
+to place offerings of food on the flat table-stones for the shades
+of the departed ancestors, and this is sometimes the case still;
+but now it is more frequently the custom to make these offerings in
+the _iing-seng_, or clan puja-house. The flat table-stones are some
+2 to 2 1/2 ft. from the ground, and it is difficult to resist the
+impression that they were originally sacrificial stones, i.e. that
+animals or even human beings were actually sacrificed upon them. In
+connection with this theory I would refer to the interesting folk-tale
+about the Kopili river. It is here related that in olden days human
+victims were sacrificed to the Kopili goddess on the flat table-stone
+(_maw-kynthei_) at a place called _Iew Ksih_, close to the Kopili
+river. A careful search has been made for this stone, with the
+result that a flat table-stone has been found near the above village,
+where goats are still annually sacrificed to the Kopili. The _doloi_
+reports that this is an ancient custom. None can remember, however,
+having heard that human victims were ever sacrificed there. Yet I do
+not think it at all unlikely that this is the stone, locally called
+_Mynlep_, which is referred to in the folk-tale. At Jaintiapur and
+Nartiang, both of which places were the headquarters of the kings of
+Jaintia, there are very large table-stones. We know for a fact that
+human sacrifices used to take place at Jaintiapur. Is it possible
+that human beings were immolated on these table-stones? It would be
+unsafe to base any conclusion on the solitary folk-tale about the
+_Iew Ksih_ table-stone; but the tale certainly furnishes food for
+reflection. The Khasis borrowed their religious customs largely
+from the Synteng inhabitants of Jaintia, and it is possible that
+they may have obtained the custom of erecting the table-stones from
+the Syntengs also, and that the latter were originally used by both
+of them for sacrificing human victims. Sometimes, immediately on
+either side of the _mawkni_, or large central stone, there are two
+much smaller stones called _mawksing_, or the stone of the drum,
+and _mawkait_, the stone of the plantain; the drum being used in all
+religious ceremonies by the Khasis, and the plantain relating to their
+custom of feeding young children on plantains. The _mawnan_ must be
+described separately from the _mawbynna_, because they differ from
+them in an important particular, i.e. that the former may be erected
+to commemorate the father, while the latter are set up to perpetuate
+the memory of the ancestors on the female side of the family. _Mawnam_
+consist of three upright stones and one flat table-stone in front. The
+large central stone is called _u maw thawlang_, or the stone of the
+father, and the upright stones on either side are meant to represent
+the father's brothers or nephews. The flat table-stone is _ka Iawbei_,
+i.e. the grandmother of the father, not the first grandmother of the
+clan, as in the case of the _mawbynna_.
+
+(_c_) The _maw umkoi_ have already been described. They use erected
+to mark the sites of purificatory tanks, which have been dug so that
+the remains of deceased persons may be cleansed from the impurities
+attending an unnatural death, and to counteract the adverse influence
+upon the clan of _Ka Tyrut_, or the goddess of death. These stones
+are sometimes called _mawtyrut_.
+
+(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or stones upon which weary travellers sit, are
+to be found alongside all the principal lines of communication in the
+district. It may serve as an example of these stones to describe the
+very interesting collection of stones at Nartiang _hat_, or market. A
+reference is invited to the plate which gives a representation of some
+of the Nartiang stones. The great height of the upright stone will at
+once be seen; it is 27 ft. in height and 2 1/2 ft. thick. This stone is
+the largest erect stone in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills at the present
+day, and is a very fine specimen. The upright stones and the flat
+table-stones at Nartiang are called "_ki maw jong Siem_." There is
+no separate designation for each of them. These stones are popularly
+supposed to have been erected long ago by two men, U Lah Laskor and U
+Mar Phalyngki, to commemorate the establishment of Nartiang market,
+which is called Iew Mawlong. "Laskor" is the Synteng equivalent of
+the Khasi _lyngskor_, or prime minister. "Mar" is a Synteng word
+meaning a giant, the idea amongst the people being that in the olden
+days there were giants in the land who performed marvellous feats of
+strength, e.g. the erection of the megalithic remains at Nartiang
+and elsewhere. A puja is performed upon a great flat stone by the
+_doloi_ and his officers in honour of the founders of the market,
+but no animals are sacrificed, rice and _rynsi_ (balls of rice) only
+being offered. In the days of the Jaintia kings only the Raja could
+sit upon the great flat stone; hence the name _maw jong Siem_ (or
+Siem's stone). The great upright stone is said to have been brought
+by U Lah Laskor and a great number of people from Suriang, a place
+near Nartiang. With reference to the Nartiang stones I would refer
+to my theory, formulated above, that they were originally connected
+with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that at Nartiang there is
+a bridge constructed out of a single stone, which is also said to have
+been set in position by U Lah Laskor. Near Suhtnga there is a group of
+stones, said to have been originally thirty in number, together with
+_maw shongthait_, or stones to seat the weary, which were erected
+to the memory of a woman, Ka Kampatwat, who in generations past
+is alleged to have had no less than _thirty_ husbands. The lady is
+not supposed to have been polyandrous, nor nine-lived, but to have
+divorced one husband after another. As she probably established a
+record for divorce, her descendants afterwards commemorated her in
+the manner described. There is another very large atone at Nongkeeh,
+which unfortunately fell to the ground in the great earthquake shock
+of 1897. This stone must have stood over 20 ft. above the ground. It
+is called _u mawkni Siem_, the stone of the Siem's maternal uncle,
+and it used to form the central stone, or _mawkni_, of a line of
+stones. These stones belong to the clan of the _basans_ of Nongkseh,
+which furnishes the _sohblei_, or head sacrificer, of the Siems of
+Khyrim. The stones at Mawsmai; which in ancient days used to be the
+headquarters of a Siem, are some of the best carved in the hills. At
+Mawrongjong, in the Jaintia sub-division, is a stone upon which a
+figure, evidently of a Hindu god, has been carved, without doubt
+after the erection of the stone. Here we have a striking parallel
+case to the painted and carved menhir near Tregastel in Brittany,
+upon which has been carved the representation of a crucifix. There are
+also some carved stones near Nartiang (said to represent two women)
+called _mawthawdur briew_.
+
+The Khasis say that these great stones were brought sometimes from
+considerable distances. After being hewn, the stones were laid on a
+large, wooden trolley and dragged across country by means of ropes of
+cane, of which plenty can be bad from the War country on the southern
+side of the district, and then placed in position by means of ropes and
+levers. It seems little short of marvellous that these stones, which
+sometimes weighed many tons, were placed in position by such primitive
+means, especially when we consider the great trouble there was to
+re-erect one of the fallen stones at Stonehenge lately. Nowadays only
+comparatively small stones are erected, which are generally hewn and
+erected on the spot, so that there is no necessity for any conveyance.
+
+In conclusion, it may be remarked that the subject of the Khasi
+monoliths is in reality a large one, on which a great deal could
+be written, but owing to considerations of space it has been found
+necessary to compress the account within its present limits.
+
+
+Festivities, Domestic and Tribal.
+
+Dancing forms the principal part of all the Khasi festivities, and
+is an important adjunct of some of their religious ceremonies. One
+of the greatest festivals in the Khasi Hills is the Nongkrem dance;
+it may be said to be as important an event to the Khasis as the _Beh
+dieng-khlam_ festivities are to the Syntengs.
+
+The Nongkrem dance is really part of what is known as the _pom-blang_,
+or goat-killing ceremony, performed by the Siem of Khyrim (or
+Nongkrem)) with the aid of his _soh-blei_ (high priest) and the various
+_lyngdohs_ (or priests) to Ka Blei Synshar (the ruling goddess),
+that the crops may prosper and that there may be a successful era in
+store for the people of the State. The goddess on this occasion may be
+regarded as a Khasi Demeter, although no mysteries form part of her
+services as at the Grecian Eleusis. The Nongkrem ceremony and dance
+(now held at Smit) take place in the late spring, generally in the
+month of May. A lucky day having been fixed; the Siem sends a ring of
+cane (_kyrwoh_) by way of a summons to the people of every village in
+the State, at the same time informing them of the date of the puja and
+requesting them to attend with their offerings, consisting of goats
+and different articles of food. In the meantime various pujas have
+been taking place in the house of _Ka Siem Sad_, the Siem priestess,
+which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The more interesting
+points only will be mentioned. A fortnight before the puja and dance
+at Smit the _soh-blei_, or high priest, pours out libations of liquor
+in the _kyram-blang_, or place where the sacrificial goats are kept,
+and in front of the great post (of _dieng sning_, or Khasi oak),
+in the house of the Siem priestess. Dancing then takes place in
+front of the post. Later on the Siem, with the high priest and
+other attendant priests, walks with extremely slow gait to a small
+hill where a stone altar has been prepared, and sacrifices a cock
+in honour of _u'lei Shillong_, or the god of the Shillong Peak. A
+silver dish with powdered rice, liquor in a gourd, (_ka'iad um_),
+betel-nut, and some leaves of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_), are also
+necessary adjuncts of the puja. A goat is then sacrificed, and the
+sacrifice is followed by a dance of twenty two men armed with swords
+and shields and chowries (fly-flaps). Having danced before the altar,
+the party returns to the house of the Siem priestess and executes
+another dance in the great courtyard. The Siem and certain selected
+persons dance in front of the _rishot blei_, or holy post of Khasi oak
+inside the house of the Siam priestess, the dancers being entertained
+with dried fish and ginger. Then follows the great dance of girls and
+men in front of her house. The girls dance in the centre, taking such
+tiny steps, that the lifting of their feet from the ground is hardly
+perceptible, the arms held down to the sides and the eyes demurely
+downcast. It is on this occasion that they wear the peculiar silver
+(and sometimes gold) crowns illustrated in the plate. The hair is
+worn tied in a knot behind the head, but with a long tail hanging
+down the back. Rich silk cloths are worn by the girls, who present
+the appearance of being, if anything, over-clothed, or, as Yule
+aptly puts it, of "perfect parallelograms." They wear a profusion
+of gold and coral bead necklaces, silver and gold chains, bracelets,
+ear-rings of gold, and any other jewellery they can lay hands on. Not
+only is the whole of the family jewellery, requisitioned by the fair
+_debutante_ (it is only the unmarried who dance), but she borrows
+from her friends. The men dance round the outside of the circle,
+waving fly-flaps, and prancing (often nowadays, wearing huge boots)
+with ungainly strides. The music necessary for the dance consists of
+_tangmuri_ (pipes), drums, and cymbals. This is _ka shad kynthei_,
+or the dance of the women. Then there _is ka shad mastieh_, or the
+dance of the men, who are gaily dressed, wearing plumes of black and
+white cock's feathers (_u thuiyah_) and hold swords and shields. After
+gyrating for some time, two men at a time rapidly approach one another
+and clash their swords together in mock combat. They then retire,
+and, after again revolving for a period, repeat the process; then
+other couples follow and take their place. This goes on, until the
+dancers get tired or are told to stop.
+
+The above description, may be taken as applicable to all the Khasi
+dances. Dancing forms part of the ceremony of placing the ashes in the
+sepulchre of the clan. Dancing also forms a part of certain ceremonies
+performed at market for the prosperity of the State and for the good
+of trade.
+
+When I was at Mawsynram, at the time of the appointment of a Siem,
+I witnessed a very pretty dance called _ka shad lymmoh_, performed
+by men who held the leafy branches of trees in their hands. This
+is most effective. Then followed a dance of some forty young girls,
+very well dressed, covered with the usual gold and coral beads and
+silver chains, and wearing the silver crown, or _pansngiat_. The young
+women danced with great spirit, and with an absence of all shyness,
+but still with the greatest decorum. Many of the women, spectators
+as well as dancers, were observed to be without the usual _tap moh
+khlih_, or head-cloth, the absence of which is always a sign amongst
+the Khasi women of merry-making. There were women from the War country,
+wearing their picturesque dress amongst whom was the wife of the Siem
+of Bohwal with her little daughter. The dance was a pretty sight,
+and I have seldom seen such evidence of unaffected happiness as was
+exhibited by the people on this occasion. Dancing may be described
+as one of the characteristic features of Khasi life.
+
+The Synteng _Beh-diang-khlam_ festival takes place annually at Jowai
+and elsewhere in the Jaintia Hills in the deep water moon month (_u
+Jyllieu_, or June). _Khlam_ is the Khasi word for plague or pestilence
+and _beh-dieng_ signifies to drive away with sticks. The festival
+may be described as follows:--The males rise betimes on the day fixed
+and beat the roof with sticks, calling upon the plague-demon to leave
+the house. Having done this, later on in the day they go down to the
+stream where the goddess "Aitan" dwells. Then poles of great length,
+which have been newly cut, are held across the stream. The people
+jump on the poles and try to break them; when they succeed in doing
+so, a great shout is given. After all these poles have been broken,
+a very large pole is fixed across the stream. The people then divide
+themselves into two parties, and contend for the possession of the
+tree. The contest, however, is a good-humoured one, and although many
+buffets are given and received, these are not regarded seriously,
+and there are seldom any fights. Col. Bivar says the contending
+villagers in their excitement, sometimes relapse into a state of almost
+complete nudity. The party which succeeds in obtaining possession of
+the post is supposed to gain health and prosperity during the coming
+year. Col. Bivar remarks that the origin of this so-called ceremony is
+said to be that the god of thunder, "_u'lei pyrthat_," and Ka Aitan,
+the goddess of the stream, enjoined its performance. Many innovations,
+however, have crept in. People disguise themselves as giants and
+wild beasts, they also parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers,
+peacocks, &c. Dancing is carried on with enthusiasm by the males,
+the girls, clad in their best attire, remaining on-lookers. Before
+the meeting breaks up the males play a sort of game of hockey with
+wooden balls.
+
+
+
+Genna
+
+The word _genna_ is one in common use amongst the Naga tribes. It seems
+to be a matter of doubt whether the word belongs to any of the numerous
+languages or dialects spoken by these tribes; but for our purposes
+it may be taken to mean taboo. The Khasi word _sang_, which implies
+an interdiction either religious or social from doing any particular
+thing, might have been employed; but as the word _genna_ is so commonly
+used when speaking of taboos amongst the hill tribes of this province,
+I have thought fit to employ it here. The word _genna_, or taboo,
+may be held to include the Khasi _sang_. Taboos amongst the Khasis,
+Wars and Lynngams may be divided into two sections; (_a_) general, and
+(_b_) special. Instances of general taboo have not been found amongst
+the Khasis, but the following taboo called _Ka sang kla_ amongst the
+War villages of Sohbar and Nongjri is peculiar, and therefore worthy
+of description. Its chief peculiarity is that during the time the
+_sang kla_ continues, the inhabitants of these two villages are not
+allowed to associate with foreigners. This _genna_ takes place twice
+a year, in the months of June and November, and lasts for a month each
+time. During the _genna_ foreigners are not allowed to stay the night
+in these two villages, and the villagers must not sleep the night
+outside their villages. If they do not return home for the night,
+they are subjected to a fine. There is a prohibition against eating,
+smoking, or chewing betel-nut with foreigners during the period. The
+above is the only instance of general taboo that I have been able to
+find amongst the Wars, but in the Lynngam villages there is a taboo on
+all outsiders at the time of the village pujas. Such a taboo amongst
+the Lynngams is not to be wondered at, as they have probably imbibed
+the notion from their Garo mothers, intermarriages between Lynngams
+and Garos being common. The Garos, like other Thibeto-Burmans, have
+numerous taboos. There are numerous instances of special taboos
+among the Khasis. _Kaba shong sang_, or marrying within the _kur_
+or clan, is the most important taboo of all, and is regarded as the
+most serious offence a Khasi can commit. It admits of no expiation,
+and the bones and ashes of the offender cannot be placed in the
+family tomb. There are special taboos for certain clans, of which
+the following are some examples. The clan Nongtathiang cannot eat
+the lemon, the Khar-umnuid clan must abstain from pork, the Cherra
+Siem family cannot eat dried fish, and the Siem family of Mylliem
+taboo the pumpkin. Possibly these taboos may be relics of totemism
+amongst these communities. The following are some of the other taboos,
+although some of them are but lightly regarded now-a-days.
+
+(i.) To build a house with stone walls on all four sides.
+
+(ii.) To use nails in building a house.
+
+(iii.) To use more than one kind of timber in building the hearth.
+
+(iv.) To build a house with resinous timber. Only the Siem family
+can use such timber.
+
+(v.) To cut trees from a sacred forest.
+
+(vi.) To take or give anything with the left hand.
+
+(vii.) To step over any one's body.
+
+(viii.) To kill any animal or bird without first throwing rice over
+its body. . .
+
+(ix.) To drink the milk of a cow or goat.
+
+(x.) To talk with any one, except with one of a man's or woman's
+fellow-workers, when the thrashing of paddy is going on.
+
+There are the following special taboos for pregnant women.
+
+(_a_) To Accompany a funeral procession.
+
+(_b_) To finish any sewing she may have commenced before she became
+_enceinte_. There is a similar prohibition regarding the finishing
+of the plaiting of wicker baskets.
+
+(_c_) It is _sang_ for the husband of a pregnant woman to thatch the
+ridge of the house at such a time, or to fix a handle to an axe or
+a _dao_.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+Folk-Tales, Traditions and Superstitions
+
+
+Folk-Tales.
+
+The Khasis possess a considerable amount of folk-lore. The tales which
+will be found reproduced in the original Khasi have been obtained from
+a collection which was in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Roberts,
+of Cherrapunji, who very kindly placed it at my disposal. The
+translations are by U Nissor Singh, Sub-Inspector of Schools, and
+the author of a Khasi English Dictionary as well as certain other
+educational works in that language. Dr. Roberts's collections would
+fill a book; so I have selected only a few of what I consider typical
+tales. At the instance of Sir Charles Lyall, I have given the Khasi
+and English side by side. The stories will speak for themselves,
+but I add a few explanatory notes. The water-fall of Ka Likai is
+a magnificent cascade in the rainy season; it can best be viewed
+from the heights of Laitkynsew. The water-fall is situated close
+to the village of Nongriat, which is approached by a succession of
+stone steps from the village of Tyrna, just below the Charrapunji
+Laitkynsew bridle-path. "Dingiei," which is mentioned in the second
+tale, is the high hill to be seen on the right-hand side of the
+Shillong-Cherrapunji road soon after leaving Shillong. The highest
+point of the range is over 6,000 ft. The third tale contains the
+well-known story of Ka Pah Syntiew, the fabled ancestress of the
+Khyrim and Mylliem Siem families. The cave where Ka Pah Syntiew is
+said to have made her abode is still to be seen in the neighbourhood
+of Nongkrem. The story of the origin of the Siems of Suhtnga, who
+afterwards became the Rajas of Jaintiapur, is a well-known tale in the
+Jaintia Hills. A description of the wonderful mass of granite known
+by the name of the Kyllang Rock will be found in the section of the
+monograph which deals with geographical distribution. I have also
+added a photograph of the rock. The Syntengs have a story that when
+the strong west wind blows in the spring this is due to the advent
+of _U Kyllang_, who comes to visit his wife, the river _Umngot_,
+at that season: amongst the Khasis hills are all of them masculine,
+but to rivers is usually attributed the feminine gender. U Symper is
+another isolated rocky eminence rising from the Maharam plain close to
+the village of K'mawan. The best view of the hill is obtainable from
+Laitmawsiang on the path to Mawsynram. The village of Mawsmai every
+traveller from Therria to Cherrapunji knows. It is chiefly remarkable
+for a fairly large limestone cave, and its fine memorial stones. The
+Khasi theory to explain how the moon got its spots is, I believe,
+original, but is no more extraordinary than our own nursery tale about
+the "man in the moon." The _Sohpet Byneng_ hill is the first hill of
+any size that the traveller sees on the Gauhati road when journeying
+to Shillong. It is close to Umsning Dak Bungalow. There are caves
+in the hill which are tenanted by bears. Strange to say, according
+to Khasi ideas, this is one of the highest points in the hills; in
+reality _Sophet Byneng_ is some 2,000 ft. lower than the Shillong
+Peak. As mentioned elsewhere, the Khasis are very fond of dogs; so
+I have given their version of how the dog came to live with man. The
+well-known _thlen_ superstition will be found fully described under
+the heading of "Human sacrifices." I have, however, thought the tale of
+sufficient interest to reproduce at length here. The story of the river
+Rupatylli is a pretty tale, and is just such a one as would appeal to
+the imagination of mountaineers like the Khasis. The Kopili story is
+important, in that it indicates the origin of human sacrifices in the
+Jaintia Hills; it also throws, perhaps, some light on the question of
+the use to which the flat table memorial stones were put in years gone
+by. The superstition about the crossing of the Kopili can be vouched
+for by many, who have taken the journey from the Jaintia Hills to North
+Cachar by the Kopili route. Mawpunkyrtiang is a small village close to
+Cherrapunji. The weird tale about the Siem of Malyniang is the pride
+of the Maskut people, for in olden days their King, i.e. the Siem of
+Malyniang, is supposed to have been a very powerful monarch amongst
+the Khasis. The story of Manick Raitong is interesting, in that it
+explains the origin of the use of the _sharati_, a bamboo flute of
+special make which is played only at funerals. The pool of water,
+which was formed after U Manick and the erring queen were burnt, may
+be connected with the _Umkoi_, or tank, which is dug to cleanse the
+souls of those who have died violent deaths. The idea of the bamboo,
+which bore leaves that grew upside-down, springing up from the buried
+flute, is also to be found in the Synteng tale regarding U Loh Ryndi's
+fishing rod. Owing to considerations of space, I have had to curtail
+largely the folk-lore section. I have, however, kept the materials
+by me, and if at any future time there is reason to believe that the
+reproduction of more Khasi folk-lore is called for, I shall be glad
+to try to arrange that some of the other folk-tales be printed.
+
+
+The Water-Fall of Ka Likai.
+
+The water-fall of Ka Likai is one of the most beautiful water-falls in
+the Khasi Hills. Its stream flows from a certain river from the village
+of Rangjirteh and passes by the village of Nongriat. The fall can be
+seen distinctly from the village of Laitkynsew. What a beautiful fall
+it is when viewed in the autumn. It is also a very high fall. There
+was in olden days in the village of Rangjirteh a woman called Ka
+Likai. She was a poor woman who had a husband. When she had given
+birth to a child, the husband died. Whilst the child was yet a baby,
+she experienced much trouble in taking care of it on account of her
+poverty. After the child was able to walk, what a pleasure it was
+to her to see it growing, and able to play with other children. Then
+that woman married another man; but he did not love the little child,
+and many a time he got angry because she could not take care of him
+more, on account of that child.
+
+One day when she went to carry iron ore, her husband took the child
+and killed it. When he had cut up the body into pieces, he prepared
+curry with it and placed the curry where the mother would come and eat
+it. When he had finished doing so, he threw the head and the bones of
+the child far away, but he forgot to throw away the fingers, which he
+had placed in a basket where the betel-nut was kept. When the mother
+returned from her journey, she inquired "Where is the child?" "She
+has just gone somewhere, I don't know where," he said. She remained
+silent awhile; then she said, "Is there any rice and curry?" He said
+"Yes, it is ready," and went out at the same time. When she ate, she
+found the curry very tasty, and she thought that he had got the flesh
+of a young pig from some one who had performed a sacrifice. When she
+had finished eating, she took up the betel-nut basket, but found the
+fingers of her child there. She shrieked and threw herself down, and
+then ran to the precipice and cast herself down it. All the villagers
+wondered, but no one ventured to prevent her as she held a _da_ in her
+hand. From that time the waterfall was called the "Fall of Ka Likai."
+
+
+Ka Kshaid Ka Likai.
+
+Ka kshaid-ka-Likai ka long kawei ka kshaid ha ri Khasi kaba itynnad
+shibun eh. Ka wan tuid na kawei ka wah ha ka shnong Rangjirteh kaba
+wan hap ha ka shnong Nongriat. Ia kane ka kshaid lah ban ioh-i bha na
+ka shnong Laitkynsew. Katno ka long kaba i-tynnad lada khmih ia ka
+ha ka por synrai. Ka long ruh kaba jrong shibun eh. La don kawei ka
+briew ha ka shnong Rangjirteh hyndai kaba kyrteng ka Likai. Kane ka
+briew ka long kaba duk bad ka la don u tnga, te ynda la kha iwei i
+khun kynthei uta i tnga u la iap noh. Hamar ka por ha dang lung ita
+I khun ka la shitom shibun ban sumar ha ka jinglong duk jong ka. Te
+ynda i la nangiaid katno, ka la sngewbha ban ioh-i ia la i khun ba
+i la shait, bad ba i la nang ba'n leh kai bad ki para khynnah. Te
+kane ka briew ka la shongkurim bad uwei pat u briew; hynrei uta u'm
+ieit ia ita i khun, bad katno ba u la jiw sngew bitar ba ka'm lah
+ban khreh ba'n sumar ia u na ka bynta ita i khun.
+
+Te ha kawei ka sngi ba ka leit kit nongnar, uta u tnga u la shim ia
+ita i khun bad u la pyniap noh. Bad haba u la ot u la shet jintah
+ia ka doh jong i, u la buh ruh ha ka jaka ba ka'n wan bam ka kmie;
+bad ynda u la dep kumta baroh u la leit bred noh ia ka khlih bad ki
+shyieng sha jngai, hynrei ia ki shimpriahti ba u la buh ha ka shang
+kwai u'm kynmaw shuh ban leit bred. Haba la wan ka kmie na kata ka
+jingleit ka la kylli, "hangno ka khun"? "Tip ei, u ong, shano ka leit
+kai myntan." Ka shu sngap noh bad ka ong "La don ja don jintah ne em"
+u ong, "la don," bad hamar kata ka por u leit kai noh. Te haba ka la
+bam ja, ka sngew bang shibun, bad ka la tharai ba u ioh doh khun sniang
+na kino-kino kiba knia, bad haba ka la lah bam ja ka la shim ka shang
+kwai ba'n bam kwai, ka shem pynban da ki shimpriahti ita i khun bad
+ka la lyniar la lympat ia lade kat ba lah, bad ka la mareh sha katei
+ka riat bad ka la pynnoh ia lade. Kumta lyngngoh ki shnong-ki-thaw
+baroh bad y'm lah ba'n khang mano-mano ruh, ka bat la ka wait ha ka
+kti. Te naduh kata ka por ki khot "ka kshaid-noh-ka-Likai."
+
+
+The Dingiei Hill.
+
+Dingiei Hill is one of the highest peaks in the Khasi country,
+resembling in height and size the Shillong "Peak" which lies opposite
+and to the north of it. There are many villages on this hill belonging
+to the Shillong Siem. In olden days on the top of this hill grew a
+gigantic tree overshadowing the whole world, the name of that tree
+was "ka Dingiei." The Khasis came to a determination that if this
+tree were cut down (lit. destroyed) the world would become good and
+would have light, for as long as it (the tree) remained standing,
+the world remained dark and unfruitful. They accordingly came to an
+unanimous decision to fell it. When they cut (the tree) during the
+day and went back next morning, they found that the marks of cutting
+had been obliterated. Thus they cut each day, and next morning they
+found that the marks had disappeared. This was the case always. Then
+they marvelled why this thing was thus. They asked questions and
+they investigated; ka phreid (a very small bird) said "all this has
+happened because a tiger comes every night to (the foot of) the tree
+and licks the part of the tree which has been cut." Thereupon the men,
+having plied their axes and knives the whole day in cutting the tree
+(instead of carrying them away as usual), tied them to the incisions,
+with their edges pointing outwards. So when the tiger went as usual at
+night to lick the incisions, the sharp blades of the axes and knives
+cut his tongue. Thenceforth the tiger ceased to go to the tree; and as
+the tiger ceased to lick the incisions, the mark was not obliterated
+as before. So their work went on progressing every day until ka
+Dingiei fell. Thus the world received light, and cultivation throve,
+and there was nothing more to stand in the way of the light of the sun
+and the moon. It was for that reason that the name of "U Lum Dingiei"
+was given to the hill. Nobody knows what became of the tree, for since
+the time it fell its species has died out and there is no seed of it
+(to be found) anywhere on the earth from which it can be grown.
+
+
+U Lum Dingiei.
+
+U lum Dingiei u long u wei u lum uba jrong shibun ha ri Khasi. U
+syrim ha ka jing jrong bad jingkhraw ia u lum Shillong, bad u long
+marpyrshah jong u shaphang Shatei. Halor une u lum don bun ki shnong
+hapoh u Siem Shillong. Mynhyndai halor une u lum don kawei ka dieng
+kaba khraw shibuin eh haduh ba ka la kah dum ia ka pyrthei baroli
+kawei, ka kyrteng kata ka dieng ki khot ka Dingiei. Ki khun Khasi ki
+la ia kut jingmut ba lada yn ioh pynduh noh ia kane ka dieng ka'n bha
+ka'n shai ka pyrthei, namar katba ka dang ieng, ka pyrthei ka dum bad
+ka'm lah ban seisoh. Kumta ki la ia ieng da kawei ka jingmut ba'n ia
+khet noh ia ka. Te ynda ki la pom ia ka mynsngi, ki leit pat mynstep
+ki shem ba la dam noh ka dien pom. Kumta ki pom biang sa ha kawei ka
+sngi, ynda lashai mynstep ka dam-pa-dam biang. Shu kumta barabor ka
+long. Hangta ki la lyngngoh, hato balei ka long kumne. Ki ia kylli ki
+ia tohkit; ong ka phreid (ka sim kaba rit shibun) "kane ka jinglong
+ha dam kumne haba phi la pom ka long namar u khla mynmiet mynmiet u
+wan jliah ia ka dien ba phi la pom." Te kumta ki khun bynriew ynda
+ki la lah pom mynsngi baroh shi sngi, mynmiet ki teh pyn-ang da ki
+wait ki sdi ka kata ka jaka ba ki la lah pom . Kumta u khla haba
+u wan mynmiet u jliah phot u thyllied haba kynduh ha kita ki syrti
+wait syrti sdi. Kumtah naduh kata ka por um wan shuh; bad ynda um ioh
+shuh ban jliah kata ka dien pom u khun bynriew, ruh kam dam shuh. Shu
+nangdep ka jingtrei man ka sngi haduh ba la kyllon ka Dingiei. Kumta
+sa shai pher ka pyrthei bad sa manbha ka thung ka tep ka rep ka sei
+ynda ymdon ba shar shuh ia ka sngi ia u buai. Namarkata ki sa ioh
+ban khot kyrteng ia une a lum "u Lum Dingiei." Ia ka jinglong kane
+ka Dingiei ym don ba tip ei-ei naduh kata ka por haduh mynta, namar
+naduh ba la kyllon ka iapduh [32] bad ym don symbai ba kan pynmih
+haei-haei ha ka pyrthei haduh kane ka sngi.
+
+
+Concerning the Origin of the Siems of Shillong.
+
+The Siem of Shillong is a very great and powerful chief in the Khasi
+Hills. He is generally known throughout the Khasi Hills as the "god
+king". By the term "god king" is meant that God has been pleased to
+give over to him the largest portion of the Khasi country, i.e. the
+kingdom of Shillong, to rule. If you seek for the origin of these
+"god kings," you will find there is great uncertainty about it. At
+any rate there is a tradition amongst the Khasis to the following
+effect. In olden days a rumour got abroad that there was a woman in
+a cave called Marai, which is situated near the present village of
+Pomlakrai, at the source of the river Umiew or Umiam. She was a young
+and very beautiful damsel. Of the reality of the damsel's existence
+there is no question. Many tried to catch her, but they could not,
+owing to the narrowness of the cave. There came, however, a certain
+very clever man who went to entice her by showing her a flower called
+"u tiew-jalyngkteng." The damsel then came (out) near to snatch the
+flower, but the man went on holding back his hand until she came out
+into a more open place, when he seized her. He then brought her to his
+house and carefully tended her, and afterwards he married her. That
+damsel was called "_Ka Pah Syntiew_, the flower-lured one," because
+that man caught her by coaxing and enticing her with a flower. That
+man, who came from the village of Nongjri in the Bhoi country, was
+called the Nongjri Kongor. After she had given birth to daughters and
+sons, she returned, to the same place whence she had been captured,
+and from that time forth she never came out again, however much her
+husband and children called and implored her. Her children increased
+in stature and in wisdom and the people hearing of the wonderful
+origin of their mother, came from all parts of the country to look at
+them. The children also were very clever at showing their humility
+and good manners in the presence of the elders. All the people (in
+return) loved them and considered them to be the children of the
+gods and did homage to them. It occurred to the nobles and leaders
+of the Shillong Raj to appoint them Siems, because (they said) the
+children had been born of a wonderful woman, who, it seemed very
+clear, was the daughter of the "god Shillong." Therefore they gladly
+decided to appoint them Siems in the country of Shillong, (i.e., the
+present Khyrim and Mylliem States). The children thus became Siems,
+and they were called "Ki Siem-Blei" (the god kings) of Shilong. [33]
+
+
+Shaphang ba long U Siem Shillong.
+
+U Siem Shillong u long uwei u Siem uba khraw shibun bad uba don bor
+ruh ha kane ka ri lum Khasi. Ia une u Siem la jiw bna baroh kawei ka
+ri ba u long u Siem-Blei. Haba ong Siem-Blei ka mut ba U Blei u la i
+mon sngewbha ba'n aiti ha u ban synshar ia kawei ka bynta kaba khraw
+ha ri Khasi. Ha une la ai ba'n synshar ha ri Shillong. Haba wad ia ka
+jingsdang jong kine ki Siem Blei don shibun ka jingb'ym thikna. La
+kumno-kumno ka don ka jingiathu-khana kum kane kaba harum ha pydeng
+ki Khasi haduh kane ka sngi. Ha kaba nyngkong eh la byna ha don kawei
+ka briew ha ka krem Marai, kaba hajan ka shnong Pomlakrai mynta, ha
+tyllong ka wah Umiew ne Umiam. Kata ka briew kaba dang met samla kaba
+bhabriew shibun eh. Ia kaba ka don, ka don hangta barabor, bad bun ki
+ia pyrshang ban kem ia ka, kim lah namar ka long ka krem kaba khim. Te
+ynda la mih uwei u briew uba kham sian u la leit khroh ia ka da kaba
+pyni da u syntiew uba ki khot u tiew-ja-lyngkteng. Kumta katno ka briew
+ka la wan hajan ba'n kynieh ia uta u syntiew, te uta u briew u nangring
+da kaba pynran ia la ka kti khyndiat khyndiat haduh ka'n da mih ha kaba
+kham kylluid ka jaka, u sa kem ia ka. Hangta u la wallam sha la ieng,
+u ri u sumar bha ia ka, bad hadien-hadien u la shongkurim ia ka. Te
+la khot kyrteng ia kata ka briew ka Pah-syntiew, namar ba uta u briew
+u ioh kem ia ka da kaba khroh ba pah da u syntiew. Uta u briew u long
+uba na Nongjri Bhoi, bad ki jiw khot u Kongor Nongjri ia u. Te ynda
+ka la kha ki khun, kynthei bad shynrang, ka la leit phet sha kajuh ka
+jaka na kaba u la ioh kem ia ka, bad naduh kata ka por ka'm wan shuh,
+la'u tnga ki khun ki leit khot leit pyrta katno-katno ruh. Kita ki
+khun ki la nangshait nang sian, bad ki briew ruh, haba ki la bna ia
+ka jinglong kaba phylla ka jong ku kmie jong ki, ki la wan khnang na
+kylleng ki jaka ba'n khmih ia kita ki khynnah. Te kita ki khynnah ki la
+nang shibun ba'n leh rit ba'n leh don akor ha khmat ki tymmen briew,
+ki briew ruh baroh ki a ieit ia ki bad ki tharai ba ki long ki khun
+Blei. Kumta ki la ia nguh ki la ia dem ia kita ki khynnah bad hadien
+kata ka la jia ha ki dohnud kiba khraw-batri, ki tymmen-ki-san ha ka
+ri Shillong ban thung Siem ia ki namar ki khynnah ki long kiba la wan
+kha da ka briew kaba phylla shibun, kaba imat eh ba ka long ka khun
+u Blei Shillong. Te kumta ki la ia kut da ka mon snowbha baroh ba'n
+thung Siem ia ki ha ka hima Shillong, bad kumta la long Siem kita ki
+khynnah, ki synshah bad ki khot ruh ia ki Siem-Blei-Siem-Shillong.
+
+
+U Loh Ryndi and Ka Lim Dohkha.
+
+The Syntengs give the following explanation of the origin of Siems
+of Suhtnga. There was a man from War Umwi named U Loh Ryndi. He went
+one day to fish in the Umwi stream. When he had caught only one fish,
+he returned home. He roasted the fish and placed it on the _tyngir_
+(a swinging shelf above the hearth). He forgot that it was there, and
+did not remember to eat it. The next morning he went out for a walk to
+the hill. When he returned home in the evening, he found his house had
+been swept and looked after, and that the rice had been cooked. He was
+much surprised at this. The next day the same thing happened. When this
+state of things continued to occur, he made a pretence of going for a
+walk to the hill and he called his dog. But he concealed himself the
+whole day outside the village, and when it was time for cooking rice
+(evening), he returned home. When he saw that smoke was rising from the
+house, he crept up stealthily in order that he might suddenly enter the
+house. Finding a woman there, he said, "Who art thou?" She replied,
+"I am Ka Lih Dohkha. I am the fish whom thou didst catch and forget
+to eat. She forthwith added, "Thou must not let any one know. I have
+many relatives. Come, let us go and fetch them to come here." So Ka
+Loh Ryndi bade his mother take care of the house until his return from
+his journey. They went together and arrived at the place where he had
+caught her, and she jumped into the water and he remained on the dry
+land. After a while she returned, bringing with her her relatives,
+but how many of them there were is not known. They all went to the
+house of U Loh Ryndi. When Ka Lih Dohkha began to enter the house,
+and was about to cross the threshold, she saw a broom which his mother
+had placed on the threshold. She therefore abruptly turned back with
+all her relatives to the river. After that U Loh Ryndi saw in a dream
+that Ka Lih Dohkha had gone by the river Umwai Khyrwi to a village
+called Suhtnga. (Since that time all the fish have left the river up
+to the present day.) He accordingly went to angle for her in that
+stream, and when he had caught her, he found that she looked after
+him just the same as before. After that he married Ka Lih Dohkha and
+she bore him twelve daughters and a son. When the children of U Loh
+Ryndi and Ka Lih Dohkha grew up, both of them returned to the stream
+Umwai Khyrwi. It is said that from the fishing rod of U Loh Ryndi,
+which he left on the bank of the stream, there grew up bamboos,
+the joints and leaves of which grow upside down to the present day.
+
+
+U Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lim Dohkha.
+
+Ki Synteng ki batai ia ka jinglong tynrai ki Siem Suhtnga kumne. La
+don u wei U War Umwi, uba kyrteng U Loh Ryndi, uba la leit khwai
+dohkha na ka Wah Umwi; te ynda la ngat tang kata kawai u la wan
+noh sba la ieng. Ynda u la syang u la buh noh halor tyngir ha ka
+ruh. Hangta u la klet bad um kynmaw shuh ban bam ia ka. Kumta ynda
+la-shai mynstep u la leit kai pat sha lum, te haba u la wan noh la
+jan miet u la shem ia ka iing jong u ba la sar la sumar bad ka ja ba
+la ih. Mynkata u la lyngngeh shiban ba ka long kumne. Te kum la-shai
+ka la long kumjuh. Ynda ka shu dem iailong kumne-pa-kumne la ban sin
+eh, ynda kumta u la leh ia lade kum u ban sa leit lum, u da ting ia
+u ksew. Hinrei u la rih noh baroh shi sngi harud nong, bad ynda la
+poi ka por shet ja u la wan noh sha iing. Te mynba u la ioh-i ba la
+tydem ding ha ieng u la syntiat bha biang ba un ioh rung kynsan bluit
+hapoh. Hynda kumta u la shem ia ka kynthei hangta. U la ong ia ka,
+"Pha kaei"? Ka la ong ia u, "nga long Ka Lih-dohkha, ma nga, nga long
+kata ka dohkha ba me la ngat bad me la klet ban bam." Ynda kumta ka
+la ong ia u "me wat pyntip iano iano ruh, nga don ki kur shibun eh,
+ngin ia leit shaw ia ki ban wan noh shane." Kumta U Loh Ryndi u la
+buh ia la ka kmie ban sumar ia ka iing tad ynda un wan na ka jingleit
+jong u. Ynda ki la ia leit ki la poi ha kata ka jaka ba u la ngat ia
+ka. Ynda kumta ka la sid ha ka um, u te u nang sah ha ka ryngkew. Te
+la shibit ka la wan pat sha u bad ka wallam lem bad ka ia ki kur,
+hinrei ki long katno ngut ym lah banong, bad ki la leit baroh sha ka
+iing U Loh Ryndi. Te mynba Ka Lih Dohkha ka la sydang rung ha iing,
+hamar be kan sa jam ia ka shahksew ka la ioh-i ia u synsar ba la buh ka
+kmie jong u hapoh kata ka shahksew; namarkata ka la kylla din bak bad
+ki kur jong ka sha kata ka wah. Hadin kata U Loh Ryndi u la phohsniw,
+u la ioh-i ha kata ka jingphohsniw ia Ka Lih Dohkha ba ka la leit noh
+sha ka shnong ba ki khot ka Suhtnga ha ka Umwai-khyrwi (naduh kata
+la jah noh ki dohkha ha ka wah Umwi haduh mynta). Te u ruh u la leit
+sha kata ka wah ban khwai ia ka, bad ynda u la ngat u la shem ba ka
+sumar ia u kumjuh. Ynda nangta u la shongkurim bad Ka Lih Dohkha,
+bad u la ioh khun khadar ngut ki kynthei uwei u shynrang. Ynda la
+rangbah kita ki khun u Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lih Dohkha ki la leit noh
+baroh ar ngut ha kata ka Umwai Khyrwi. Te ki ong ba na u ryngwiang
+khwai jong U Loh Ryndi, harud um ba u la ieh noh, la long ki shken
+kiba ka mat ka long khongpong bad ka sla de kumjuh jen haduh mynta.
+
+
+Kyllang and Symper.
+
+Kyllang is a hill which is near the village of Mawnai in Khadsawphra,
+and Symper is a hill which is situated in the Siemship of Maharam. The
+old folks say that there are gods which inhabit these hills, which
+are called U Kyllang and U Symper. These gods had a quarrel for some
+reason that we mortals do not know. They fought by throwing mud at
+one another. After they had fought, once or twice, U Kyllang proved
+victorious. So U Symper, having been humiliated, sits quietly in his
+own place to this day, and U Kyllang sits very proudly because be was
+victorious in the fight. The holes which are like tanks in U Symper's
+sides remain to this day; it is said that U Kyllang made those holes
+during the battle.
+
+
+U Kyllang [34] bad U Symper.
+
+U Kyllang u long u lum uba hajan ka shnong Mawnai ha Khadsawphra
+bad U Symper u dei u lum uba long ha ri Maharam. Ha kine ki lum ki
+tymmen ki jiw tharai ba don ki blei kiba shong hangto kiba kyrteng
+U Kyllang bad U Symper. Kine ki blei baroh ar ngut ki la ia kajia
+namar kano kano ka daw kaba ngi u bynriw ngim lah ban tip. Te ki la
+ialeh baroh ar ngut da kaba ia khawoh ktih. Ynda ki la ialeh shi por
+ar por jop U Kyllang. Kumta U Symper u shong pynrit ia lade ha la ka
+jaka jar-jar haduh mynta, bad U Kyllang u shong da kaba sngew khraw
+sngew sarong shibun ba u la jop ha ka jingialeh. Ki thliw kiba long
+kum ki pukri kiba don ha ki krung u lum Symper ki sah haduh mynta;
+ki ong ba la pynlong ia kito ki thliw da U Kyllang ha ka por ialeh.
+
+
+The Siem creating stone at Mawsmai.
+
+On the outskirts of Mawsmai village, and to the west of it, stands a
+hill; it is a very beautiful hill. From a distance it looks like the
+hump of a bull. It has big trees growing on it, as people are afraid
+to cut them because they believe that the god "Ryngkew" is there,
+who takes care of and protects the country. This hill has two names,
+U Mawlong Siem and U Lyngkrem. U Mawlong Siem is the smaller (peak)
+on the southern side, and U Lyngkrem the taller one, in which there is
+a cave. The Mawsmai people sacrifice once or twice a year according
+to the god's demand. The Mawsmai people have, besides U Mawlong
+Siem, other village gods (called "Ryngkew"). The name of the one is
+"U Rangjadong," and the name of the other "U Ramsong." Sacrifices
+are offered to these two also. U Mawlong Siem is a very great and
+stern god. The other gods dare not engage in battle with him. He
+has a daughter called "Ka Khmat Kharai" (i.e. the mouth of the
+abyss). The god of the Umwai people fell in love with this daughter,
+but he was unable to obtain her in marrage, as U Mawlong Siem did
+not like him. It is not possible to know the exact reason why the
+name of U Mawlong Siem was given to him, but at any rate it appears
+that the name arose from the fact that in olden days before the death
+of a Siem there used to be heard at "Mawlong Siem" a great noise of
+beating of drums. The Mawsmai and the Mawmluh people used to hear it,
+and they attributed it to the god "Mawlong Siem," who beat the drum
+for his children to dance to. At any rate, when this sound is heard,
+it never fails to portend the death of a Siem. It appears that this
+hill was called "Mawlong Siem" for that reason.
+
+
+U Mawlong Siem ha Mawsmai.
+
+Harud 'nong Mawsmai don u wei u lum uba shaphang sepngi na ka
+shnong. Une u lum uba i-tynnad shibun. Ban khymih na sha jingngai u
+long kum u syntai masi kyrtong. U don ki dieng kiba khraw ki bym jiw
+don ba nud ban thoh ban dain namar ba ki niew ba u long U Ryngkew u
+blei uba sumar uba da ia ka muluk ka jaka. Ia une u lum ki khot ar
+kyrteng, U Mawlong Siem bad U Lyngkrem, U Mawlong Siem u long uta uba
+kham lyngkot shaphang shathi, bad U Lyngkrem u long uta uba jerong eh
+bad uba don ka krem Pubon hapoh. Ia une U Mawlong Siem ki Mawsmai ki
+jiw ai jingknia da u blang shisin shi snem ne shi sin ar snem katba
+u pan. Ki Mawmluh ruh ki leh kumjuh na la shnong. Nalor une U Mawlong
+Siem ki Mawsmai ki don shuh ki Ryngkew hajan shgong, uwei U Rangjadong
+bad uwei pat U Ramsong. Ia kine ki knia. Une U Mawlong Siem u long
+u blei uba khraw shibun bad uba eh. Ki para blei kim nud ban ia leh
+thyma ia ki. U don kawai ka khun kaba kyrteng "Ka Khymat Kharai,"
+u blei ki Umwai u i-bha ia ka, hinrei um lah poi namar U Mawlong
+Siem um sngewbha ia u. Ban tip thikna ia ka daw balei ba khot kyrteng
+Mawlong Siem ia u ym lah ban tip; hinrei la kumno kumno i-mat ba kane
+ka kyrteng ka la mih namar ba mynhyndai haba yn sa iap Siem la jiw
+ioh sngew hangta ha U Mawlong Siem ba don ka jingsawa tem ksing kaba
+khraw shibun. Ki Mawsmai bad ki Mawmluh ki jiw ioh sngew, bad ki jiw
+tharai ba u blei Mawlong Siem u tem ksing ban pynshad khun. Lei lei
+haba la ioh sngew kum kata ka jingsawa ym jiw pep ia ka ban iap Siem,
+bad i-mat ba na kata ka daw la khot kyrteng ia une u lum Mawlong Siem.
+
+
+Why There Are Spots On The Moon.
+
+In olden days there was a woman who had four children, three girls
+and one boy. Their names were these, Ka Sngi (sun), Ka Um (water),
+Ka Ding (fire), and U Bynai (moon). These four children belonged to
+rich gentle folk. The Moon was a wicked young man, for he began to
+make love to his elder sister, Ka Sngi. In the beginning the Moon was
+as bright as the Sun. When the Sun became aware of his bad intentions,
+she was very angry. She took some ashes in her hand and said to him,
+"do you harbour such an incestuous and wicked intention against me,
+your elder sister, who has taken care of you and held you in her
+arms, and carried you on her back like a mother does; now I will
+cover your brow with ashes, you wicked and shameless one; begone
+from the house." Then the Moon felt very much ashamed, and from
+that time he gave out a white light because the Sun had covered him
+with ashes. What we see like a cloud (on the Moon) when it is full,
+are the ashes which adhered from the time the Sun covered him with
+them. The three daughters, however, remained at home to take care of
+their mother, until she grow old and died.
+
+
+Kumno ba la Thoh dak U Bynai.
+
+La don kawei ka briew mynhyndai kaba don saw ngut ki khun, lai ngut
+ki kynthei bad u wei u shynrang. Ki kyrteng jong ki ki long kine,
+Ka Sngi, Ka Um, Ka Ding, bad U Bynai. Kine baroh saw ngut ki la long
+ki khun riwbba khun don burom shisha shisha. Te une U Bynai u la long
+u briew uba riwnar, u sydang ban i-bha ia la ka hynmen, Ka Sngi. Une
+U Bynai ruh ha kaba mynnyngkong u long uba phyrnai hi ryngkat Ka
+Sngi. Te ynda ka Sngi ka la sngewthuh ia ka jingmut riwnar jong u
+ka la sngew bittar shibun bad ka la shim u dypei ha la ka kti bad ka
+la ong ia u, "da kum kane ka kam kaba sang kaba sniw phi thew ia nga
+ka hynmen kaba la thum la bah, la sumar sukher kum ka kymie ryngkat;
+mynta ngan tep da u dypei ia ka shyllang-mat jong me u riwnar u khlem
+rain,--khie phet noh na iing." Te U Bynai u la sngew rem sngew rain
+shibun eh. Bad naduh kata ka por U Bynai u kylla da ka jinghai kaba
+lih namar ba tep Ka Sngi da u dypei. Bad uta uba ngi ioh-i ha U Bynai
+kum u l'oh ha ka por ba u pyllun u long u dypei kein uba sah naduh
+ba tep Ka Sngi. Te ki sah lai ngut ki para kynthei kiba sumar ia la
+ka kmie ba la sydot la tymmen haduh ba kan da iap.
+
+
+
+"Sohpet Byneng" Hill.
+
+In olden days, when the earth was very young, they say that heaven
+and earth were very near to one another, because the navel-string of
+heaven drew the earth very close to it. This navel-string of heaven,
+resembling flesh, linked a hill near Sumer with heaven. At that time
+all the subjects of the Siem of Mylliem throughout his kingdom came
+to one decision, i.e. to sever the navel-string from that hill. After
+they had cut it, the navel-string became short; and, as soon as it
+shortened, heaven then ascended high. It was since that time that
+heaven became so high, and it is for that reason that they call that
+hill which is near Sumer "U Sohpet Byneng."
+
+
+U Lum Sohpet Byneng.
+
+Mynhyndai mynba dang lung ka pyrthei ki ong ba ka byneng bad ka khyndew
+ki ia jan sbibun namar ba U Sohpet Byneng u ring ia ka byneng ba'n
+wan kham hajan. Une U Sohpet Byneng u long kum ka doh kaba snoh na u
+wei u lum uba hajan Sumer bad ka snoh ruh ia ka byneng. Te mynkata
+ka por ki khun ki raiot U Siem Mylliem baroh kawei ka hima ki ia
+ryntieh kawei ka buit ban ia ieng ba'n khet noh ia uta U Sohpet
+Byneng na uta u lum. Te ynda ki la ialeh ba'n khet ia u u la dykut,
+bad tang u shu dykut ka byneng ka la kiw theng sha jerong. Kumta ka
+shu jngai kumne ka byneng naduh kata ka por ba dykut U Sohpet Byneng
+nalor uta u lum. Kane ruh ka long ka daw namar balei ba la khot ia
+uta u lum uba don hajan Sumer "U Lum Sohpet Byneng."
+
+
+How the Dog came to live with Man.
+
+In olden days, when the world was young, all the beasts lived happily
+together, and they bought and sold together, and they jointly built
+markets. The largest market where all the beasts used to take their
+articles for sale was "Luri-Lura," in the Bhoi country. To that
+market the dog came to sell rotten peas. No animal would buy that
+stinking stuff. Whenever any beast passed by his stall, he used to
+say "Please buy this stuff." When they looked at it and smelt it, it
+gave out a bad odour. When many animals had collected together near
+the stall of the dog, they took offence at him, and they said to him,
+"Why have you come to sell this evil smelling, dirty stuff?" They then
+kicked his ware and trampled it under foot. The dog then complained
+to the principal beasts and also to the tiger, who was at that time
+the priest of the market. But they condemned him, saying, "You will be
+fined for coming to sell such dirty stuff in the market." So they acted
+despitefully towards him by kicking and trampling upon his wares. When
+the dog perceived that there was no one to give ear to his complaint,
+he went to man, who said, "Come and live with me, and I will arise
+with you to seek revenge on all the animals who have wronged you." The
+dog agreed and went to live with man from that time. Then man began
+to hunt with the assistance of the dog. The dog knows well also how
+to follow the tracks of the animals, because he can scent in their
+footprints the smell of the rotten pea stuff which they trod under
+foot at Luri-Lura market.
+
+
+
+Kumno u Kseq u la wan Shong bad u Briew.
+
+Mynhyndai, mynba dang lung ka pyrthei shibit, ki mrad ki mreng lai
+phew jaid ki ia suk ki ia lok para mrad, bad ki ju ia-die-ia-thied, ia
+thaw iew thaw hat ryngkat. Te ka iew kaba khraw tam eh kaba poi baroh
+ki lai phew mrad ba'n wallam la ki jingkhaii pateng ka long ka Iew
+"Luri-Lura" ba ri Bhoi. Ha kata ka iew u ksew u wan die 'tung rymbai,
+te ym man don ba pan thied satia ia kata ka ktung. La iaid kawei ka
+mrad u tyrwa, "To thied kane ka ktung." Haba ka la khmih bad ka la iw,
+kaba iwtung pynban, la iaid kawei pat ruh shu shem ba ka long kumta,
+kaba sniew bad kaba iwtung ka jingdie jong u ksew. Te haba ki la ialang
+kham bun ha ka basa jong u ki la phoi ia u ksew, ki ong "balei me wan
+die ia ka ktung kaba iw jakhlia?" bad ki la kynjat ia ka jingdie jong
+u bad ki la iuh hapoh slajat. Te u ksew u la mudui ha ki para mrad kiba
+kham rangbah bad ha u khla uba long lyngdoh, ha kata ka iew. Pynban ki
+la pynrem ia u, bad ki la ong, "yn dain kuna ia me uba wan die ia ka
+jakhlia ha ka iew ka hat." Kumta ki la leh bein ia u da kaba iuh kaba
+kynjat ia kata ka ktung. Te u ksew haba u ioh-i b'ym don ba sngap ia
+ka jingmudui jong u, u la wan sha u bynriew, bad u bynriew u la ong
+"To wan shong noh bad nga nga'n ieng ryngkat bad me ba'n wad kyput ia
+ki lai phew mrad kiba leh bein ia me." Te kumta u ksew u la kohnguh
+bad u la wan shong bad u bynriew naduh kata ka por. Nangta sa long
+ka beh mrad u bynriew ryngkat bad ka jingiarap u ksew. U ksew ruh u
+tip ba'n bud dien ia ki mrad, namar u sngewthuh ba ka dien ka khnap
+ka mrad baroh ka don ka jingiw-khong ba la sah ka jingiw naduh kata
+ka por ba ki iuh ia ka ktung rymbai jong u ha ka Iew Luri-Lura.
+
+
+The "Thlen."
+
+In olden days there was a market in the village of Langhiang Kongkhen,
+and there was a bridge sacred to the gods there. All the children
+of men used to frequent that heavenly market. They used to pass by
+Rangjirteh, where there is a cave which was tenanted by a gigantic
+"thlen." When they went to that market, as soon as they arrived at
+Rangjirteh they were swallowed up by the "thlen." The "thlen" did this
+in obedience to an order he had received. If ten people went there,
+five of them were swallowed up; half of them he devoured, and half
+of them he let go. But any one who went alone was not touched by the
+"thlen," for it was necessary for him to leave untouched half (of
+the number of those who went). When many people had been devoured,
+and when they saw that all the children of men would be destroyed,
+whether they were Khasis or plains people, they held a great durbar
+at Sunnai market to which both Khasis and plains people went. They
+considered together as to how to devise a means by which they could
+slay the "thlen" which had devoured the children of men. After they
+had deliberated for a long time they decided to adopt the following
+plan. In the grove that is close to Laitryngew, which is called
+"the grove of U Suidnoh," there was a man called "U Suidnoh." They
+counselled together to get "U Suidnoh" to make friends with the
+"thlen." This Suidnoh was a courageous man who did not care for any
+one. He used always to walk alone; so when he went to the "thlen,"
+the latter did not eat him because there was no one else with him
+who could be let go. The people advised U Suidnoh that he should
+go and give the "thlen" flesh every day, either goats, or pigs, or
+cattle. After he had done this for a long time, the "thlen" became
+tame, and was great friends with U Suidnoh. When both of them became
+very intimate thus, the children of men advised U Suidnoh to build a
+smelting house. So he built a smelting house and made the iron red-hot,
+and, holding it with a pair of tongs, took it to the "thlen." When
+he arrived he said to the "thlen," "Open your mouth, open your mouth,
+brother-in-law, here is some flesh." As soon as he opened his mouth,
+he threw the red-hot iron down his throat. The monster then struggled
+and wriggled so violently in its death agony that the earth shook as if
+there had been an earthquake. When U Suidnoh saw the death struggle of
+the "thlen," he fainted (from excitement). The quaking of the earth
+startled all the children of men, and they thought that something
+had happened. When U Suidnoh did not return home his family went
+to look for him, for they knew that he had gone to feed the "thlen"
+with red-hot iron. They found him there lying in a faint. When they
+had revived him, they asked him why he had fainted thus. He replied,
+"When I was feeding the 'thlen' with red-hot iron, he struggled
+and wriggled and I fainted. Come, let us go and see what has become
+of him." They then went and found that the "thlen" was dead. They
+then published abroad all over the world that the "thlen" was dead,
+and they convened a durbar to decide about eating him. In the durbar
+they came to the following understanding, i.e. that the Khasis should
+eat half, and the plains people half (of the body). After they had
+come to this decision in the durbar, they then went to take him out
+of the cave, and they lifted him on to a rock. They there cut into
+pieces the "thlen's" carcase. The plains people from the East, being
+more numerous, ate up their share entirely, not leaving anything--for
+this reason there are no "thlens" in the plains; but the Khasis from
+the West, being fewer in numbers, could not eat up the whole of their
+share; they left a little of it. Thus, because they did not eat it
+all, the "thlen" has remained with them. U Suidnoh gained for himself
+fame and honour, which he enjoys up to the present day. The Khasis,
+therefore, when they find that the hair or the clothes of any one
+belonging to them have been cut, refer the matter to U Suidnoh, and
+they sacrifice to him. The Syntengs also have their "thlen," but he
+differs much from the Khasi "thlen." The Syntengs also believe he is
+a kind of serpent, and there are some families and clans who keep
+him and worship him like a god. They sacrifice to him a pig only;
+they do not propitiate him with human blood as the Khasis do. [35]
+
+
+Shaphang U Thlen.
+
+Mynhyndai la don ka iew ha Langhiang Kongkhen, ba don ka jingkieng blei
+hangta. Baroh ki khun bynriw ki ia wan ha kane ka iew blei. Ki iaid
+lynti na Rangjirteh, kaba don ka krem u thlen uba khraw eh. Te katba
+ki leit sha kane ka iew blei tang shu poi ha Rangjirteh la nguid noh u
+thlen. U ieh kum ha kane ka rukom kat kum ka hukum ba u la ioh. Lada
+iaid shiphaw ngut, san ngut la nguid noh; shiteng shiteng la bam,
+shiteng shiteng la pyllait noh. Hinrei ia uba iaid wei briew ym bit
+ba'n bam. Ka dei ba'n da pyllait shiteng shiteng. Te ynda la lut
+than eh ki briew, ki i ruh kum ba'n sa duh ki khun bynriew baroh,
+bad Khasi bad Dykhar, hangta ki la sydang ba'n lum ka dorbar bah ha
+ka iew Sunnai, u Dykhar u hangta u Khasi ruh hangta. Ki ia pyrkhat
+ba'n ioh ka buit ka lad da kumno ki lah ba'n pyniap noh ia u thlen
+uba la bam duh ia u khun bynriew. Ynda ki la dorbar kham slem ki
+la ioh ka lad kaba biang kumne. Ha kata ka khlaw hajan Laitryngew
+kaba ki khot 'law Suidnoh la don uwei uba kyrteng "U Suidnoh"
+ki la ong ba'n pynialok ia U Suidnoh bad U Thlen. Une U Suidnoh u
+long uba riwnar u b'ym jiw iaid ryngkat briew. Wei briw, wei briw,
+u iaid. Kumte haba u leit sha U Thlen ruh u'm bam satia namar ba U
+Thlen hi ruh u'm jiw bam ha b'ym don jingpyllait. Ki briew ki la sylla
+ia U Suidnoh ba un leit ai doh ia u hala ka sngi; u ai da ki blang,
+ki sniang, ki massi. Haba la leh kumta kham slem U Thlen u la juh,
+u la ia lok bha bad "U Suidnoh." Te ynda kine ki la ia juh bha,
+u khun bynriew u la bythah pat ia U Suidnoh ba u'n shna shlem, bad
+u la shna shlem ba'n pyrsut nar-wah. Ynda u la pyrsut ia u nar haduh
+ba u la saw bha hain u la khap na ka lawar ding bak bad katba u dang
+saw dang khluid bha u la leit lam ha U Thlen. Tang shu poi u ong "Ko
+kynum ang, ang, kane ka doh," bad iang u shu ang u la thep jluk ha u
+pydot. Hangta U Thlen u la khih u la lympat u la kyrhtat u la ksaid
+iap baduh ba la win ka khyndew kumba khih u jumai. Hangta U Suidnoh,
+haba u ioh-i ia ka jingksaid iap U Thlen, u ruh u la iapler b'ym tip
+briew shuh. Te kata ka jingwin ka khyndew ka la pynkyndit ia u khun
+bynriew baroh ha ka pyrthei, bad ki la pyrkhat ba la jia ei ei. U
+Suidnoh u'm poi shuh sha la iing, te kiba ha iing jong u ki la leit
+wad, namar ki la tip ba u la leit ai jingbam ha U Thlen da u nar saw:
+hangta ki la shem ba u la iap ler, bad ki la pynkyndit ia u bad ki
+la kylli ia u "Balei me iapler kumne?" U ong, "Hamar ba nga dang
+ai jingbam ia U Thlen da u nar saw ba la pyrsut bha, u la kyrthat,
+khih lympat U Thlen bad nga la iap ler. "Ia, ia leit khymih kumno u
+la long." Ynda ki la ia leit khymih ki shem ba la iap U Thlen. Hangta
+la pynbyna haw ia ka pyrthei baroh be la lah iap U Thlen, bad u lum
+ka dorbar ba'n bam noh ia u. Hangta ha ka dorbar ki la ia kut kumne:
+ki Khasi ki'n bam shiteng bad ki Dykhar ki'n bam shiteng. Ynda la
+ia kut kumta ha ka dorbar ki la ieng ba'n leit sei noh na ka krem,
+bad ki la rah halor u mawsiang. Hangta ki la ia shain ia dain ia
+ka doh U Thlen lyngkhot lyngkhot. Ki Dykhar na mih-ngi, namar ba ki
+kham bun briew ki la bam lut ia la ka bynta, kim shym pynaah ei ei,
+kumta ym don Thlen shuh ha pyddeng ki Dylhar. Hinrei ki Khasi, na
+sepngi namar ba ki kham duna briew ki'm shym lah ba'n bam lut ia la
+ka bynta, ki la pynsah katto katne. Kumta namar ba ki'm shym bam lut,
+U Thlen u dang sah. U Suidnoh u la ioh la ka nam la ka burom haduh
+mynta. Namar haba ki Khasi ki shem ba la ot shniuh ne ot jain ki
+pynkit halor U Suidnoh bad ki ai jingknia ia u. Ki Synteng ruh ki don
+la U Thlen hinrei u pher shibun na U Thlen Khasi. Ki Synteng ruh ki
+ngeit ba u long u kynja bysein, bad don ki iing bad ki jaid kiba jiw
+ri ia u bad ki mane kum u blei. Ki ai jingknia ia u tang da u sniang,
+hinrei kim ai da ka snam briew kumba ai ki Khasi kiba ri ia u.
+
+
+
+About the River "Rupatylli" at Duwara.
+
+In ancient times, when the world was still young, there were two river
+goddesses who lived on the Shillong Peak; perhaps really they were
+the daughters of the god of the Peak. These two wagered one against
+the other that each would be the first to arrive in the Sylhet plains
+by cutting a channel for herself. They agreed to start from Shillong
+Peak. One followed the channel of the Umngot, and the other that of
+Umiew or Umiam. The one that followed the channel of Umngot chose a
+soft and easy bed, and although the way was a longer one, she did not
+find it a trouble to go by a circuitous route. When she reached the
+Sylhet plains she was called "Shengurkhat," and she then flowed past
+Chhatak, and so reached Duwara. She looked round to see where Umiam
+was, but she could not descry her anywhere. So out of playfulness she
+flowed slowly, and she formed a channel like a necklace (_rupatylli_)
+by way of waiting to see where Umiam was. Umiew was very proud,
+she felt strong enough to make the channel she chose, and although
+it was through the midst of hills and rocks, she cared not a bit;
+so she wasted time by digging through the hills and boulders. When
+she reached Shella, she thought she could easily beat Umngot, for the
+course she had taken was a very straight one. When she got a little
+below Shella she saw Umngot shouting for joy with foaming waves in
+the Rupatylli channel at Duwara. She was covered with shame, and she
+slackened her speed and split herself up into 5 branches, namely,
+ka Umtong, ka Torasa, ka Pasbiria ka Kumarjani, and ka Duwara. Umiam
+did this so as to hide her shame from Umngot. This is how the river
+Rupatylli was formed at Duwara, to be a token that Umngot had been
+victorious in her contest with Umiew. [36]
+
+
+Shaphang ka wah. Rupatylli ha Duwara.
+
+Hyndai mynba dang lung ka pyrthei la don ar ngut ki blei um kiba shong
+ha lum Shillong. Lehse shisha ki long ki khun u blei Shillong. Kine
+ki la ia kop ba'n ia mareh ba'n ia pynpoi kloi sha ri madan Shilot da
+kaba ia pom mar kawei ka wah. Kumta ki la ia kut bad ki la ia mih na
+Shillong kawei ka Umngot bad kawei ka Umiew ne Umiam. Kata ka Umngot
+ka bud ia ka lynti na ba, jem ba jem, la ka long kham jingngai ruh
+kam sngew salia ba'n iaid kyllain. Kumta ka la poi ha Shilot ba'n
+khot ka wah Shengurkhat bad ka iaid haduh Shattok, bad ka poi ha
+Duwara. Ka khymih ia ka Umiam haei-haei-ruh, te ym ioh-i. Kumta ka
+la leh suki kai, ka thaw ka rupa tylli hangto ba'n long kumba sangeh
+ba'n ioh-i ia ka Umiam. Ka Umiew ka long kaba kham sarong, ka sngew
+khlain ba'n iaid na ka lynti kaba bit la ka long da ki lum ne ki maw,
+ka'm suidniew, kumta ka la pynlut por ha kaba tih ia ki lum bad ki
+maw. Ynda ka la poi ha Shella ka la shu mut ba'n jop ia ka Umngot
+namar ka lynti jong ka ka long kaba beit eh, te ynda ka la poi harum
+Shella khyndiat ka la ioh-i ia ka Umngot ba ka la risa da ka jingkhie
+dew ha ka wah Rupatylli ha Duwara. Kumta ka la sngew rain suin bad
+ka la leh suki noh da kaba pynpait tynat ia lade san tylli, kawai
+ka Umtang; ar ka Umtarasa; lai ka Pasbiria; saw ka wah Kumarjani;
+san ka wah Duwara. Kumne ka la leh khnang ba'n buh riah ia la ka
+jingkhein burom ha khymat ka Umngot. Kumta sa long ka wah Rupatylli
+ha Duwara namar ka long ka dak ka jingjop ka Umngot ia ka Umiew.
+
+
+The Kupli (Kopili).
+
+The Kopili river rises in the "Black Mountains," [37] and flows
+northwards into the Brahmaputra. It is the boundary between the
+country of the Syntengs and that of the Hadems. [38] Any traveller
+who wishes to cross this river must leave behind him the rice which
+he has taken for his journey, and any other food that he may have
+taken with him. If he does not do so, even if he crosses the river
+at an unforbidden point, he is liable to offer a sacrifice to the
+Kopili goddess. The people offer to her three fowls and three goats
+outside the village, i.e. one to the goddess herself, and the other
+two to her sons, U Shyngkram and U Jali; and five fowls, that they
+may all three feast together; this is the case of one transgression
+only. But in the case of a man who has committed more than one, it
+is not possible to say how many goats and fowls must be sacrificed,
+because the river often demands offerings on account of a man's
+parents or relatives having crossed the river at some time or other.
+
+From the time of the old Siem to that of U Ram Singh Siem, they used
+to sacrifice to this great goddess two persons during the months
+of November and December at the time of offering: a sacrifice at
+Jaintiapur. After a ceremony performed by the Brahmins at Jaintiapur,
+the victims are led to the Mawshai (Shangpung) market, where they are
+allowed to take and eat anything they like. After that they conduct
+them to Sumer; but some say that the stone on which the victims are
+beheaded is situated below the village of Ka Lew Kai, near a stream
+which falls into the Kopili, and where there is a _mawkynthei_
+(flat table-stone) close to that sacred river.
+
+They place the victims on that stone, where the executioner beheads
+them with a terrible sword. After that they throw the dead bodies
+their heads into the river. But in the days of U Markuhain (U Raj
+Indro Singh) "who was our contemporary" they have ceased to do so out
+of fear of East India Company. The victims are known by the name of
+"Mugha Khara."
+
+At the time all the people of the territory of the twelve dolois were
+in great state of terror. It is said that the victim-catchers, when
+they inquired about the clan (of their intended victims), conducted
+themselves as if they did not intend to do anything. When the people
+told their clan, then they caught them. When they heard that the
+people belonged to clans from which _kongngors_ [39] were selected,
+they did not arrest them. When it was impossible to get hold of any
+one else, they sacrificed some of the (king's) slaves.
+
+
+Shaphang Ka Kupli, U Shyngkram bad U Jali, ki Khun jong ka.
+
+Ka Kupli ka long ka wah na ki lum baiong bad ka tuid da artet ha ka
+wah Brahmaputra. Ka long ka pud ia ka ri Synteng bad ka ri. Hadem ha
+mihngi. Uno-uno u nongleit jingleit uba kwah ban jam ia kane ka wah
+Blei-Kupli u don kam ba'n bred noh ia la u khaw-ryneng ha shiliang wah,
+bad ia ki kynja jingbam baroh phar, te un sa klan ia ka. Lada u'm da
+leb kumta, la'u klan na ka jaka ka b'ym sang ruh un hap jingainguh ha
+ka. Ki khun-ki-hajar ia ka ha lum lai s'iar, lai blang kawei ia ka,
+marmar uwei ia U Shyngkram bad U Jali; bad san s'iar ba ki'n ia bam
+sngewbha baroh lai ngut shi khun shi kymie, kata ka long haba long
+tang kawei ka lait, hinrei haba ka'n long katba shong ka lait u briew
+lei-lei, ngam tip ka'n long katno blang katno siar namar haba dei ka'n
+wan pan ka jingknia namar ba la klan ia ka na khlieh lane na kyjat
+da u kynie u kypa kano-kano ka iing lane kano-kano ka kur. Naduh ki
+sngi ki Siem Tymmen haduh ki sngi U Ram Singh Siem ia kane ka blei
+bah ka kymai u lei ba khraw ki knia da ki briew ar-ngut shi snem shi
+snem hamar u bynai ba ki puja ne ai nguh ha Jaintiapur. kata, hamar u
+'nai wieng bad u 'nai nohprah. Ynda ki la knia ha Jaintiapur da ki
+Bramon, ki sa ia lam ia ki sha ka iew Mawshai ne ka iew Shangpung
+ba ki'n bam shiwa katba mon na kata ka iew. Nangta pat sha Sumer,
+kiwei pat ki ong ba u maw ba ki khrai khlieh ia ki Muga Khara u don
+harum ka shnong Iewksi hajan kawei ka wah kaba tuid sha ka Kupli--
+sha ka jaka ba don ka maw kynthei harud kata ka wah blei Kumta ki sa
+kyntiw halor kata ka maw kynthei ia ki; nangta pat wan sa u nongkhrai
+khlieh bad ka wait ba i-shyrkhei, u khrai ia ki hangta. Hadin kata ki
+sa shat ia ki met-iap sha um bad ia ki khlieh jong ki ruh de. Hinrei
+ha ki sngi U Markuhain ne U Raj-Indro Singh uba ha Khyjong ngi mynta
+ym long shuh kumta namar ba u tieng ia ka Kompani. Ia kine ki briew
+ba ki knia ki khot kyrteng ia ki ki Muga Khara.
+
+Mynkata ki bynriew shi khadar doloi sngew tieng, ki ong ba ki nongkem
+ki da kylli shiwa ia ka jaid, ki da leh ia lade kum ki bym mut ba'n
+leh ei-ei-ruh, te ynda kita ki briw ia kibe ki mut ba'n kem ki la ia
+thuh ia la ka jaid ki sa kem ia ki. Haba ki sngew ba ki long na ka
+jaid kaba jiw long kongngor ki'm jiw kem. Te haba ym ioh eh ki knia
+da ki mraw Siem.
+
+
+The Village of Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).
+
+There was in olden days a woman called Ka Rytiang of the Siem
+clan. Whilst she was still a spinster, she used to go to catch fish
+in a stream over which there is to the present day a bridge made of a
+single stone, called Mawpun ka Rytiang. Whilst she was catching fish
+in the midst of the stream a fit of drowsiness overtook her. At that
+very moment there approached her a very handsome young man, who thus
+addressed her; "Take this drumful of money; do not marry, and thou
+shalt nevertheless bear children. Thou must throw a bridge built of a
+single stone across this stream, thou must build thy house entirely of
+stone, the beams must be all of stone. Thou must spend all the money
+I have given thee, and if it does not suffice for thy expenditure,
+I shall bring more. Thou wilt remember all that I say?" She replied
+"yes." As soon as he had finished speaking to her, she awoke from her
+fit of drowsiness, and found herself holding a drumful of money. On her
+way home she pondered over what he had said to her, and her heart was
+full of joy that she had met a god who had given her so much money,
+and who had spoken such words to her. She then constructed a bridge
+over that stream, with a single stone, which remains till this day.
+[40] When she was about to build her house, it happened that she
+got married notwithstanding; she gave birth to a blind child,
+and died shortly afterwards. So the people called the village
+"Mawpun-ka-Rytiang," or, when abbreviated, "Mawpunkyrtiang."
+
+
+Ka Shnong Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).
+
+Te la don mynhyndai kawei ka briew kaba kyrteng ka Rytiang, ka jaid
+Siem. Mynba ka dangsamla ka leit tong sher na kata ka wah kaba don
+u Mawpun uba ki khot haduh mynta u Mawpun ka-Rytiang. Hamar ba ka
+dang tong sher ha pyddeng um ka lamshoh sam thiah hangta. Hamarkata
+ka por la mih u wei u briew uba bhabriew shibun eh, bad u ong ha ka,
+"Heh kane ka tyngka shi sing nalai; te pha wat shongkurim shuh ho;
+koit, ki khun pha'n ioh hi, bad pha'n pun uwei u mawpun na Shilliang
+sha shilliang kane ka wah, bad thaw iing ba phan shong da ki maw suda
+ki rijid ki rishot, kiei kiei baroh thaw da ki maw. Pha'n pynlut
+kane ka tyngka baroh, bad lada ym dap ruh ngan sa wallam pat. Phan
+kynmaw ho ia kaba nga la ong baroh." Ka ong "haoid." Te kumne-kumne,
+tang shu la dep kine ki ktin baroh ba u kren, ka la kyndit na kata ka
+jingshoh samthiah, bad ka tyngka ka don ha ka kti jong ka shi'sing
+nalai. Te ynda ka la wan sha la iing, artat artat ka lynti ka la
+puson ha la ka mynsim da kaba kymen ba ka la iashem ia u blei uba la
+ai katne ki tyngka bad uba la kren kum kine ki ktin. Te kumta ka la
+ring u mawpun uba don baduh mynta. Bad hamar ba ka dang sydang ba'n
+thaw sa ka iing ka lap ba ioh tynga noh pynban; kumta ka kha u khun
+da uba matlah bad tang shibit ka iap noh. Kumta ki ioh ban khot ka
+shnong Mawpun-ka-Rytiang, lane haba kren lyngkot Mawpunkyrtiang.
+
+
+
+The Siem of Malyniang.
+
+The Siem of Malyniang was one of those kings who, people said, was one
+of the "god-kings." He lived in the village of Madur, which is now in
+the Maskut doloiship. There arose from the royal family of Malyniang
+a king whose name was Kyllong Raja. His manner was very peculiar,
+but he was at the same time both stern and courageous. He made up
+his mind to conquer the whole of the Synteng country as well as the
+territory of the Siem of Shillong, in order to extend his own kingdom
+of Madur. This Kyllong did not require many followers when he went to
+war because he was a very strong man and a man whom nobody could kill,
+for, if he was killed he came to life again immediately. The Synteng
+king once chopped him up into pieces and threw his hands and feet
+far away, and thought he would not come to life again. Nevertheless,
+next morning he came to life just the same, and he walked along all
+the paths and by-ways to intercept his enemies. The Synteng king was
+in great trouble on his account, and was at a loss for a plan how to
+overcome him, because, having been killed once or twice, he came to
+life again.
+
+When the Synteng king had thought well over matter, he hit on a
+device which he thought a very good one, by which he could ascertain
+by what manner of means he came to life again after having once been
+killed. The Synteng king's stratagem was the following. He selected the
+most beautiful girl in the Synteng country, he put on her ornaments
+of gold and of silver and royal raiment of great price, and he said
+to her, "All these will I give thee, and more besides, if thou canst
+obtain for me the secret of Kyllong Raja, and canst inform me how
+he brings himself to life again after being killed. Now I will send
+thee to the market there, and if Kyllong Raja takes a fancy to thee,
+and if he is willing to take thee to wife, thou wilt go, and thou
+wilt pretend to love him as far as is in thy power. Afterwards thou
+wilt inquire regarding all his secrets and wisdom, i.e. how he comes
+to life again after he has been killed; and after thou hast found
+out all these things, thou wilt inform me, so that I may overcome
+him. Then, if thou art successful in thy mission, I will give thee a
+great reward." He then sent her to the market. Kyllong Raja saw her
+and fell in love with her, and he took her to wife and kept her at
+Madur. Then that damsel pretended to love him exceedingly, and she
+repeatedly asked him his secret, how he came to life again. Then
+Kyllong Raja, fancying that she really loved him, confessed all to
+her. He said, "My life depends upon these things. I must bathe every
+day and must wash my entrails" (hence the appellation of "the king
+who washes his inside" which they gave him), "after that I take my
+food, and there is no one on earth who can kill me unless he obtains
+possession of my entrails. Thus my life hangs only on my entrails."
+
+When, therefore, that damsel who had become his wife had learnt all
+these things, she sent word to the Synteng king that he should send
+one of his elders, to whom she might reveal the secret of U Kyllong's
+existence. When the Synteng king heard this, he sent his elders to
+her. She then told all those things that U Kyllong had confessed to
+her. When the Synteng king had heard everything, he gave orders to the
+people to be on the watch so as to get hold of U Kyllong Raja. They
+found him one day bathing, with his entrails placed on one side of
+the bathing-place, so that afterwards he might wash them. Thereupon
+a man from Ralliang seized the entrails and  killed him. He cut the
+entrails into little pieces and gave them to the dogs. Thenceforth U
+Kyllong Raja was not able to come to life again. Madur was conquered,
+and all the members of the royal family of Malyniang were scattered
+from that time. Seven generations have passed since then. [41]
+
+
+Shaphang U Siem Malyniang
+
+U Siem Malyniang u la long uwei u Siem ba jiw byna ba u long u
+kynja Siem blei. Une u la shong ha ka shnong Madur kaba long mynta
+ha ka ilaka u doloi Maskut. Ha ka jaid Siem Malyniang la mih uwei uba
+kyrteng U Kyllong Raja. Une u Siem uba phylla shibun ha la ka jinglong,
+u briew uba eh uba shlur. U la thymu ban job ia ka ri Synteng baroh
+bad ia ka ri Shillong ban pynkhraw ia la ka hima Madur. Une u Kylong
+u'm donkam shibun ki nongbud ban leit ia leh ia kano-kano ka thyma,
+namar u long u briew uba khlain shibun bad u by'm jiw don uba lah ba'n
+pyniap ia u. La ki pyniap ruh u im pat kumne-kumne. U Siem Synteng u
+la pom ia u tukra-tukra, u la bred ia ki kyjat ki kti sha jingngai,
+bad u la tharai ba u'n ym im shuh, pynban tang la mynstep u la im
+hi kumjuh, u la iaid ia ki lad ki dong ban sywait ia ki nongshun. U
+Siem Synteng u la shitom shibun ia u bad u la duh buit ruh da kumno yn
+leh ba'n jop ia u, haba shi sin ar sin la pyniap u shu im pat kumjuh
+pakumjuh. Te haba u Siem Synteng u la pyrkhat bha u la shem kawei ka
+buit kaba u tharai ba ka long kaba bha tam bad kaba u lah ban tip da
+kano ka rukom ne ka jingstad ba u im pat haba la pyniap ia u. Ka buit
+jong u Siem Synteng ka la long kumne. U la shim kawei ka samla kaba
+bhabriew tam na ka ri Synteng baroh, u pyndeng ki jingdeng ksiar ki
+jingdeng rupa, bad u pynkup ki jain Siem kiba kordor eh, bad u ong
+ha ka "ngan ai ia pha kine baroh, bad ngan ai shuh ruh nalor kine
+lada pha'n ioh ia ka buit u Kyllong Raja ban iathuh ha nga da kumno u
+lah ban pynim pat ia lade haba pom ia u. Te mynia nga'n phah ia pha
+sha ieu shato, lada une u Kyllong Raja u i-bha ia pha, bad u'n shim
+ia-pha ban long ka tynga jong u, phan leit, bad phan leh ieit ia u
+katba lah. Hadin sa kylli ia ka buit ka jingstad baroh, da kumno u
+im pat haba la pom ruh, bad ynda pha la tip ia kita baroh sa pyntip
+sha nga ba nga'n sa jop ia u. Te lada pha'n leh kumta nga'n ai buskit
+ia pha shibun ho. Kumta u pbah iew soit ia ka. Te une U Kyllong Raja
+u la iohih ia ka, bad u la i-bha shisha ia ka, bad u shim iaka ba'n
+long ka tynga jong u. U buh ia ka ha Madur. Te kata ka samla ka la
+leh ieit ia u shibun eh bad ka kylli byniah ia ka buit ka jingstad
+ba u im pat. Hangta une u Kyllong Raja, haba u iohih ba ka leh ieit
+shibun u phla ia kiei-kiei baroh hak-a. U ong, "Ka jing im jong-nga ka
+long kumne:-- nga dei ban sum ha la ka sngi bad ban sait ia la ki snir
+(nangta la khot ia u "U Siem sait-snir"). Hadin kata ngan sa bam ja,
+bad y'm don mano-mano ba lah ban pyniap ia nga lada ki'm ioh ia ki
+snir. Kumta ka jing-im jong nga ka sydin tang ha ki snir hi." Kumta,
+ynda kata ka samla, ka tynga jong u, ka la ioh tip ia kata baroh ka
+phah ktin sha u Siem Synteng ba'n wan uno-uno u rangbah ba ka'n iathuh
+ia ka jingim bad ka jingiap u Kyllong Raja. Te u Siem Synteng ynda
+u la sngow ia kata ka ktin shi syndon u la phah ia la ki rangbah sha
+ka. Te ka la iathuh ia kiei-kiei baroh katba u Kyllong Raja u la phla.
+Te u Siem Synteng ynda u la tip ia kane baroh u la ai hukum ia ki
+briew ba ki'n khiar ban ioh ia u Kyllong Raja. Te ha kawei ka sngi
+ki la lap ia u ba u sum bad u la buh ia ki snir ha kata ka jaka ba u
+sum ba u mut ban sait ia ki. Hangta uwei u briew uba na Ralliang u la
+shim ia ki snir jong u bad u pom ia u; ia kita ki snir u la pyndykut
+lyngkot lyngkhai bad u la ai ha ki ksew. Naduh kata ka por u Kyllong
+Raja u'm lah shuh ba'n im pat,        bad kumta la jop ia ka Madur,
+la pynsakyma ia ka jaid Siem Malyniang naduh kata ka por. Te naduh
+kata haduh mynta la duh hinniew kyrteng bynriw.
+
+
+U Manik Raitong and his Flute
+
+In the northern portion of the Khasi Hills which borders on the Bhoi
+country there lived a man, by name U Manik. The people nicknamed him
+"U Manik Raitong," because he was an orphan, his parents, his brothers
+and sisters, and the whole of his clansfolk having died. He was very
+poor in addition. U Manik Raitong was filled with grief night and
+day. He used to weep and deeply groan on account of his orphanhood
+and state of beggary. He did not care about going out for a walk, or
+playing like his fellow youths. He used to smear himself with ashes
+and dust. He used to pass his days only in weeping and groaning,
+because he felt the strain of his misery to such an extent. He made
+a flute upon which to play a pathetic and mournful tune. By day
+he used to work as a ploughman, whenever he was called upon to do
+so. If nobody called him, he used to sit inactive at home, weeping
+and groaning and smearing his rags with dust and ashes. At night he
+used to bathe and dress himself well, and, after having eaten his
+food, he used to take his flute and play on it till morning. This
+was always his practice. He was a very skilful player. He had twelve
+principal tunes. There lived in the same village a queen. Her husband,
+the Siem, used to be absent from home for long intervals in connection
+with his public duties. One night, when the queen heard the strains
+of U Raitong's flute, she listened to them with very great pleasure,
+and she felt so much compassion for him that she arose from her
+couch at midnight and went to visit him. When she reached his house,
+she asked him to open the door, so that she might pay him a call. U
+Raitong said "I can't open the door, as this is not the time to pay
+visits," and he went on playing his flute and dancing to the music,
+with tears in his eyes. Then the queen peeped through one of the chinks
+of the wall and saw him, and she was beside herself, and breaking
+open the door she entered in. Then U Raitong, having stopped playing,
+was annoyed that, to add to his misfortunes, this woman had come to
+trouble him thus. When she tried to beguile him, U Raitong admonished
+her and sent her away. She departed just before daybreak. U Raitong
+then took off his fine clothes, and putting on his rags, sprinkled
+himself with dust and ashes, and went to plough as was his wont. The
+queen, however, ensnared him by another device, and whilst the king
+was still away in the plains, she gave birth to a male child. When
+the Siem returned, he was much surprised to find that she had borne a
+child during his absence, and however much he asked her to confess,
+she would not do so. So the king called the elders and young men to
+judge the case, and when no proof was found concerning this business,
+the king appointed another day, when all the males (in the State)
+should appear, each man holding a plantain. On the appointed day,
+all the males of the State having appeared, the king told them all
+to sit in a circle and to show their plantains, and said, "We will
+place this child in the midst, and to whomsoever the child goes,
+he is his father, and the adulterer. We will beat him to death with
+clubs according to the law." Accordingly, when all the people sat in a
+circle, and the child was placed in the midst, he went to no one, and,
+although the king called and coaxed him much, he nevertheless refused
+to go. Then the king said, "Remember who is absent." All replied,
+"There is no one else except U Manik Raitong." The Siem replied,
+"Call, then, U Raitong." Some of the people said, "It is useless to
+call that unfortunate, who is like a dog or a cat; leave him alone,
+oh king." The king replied, "No, go and call him, for every man must
+come." So they called him, and when he arrived and the child saw him,
+the child laughed and followed "U Raitong." Then the people shouted
+that it was U Raitong who had committed adultery with the queen. The
+king and his ministers then ordered that U Raitong should be put to
+death outside the village. U Raitong said, "Be pleased to prepare
+a funeral pyre, and I will burn myself thereon, wicked man that I
+am." They agreed to his request. U Raitong said to those who were
+preparing the funeral pyre, "When I arrive near the funeral pyre,
+set fire to it beforehand, and I will throw myself in, and you stand
+at a distance." Then U Raitong went and bathed, dressed himself well,
+and, taking his flute, played on it as he walked backwards to the
+funeral pyre; and when he arrived close to it, they lighted it as he
+had told them to do. He walked three times round the pyre, and then
+planted his flute in the earth and threw himself into the flames. The
+queen, too, ran quickly and threw herself on the pyre also. After
+U Raitong and the queen had been burned, a pool of water formed in
+the foundations of the pyre, and a bamboo sprang up whose leaves grew
+upside-down. From U Raitong's time it has become the practice to play
+the flute at funerals as a sign of mourning for the departed.
+
+
+
+U Manik Raitong bad ka Sharati jong u.
+
+La don uwei u briw shaphang shatei ha ka ri Khasi ha khap ri Bhoi
+uba kyrteng U Manik. Ki briw ki la sin ia u U Manik Raitong namar
+ba u long u khun swet uba la iap baroh ki kymi, ki kypa, ki hynmen,
+ki para bad ki kur ki jaid. U long ruh uba duk shibun. Une U Manik
+Raitong u dap da ki jingsngowsih synia sngi, u iam ud jilliw ha la
+ka mynsim namar la ka jinglong khun swet long pukir. Um jiw kwah ban
+iaid kai leh kai kum ki para samla; u sum da ka dypei da ka khyndew
+ia lade, u pynleit la ki sngi ki por tang ha ki jingud ki jingiam
+ba u sngowisynei ia ka pyrthei sngi ba shem shitom haduh katne. Te
+u la thaw kawei ka sharati ban put ka jingiam briw bad jingriwai
+sngowisynei. Mynsngi mynsngi u jiw leit bylla pynlur masi haba la
+don ba wer, haba ym don u shong khop-khop ha la iing, u iam u ud,
+u sum dypei sum khyndew halor la ki jain syrdep jot. Mynmiet mynmiet
+u sum u sleh, u kup bha kup khuid; bad ynda u la lah bam lah dih u
+shim ka sharati u put haduh ban da shai. Barobor u jiw leh kumta. Ha
+kaba put ruh u long uba nang shibun, u don khadar jaid ki jingput
+kiba kongsan tam ha ka jingput jong u. Te la don ka mahadei ha kata
+ka shnong kaba u tynga jong ka u long u Siem Rangbah ha ka Hima. Une
+u Siem u leit sha Dykhar ban pyndep bun jaid ki kam Siem jong u, bad
+u dei ban jah slem na la iing. Kane ka mahadei ha kawei ka miet haba
+ka la ioh sngow ba'riew ka sharati U Raitong ka la sngowbha shibun
+eh ban sngap, bad haba ka la sngap ka la sngow ieit sngowisynei ia
+U Raitong haduh ba ka la khie joit shiteng synia ban leit kai sha
+U Raitong. Te haba ka la poi tiap ha khymat ka iing jong u ka la
+phah plie ban wan kai. U Raitong u ong ym lah ban plie namar kam
+long ka por ba dei ban wan kai. Kumta u put la ka jingput bad la
+ka jingshad nohlyngngeb pynjem ryndang jaw ummat. Te ke mahadei,
+haba ka la khymih na kawei ka thliew kaba pei, ka la iohih ia u;
+hangta lei-lei kam don pyrthei shuh haduh ba ka la kyddiah ia ki
+jingkhang bad ka la rung shapoh iing. Kumta U Raitong u la wai noh
+la ka jingput bad u sngowsib, halor ba shem kat kane ka pyrthei sngi,
+sa kane ruh nang wan leh ih-bein kumne. Haba ka la lam pynsboi ia u,
+U Raitong u la sneng ia ka bad u la phah nob ia ka, te ka la leit
+noh haba ka sydang ban shai pher. U Raitong u la law la ki jain bha,
+u la shim la ki syrdep bad, u dypei ban leh kumta u jiw leh bad u la
+leit pynlur masi. Hinrei kane ka mahadei ka la riam ia u da kawei pat
+ka buit. Te katba u Siem u nangsah ha Dykhar ka la nang kha i wei i
+khun shinrang, bad haba u la wan u la sngow phylla shibun eh ba ka
+la ioh khun haba um don. La u kylli byniah katno-katno ruh kam phla
+satia. Kumta U Siem u la lum ia u tymmen u san, u khynraw khyndein,
+baroh ban bishar, te haba ym shem sabud ei ei shaphang kane ka kam,
+kumta u buh ha kawei ka sngi ba yn wan u shinrang briw baroh katha don,
+kin wallam bad lakait kawei-kawei man u briw. Ynda la poi kata ka sngi,
+baroh ki la wan na ka hima, bad U Siem u ong, phin shonq tawiar baroh,
+pynih la ka kait, ngin buh ia une u khunlung ha pyddeng, jar haba une
+a khunlung un leit uta dei u kypa bad uba klim, ia uta yn shoh tangon
+ha bynda iap kum ka ain ka jiw long. Kumta te haba la shong tawiar u
+paitbah byllin, la bah ia uta u khunlung ha pyddeng. Uta u khunlung
+um leit hano-hano ruh, la khot la khroh. U Siem katno katno ruh um
+treh. "To ia ia kynmaw sa man u bym don hangne" ong U Siem. Baroh ki
+ong, "ym don shuh, sa tang U Raitong." "Khot te ia U Raitong," ong
+U Siem. Don katto katne na pyddeng uta a paitbah kiba ong. "Ym khot
+makna ia uba pli, uba kum u ksew, u miaw, yn nai Siem." "Em shu khot
+wei u kynja shinrang briw dei ban wan." Te la khot is u, bad haba u
+la poi tiap uta u khunlung u khymih u sam rykhie bad u leit bud ia
+U Raitong. Kumta risa shar u paitbah baroh ba U Raitong u la klim ia
+ka mahadei. Te U Siem bad la ki Myntri ki la ai hukum ban leit pyniap
+noh ia U Raitong sharud nong. Te u ong "phi da sngowbha shu thaw da
+la ka jingthang ngan thang hi ia lade wei nga u riwnar ruser. Kumta ki
+la shah ia kata ka jingpan jong u. Te U Raitong u la ong ha kita kiba
+thaw jingthang. "Ynda nga poi sha jan jingthang sa nang ai ding lypa
+ngan sa nang thang hi, phi kynriah noh sha jingngai. Kumta U Raitong
+u wan sum wan sleh, u kup bha sem bha, u shim ka sharati u put, u leit
+da kaba iaid dadin shaduh jingthang. Te ynda u la poi ha jan ki la buh
+ding kumta u la ong; ynda poi ha jingthang u iaid tawiar lai sin ia ka,
+u sih ka sharati ha khyndew, bad u thang ia lade. Ka Mahadei ruh da
+kaba kyrkieh ka la mareh sha kata ka jingthang bad ka ruh ka la thang
+lem hangta ia lade. Kumta ynda la ing U Raitong bad kata Ka Mahadei,
+long da ka um ha kata ka nongrim jingthang, bad mih u shken uba long
+ka mat sha khongpong. Naduh U Raitong sa long ka sharati haduh mynta
+ban put iam briw ban pynih la ki jingsngowsih na ka bynta kiba la iap.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+Miscellaneous
+
+
+Teknonomy.
+
+The Khasis, like the Alfoors of Poso in Celebes, seem to be somewhat
+reluctant to utter the names of their own immediate relations, and of
+other people's also. Parents are very frequently called the mother
+of so and so (the child's name being mentioned), or the father of
+so and so, cf. _Ka kmi ka Weri, U kpa u Philip_. The actual names
+of the parents, after falling into desuetude, are often entirely
+forgotten. The origin of the practice may be that the Khasis, like
+the Alfoors, were reluctant to mention their parents by name for fear
+of attracting the notice of evil spirits. The practice of teknonomy,
+however, is not confined to the Khasis or the Alfoors of Celebes
+(see footnote to page 412 of the "Golden Bough"). The custom is also
+believed to have been prevalent to some extent not long ago in some
+parts of Ireland.
+
+The advent of the Welsh Missionaries and the partial dissemination of
+English education has in some cases produced rather peculiar names. I
+quote some instances:--
+
+U Water Kingdom, Ka Mediterranean Sea, Ka Red Sea; U Shakewell Bones,
+U Overland, Ka Brindisi, Ka Medina, Ka Mary Jones, U Mission, and
+Ka India.
+
+
+Khasi Method of Calculating Time.
+
+The Khasis adopt the lunar month, _u bynai_, twelve of which go to
+the year _ka snem_. They have no system of reckoning cycles, as is
+the custom with some of the Shan tribes. The following are the names
+of the months:--
+
+_U kylla-lyngkot_, corresponding to January. This month in the Khasi
+Hills is the coldest in the year. The Khasis turn (_kylla_) the fire
+brand (_lyngkot_) in order to keep themselves warm in this month,
+hence its name _kylla-lyngkot_.
+
+_U Rymphang_, the windy month, corresponding with February.
+
+_U Lyber_, March. In this month the hills are again clothed with
+verdure, and the grass sprouts up (_lyber_), hence the name of the
+month, _u Lyber_.
+
+_U Iaiong_, April. This name may possibly be a corruption of u
+_bynai-iong_, i.e. the black moon, the changeable weather month.
+
+_U Jymmang_, May. This is the month when the plant called by the
+Khasis _ut'ieu jymmang_, or snake-plant, blooms, hence the name.
+
+_U Jyllieu_. The deep water month, the word _jyllieu_ meaning
+deep. This corresponds to June.
+
+_U naitung_. The evil-smelling month; when the vegetation rots owing
+to excessive moisture. This corresponds with July.
+
+_U'nailar_. The month when the weather is supposed to become clear,
+_synlar_, and when the plant called _ja'nailar_ blooms. This is August.
+
+_U'nai-lur_. September. The month for weeding the ground.
+
+_U Ri-saw_. The month when the Autumn tints first appear, literally,
+when the country, _ri_, becomes red, _saw_. This is October.
+
+_U'nai wieng_. The month when cultivators fry the produce of their
+fields in _wieng_ or earthen pots, corresponding with November.
+
+_U Noh-prah_. The month when the _prah_ or baskets for carrying the
+crops are put away (_buh noh_). Another interpretation given by Bivar
+is "the month of the fall of the leaf." December.
+
+The Khasi week has the peculiarity that it almost universally consists
+of eight days. The reason of the eight-day week is because the markets
+are usually held every eighth day. The names of the days of the week
+are not those of planets, but of places where the principal markets
+are held, or used to be held, in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The
+following are the names of the days of the week and of the principal
+markets in the district:--
+
+
+    Khasi Hills.                        Jaintia Hills.
+
+1.  Lynkah (Barpani or Khawang)         Kylino.
+    (Suhtnga).
+2.  Nongkrem                            Pynaing.
+3.  Um-Iong (Maolong the hat at         Maolong. (Nartiang).
+    Luban)
+4.  Ranghop (Ieu-bah at Cherra)         Maosiang. (Jowai).
+    (Mawtawar in Mylliem)
+    (Unsaw in Nongkhlaw)
+5.  Shillong (Laitlyngkot)              Maoshai. (Shangpung).
+6.  Pomtih or Pomtiah (Mawkhar,         Pynkat. (Mynao).
+    small market)
+7.  Umnih                               Thym-blein.
+8.  Yeo-duh (Mawkhar, large market)     Ka-hat. (Jaintiapur).
+
+
+In the War country, markets are usually held every fourth day,
+e.g. at Nongjri, Mawbang, Tyllap, and Shella. At Theria the market
+is held every Friday, and at Hat-majai, or Rholagunj, every Tuesday.
+
+
+The Lynngams.
+
+Although mention has been made incidentally in various parts of
+this monograph of Lynngam customs, it has been thought necessary
+to give the Lynngams a separate chapter, as these people differ so
+very greatly from the Khasis in their manner of life, and in their
+customs. _Lynngam_ is the Khasi name; the Garo name for the Lynngams
+is _Megam_. There are several _Megam_ villages in the north-eastern
+corner of the Garo Hills district, and there is regular communication
+kept up between these villages and the Lynngam inhabitants of the
+Khasi Hills district. The Lynngams must not be confused with the
+_Hana_ or _Namdaniya_ Garos who inhabit the low hills to the north
+of the Khasi Hills district, and are called by the Khasis _Dko_. All
+Lynngams claim to be Khasis, they dislike being called Garos; but
+although it is true they speak what may be called a dialect of Khasi,
+and observe some of the Khasi customs, the Lynngams are more Garo
+than Khasi. Before proceeding further, it should be stated that the
+Assamese of Boko call the Lynngams _Nuniya_ Garos, all hill people
+being Garos to the Assamese of that region, without distinction or
+difference. It is owing to these three different names being used for
+the same people that there has been so much confusion about Lynngams
+previously; e.g. at one census they were named _Lynngam_, at another
+they received the appellation of Garo, and at a third enumeration
+they were called Khasis. In Section I. the habitat of the Lynngams has
+been roughly defined. It is impossible to define the Lynngam country
+exactly, because these people are continually shifting their village
+sites owing to the exigencies of _jhum_ cultivation, which has been
+described in Section II. Some of the Lynngams preserve a tradition that
+they originally came from the Kamrup plains. It is interesting that a
+people, like the Garos in so many respects, should have the same idea
+as the Garos as to the hills on the south bank of the Brahmaputra not
+always having been their abode. The Garo legend is that they dwelt
+for some years in the Goalpara and Kamrup plains after they descended
+from Thibet, and before they moved to the Garo Hills; and there is
+unmistakable evidence of their occupation of both districts in the
+shape of certain Garo villages on both banks of the Brahmaputra for
+some little distance up the river. If, as I suspect, the Lynngams are
+an offshoot of the Garos, it is, perhaps, possible that they entered
+the Khasi Hills much in the same way as the Garos entered the hill
+district to which they have given their name. The Lynngams are much
+darker than the Khasis, and possess the Thibeto-Burman type of feature
+often to a marked degree. It is not extraordinary that they should
+have adopted some of the Khasi customs; for the Khasis, being the
+stronger people, would in course of time be bound to influence them
+in this respect. That the Lynngams observe the matriarchate and erect
+(some clans) memorial stones is not peculiar, because the Garos, like
+the Khasis, are also a matriarchal people (to a limited degree), and
+the custom of erecting memorial stones is not confined to the Khasis,
+for other hill tribes in Assam observe the practice, e.g. certain
+Naga tribes and the Mikirs; and the Garos themselves put up carved
+posts, called _kima_, in honour of the departed. Although there is
+not much intermarriage between the Khasis and the Lynngams nowadays,
+perhaps in days gone by there was a mixture of blood, the result
+being the hybrid race we are now considering. Some of the leading
+characteristics of the Lynngams will now be detailed. The Lynngams
+are by complexion swarthy, with features of Mongolian type. The men
+are of middle height and the women remarkably short, both sexes being
+not nearly so robust as the Khasis, a result due probably to climatic
+influences, for the Lynngams live in fever- haunted jungles. The men
+have very little hair about the face, although a scanty moustache is
+sometimes seen, the hairs in the centre being carefully plucked out,
+the result being two tufts on either side. Beards are never seen. The
+women are ill-favoured, and wear very little clothing. The men wear the
+sleeveless coat of the Khasi and Mikir pattern, called _phongmarong_,
+which is made of cotton dyed red, blue, and white. This custom may
+have been borrowed from the Khasi. They do not grow their own cotton,
+but obtain it from the plains. They make their own dyes, _changlong_
+(red) and _hur sai-iong_ (black). A cotton cloth, barely enough for
+purposes of decency, is tied between the legs, the ends being allowed
+to hang down in front and behind. Sometimes an apron is worn in
+front. At the present day the men wear knitted woollen caps, generally
+black or red, of the Nongstoin pattern (a sort of fisherman's cap),
+but the elderly men and head-men wear turbans. The females wear a
+cotton cloth about eighteen inches broad round the loins, sometimes
+striped red and blue, but more often only dark blue. A blue or red
+cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders by unmarried girls, but
+married women only wear the waist-cloth, like the Garos. A cloth is
+tied round the head by married women, sometimes, Garo fashion. The
+women wear quantities of blue beads as necklaces, like their Garo
+sisters. They obtain the beads from the Garo markets at the foot
+of the hills. Brass ear-rings are worn by both sexes; the women,
+like the Garos, load their ears to such an extent with brass rings
+as to distend the lobes greatly. Silver armlets are worn by the
+head-men only, or by those who possess the means to give a great
+feast to the villagers. This is the custom of the Garo _nokmas_, or
+head-men. Both sexes wear bracelets. The men also wear necklaces of
+beads. The rich wear necklaces of cornelian and another stone which
+is thought by the Lynngams to be valuable. A necklace of such stones
+is called _u'pieng blei_ (god's necklace). This stone is apparently
+some rough gem which may be picked up by the Lynngams in the river
+beds. A rich man amongst them, however, is one who possesses a number
+of metal gongs, which they call _wiang_. For these they pay very high
+prices, Rs. 100 being quite a moderate sum for one of them. Being
+curious to see one of these gongs, I asked a _sirdar_, or head-man,
+to show me one. He replied that he would do so, but it would take time,
+as he always buried his gongs in the jungle for fear of thieves. Next
+morning he brought me a gong of bell metal, with carvings of animals
+engraved thereon. The gong when struck gave out a rich deep note
+like that of Burmese or Thibetan gongs. These gongs have a regular
+currency in this part of the hills, and represent to the Lynngams
+"Bank of England" notes. It would be interesting to try to ascertain
+what is their history, for no one in the Lynngam country makes them
+in these days. Is it possible that the Garos brought them with them
+when they migrated from Thibet? The gongs are well known in the Garo
+Hills, and I hear that when a _nokma_, or head-man, there dies his
+corpse is laid out upon them. They thus possess also an element of
+sanctity, besides being valuable for what they will fetch to the
+Garos or Lynngams. We may hope to hear more about them in Captain
+Playfair's account of the Garos.
+
+The Lynngams do not tattoo. Their weapons are the large-headed
+Garo spear, the dao, and the shield. They do not usually carry bows
+and arrows, although there are some who possess them. They are by
+occupation cultivators. They sow two kinds of hill rice, red and white,
+on the hill-sides. They have no wet paddy cultivation, and they do
+not cultivate in terraces like the Nagas. They burn the jungle about
+February, after cutting down some of the trees and clearing away some
+of the debris, and then sow the paddy broadcast, without cultivating
+the ground in any way. They also cultivate millet and Jobs-tears in
+the same way. With the paddy chillies are sown the first year. The
+egg plant, arum, ginger, turmeric, and sweet potatoes of several
+varieties are grown by them in a similar manner. Those that rear the
+lac insect plant _landoo_ tress (Hindi _arhal dal_) in the forest
+clearings, and rear the insect thereon. Some of these people, however,
+are prohibited by a custom of their own from cultivating the _landoo_,
+in which case they plant certain other trees favourable to the growth
+of the lac insect. The villages are situated near their patches of
+cultivation in the forest. The villages are constantly shifting,
+owing to the necessity of burning fresh tracts of forest every two
+years. The houses are entirely built of bamboo, and, for such temporary
+structures, are very well built. In front, the houses are raised some
+3 or 4 ft. from the ground on platforms, being generally built on
+the side of a fairly steep hill, one end of the house resting on the
+ground, and the other on bamboo posts. The back end of the house is
+sometimes some 8 or 9 ft. from the ground. At the end of the house
+farthest away from the village path is a platform used for sitting
+out in the evening, and for spreading chillies and other articles to
+dry. Some Lynngam houses have only one room in which men, women, and
+children an all huddled together, the hearth being in the centre, and,
+underneath the platform, the pigs. Well-to-do people, however, possess
+a retiring room, where husband and wife sleep. A house I measured at
+Nongsohbar village was of the following dimensions:--Length, 42 ft;
+breadth, 16 ft.; height of house from the ground to the eaves, front,
+9 ft.; back 18 ft. Houses are built with a portion of the thatch
+hanging over the eaves in front. No explanation could be given me for
+this. It is probably a Garo custom. In some Lynngam villages there
+are houses in the centre of the village where the young unmarried
+men sleep, where male guests are accommodated, and where the village
+festivities go on. These are similar to the _dekachang_ or bachelors'
+club-houses of the Mikirs, Garos, and Lalungs, and to the _morang_
+of the Nagas. This is a custom of the Thibeto-Burman tribes in Assam,
+and is not a Khasi institution. There are also high platforms, some
+12 ft. or 15 ft. in height, in Lynngam villages, where the elders sit
+of an evening in the hot weather and take the air. Lynngam houses and
+villages are usually much cleaner than the ordinary Khasi villages,
+and although the Lynngams keep pigs, they do not seems to be so
+much _en evidence_ as in the Khasi village. There is little or no
+furniture in a Lynngam house. The Lynngam sleeps on a mat on the
+floor, and in odd weather covers himself with a quilt, made out of
+the bark of a tree, which is beaten out and then carefully woven,
+several layers of flattened bark being used before the right thickness
+is attained. This quilt is called by the Lynngam "_Ka syllar_" (Garo
+_simpak_). Food is cooked in earthen pots, but no plates are used,
+the broad leaves of the _mariang_ tree taking their place. The leaves
+are thrown away after use, a fresh supply being required for each meal.
+
+The Lynngams brew rice beer, they do no distil spirit; the beer is
+brewed according to the Khasi method. Games they have none, and there
+are no jovial archery meetings like those of the Khasis. The Lynngam
+methods of hunting are setting spring guns and digging pitfalls
+for game. The people say that now the Government and the Siem of
+Nongstoin have prohibited both of these methods of destroying game,
+they no longer employ them. But I came across a pitfall for deer not
+long ago in the neighbourhood of a village in the Lynngam country. The
+people declared it to be a very old one; but this I very much doubt,
+and I fear that these objectionable methods of hunting are still
+used. The Lynngams fish to a small extent with nets, but their idea
+of fishing, _par excellence_, is poisoning the streams, an account
+of which has already been given in this monograph. The Lynngams are
+omnivorous feeders, they may be said to eat everything except dogs,
+snakes, the _huluk_ monkey, and lizards. They like rice, when they
+can get it; for sometimes the out-turn of their fields does not
+last them more than a few months. They then have to fall back on
+Jobstears and millet. They eat arums largely, and for vegetables
+they cook wild plantains and the young shoots of bamboos and cane
+plants. The Lynngams are divided up into exogamous clans in the same
+manner as the Khasis. The clans are overgrown families. The Lynngams
+have some stories regarding the founders of these clans, of which the
+following is a specimen:--"A woman was asleep under a _sohbar_ tree
+in the jungle, a flower from which fell on her, and she conceived
+and bore a female child who was the ancestress of the Nongsohbar
+clan." Some of the stories of the origins of other clans do not bear
+repeating. There do not appear to be any hypergamous groups. As
+with the Khasis, it is a deadly sin to marry any one belonging to
+your own _kur_, or clan. Unlike the Khasis, however, a Lynngam can
+marry two sisters at a time. The Lynngam marriages are arranged by
+_ksiangs_, or go-betweens much in the same way as Khasi marriages;
+but the ritual observed is less elaborate, and shows a mixture of
+Khasi and Garo customs (see section III.). The Lynngams intermarry
+with the Garos. It appears that sometimes the parents of girls exact
+bride-money, and marriages by capture have been heard of. Both of these
+customs are more characteristic of the Bodo tribes of the plains than
+of the Khasis. There are no special birth customs, as with the Khasis,
+except that when the umbilical cord falls a fowl is sacrificed, and
+the child is brought outside the house. Children are named without
+any special ceremony. The death customs of the Lynngams have been
+described in Section III. A peculiar characteristic is the keeping of
+the dead body in the house for days, sometimes even for several months,
+before it is burnt. The putrefying corpse inside the house seems to
+cause these people no inconvenience, for whilst it remains there, they
+eat, carry on their ordinary avocations, and sleep there, regardless
+of what would be considered by others an intolerable nuisance. The
+religion of these people consists of a mixture of ancestor-worship
+and the propitiation of the spirits of fell and fall, which are,
+most of them, believed to be of evil influence, as is the case with
+other savage races. As with the people of Nongstoin, the primaeval
+ancestress, "_ka Iaw bei_," is worshipped for the welfare of the
+clan, a sow being sacrificed to her, with a gourd of rice-beer,
+and leaves of the oak, or _dieng-sning_ tree. The leaves of the oak
+are afterwards hung up inside the house, together with the jaw bone
+of the pig. Sacrifices are offered to a forest demon, _U Bang-jang_
+(a god who brings illness), by the roadside; also to _Ka Miang Bylli
+U Majymma_, the god of cultivation, at seed time, on the path to the
+forest clearing where the seed is sown. Models of paddy stone-houses,
+baskets and agricultural implements are made, sand being used to
+indicate the grain. These are placed by the roadside, the skulls
+of the sacrificial animals and the feathers of fowls being hung up
+on bamboo about the place where the has been performed. There are
+no priests or _lyngdohs_, the fathers of the hamlet performing the
+various ceremonies. The Lynngams possess no head-hunting customs, as
+far as it has been possible to ascertain. These people are still wild
+and uncivilized. Although they do not, as a rule, give trouble, from
+an administrative point of view, a very serious dacoity, accompanied
+by murder, was committed by certain Lynngams at an Assamese village
+on the outskirts of the Lynngam country a few years ago. The victims
+were two Merwari merchants and their servant, as well as another
+man. These people were brutally murdered by the Lynngams, and robbed
+of their property. The offenders were, however, successfully traced
+and arrested by Inspector Raj Mohan Das, and several of them suffered
+capital punishment, the remainder being transported for life.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+Language
+
+Before commencing to describe the more salient features of the Khasi
+language, its grammar, and syntax, it seems to be of importance to
+show how intimately connected Khasi is with some of the languages of
+Further India. In the middle of the last century Logan pointed out
+affinity between Khasi and these languages, but it has been left to
+Professor Kuhn to prove this connection to demonstration. The examples
+of comparative vocabularies which follow are taken from Kuhn's
+"_Beitraege zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens_," Sir George Scott's
+"Upper Burma Gazetteer," and Sir George Campbell's lists. It will be
+seen from the collections of words that follow how Khasi possesses
+many words in common with Mon or Talaing, Khmer, Suk, Stieng, Bahnar,
+Annam, Khamen-Boram, Xong, Samre, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, and Wa. There
+is some correspondence, although perhaps to a lesser degree, between
+Khasi and the Ho-Munda languages and those of Malacca and the Nancowry
+language of the Nicobar Islands.
+
+Let us now examine the table of numerals. The Khasi word for 1 is
+_wei_, but in the Amwi dialect of Khasi it is _mi_. In Khmu the word is
+_mui_, also in Suk; in Mon _mwoi_ and in Xong _moi_. The word for 2 is
+identical in Khasi and Lemet, viz., _ar_. The word for 3, viz. _lai_,
+is identical in Khasi and Wa: also compare Lemet _lohe_. Khasi _saw_
+and Lakadong _thaw_ for 4 are, however, deviating forms. In the case
+of 5, if we cut out the prefix _m_ in the Mon word _m'san_, we have
+fairly close agreement with the Khasi _san_. In the numeral 6, if we
+cut out the prefix _hin_ of the Khasi (_hin_)_riw_, and the initial
+_t_ of Mon and Suk _t'rou, trou_, we have close agreement. In the
+Khasi words for 7 and 8 the syllable _hin_ is but a prefix. This
+is also probably the case in the Khasi word (_khyn_)_dai_ for 9,
+and the _shi_ in the Khasi word _shiphew_, 10, merely means one.
+
+
+Numerals.
+
+
+    Sue.    Mon or  Suk.   Stieng. Bahnar.    Annam.  Khmen   Xong.   Samre.
+            Talaing.                                  Boran.
+
+ 1  mue     mwoi    mui    muoi    moin,      mot     mnay    moi     moe
+                                   ming
+ 2  bar     ba      bar    bar     bar        hai     bar     pra     pra
+ 3  pei     pi      pe     pei     peng       ba      peh     pe      pe
+ 4  puon    pan     puon   puon    puon       bon     pon     pon     pon
+ 5  sung    m'sun   sung   pram    (po)dam    nam     pram    pram    pram
+ 6  thpat   t'rou   trou   prou    (to)trou   sau     krong   dam     kadon
+ 7  thpol   t'pah   pho    poh     (to)po     bay     grul    kanul   kanul
+ 8  thkol   dc'am   tam    pham    (to)ngam   tam     kati    kati    katai
+ 9  thke    d'ceit  kin    en      (to)xin    chin    kansar  kasa    katea
+10  muchit  cah     chit   jemat   min        muoi    uai     rai     rai
+                           jet     jit        chuk
+
+
+    Khan.   Lomei.   Palaung. Wa.                         Dialects of Khasi.
+                                           Khasi.   Lakadong.  Amwi.   Synteng.  Mymar or
+                                                                                 Jirang.
+
+ 1  mui     mus(mos) le       te          wei       bi         mi      wi        mi
+ 2  bar     ar       e(a)     ra(a)       ar        a          o       ar        ir
+ 3  pe      lohe     oe       lai         lai       loi        la      la        lei
+ 4  puon    pun(pon) phun     pon         saw       thaw       sia     so        so
+ 5  pfuong  pan      phan     hpawn(fan)  san       than       san     san       san
+ 6  tol     tal      to       laiya(lia)  (hin)riw  thro       thrau   ynro      threi
+ 7  kul     pul      phu      a-laiya     (hin)iew  (hum)thloi ynthla  ynniaw    ynthlei
+                              (alia)
+ 8  ti      ta       ta       s'te(su'te) phra      humpya     humphyo phra      humpyir
+ 9  kash    tim      tim      s'ti(su'ti) (khyn)dai hunsulai   hunshia khyndo    khyndai
+10  kan     kel      ken(ko)  kao         (shi)phew shiphai    shipho  (shi)phaw shiphi
+
+
+It will be seen that there is considerable similarity in the numerals
+of the different languages up to six, the correspondence being most
+strongly marked in the numerals 1, 2, 5, and 6. If we remember that
+primitive people seldom can count higher than the number of digits
+of one hand, the dissimilarity in the numerals, as the end of the
+decade is approached, is probably explained. As the different people
+speaking these languages advanced in civilization they learned to
+count further; but by this time they had become in some cases like
+those of the Khasis, the Palaungs, and Mons, widely separated from one
+another. As they advanced in civilization, and found the necessity
+of an improved notation, they manufactured numerals which differed
+from one another, although they retained the first few numerals
+they had made use of in their days of savagery. Let us now study
+some extracts from Kuhn's interesting comparative vocabulary. [42]
+We find many instances of agreement. I give some examples:--
+
+_Heaven_.--Palaung, _pleng_; Khmer, _plieng_ (rain); Xong, _pleng_;
+Khasi, _bneng_. Mynnar (Jirang) _phanliang_ seems to be very near
+Khmer _phlieng_, and Palaung, and Xong _pleng_.
+
+_Day_ (Sun)--Khmer, _thngay_; Mon, _tuyai_; Annam; _ngay_; Lemet, _ngay
+pri_; Palaung, _sengei_; Khasi, _sngi_; Lakadong, _sngoi_; Kol _singi_.
+
+_Year_.--Mon, _snam_; Annam, _nam_; Stieng, _so'nam_; Bahnar, _sandm_;
+Khasi, _snem_.
+
+_Lightning_:--Mon, _l'li_; Khasi, _leilih_.
+
+_Stone, Rock_.--Mon, _tma_, _k'maw_; Stieng, _to'mau_; Bahn, _tmo,
+temo_; Khmer, _thma_; Xong, _tmo_; Palaung, _mau_; Ba, _maou_; Khasi,
+_maw_; Wa, _hsi-mo_, _hsi-mao_. Also compare Mynnar (Jirang) _smaw_.
+
+_Water_.--Palaung, _em_; Khasi, _um_; Lakadong, _am_; Amwi, _am_;
+Mynnar (Jirang), _um_; Rumai, _om_. Probably the Stieng _um_, to bathe,
+can be connected with the Khasi word for water.
+
+_Sea, pond_, or _tank_--Khmer, _ping_; Khasi, _pung_.
+
+_Rice_.--Mon, _sro_, paddy, seems to be in connection with Khmer,
+_srur_ (spoken _srau_ or _srou_). Xong _ruko_ is in Palaung _rekao,
+sakao_, or _takao_. These words remind us of the Khasi _khaw_, which
+seems to be borrowed from the Shan _khaw_ (_hkao hsau_).
+
+_Dog_.--The common word for this animal will be found to be nearly the
+same in sound in many of these languages, e.g. Suk. _cho_; Stieng,
+_sou_; Bahnar, _ko, cho_; Annam, _cho_; Xong, _tcho_; Mi, _khmu_;
+Lemet, _so_; Palaung, _tsao, hsao_; Khasi; _ksew_. The Mon _khluiw_ is
+the same as the Khasi _ksew_, if _l_ is changed into _s_. The Lakadong
+and Synteng dialects of Khasi have _ksaw_, and Mynnar (Jirang) _ksow_.
+
+_Rat, mouse_.--Mon, _kni, gni_; Stieng, _ko'nei_; Bahnar, _kone_;
+Khasi, _khnai_.
+
+_Swine_.--Bahnar _niung_ is evidently Khasi _'niang_, the abbreviated
+form of _sniang_.
+
+_Tiger_.--Mon, _kla_; Stieng, _klah_; Bahnar, _kla_; Khmer, _khla_
+and Khasi, _khla_ are evidently the same. With this compare the Kol
+_kula, kula, kula_.
+
+_Bird_.--Sue, _kiem_; Mon, _g'cem_, _ka-teim_; Hueei, _chiem_; Stieng,
+_chum_; Bahnar, Annam, _chim_; Xong, _chiem_; Palaung and Wa, _hsim_,
+and Khasi _sim_ are clearly the same. Also compare Mynnar (Jiraug),
+_ksem_ which is very near to Mon, _g'cem_.
+
+_Fowl_.--Hueei, _kat, yar_; Suk, _yer_; Bahnar, _ir_;. Stieng _ier_;
+Khmu, _yer_; Lemet, _er_; Palaung, _her_, and Khasi, _siar_,
+abbreviated into _'iar_, are probably the same.
+
+_Fish_.--The word _ka_ or _kha_ runs through the following
+languages:--Mon, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, Wa; and
+if we cut off the first syllable of the Khasi word for fish, _dohkha_,
+we find _'kha_, which is the same word as in the languages above
+mentioned, with an aspirate added. The Khasi _doh_ merely means flesh,
+and the word _dokkha_ is very frequently abbreviated, cf. _'kha saw,
+'kha iong_.
+
+_Crab_.--Mon, _kh'tam_; Khmer, _ktam_; Khasi, _tham_. If we add the
+gender sign to the Khasi word, it becomes _ka tham_, and we have
+exact correspondence.
+
+_Woman_.--Mon, _brou_ or _brao_. Is this the same as the Khasi
+(_ka_) _briw_?
+
+_Child_.--So, _kon_; Suk, _kon_; Mon, _kon_; Hueei, _kuon_; Annan,
+_kon_; Khmer, _kun_; Khasi, _khun_. Compare Nancowry, _kon_.
+
+_Eye_.--The word _mat, mat, mat_, run through several of these
+languages, e.g. Mon, _mat_; Huei, _mat_; Stieng; _mat_; Bahnar _mat_;
+Annam, _mat_; Khasi, _khmat_ (dialectic _mat_). In Nancowry compare
+_olmat_, eye, and _okmat_, eyebrow, and (_e_)_mat_ (_hen_) _mat_
+(_drug_), _mat_, of the Nicobar dialects, also Semang _mat, met,
+med_. Kuhn remarks that the word _mat_ is common for "_sight_," and
+"eye" all over the Malay Archipelago. It should be remarked that in
+the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word is _mat_.
+
+_Nose_.--If we cut off the aspirate _kh_ from the Khasi _khmut_, which
+thus becomes _mut_, we find some correspondence between Mon, _muh_
+(_mu_); Stieng (_tro_), _muh_; Bahnar, _muh_. Here also compare Ho
+_mua, muta_; Mundari, _mun_; Uraon, _moy_. In the Anwi and Lakadong
+dialects of Khasi the word is _mur-kong_.
+
+_Hand_.--Xong, _ti_; Mon, _toi_; Annam, _tay_, Khmer, _te_ (from
+_sang te_, finger); Palaung, _tae, tai_, and Khasi, _kti_ (with
+prefix _k_) closely correspond. The forms _ta_ and _toi_ of Amwi,
+and Lakadong, respectively, still more closely correspond with the
+Mon-Khmer languages than with Khasi. Here compare Nancowry _tei_
+and _ti_, or _ti_ of the Kol languages.
+
+_Blood_.--Palaung _hnam_, and Wa _nam_ closely correspond with Khasi
+_snam_; here compare Khmer _iham_.
+
+_Horn_:--Mon, _grang_, the horn of an animal, may be compared with
+the Khasi _reng_.
+
+_Far_.--Distant. Bahnar, _hangai_; Annam, _ngai_; Khmer, _chhngay_;
+Lemet, _sngay_; Sue _chngai_ may be compared with the Khasi
+_jing-ngai_. Amwi _shnjngoi_ seems to be a closer form to the above
+than Khasi _jing-ngai_. But compare Mynnar (Jirang), _chngi_, which
+is clearly very close to Sue _chngai_, and Khmer _chhngay_.
+
+_To weep, to cry_.--Mon, _yam_; Khmer, _yam_; Khmu Lemet and Palaung,
+_yam_, are clearly the same as Khasi _iam_, with which also may be
+compared Ho _yam_.
+
+It is interesting to note that the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi,
+which are spoken by the people who dwell on the southern slopes of
+the Jaintia Hills, seem more closely to correspond with the Mon-Khmer
+forms than even with Khasi. The Mynnar or Jirang dialect of Khasi,
+spoken on the extreme north of the hills, also appears to possess some
+words which are very similar indeed to some of the Mon-Khmer forms
+given by Professor Kuhn. Unfortunately, I had time to collect but a
+few words of this interesting dialect, as I arrived in the portion
+of the country inhabited by these people only a short time before
+submitting this monograph to Government. The Mynnar dialect appears
+to be akin to the Synteng, Lakadong, and Amwi forms of speech. The
+Mynnars observe also the Synteng ceremony of "_Beh-ding-khlam_," or
+driving away the demon of cholera, so that although now inhabiting
+a part of the country a considerable distance away from that of the
+Synteng, it is not unlikely that they were originally connected with
+the latter more closely.
+
+Professor Kuhn comes to the conclusion that there is a distinct
+connection between Khasi, Mon or Talaing, Khmer, and the other
+languages of Indo-China that have been mentioned, which is to be seen
+not only from similarities in some of the numerals, but from the
+convincing conformities of many other words of these languages. He
+goes on to add that more important than these contacts of the
+mono-syllabic languages of Indo-China with mono-syllabic Khasi is
+their affinity with the Kol, and Nancowry poly-syllabic languages
+and with that of the aboriginal inhabitants of Malacca, i.e. the
+languages of the so-called Orang-Outang, or men of tile woods, Sakei,
+Semung, Orang-Benua, and others; and that although it is not, perhaps,
+permissible to derive at once from this connection the relation of the
+Khasi Mon-Khmer mono-syllabic group with these poly-syllabic languages,
+it seems to be certain that a common substratum lies below a great
+portion of the Indo-Chinese languages as well as those of the Kol and
+Ho-Munda group. More important than connections between words is, as
+Dr. Grierson points out in his introduction to the Mon-Khmer family,
+the order of the words in the sentence. In both Khasi and Mon that
+order is subject, verb, object. Taking this fact in conjunction with
+the similarities of the Khasi and Mon vocabularies, we may conclude
+that it is proof positive of the connection between Khasi and Mon, or
+Talaing. In Munda, however, this order is subject, object, verb. Tiffs
+is a very important difference, for, as Dr. Grierson points out,
+"the order of words in a sentence follows the order of thought of the
+speaker; it follows therefore that the Mundas think in an order of
+ideas different from those of the Khasis and the Mons." Dr. Grierson
+comes to the stone conclusion with respect to these languages as
+Professor Kuhn, which is as follows:--"Owing to the existence of these
+differences we should not be justified in assuming a common origin for
+the Mon-Khmer languages on the one hand, and for the Munda, Nancowry,
+and Malacca languages on the other. We may, however, safely assume
+that there is at the bottom of all these tongues a common substratum,
+over which there have settled layers of the speeches of other peoples,
+differing in different localities. Nevertheless, this substratum
+was so firmly, established as to prevent its being entirely hidden
+by them, and frequent undeniable traces of it are still discernible
+in languages spoken in widely distant tracts of Nearer and Further
+India. Of what language this original substratum consisted we are not
+yet in a position to say. Whatever it was, it covered a wide area,
+larger than the area covered by many families of languages in India at
+the present day. Languages With this common substratum are now spoken,
+not only in the modern Province of Assam, in Burma, Siam, Cambodia,
+and Anam, but also over the whole of Central India, as far west as the
+Berars." Grierson, having agreed regarding the existence of this common
+substratum, does not finally determine whether the ancient substratum
+was the parent of the present Munda language, or of the Mon-Khmer
+language. He says, "It cannot have been the parent of both, but it
+is possible that it was the parent of neither." We are thus still in
+a state of uncertainty as to what was the origin of these languages.
+
+The brief description which follows of some of the more prominent
+characteristics of the Khasi language is based chiefly on Sir Charles
+Lyall's skeleton Grammar contained in Vol. II. of Dr. Grierson's
+"Linguistic Survey of India." It does not pretend to be an exhaustive
+treatise on the language; for this students are referred to the
+excellent grammar compiled by the Rev. H. Roberts.
+
+_The Article_.--There are four articles in Khasi; three in the
+singular, _u_, (masculine), _ka_ (feminine), and _i_ (diminutive of
+both genders); and one in the plural for both genders, _ki_.
+
+All Khasi nouns take a pronominal prefix to denote the gender,
+i.e. the third personal pronoun, _u_ (masculine), _ka_ (feminine), _i_
+(diminutive). The great majority of inanimate nouns are feminine, and
+all abstract nouns. The sun (day), _ka sngi_, is feminine, the moon
+(month), _u b'nai_, is masculine. Sometimes the word varies in meaning
+according to the gender, e,g. _u ngap_, a bee; _ka ngap_, honey.
+
+_Genders_.--Names of mountains, stones, plants, fruits, stem, and
+the moon, are masculine, e.g.:--
+
+
+_U kyllang_, the Kyllang rock.
+_U mawlein_, quartz.
+_U phan_, potato.
+_U soh niamtra_, orange.
+_U'lur duti_, the morning star.
+_U'tiw kulap_, rose.
+_U b'nai_, the moon.
+
+
+Names of rivers, lakes, books, places, the sun, and' all abstract
+nouns are feminine, e.g.:--
+
+
+_Ka wah_, river.
+_Ka nan_, lake.
+_Ka kitap_, book.
+_Ka Shillong_, Shillong.
+_Ka sngi_, sun
+_Ka jingsneng_, advice.
+
+
+The article _i_ is used either as a diminutive, as _i khunlung_,
+a baby, or for denoting endearment, as _i mei_, mother.
+
+_Number_.--_U, ka_, and _i_ stand for the singular number, e.g. _u
+khla_ (a tiger), _ka khoh_ (a Khasi basket), _i khun_ (a child). _Ki_
+is the sign of the plural, as _Ki maw_, the stones. _Ki_ in some few
+instances is used honorifically, as _ki Siem_, the king, _ki kthaw_,
+the father-in-law.
+
+_Cases_ are eight in number, and are denoted by prefixes. The
+declension of the noun _lum_ (hill) is given below by way of example:--
+
+
+                        Singular.           Plural
+        Nominative      _u lum_             _ki lum_
+        Accusative      _ia u lum_          _ia ki lum_
+        Instrumental    _da u lum_          _da ki lum_
+        Dative          _ia, ha_, or        _ia, ha_, or
+                        _sha u lum_         _sha ki lum_
+        Ablative        _na u lum_          _na ki lum_
+        Genitive        _jong u lum_        _jong ki lum_
+        Locative        _ha u lum_          _ha ki lum_
+        Vocative        _ko lum_            _ko phi ki lum_
+
+
+The sign of the genitive case, _jong_, is sometimes omitted for the
+sake of brevity, e.g. _u ksew nga_ (my dog) for _u ksew jong nga_. The
+preposition _la_ gives also the force of the possessive case, e.g. _la
+ka jong ka jong_ (their own). There are some nouns which change their
+form, or rather are abbreviated when used in the vocative case,
+e.g. _ko mei_, not _ko kmei_ = Oh mother; _ko pa_, not _ko kpa_ =
+Oh father. These, however, are all of them nouns showing relationships.
+
+_Pronouns_.--Personal pronouns are _nga_ (I), _ngi_ (we), _me_ (thou,
+masculine) _pha_ (thou, feminine), _phi_, (you, masculine or feminine),
+_u_ (he, it), _ka_ (she, it), _i_ (diminutive form of _u_ or _ka_),
+and _ki_ (they).
+
+The emphatic form of the personal pronoun is formed by prefixing _ma_,
+e.g. _ma-nga_, _ma-u_, after a verb, but not after a preposition,
+e.g. _dei-ma-nga_ = it is I. But _ai, ia ma nga_ is an incorrect form.
+
+_The Reflexive Pronoun_ is formed by the word _lade_ (self) being
+suffixed to the personal pronoun, as _u leh sniu ia lade_ = he does
+himself harm, or by the addition of the word _hi_ (self) to the
+personal pronoun, as _phi hi pbi ong_ (you yourself).
+
+_The Relative Pronoun_ is formed by the suffix _ba_, added to any of
+the personal pronouns, as _kaba_, _uba, kiba_ (who, which).
+
+_The Demonstrative Pronoun_ is formed by the addition of the particles
+denoting the position of things with reference to the speaker,
+e.g. (1) near = this, _ne_ (_u-ne_, _kane_, _i-ne, ki-ne_); (2) in
+sight, but further off = that, _to_ (_uto_, &c.); (3) further away,
+but still visible = that _tai_ (_u-tai_, &c.); (4) out of sight or
+only contemplated in the mind = that, _ta_ (_u-ta_, &c.); (5) above =
+that, _tei_ (_u-tei_, &c.); (6) below = this, _thi_ (_ka-thi_, &c.);
+_katai-tai, katei-tei, kathie-thie_ point to an object at a great
+distance but within sight.
+
+_The Interrogative Pronoun_ is the article followed by _no_ or
+_ei_ (e.g. _u-no, kano_, who), _u-ei, ka-ei_ (who, which). _Ei_ is
+often used without the "article," and _no_ (which is restricted to
+persons) when declined, regularly drops the "article," e.g. _jong-no_
+whose? _ia-no_, whom? _sha-no_, to whom? What? neuter, is _aiuh_,
+and also _kaei_.
+
+_Adjectives_ are formed by prefixing _ba_ to the root, thus _bha_
+goodness; _ba-bha_, good; _sniu_, badness; _ba-sniu_, bad. When _ba_
+is dropped, the word in no longer an adjective but a verb, and in
+some cases a noun, e.g. _uba khraw_ (adj.) = big, great; _u khraw_
+= he becomes great. An adjective may be formed without any of the
+prefixes _ba, uba_, &c., e.g. _ka miau-tuh_ = a thieving cat.
+
+An adjective follows the noun it qualifies, and agrees with the noun
+it qualifies in gender and number.
+
+_Comparison_.--The comparative is formed by adding _kham_ before
+an adjective, followed by _ban ia_ (than), or simply _ia_, and the
+superlative by adding such adverbs of intensity as _tam, eh, eh than,
+tam eh, shikaddei_, which are followed generelly by _ia_ or _ban ia_.
+
+_Numerals_.--In Khasi the cardinal number always precedes the noun
+(e.g. _lai sin_, three times,) The following are the first ten
+numerals.
+
+
+         1.     _Wei_.
+         2.     _Ar_.
+         3.     _Lai_
+         4.     _Sau_.
+         5.     _San_.
+         6.     _Hinriu_.
+         7.     _Hinnieu_.
+         8.     _Phra_.
+         9.     _Khyndai_.
+        10.     _Shipheu_.
+
+
+The word _khad_ is prefixed for forming the numerals from 11 to 19,
+e.g. _khad-wei, khad-ar_, eleven, twelve, &c.
+
+The verbal root (which never varies) may be simple or compound. The
+compound roots are (1) _Causals_, formed by prefixing _pyn_ to the
+simple root; as _iap_, die; _pyniap_, kill. (2) _Frequentatives_,
+formed by prefixing _iai_; as _iam_, weep; _iai iam_, weep
+continually. (3) _Inceptives_, by prefixing _man_; as _stad_, be
+wise; _manstad_, grow wise. (4) _Reciprocals_, by prefixing _ia_;
+as _ieit_, love; _ia-ieit_, love one another. (5) _Intensives_, by
+prefixing tim particle _kyn, lyn, syn, tyn_. Any noun or adjective
+may be treated as a verbal root by means of a prefix of these five
+classes. Thus _kajia_, a quarrel (Hindustani loan word, _qazia_;) _ia
+kajio_, to quarrel with one another; _bynta_, share; _pyn-ia-bynta_
+(reciprocal catmal), to divide between several persons. It should
+be mentioned with reference to the second class or frequentative
+verbs, that they sometimes take the prefixes, or particles as Roberts
+prefers to call them, _dem, dup, nang, shait, ksaw_ in place of _iai_,
+e.g. _dem-wan_, to come after; _dup-teh_, to practise; _nang-wad_,
+to go on searching; _shait pang_, to be always ill; _ksaw-bam_, to be
+in the habit of devouring. There are two verbs for "to be," _long_,
+implying existence absolutely, and _don_, implying limited existence,
+and also meaning "to have." There is only one form of conjugation for
+all verbs. Tense and mood are indicated by prefixes, number and person
+by the subject. When the subject is a noun the pronoun is inserted
+before the verb. The following is the conjugation of the verb "to be"
+in the present, past, and future tenses:--
+
+
+Present.                    Past.                           Future.
+Singular.       Plural.     Singular.       Plural.         Singular.       Plural.
+
+1               2           3               4               5               6
+_Nga long_      _Ngi long_  _Nga la long_   _Ngi la long_   _Ngan long_     _Ngin long_
+I am            We are      I was           We were         I shall be      We shall be
+
+_Me_ (mas.) or  _Phi long_  _Me_ or _pha    _Phi la long_   _Men_ or _phan  _Phin long_
+_pha_ (fem.)                la long_                        long_
+_long_
+Thou art        Ye are      Thou wast       Ye were         Thou shalt be   You shall be
+
+_U _(mas.) or   _Ki long_   _U _or _ka      _Ki la long_    _U'n_ or _ka'n  _Kin long_
+_ka_ (fem.)                 la long_                        long_
+_long_
+He or she is    They are    He or she was   They were       He or she will  They will be
+                                                            be
+
+
+The above simple tenses are made definite or emphatic by various
+means. _La_, sign of the past, when added to _lah_, sign of the
+potential, has the sense of the pluperfect, e.g. _nga la lah long_,
+I had been. _Yn_ abbreviated into _'n_ emphasizes the future, the
+particle _sa_ also indicates the future; _da_ is the usual sign
+of the subjunctive mood, _lada, la, lymda, tad, ynda, ban, da_ are
+other signs of this mood. The sign of the infinitive is _ba'n_. The
+imperative is either (1) the simple root, or (2) the root compounded
+with some word such as _to_.
+
+_Participles_.--The present participle is formed by prefixing _ba_ to
+the root, e.g. _ba long_, being. The imperfect participle is formed
+by prefixing such words as _ba u, ka da, da kaba_, &c. The perfect
+participle is formed by putting such particles as _ba la, haba la,
+da kaba la_ before the verb. Verbal nouns of agency are formed by
+prefixing _nong_ to the root, e.g. _u nong knia_ (the sacrificer). The
+_Passive Voice_ is formed by using the verb impersonally, and putting
+the subject into the Accusative case with _ia_.
+
+_Potentiality_ is indicated by the verb _lah_, necessity by the verb
+_dei; dang_ and _da_ show the indefinite present.
+
+The _negative_ is indicated by the particles _ym_, contracted into _'m,
+shym_, and _pat_. _Ym_ is put before the verb, e.g. _'ym don briew_
+= there is no one; with a pronoun it is contracted, e.g. _u'm wan_,
+he does not come. It follows the sign of the future, e.g. _phi'n y'm
+man_, you will not come. _Shym_ and _pat_ are neptive particles, and
+are used with _negative verbs_ in the past tense, e.g. _u'm shymla
+man_, he did not come.
+
+_The use of the word "jing."_--One of the most striking features
+of the language is the use of the word _jing_, which is employed to
+create a verbal noun out of a verb: for instance, take the verb _bam_,
+to eat; if we prefix _jing_ we have _jingbam_, food. _Bat_, to hold;
+_jing-bat_, a handle. The use of the word _nong_ has already been
+noticed under the heading "verbs." As an example of another common
+prefix, it may again be mentioned here. Thus, _nong-ai-jingbam_ means
+a table servant, literally one who gives food. Again, _nong-bat_,
+a holder, literally, one who holds.
+
+_Syntax_.--The order of words in the sentence is usually (1) subject,
+(2) verb, and (3) object, in fact, the same as in English, and in this
+respect it differs entirely from the order in the languages derived
+from Sanskrit, and that of the languages of the Thibeto-Burman group,
+as far as I have been able to ascertain. For instance, in the Kachari
+or Boro language the order in the sentence is (1) subject, (2) object,
+(3) verb. In Khasi when emphasis is needed, however, the object
+occasionally precedes the berb, e.g. _ia u soh u la die_, he has
+sold the fruit, literally, the fruit he has sold. As stated before,
+adjectives follow the nouns they qualify, e.g. _u lum bajyrong_,
+a high mountain, literally, the hill that is high. Interrogative
+adverbs may either precede or follow the verb, e.g. _naei phi wan_,
+or _phi wan naei_, where do you come from?
+
+No account of the Khasi language would be complete without some
+reference to the adverbs which are so very numerous in Khasi. U
+Nissor Singh, in his admirable little book of "Hints on the Study of
+the Khasi Language," writes, "Adverbs are so numerous in the Khasi
+language that I shall not attempt to enumerate them all in this small
+book. Many of the adverbs, indeed, belong to the untranslatables
+of the language. We are never in want of a specific term to express
+the appropriate degree of any quality." To learn how to use the right
+adverb at the right time is one of the niceties of the language. There
+is a peculiarity about some of the adverbs of place which should
+be mentioned: e.g. _Hangto_, there (within sight); _hangne_, here;
+_hangta_, there (out of sight); _hangai_, there (at some distance);
+_hangtei_, there (upwards); _hangthi_, there (downwards); also the
+interrogative adverbs _hangno, nangno_, whence, contain the inherent
+root _nga_, and it seems possible that this _nga_ is the first personal
+pronoun I. If this is so, _hangto_ would mean literally "to me there,"
+_hangthi_ "to me down there," and similarly _nangno, nangne_ would mean
+"from where to me there" and "from there to me here."
+
+Adverbs generally follow the words they modify, as _u'n leit mynta_
+= he will go now, but there are exceptions to the above rule,
+such as interrogative adverbs. The following come before those
+they modify: _tang shu, la dang_ (as soon as, when); _kham, shait_
+(used to, ever); _pat_ or _put_ (yet) ; and _shym_ (not); but _shuh_
+(more) goes last. Adverbs of past time are formed by prefixing _myn_,
+e.g. _mynhynne_, a short time ago. Adverbs of future time are formed
+by prefixing _la_. The particles _man_, _man la_, and _hala_ denote
+repetition.
+
+The Khasis are exceedingly fond of using double words [43] which add
+much to the finish and polish of a sentence. Old people especially
+have a predilection this way. It is one of the great diffuculties
+of the language to learn how to use such double words correctly. The
+following are some examples:--
+
+Nouns.
+
+
+    kajain ka nep           cloth.
+    ka kot ka sla           paper.
+    ka lynti ka syngking    road.
+    ka iing ka sem          house.
+    u babu, u phabu         babu.
+    u tymen u san           elder.
+    ka stih, ka wait        arms (lit.: shield and sword).
+    u badon ba em           a well to do person.
+    ka spah ka phew         wealth
+    u kha-u-man             a relation on the father's side.
+
+
+Verbs.
+
+
+    pynsyk-pynsain          to comfort.
+    ia shoh ia dat          to scuffle.
+    byrngem-byrait          to threaten.
+    shepting-shepsmiej      to be afraid.
+    ihthuh-ihthaw           to be familiar.
+    kyrpad-kyrpon           to beg.
+    ia lum-ia lang          to assemble.
+
+
+Adjectives.
+
+
+    basniw-basmeh           bad.
+    basmat-basting          active.
+    donbor-donsor           powerful.
+    don burom-don surom     noble.
+    bakhraw-batri           pertaining to a noble family.
+    baduk-basuk             poor, needy.
+    babok-basot             righteous.
+    bariwbha-riwmiat.       wealthy.
+
+
+Adverbs.
+
+
+    hur-hur                 delicately.
+    hain-hain               brilliantly (red).
+    prum-prum, prem-prem    prominently.
+    rymbiaw-rymboin         shrikingly.
+    nior-nior, iar-iar      weakly.
+    parum-pareh             many.
+    sip-sip, sap-sap        having no taste.
+
+
+The Mikirs appear to have borrowed a small portion of their vocabulary
+from the Khasis. The following are quoted as examples of possible
+common roots:--
+
+
+                    Mikir.      Khasi.
+    belly           pok         kpoh.
+    strike (_v_.)   chok        shoh.
+    father          po          kpa.
+    come (_v_.)     vang        wan.
+    rice beer       hor         hiar.
+    maternal uncle  ni-lur      kni.
+
+
+The Lynngam dialect differs so much from the standard Khasi that some
+remarks regarding the former will not be out of place. Dr. Grierson, on
+pages 17 to 19 of his Volume II. of the "Linguistic Survey of India,"
+has indicated some of these differences, which may be recapitulated
+here as follows. Some of the commonest verbs vary considerably
+from those used in the standard dialect. There are also many minor
+differences of pronunciation. A man is _u breo_, not _u briew_, a son
+is a _u khon_, not _u khun_. Standard _ng_ is often represented by
+_nj_. Thus _doinj_ for _ding_, fire. A final _h_ often appears as _k_,
+and an initial _b_ as _p_. Thus, _baroh_ (Standard), all, becomes
+in Lynngam _prok_. Standard _ei_ becomes _aw_. Thus _wei_ = _waw_,
+one; _dei = daw_, necessary. The articles are frequently omitted. The
+pronoun _u_ is used for the plural as well as the singular, instead
+of the Standard plural _ki_. The diminutive _i_ is used with inanimate
+nouns. This is also sometimes the case in the Standard form.
+
+_Nouns_.--The prefix of the Accusative-dative is _se_ or _sa_, often
+contracted to _s'_ instead of _ia_ (Standard). The prefix of the Dative
+is _hanam, hnam_, or _tnam_. The Standard Dative-locative prefix _ha_
+is also used, and may be spelt _he_ or _hy_. _Ta_ or _te_ are also
+found. For the genitive, besides the Standard _jong_, are found _ha,
+am-ba, am_, and _am-nam. Am-nam_ and _am_ also mean "from."
+
+The plural sometimes takes the suffix _met_.
+
+_Adjectives_.--The usual word for male is _korang_, and for
+"female" _konthaw_, in place of the Standard _shynrang_
+and _kynthei_ respectively. The following are examples of
+comparisons:--_Re-myrriang_, good; _Mai-myrriang_, better;
+_U re-myrriang_, best. The Standard _tam_ is also used for the
+superlative.
+
+_Pronouns_.--The Personal Pronouns are:--
+
+
+                    Singular        Plural
+    1st Person,     ne              biaw, iaw.
+    2nd Person,     mi, mei         phiaw.
+    3rd Person      u, ju, u-ju     kiw.
+
+
+The Nominative of the pronoun of the second person singular is given
+once as _ba-mi_, and once as _ma-mi_. The _ma_ or _ba_ is the Standard
+emphatic prefix _ma_.
+
+Demonstrative Pronouns appear to be _be, tei_ that, and _uni_, or
+_nih_, this. _Be_ is used as a definite article in the phrase _be
+jawmai_, the earthquake.
+
+_The Relative Pronoun_ is _u-lah_, who.
+
+_Interrogative Pronouns_ are _net, u-iet_, who? and _met_, what?
+
+_Verbs_.--The pronoun which is the subject of a verb may either precede
+or follow it. Thus _ne rip_, I strike; _rip biaw_, we strike. The words
+meaning to be are _re, im_, and _meit_ in addition to the Standard
+_long_. Like the Standard _don, im_, corresponding to Synteng _em_,
+also means to have. As in the Standard, the Present Tense is formed
+by using the bare root.
+
+The Past Tense is formed in one of five ways, viz.:--
+
+
+1. By suffixing _let_, as in _ong-let_, said.
+2. By suffixing _lah-let_, as in _dih-lah-let_, went.
+3. By prefixing _lah_, and suffixing _let_, as in _lah-ong-let_, said.
+4. By prefixing _lah_, as in _lah-kyllei_, asked.
+5. By prefixing _yn_ (_yng, ym_), as in _yn-nai_, gave; _yng-kheit_,
+   shook; _um-pait_, broke; _yn-jai_, fell.
+
+
+The Future is formed in a very peculiar way. The Standard _yn_ is
+inserted into the middle of the root, immediately after the first
+consenant. Thus _rip_, strike; _rynip_, will strike. If the root is a
+compound, it is inserted between the two members, as in _pan-yn-sop_,
+will fill. Here observe that the Standard causative prefix _pyn_
+becomes _pan_ in Lynngam. The Infinitive the same form as the Future.
+
+Dr. Grierson points out the following most noteworthy fact with
+reference to the formation of the Lynngam Future and Infinitive, i.e.,
+that similar infixes occur in Malay in the Nancowry dialect of Nicobar,
+and the Malacca aboriginal languages.
+
+The prefix of the Imperative is _nei_, as in _nei-ai_, give; _nei-lam_,
+bring. The usual negative particle is _ji_, which is suffixed,
+e.g. _um-ji_ is not.
+
+Numerals.
+
+
+            Lynngam         Standard (Khasi).
+         1. Waw, shi        Wei, shi.
+         2. Ar-re or a-re   Ar.
+         3. Lai-re          Lai.
+         4. Saw-re          Saw.
+         5. San-de          San.
+         6  Hyrrew-re       Hinriw.
+         7. Hynnju-re       Hinniew.
+         8. Phra-re         Phra.
+         9. Khondai-re      Khyndai.
+        10. Shi-phu         Shi-phew.
+
+
+The peculiarity about the Lynngam numerals is the suffix _re_, and the
+numeral "five" _de_. None of the other dialects of Khasi posess this
+peculiarity. Dr. Grierson's Volume may be referred to for a Lynngam
+Vocabulary. I make the following additions:--
+
+
+    English         Lynngam             Khasi (Standard).
+    Hearth          paw ka              dypei
+    Earthen pot     kheow               u khiw
+    Flesh           mim                 ka doh
+    Spoon           jamplai             ka siang
+    Sleeping-room   syrkut              ka'rumpei
+    Drinking-gourd  longtang            u skaw
+     ,, ,,          longjak             u klong dih-um
+    Broom           shipuat             u synsar
+
+
+Clothing
+
+
+    Turban          khabong jain brung  ka jain spong
+    Ear-ring        kurneng             ka shohshkor
+    Apron           shiliang            ka jymphong
+    Haversack       jolonjwa [44]       ka pla
+    Cap             pokhia              ka tupia
+    Girdle          pun-poh             u saipan
+    Under Garment   jain tongpan        ka jympin
+    (female)
+
+
+
+Domestic Terms.
+
+
+    Pestle          synraw              u synrei
+    Door            phyrdaw             ka jingkhang
+    Fowl house      kjor syar           ka sem siar
+    Portion of house
+    in front of the
+    hearth          nengiaw             ka nongpei
+    Do. behind the
+    hearth          shangla             ka rumpei
+    Store-house     siang               ka ieng buh kyba
+    Millet          jrai                u krai
+    Indian corn     soh rikhawu         riw hadem
+    Arum            chew                ka shiriew
+
+
+Agricultural Implements.
+
+
+    Spade           wakhew              u mokhiew
+    Bill-hook       wait-bah            ka wait Lynngam
+    Do.             wait-koh            ka wait khmut
+    Axe             dapam               u sdi
+    Basket used in
+    reaping and
+    sowing          khyrnai             ka koh rit.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER A
+
+Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State
+
+
+  1. Basa-iew-moit
+     Intermarriage with Majaw and Hynniewta clans prohibited.
+  2. Diengdoh
+     Intermarriage with Lalu, Diengdohbah and Diengdohkylla clans
+     prohibited.
+  3. 'Dkhar
+  4. Dohling
+  5. Dulai
+  6. Dunai
+  7. Hura
+  8. Hynniewta
+  9. Jala
+ 10. Jyrwa
+ 11. Khar Jarain
+ 12.  ,,  Khlem
+ 13.  ,,  Khrang
+ 14.  ,,  Kongor
+ 15.  ,,  Kyni
+ 16.  ,,  Lukhi
+ 17.  ,,  Maw
+ 18.  ,,  Mawphlang
+ 19.  ,,  Mu
+ 20.  ,,  Muid
+ 21.  ,,  Muti
+ 22.  ,,  Mylliem
+ 23.  ,,  Naior
+ 24.  ,,  Shi-ieng
+ 25.  ,,  Synteng
+ 26. -- --
+ 27. Khong-bri
+ 28.  ,,   hat
+ 29.  ,,   ji
+ 30.  ,,   joh
+ 31.  ,,   kwang
+ 32.  ,,   kynshen
+ 33.  ,,   kyntiaj
+ 34.  ,,   kyshah
+ 35.  ,,   lam
+ 36.  ,,   liar
+ 37.  ,,   longioi
+ 38.  ,,   lynnong
+ 39.  ,,   mawpat
+ 40.  ,,   mukon
+ 41.  ,,   ngain
+ 42.  ,,   riat
+ 43.  ,,   rymmai
+ 44.  ,,   sdir
+ 45.  ,,   shir
+ 46.  ,,   sit
+ 47.  ,,   sngi
+ 48.  ,,   sya
+ 49.  ,,   war
+ 50.  ,,   wet
+ 51.  ,,   wir
+ 52. Lyngdoh-Nonglwai
+ 53. Lynden
+ 54. Lynrah
+ 55. Majaw
+ 56. Marbaniang
+     This is one of the myntri clans of Mawsynram State.
+ 57. Malngiang
+     Originally from Maskut in the Jowai Sub-division.
+ 58. Marpna
+ 59. Mawlong
+ 60. Marboh
+     Formerly one of the Khadar Kur clans. Has now become extinct.
+ 61. Mawdkhap
+ 62. Mohkhiew
+ 63. Mynrieng
+ 64. Myrthong
+ 65. Nongbri
+ 66. Nongkynrih
+     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
+ 67. Nonglait
+ 68. Nongtran
+ 69. Nonglathiang
+ 70. Nongrum
+     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
+ 71. Nontariang
+     These two clans cannot intermarry. Nongtariang is now one of
+     the Khadar Kur clans in place of the Marboh clan which has
+     become extinct.
+ 72. Padoh
+ 73. Parariang
+ 74. Pohnong
+ 75. Prawai
+ 76. Puria
+ 77. Pompyrthat
+ 78. Rani
+ 79. Rapthap
+ 80. Rynjah
+     One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State.
+ 81. Samai
+ 82. Shabong
+ 83. Shanpru
+ 84. Shrieh
+     _Shrieh_ means a monkey. Possibly totemistic.
+ 85. Siem Lyngng
+ 86. Sohkhlet
+ 87. Shyngpliang
+ 88. Sumer
+ 89. Swer
+ 90. Syiem
+ 91. Syngai
+ 92. Synrem
+ 93. Thabah
+ 94. Tham
+     _Tham_means a crab. Possibly totemistic.
+ 95. Tohtih
+ 96. Umdor
+ 97. Walang
+ 98. Warkon
+ 99 Khyrwang
+100. Ksing
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER B
+
+Exogamous Clans in the Khyrim State
+
+
+  1. Awri
+  2. Bariang
+  3. Basa-iew-moit
+  4. Bhoi
+  5. Bithai
+  6. Diengdoh (2)
+     Intermarriage with Masar clan prohibited.
+  7. 'Dkhar
+  8. Dumpep
+  9. Hadem
+ 10. Jasia
+ 11. Khang-shei
+ 12. Khar baino
+ 13.  ,,  baki
+ 14.  ,,  bangar
+     Intermarriage with Nong-lwai clan prohibited.
+ 15. Khar bih-khiew
+     Intermarriage prohibited with Khar-umnuid clan
+ 16. Khar bonniud
+ 17.  ,,  bud
+ 18.  ,,  buli
+ 19.  ,,  dint
+ 20.  ,,  dohling
+ 21.  ,,  dumpep
+ 22.  ,,  hi-dint
+ 23.  ,,  iap
+ 24.  ,,  Kamni
+ 25.  ,,  Kongor
+ 26.  ,,  Kset
+ 27.  ,,  kynang
+ 28.  ,,  long
+ 29.  ,,  luni
+ 30.  ,,  Malki
+ 31.  ,,  Masar
+ 32.  ,,  mawlieh
+     Intermarriage with Khar pomtiah clan prohibited.
+ 33. Khar mihpein
+ 34.  ,,  mithai
+ 35.  ,,  mudai
+ 36.  ,,  mujai
+ 37.  ,,  mukhi
+ 38.  ,,  muti
+ 39.  ,,  mylliem
+ 40.  ,,  patti
+ 41.  ,,  pein
+ 42.  ,,  phan
+ 43.  ,,  phur
+ 44.  ,,  pohlong
+ 45.  ,,  pohshiah
+ 46.  ,,  pomtiah
+     Intermarriage with Khar mawlieh clan prohibited.
+ 47. Khar pomtih
+ 48.  ,,  pran
+ 49.  ,,  ryngi
+ 50.  ,,  rynta
+ 51.  ,,  Sati
+ 52.  ,,  shan
+ 53.  ,,  shi-ieng
+ 54.  ,,  shilot
+ 55.  ,,  shong
+ 56.  ,,  shrieh
+ 57.  ,,  sohnoh
+ 58.  ,,  sugi
+ 59.  ,,  Umnuid
+     Intermarriage with Khar-bihkhiew clan prohibited.
+ 60. Khar urmut
+ 61.  ,,  War
+ 62. Khier
+ 63. Khmah
+ 64. Khong-binam
+ 65.   ,,  blah
+ 66.   ,,  buh
+ 67.   ,,  buhphang
+ 68.   ,,  'dkhar
+ 69.   ,,  dup
+     Intermarriage prohibited with Rongsai and Khongree clans.
+ 70. Khong [45] iap
+ 71.   ,,  iong
+ 72.   ,,  ji
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup clan prohibited.
+ 73. Khong joh
+ 74.   ,,  kai
+ 75.   ,,  khar
+ 76.   ,,  kiang
+ 77.   ,,  kib
+ 78.   ,,  kylla
+ 79.   ,,  kyndiah
+ 80.   ,,  lam
+ 81.   ,,  liam
+ 82.   ,,  likong
+ 83.   ,,  litung
+ 84.   ,,  luni
+ 85.   ,,  malai
+ 86.   ,,  mawlow
+ 87.   ,,  niur
+ 88.   ,,  noh
+ 89.   ,,  pdei
+ 90.   ,,  pnam
+ 91.   ,,  pnan
+ 92.   ,,  sdoh
+ 93.   ,,  siting
+ 94.   ,,  slit
+ 95.   ,,  sugi }
+ 96.   ,,  sni  }
+ 97.   ,,  sti  }
+     Intermarriage prohibited also with Lyngdoh clan
+ 98. Khong stia
+ 99.   ,,  sylla (2)
+100.   ,,  thaw
+101.   ,,  tiang
+102.   ,,  thorem
+103.   ,,  wanduh (2)
+104.   ,,  wet
+105.   ,,  wir
+106. Khriam
+107. Khynriam
+108. Khynriem
+109. Khynriem miyat
+110. Khynriem mawshorok
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup, Lyndoh and Mawthoh clans
+     prohibited.
+111. Khynriem wahksieng
+112. Kur Kalang.
+113. Lamin
+114. Lawai
+     Intermarriage with Lyngdoh clan prohibited.
+115. Lawaisawkher
+116. Lingshing
+117. Liting
+118. Lyngbah
+119. Lyngdoh
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup and Mawthoh clans prohibited.
+120. Lyngiar
+121. Mairang
+122. Majaid
+123. Manar
+124. Masar
+     Intermarriage with Diengdoh clan prohibited.
+125. Mawiong
+126. Mawphlang
+127. Mawsharoh
+128. Mawthoh
+     Intermarriage with Pongrup and Lyngdoh clans prohibited.
+129. Mawwa
+130. Morbah
+131. Mormein
+132. Mukhin
+133. Muroh
+134. Mylliem
+135. Mylliem muthong  }
+136. ,, Ngap          }
+137. ,, pdah          }
+     Intermarriage between these clans prohibited also with
+     Sohtum clan
+138. Mynsong
+139. Niengnong
+140. Nieng-suh
+142. Nongbri
+     Intermarriage with Nong-kynrih clans prohibited.
+143. Nongbri Partuh
+144. Nonghulew
+145. Nong-khlieh
+146. Nong-kynrieh
+     Intermarriage with Nongbri clan prohibited.
+147. Nong-lwai
+     Intermarriage with Khar-Bangar clan prohibited.
+148. Nong-lyer
+149. Nong-pinir
+150. Nong-pluh
+151. Nongrum
+152. Nongspung
+153. Nongsteng
+154. Nongstein
+155. Nongtlub
+156. Pdei
+157. Pohkhla
+158. Pohthmi
+159. Pongrup
+     Intermarriage with Mawthoh and Lyngdoh clans prohibited.
+160. Rumkheng
+161. Ruson
+162. Rymkheng
+163. Ryndong (2)
+164. Ryngksai
+165. Rynjah
+     Intermarriage with Mawroh clan prohibited.
+166. Rynjem
+167. Ryntong
+168. Ryngngi
+169. Shabong
+170. Shadap
+171. Singting
+172. Sohkhleb
+173. Sohtum
+     Intermarriage with Mylliemngap, Mylliempdah and Mylliem-muttong
+     clans prohibited.
+174. Sonjri
+175. Songthiang
+176. Sumer
+177. Surong
+178. Suting
+179. Swali
+180. Swer
+181. Synnah
+182. Synteng
+183. Synteng-hen
+184. Tadong
+185. Tangper
+186. Tangsang
+187. Tarieng
+188. Trai-iew
+189. Tyngsier
+190. Tynsil (2)
+191. Tyngsong
+192. Umsong
+193. Uri-ieng
+194. Wallang
+195. Warbah
+     Intermarriage with War-shong prohibited.
+196. War-Jnem
+197.  ,, jri
+198.  ,, khyllew
+199. War-malai
+200.  ,, moi
+201.  ,, Nongjri
+202. Wan-khar
+203. War-shong
+     Intermarriage with Warbah prohibited.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER C
+
+Divination by Egg-Breaking
+
+The _dieng shat pylleng_, or egg-breaking board, is shaped as indicated
+in the diagram. Having placed a little heap of red earth on the board
+at point _p_, the egg-breaker sits facing the board in the position
+shown in the diagram. He first of all makes a little heap of rice in
+the middle of the board sufficient to support the egg. He places the
+egg there. He then takes it up and smears it with red earth, muttering
+incantations the while. Having finished the invocation to the spirits,
+the egg-breaker sweeps the grains of rice off the board, stands up,
+and dashes the egg on the board with considerable force. The large
+portion of the egg-shell is made to fall in the middle of the board,
+as at X in the diagram. This portion of the shell is called _ka lieng_,
+or the boat. The small bits of egg-shell which fall around the boat are
+either good or evil prognostics, according to the following rules:--
+
+1. The bits of shell which fall on the right of the boat are called
+_ki jinglar_, and those on the left _ki jingkem_. Supposing fragments
+of shell fall as at _b, c, d, e_, with their insides downwards, this
+is a good sign, but if one of the fragments lies with its outside
+downwards, this is a bad omen, and signifies _ka sang long kha_, or
+sin on the father's or the children's part. It may also signify _ka
+daw lum_, or "cause from the hill," i.e, that the illness or other
+affliction has been caused by a god of some hill.
+
+2. If the fragments of shell lie on the left side of the boat as at
+_g, k, i, j_ in the diagram, they are named _ki jingkem_. If they lie
+with their insides downwards, they indicate a favourable sign. If _g_
+lies with its outside downwards, this is an evil omen. If _g_ and _h_
+lie with their insides downwards, this is favourable, even if _i_
+lies with its outside downwards. If, however, _j_ lies with its
+outside downwards, this is not a good sign.
+
+3. If there are a number of pieces of egg-shell lying in a line,
+as at _k_, this is an evil prognostic, the line of shell fragments
+indicating the road to the funeral pyre. Such a line of shell fragments
+is called _ki'leng rah thang_. This sign is a harbinger of death.
+
+4. If all the fragments of shell on both sides of the board, excepting
+the boat, lie with their insides downwards, the question asked by the
+egg-breaker is not answered. If _a_ or _l_ fall with their outsides
+downwards, this is a bad sign.
+
+5. If the portion of a shell at _f_ falls with the outside downwards,
+this indicates that some god needs appearing by sacrifice.
+
+6. If there are a number of small fragments lying around the boat,
+as in the diagram, these mean that there are many reasons for the
+illness, which cannot be ascertained.
+
+7. If the portion of shell marked _s_ is detsehed from the boat,
+this indicates that the goddess is very angry.
+
+8. If four fragments lie around the boat so as to form a square, as _c,
+e, h, j_, these mean that the patient is at the point of death. These
+are called _ki leng sher thang_.
+
+8. If there are no fragments, as at _d, e, f, g, h, i_, it is a puzzle,
+_ka leng kymtip_.
+
+_Note_.--The above information was obtained from U Sarup Singh,
+of Mairong; U Them, of Laitlyngkot, and U Bud, of Jowai. Different
+egg-breakers have somewhat different methods of reading the signs,
+but the main points are usually the same.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The previous history of the Khasi state of Jaintia, so far as it
+can be traced will be found related in Mr. E. A. Gait's _History of
+Assam_ (1906), pp. 253-262.
+
+[2] P. 211.
+
+[3] Vol. iii., p. 168, 177, &c.
+
+[4] These cloths, which Lindsay calls "_moongadutties_," were really
+the produce of Assam, and were _dhutis_ or waist-cloths of _muga_ silk.
+
+[5] Pp. 218-220., It appears from p. 219 that Mr. Scott's report
+is responsible for the erroneous statement (often repeated) that the
+mountaineers "called by us Cossyahs, denominate themselves Khyee." This
+second name is in fact the pronunciation current in Sylhet of the word
+_Khasi, h_ being substituted for _s_, and should be written as _Khahi_.
+
+[6] In Mr. Scott's time it was usual to speak of such a place as a
+"Sanatary."
+
+[7] Vol. ix, pp. 833 sqq.
+
+[8] Vol. xiii., pp. 612 sqq.
+
+[9] Pp. 272 sqq.
+
+[10] Called >w|oskop'ia: one of the lost books of the Orphic cycle
+was entitled t`a >w|oskopik'a.
+
+[11] The figures for Khasi population in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills
+district will be found under "Habitat."
+
+[12] The average rainfall at the Cherrapunji Police Station during
+the last twenty years, from figures obtained from the office of the
+Director of Land Records and Agriculture, has been 118 inches. The
+greatest rainfall registered in any one year during the period was
+in 1899, when it amounted to 641 inches.
+
+[13] It is interesting to compare the remarks of M. Aymonier in his
+volume iii of "Le Cambodge." He writes as follows:--"Mais en Indo-Chine
+on trouve, partout dissemine, ce que les indigenes, au Cambodge du
+moins, appellant, comme les peuples les plus eloignes du globe les
+traits de foudre.' Ce sont ici des haches de l'age neolithique ou de la
+pierre polie, dont la plupart appartiennent au type repandu en toute
+la terre. D'autres de ces celtes, dits epaules, parcequ'ils possedent
+un talon d'une forme particuliere, paraissent appartenir en propre a
+l'Indo-Chine et a la presqu'ile dekkhanique. Its fourniraient donc
+un premier indice, non negligeable, d'une communaute d'origine des
+populations primitives des deux peninsules, cis et trans gangetiques."
+
+[14] Mawkhar is a suburb of Shillong, the headquarters station.
+
+[15] The maund is 82 lbs.
+
+[16] See Bulletin No. 5 of the Agricultural Department of Assam,
+1898, pp. 4 and 5.
+
+[17] Khasi _u sak-riew_.
+
+[18] Colocasia osculenta, Beng. _Kachu_.
+
+[19] About threepence.
+
+[20] For the story in detail see the Folk-lore section of the
+monograph.
+
+[21] Simsong is the Garo name for the river Someshwari.
+
+[22] Officer.
+
+[23] See page 13, "Ka Niam Khasi" (U Jeebon Roy.)
+
+[24] What follows is a literal translation of the Khasi.
+
+[25] This cave is at Pomdalai, some five miles west of Cherrapunji,
+close to a great waterfall called _Noh Ka Likai_, i.e. the place where
+Ka Likai jumped down the precipice (for a full account of this story
+see Section V. of the monograph), where there is a large block of
+stone, with some cuts over it, known as _Dain Thlen_, i.e. the snake
+cutting (place).
+
+[26] In another account it is said to have been U Suid-noh himself
+who did this.
+
+[27] Sir Charles Lyall has pointed out that the Mikirs possess this
+custom; it is probably borrowed from the Khasis.
+
+[28] Karl Pearson's essay on "mother age civilization."
+
+[29] Lit.: Cut by magic.
+
+[30] In Ahom _kai_ = fowl, _chan_ = beautiful, _mung_ =
+country. Therefore _Kai-chan-mung_ = fowl of a beautiful country
+(heaven).
+
+[31] A spirit which is supposed to have the power of causing a disease
+of the navel of a child.
+
+[32] _Iapduh_ is the regular word used for a clan, and in this case
+a species dying out.
+
+[33] The Shillong Peak is thought to be the seat of a powerful
+_blei_ or god who has his abode in the wood close to the top of the
+"Peak." Another folk-tale will be found concerning this god.
+
+[34] another version is that it was U Kyrphei, another hill in
+Nongspung territory, who fought with U Symper.
+
+[35] For further details regarding the Khasi superstition of the
+"thlen," the reader is referred to the portion of the monograph dealing
+with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that the "thlen's" cave is
+at a place called Pom Doloi in the territory of the Siem of Cherra,
+where there is also a rock called "Dain Thlen" (the cutting of the
+"thlen"). Another version of the story explaining why there are still
+"thlens" in the Khasi Hills is that there was an old woman who lived
+at a placed called Mawphu, a village in a valley to the west of
+Cherrapunji. This old woman forgot to eat her share of the "thlen's"
+flesh, the result being that the species became repropagated.
+
+[36] Both rivers, Umngot and Umiew, or Umiam, have their sources in or
+close to the Shillong Peak. The word "Rupatylli" signifies in Khasi a
+solid silver necklace of a peculiar shape. In order to appreciate this
+pretty tale thoroughly, the reader ought to view the river "Rupatylli"
+from the heights of the Laitkynsew, or Mahadeo, whence it is to be seen
+glistening in the sun like a veritable rupatylli or silver necklace.
+
+[37] Those mountains are the high hills which lie to the east of the
+Jowai Sub-Division, and which form part of the boundary line between
+the Khasi and Jaintia Hills District and North Cachar.
+
+[38] The word Hadem is possibly a corruption of "Hidimba," the old
+name for North Cachar.
+
+[39] A Kongngor is one who has married a Khasi princess.
+
+[40] This stone bridge, situated on the Theria road about a mile
+below Cherra, existed up to the Earthquake of 1897, which demolished
+it. The large slab of stone which formed the roadway of the bridge,
+is however, still to be seen lying in the bed of the stream.
+
+[41] The above story is said to have been taken down word for word
+from the mouth of an old woman of the Malyniang clan who lived at
+Mawlong.--P.R.G.
+
+[42] Kuhn's "Beitraege zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens."
+
+[43] Khasi _ktin kynnoh_.
+
+[44] Assamese loan word, a corruption of "julunga."
+
+[45] The word _khong_ has probably connection with the Synteng word
+_jong_ meaning a clan.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Khasis, by P. R. T. Gurdon
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